PHILOSOPHY & GEOGRAPHY, VOL. 7, NO.

1, FEBRUARY 2004

SPECIAL SECTION

Plantations, ghettos, prisons: US racial geographies
EDUARDO MENDIETA
Department of Philosophy, Stony Brook University (SUNY), Stony Brook, NY, USA

Abstract In the first part of this essay, I develop the argument that Michel Foucault’s work should be read with geographical and topological ideas in mind. I argue that Foucault’s archeology and genealogy are fundamentally determined by spatial, topological, geographical, and geometrical metaphors and concepts. This spatial dimension of genealogy is explicitly related to racism and the regimes that domesticate agents through the practices, institutions and ideologies of racialization. The second part offers a genealogical reading of US history and spatiality in terms of its racial institutions. I suggest that if we want to read the US geographies of topographies and cartographies of racism in a Foucauldian manner, then we must focus on plantations, ghettos, and prisons as the spaces-institutions-geographies that consolidated the racial matrix of US polity. My goal is to acculturate Foucauldian racial genealogy to the US racial matrix, and, conversely, to read US geo-history in terms of racializing spatialities. Introduction This article is about race, space, and genocide. It is thus about the practices of racialization that are enacted through the production and control of social space for the sake of making both possible and necessary the right to kill some for the sake of the putative health of the social body. It is thus about the normalization and routinization of genocide. The essay, seen from a different angle, is about how to read Michel Foucault with “American” eyes; that is to say, how to read and make fruitful a theory that has traveled quite far, and across time, which nevertheless speaks powerfully to our contemporary United States’ context. The United States has become what Loic ¨ Wacquant1 has called the first world historical carceral society. It is a society that has transformed slavery and legalized discrimination into the practices of gerrymandering and gentrifying African-Americans in ghettos. These ghettos, in turn, have been functionally and structurally assimilated into the prison-industry complex. This complex has become what Foucault called the “carceral archipelago.”2 In the first part of the essay, I present a reading of Michel Foucault’s work that links, originally and productively, his insights into spatiality with his genealogy of racism. In the second, I turn, with Foucauldian tools, to an analysis of the racial geographies of the United States that
ISSN 1090-3771 print/ISSN 1472-7242 online/04/010043-17  2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/1090377042000196010

or spatializing. First and foremost. visible. that is. but rather methodological and conceptual.6 The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences begins with the declaration that the book first arose because of the laughter occasioned by a passage in Borges. cartography. His last works on the History of Sexuality deal with the spaces for the fulfillment of desire and the confessions of the flesh. If the natural history and the classifications of Linneas were possible. It is this spatialization that allows for knowledge to claim scientific status. institutions that domesticate and make docile the bodies of agents by rendering space ever surveyable. knowable.”4 The Birth of the Clinic: an Archeology of Medical Perception opens with the lines “This book is about space. it is about the act of seeing. landscapes. and thus with the development of institutions like the insane asylum. the gaze. The preponderance of the spatial and geographic in Foucault’s writing is not aleatory or incidental. but. gazes that spatialize. Foucault’s Racial Geographies Notwithstanding the spatial. while Foucault was studying the origins of clinical medicine. In his works. As Foucault himself articulated it: What is striking in the epistemological mutations and transformations of the 17th century is to see how the spatialization of knowledge was one of the factors in the constitution of this knowledge as a science. one that awakened in Foucault the suspicion that led him to the valorization of heterotopias. Foucault is concerned with how we know. and about death. the prison industrial complex. geographical and spatial metaphors. in this way. geography. Yet.7 Madness and Civilization is centrally preoccupied with the question of confinement and containment. conceptual grids.44 E. and how this making knowable is linked to the ability to render something legible. regions of displacement. meaning how a place is a function of intelligibility. the ghetto. they also constitute the object of their discourse. turn of contemporary social theory and the proliferation of works that gravitate around the question of space. we can venture some preliminary insights and lines of approach. There are also the taxonomies and semiotic matrices that render visible the ordering of knowledge. or make something. Spatialization and verbalization are entwined so as to render visible and sayable. there was literally a spatialization of the very of object of their . and the seat of the sovereign. There are discursive fields. an object of study and investigation. we find a plethora of topoi. and the “carceral city with its imaginary geopolitics. for Foucault. is determined by three preoccupations. Michel Foucault’s work is uniquely marked by its use of spatial metaphors. surveyable. the question of epistemology is directly linked to the issue of topology. and providences. or spatial arrangements. There are architectures of power. or rather with topos. Foucault’s contributions to this turn have not received the attention that they deserve. it is for a certain number of reasons: on the one hand.3 A full analysis is of course beyond the scope of this essay. Thus. with their environments.”5 In fact. and urbanization. There are regions. and death row. Foucault’s concern with space. There are also besieged cities. Foucault approached his object of analysis by way of geometrical. From the earliest works to the very last works. MENDIETA focuses on four major spaces. he considered the possibility of following up this book with another one on hospital or medical architecture. soil. the head of the King. for the containment and regimentation of African-Americans: the plantation. and localizable. about language. horizon and domains. as well as archipelagos.

Foucault’s earlier topologies turn into cartographies. but also as the horizon that is a field. hegemonic. . but rather is supplemented and transformed by genealogy. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 45 analyses. since they gave themselves the rule of studying and classifying a plant only on the basis of that which was visible … The object was spatialized. while genealogy studies power. we proceed to an analysis of the production of spaces of knowledge. the prison.10 After 1976. and gerrymandering of social spaces that allow for the domestication and disciplining of subjects. of struggle and resistance. Every one of Foucault’s books deals with a social institution that is distinctly identifiable by its location and architecture: the insane asylum. In this shift.”13 The seemingly paradoxical posture of a Foucault who appears to merely describe. They are excavations of the plural sites for the production of knowledges. GHETTOS. modes of perception and forms of ideology. Not only is knowledge spatializing. demarcations. but systems of knowledge themselves are spatialized. Here the term genealogy should be taken in its most literal sense. yet also contestational and confrontational. or the production of fields of force within which certain confrontations can be creative. there is a shift from description to an analysis of origins. Tactics and strategies deployed through implantations. it is not solely for the sake of understanding power by itself. without being able to give an account of his own locus of enunciation. from an archeology of power to a genealogy of power.”9 The third guiding preoccupation certainly had to do with the very institutions that house these disciplines. partitioning.11 Thus. the bedroom. the hospital. fixing its limits through the action of an identity taking the form of a permanent reactivation of the rules. disciplinary regimes that encircle and contain knowledges. Knowledge itself is regimented by being contained and by being disciplined through the development of disciplines: “Disciplines constitute a system of control in the production of discourse. Foucault’s archeologies and genealogies of knowledges are simultaneously archeologies and genealogies of social spaces and disciplines. “the formation ´ of discourses and the genealogy of knowledge need to be analyzed.12 As he put it in an interview with members of the editorial board of the geography journal Herodote. space is not just rendered accessible as the horizon against which things can be made visible and verbalizable. If we use Foucault’s language from 1976. meaning a study of the origin or genesis of something. and all the heterotopias that contest the disciplining power of the legitimate and normalizing spaces. or rather approached. From describing a topos that is inert. meaning that knowledges occupy a particular locus within an epistemic topos. but in terms of tactics and strategies of power. Genealogy is a form of analysis avowedly on the side of disqualified popular knowledge. In this way.PLANTATIONS. the shift was from an analytics of power to a creativity of power. not in terms of types of consciousness. is now dissipated. I must note that in the mid-seventies Foucault’s work underwent a recalibration that had effects on the ways in which space should be viewed. the monastery. This shift has to do with Foucault’s concern with discovering or unearthing what he called “subjugated” knowledges. meaning subjugating but also insubordinating.”14 Yet. his work up through the early part of the seventies concerned the how of knowledge. control of territories and organizations of domains which could well make up a sort of geopolitics. distributions. Foucault’s genealogies are dispositifs of resistance in as much as they bring together “erudite knowledge and local memories which allows us to establish a historical knowledge of struggles and to make use of this knowledge tactically today. Archeology is not abandoned. a field of confrontation. and the tracing.8 A second concern that determines the spatiality of Foucault’s thinking has to do with the disciplinary grid that orders knowledges.

In this way. sanctified. In response to a question by Dreyfus and Rabinow about how the works in the series on the history of sexuality fit with his own works. he was concerned with the different modalities of power. Foucault answered: “Three domains of genealogy are possible. Succinctly put.” How we constitute ourselves as subjects has to do with the partitioning. Race is place. racism is about space.”17 In the History of Sexuality. and are therefore unassailable. in which the power of space and the space of power are shown to be entwined in a furious embrace. namely that domain in which we constitute ourselves as “subjects acting on others. of subjectivity. possessed by certain subjects. Racism is about how one can and cannot be in a body. As Ronald Sundstrom put it eloquently: “Race is not just expressed spatially. an historical ontology of ourselves in relation to a field of power through which we constitute ourselves as subjects acting on others. Anatomopolitics is the other-side of social geography. embodiment. and territory: it is about privilege and about building the walls of .”18 This politics of the human body.’ from the great strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of housing. and racial places become encrusted with racial representations that become all too often materialized due to racist action and neglect. The genealogical study of power is really a genealogy of regimes of subjectivity.”19 A Foucauldian genealogy reveals to us how power produces certain truths. racism has do with what space may or may not be occupied. to use Foucault’s terminology. and. a way to enforce not just how subjects may conform and produce themselves as such. what it has to do with what spaces are beyond reach. The spaces that allow for certain truths to produce force effects and conversely. is the preoccupation with modalities of agency. are spaces that come to bear upon the individual as a body. but it is experienced and produced spatially. without too much contrivance. and impenetrable. Whether we approach racism from the standpoint of the putatively scientific discourse to which it appeals for its justification. however. an historical ontology of ourselves in relation to truth through which we constitute ourselves as subjects of knowledge.”16 I want to foreground the second domain. which is about the making of subjects. MENDIETA As Foucault affirmed. mapping. a historical ontology in relation to ethics through which we constitute ourselves as moral agents. genealogy brings us close to the way in which certain truths and powers make certain forms of agency possible by territorializing and spatializing the body of the agent. it is an anatomo-politics. the genealogies of truth and power are also genealogies of space. and how certain truths have power effects. by way of all the political and economic implantations … Spatial arrangements are also political and economic forms to be studied in detail. which had to do with the different institutions for its production. transversed. from the classroom to the hospital organization. linking. distribution. he did not write a treatise on power. the genealogy of the domain of a social ontology is also a genealogy of spatializing and spatialized political embodiments. or we approach it from the standpoint of a visual matrix that renders geometrical and spatialized a certain abjection or approval.”20 Racism is therefore about embodiment and social geography. third. how certain powers produced certain truths. institutional architecture. concomitantly. but also how they may or may not enter into interaction with certain other subjects. is linked directly and unambiguously to the production and creation of certain social spaces. It may be easily argued. In Discipline & Punish.15 Rather. or. Foucault called the agents that exercised this power to discipline the individual as a body the “orthopedists of individuality. First. In this way. Racism is a technology of embodiment. and the surveying of social space. that racism is a form of spatial regimentation. he called these disciplines “anatomo-politics. second. In revealing these power and truth effects.46 E. closing off. Foucault put it eloquently in the following way: “A whole ‘history of spaces’ could be written that would be at the same time a ‘history of powers. Behind the focus on power.

on the basis of a Foucauldian genealogy we can match the matrices that map social and cognitive space with the matrices that lash the tortured flesh of agents with racism. To put it summarily. As significant and tactically indispensable as this type of analysis may be. In them we encounter an original analysis of racism in relationship to a new form of power. We must escape from the limited field of juridical sovereignty and State institutions. entitled “Society Must be Defended.23 These two lectures are some of the most cited texts of Foucault’s because we find in them his critique of the juridical concept of power. the passions of the self. GHETTOS. Foucault did address racism directly and explicitly.21 The power and truths that grant legitimacy and stability to racist practices have to do with the spaces of power that subjugate subjects to the alleged truths of their flesh and the power of the space in which these same agents are contained and relegated. a power that acts on the individual by acting on a people as if it were a living entity. In Foucault’s work we can also encounter a more condemning analysis of racism. Foucault wrote relatively little about racism directly. but rather on domination-subjugation. social and epistemologies spaces. and instead base our analysis of power on the study of the techniques and tactics of domination. racism in relationship to biopower. the development of historical narratives of wars among peoples. and towards strategic apparatuses. The lectures then proceed to discuss war and the emergence of historical knowledge. The discussion of these methodological precautions concludes with the following admonition: … we should direct our researches on the nature of power not towards the juridical edifice of sovereignty. from the academic year of 1975–76. by definition. but in the context of his lectures at the College ` de France. the rise of a distinctly bourgeois form of power.24 These first two lectures constituted some of the most important methodological and philosophical considerations of the study of power produced by Foucault. towards forms of subjection and the inflections and utilizations of their localized systems. along with a discussion of five methodological precautions for approaching questions of power. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 47 exclusion that preserve and render invisible and acceptable that privilege and exclusion.25 It is this last discussion that makes these lectures particularly important for an analysis of racism. and. a power that is both individualizing and generalizing. biopower. it is by no means the best that Foucault’s work can offer. We also have an extensive discussion of the genealogical method. A genealogy of certain discourses that elucidates their spaces of power and the power that flows from its constructed and produced spaces would also. These lectures. but towards domination and the material operators of power. is an expression of a new form of power. Racism is a technology of subjection and agency that is enacted through the production and regimentation of bodily. While it could be argued that all of Foucault’s work deals with racism insofar as all of it always deals with modes of agency and selfhood. This form of biopower .22 The first two introductory lectures of this course were published in Italian from a manuscript by Alessandro Fontana and Pasquale Pasquino. be a genealogy of racism. the State apparatuses and the ideologies which accompany them.” have been known partially for at least two decades. in short. and the torture of the flesh.PLANTATIONS. then translated into English in Colin Gordon’s anthology of Foucault’s writings. which is based on the domination-repression model. Racism. one that is not based on contract-repression. critiques of Thomas Hobbes. finally. A brief discussion of these lectures will allow us to appreciate the ways in which Foucault’s approach to racism can be insightful and useful in an “American” context. We must eschew the model of Leviathan in the study of power.

is deployed over the living. the more you let die. a text written around the same time that these lectures were being delivered. but equally important. Their supervision was effected through an entire series of interventions and regulatory controls: a biopolitics of the population. Biopolitics.” Biopolitics. Foucault grants. and. A destabilizing asymmetry emerges. is a form of power that rules over a population. In war. this positive relationship was invented neither by the modern biopolitics state nor by racism. by attending. birth and mortality. Racism allows biopower to reintroduce the threat of death into the exercise of power. the urban problem. It is the asymmetry between making live and letting die.”31 Racism’s primary function is to tear and create fissures precisely in that which had been unified and made one by having been seen as a living continuum.”30 But.”27 These quotes came from the last chapter of The History of Sexuality. Rather. infirmities. the more there is the possibility for living. The power of the monarch was a power to put to death. in contrast. one that threatens the very omniscience and omnipotence of this new form of power over the living. Racism introduces discontinuities and caesura that are to be treated as threats and contaminants precisely because they are gaps and brakes in a living continuum. we discern already its secondary. With this reflection and acknowledgment. you must be able to kill. Racism is “primarily a way of introducing a break into the domain of life that is under power’s control: the break between what must live and what must die. there emerged another that focused on the “species body. and life and death.”26 Linked to this form of power. on one side. attending to it as a pastor tends to a flock. the milieu in which they live.48 E. you must ensure the death of the enemy. life expectancy and longevity. and of epidemics linked to the existence of swamps … this is essentially. This includes the direct effects of the geographical. while making death an extension of life. for the living: “if you want to live. with all the conditions that can cause these to vary. biopolitics also includes: “accidents.” the body as the basis of all biological processes: “propagation. in this way. Foucault takes up the thread of these lectures: war in society. or hydrographic environment: the problems. the optimization of its capabilities. all this was ensured by the procedures of power that characterized the disciplines. This type of power acts upon the body as though it was a machine: “its disciplining. you must take lives. and various anomalies. In short. Racism affirms that the more you kill. namely to establish “a positive relation” that assures that killing is for the sake of the living. climatic. biopolitics dominates and subjugates by making live. securing and promoting its health. to live. The novelty of biopolitics is that it reverses the relationship between power. Its control over death was absolute. for instance.28 In the lectures themselves. a people thought of as a living body. the level of health. Foucault provides a more extensive discussion of what fields biopower29 seeks to regulate.” which is a power that seeks to domesticate and regiment the human body. ensuring. and their environment. death begins to slip away from power. notably. the parallel increase of its usefulness and its docility. As it introduces these brakes into the living body of the population. while life itself was beyond its purvey. Among them we find “control over relations between the human race. even if it is not said in as many words: . insofar as they are living beings.”32 Of course. of swamps. on the other. MENDIETA emerges at the end of the eighteenth century as an extension and supplementation of what Foucault had called “anatomo-politics. in short. Racism both normalizes and makes imperative killing. Death slips away from the grip of biopower. or human beings insofar as they are a species. But this is quite explicit. the extortion of its forces. this has always been an axiom of war. Classical sovereignty ruled by taking life and letting live. Racism is biopower’s response to this destabilizing asymmetry. function.

which are not so peculiar but are integral to the very political. the prison. and death row. but several. Therefore. If the people are to live. represented as the other against which war must be waged. insofar as the power of the modern state is a biopower.”33 In this way. sanctioned or penalized. the species. is total war on the biological body of the people for the sake of its health. the more secure and healthy the people become. Few countries make this as evident as the United States does. be pursued for the sake of the survival of the living. regulated. Following Loic Wacquant. In this way. Such histories will also include histories of the relationship between industries and the appropriation and distribution of raw materials. social. But. GHETTOS. “If you are functioning in the biopower mode. lines of communication. Racism is biopolitic’s war on the body politic for the sake of its life. now as a war against the living body of the human race. if a population is to be made to live in health and optimally. thus. and the development of systems of transportation. by appealing to racism. of the others. and geographical identity of the country. how can you justify the need to kill people. Jim Crow. The history of power therefore has to be a history of local geographies and local topographies.PLANTATIONS. and the prison industry complex (see table 1). then infirmities. integrity. Later. disease—in short. cultural. racism legitimates and normalizes the murderous and genocidal function of the state. while making quotidian and imperative that the killing of some.35 In this way. and the ways in which their flows were. the ghetto. these histories will be histories of the immigrations and emigrations of peoples. these histories will also be histories of roads. illnesses. which is also a history of its racial geography and topographies. peculiar institutions. dysfunctions. the history of its particular form of power will be a history of the ways in which it has attended to the living body of the people by regulating how that body extends and takes up geography. pollutants. . biologizes the foe and makes total war on it indispensable and absolutely necessary. monitored. Racism is the continuation of war by biopolitical means: it is a war on the biological threats to the health. I will also assume that the United ¨ States has had not one. The more we exterminate the threat. and to kill civilizations? By using the themes of evolutionism. the ghetto.” Following this customary timetable.34 US Racial Geographies The history of power is also the history of space. the space within which that power was deployed and exercised. this colonizing genocide is introjected and deployed against the colonizing people themselves. a body at war with itself. Racism. as a form of biopower. anything that threatens both the natality and mortality of a population—must be waged war on. The history of a people is the history of its biological body. and unity of the living body of a people. to kill the population. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 49 racism is the acme of the war that always simmers beneath the peaceful appearance of civil society. The history of the United States is frequently periodized with reference to its “racial question. instigated. and continue to be.36 These institutions are the slave plantation. one that has left its imprint in the very geography of the nation and the urban cartography of its metropolises. Racism was first deployed against colonial peoples. the race. I will discuss US racial geographies in terms of four racialized and racializing topographies: the plantation. Racism. and racism reintroduces war. the population. the history of biopower is a history of a racialized body politic. For the history of the United States is above all a history of racial conflict.

“From Slavery to Mass Incarceration: Rethinking the ‘race question’ in the US. The four ‘peculiar institutions’ and their basis. 1865–1965) Ghetto (North. 1915–68) Hyperghetto & Prison (1968–) Unfree Fixed Labor Free Fixed Labor Free Mobile Labor Fixed Surplus Labor Source: Loic Wacquant. Core of Economy Plantation Agrarian and Extractive Segmented Industrial/Industrial Polarized/Postindustrial Services Dominant social type Slave Sharecropper Menial Worker Welfare recipient & Criminal Institution: Form of Labor Slavery (1619–1865) Jim Crow (South. 13 (Jan–Feb ¨ 2002): 42.50 E.” New Left Review. MENDIETA Table 1. .

meaning a contract. and even ontological negativity.’ to use Ira Berlin’s felicitous expression.37 In the early years of the colonies. on the one hand. This is what the one-drop of blood rules established. The Ghetto To put it in simplest terms. legal. as a legal and political condition. whiteness is what grants property. and thus had to stand for himself or herself as the guarantee of the exchange. a new mechanism was . the ghetto is the racial geography that takes over the role of the plantation once the United States had abolished slavery. To be tainted by blackness entails servitude. one which remained the same in the process of exchange and that stood in proxy for the laborer. but presence in it is only allowed as property of those who are untainted.40 Thus. blackness and servitude began to converge: as the colonies expanded southward and westward. This legal codification of dispossession was biologized when the anti-miscegenation laws were introduced beginning in 1662.”39 In this way. but by their place of origin and whether they had a contract. Eventually. This resulted in codifying dispossession in the flesh of the indentured laborer.41 Just as blackness is to be property. and. the anti-miscegenation laws established the black body as possession of the white master and as a polluting element within the body politic. in the United States. absence in the market turns into legal dispossession. These laws established matrilineal servitude status. as labor needs increased. In this way both are now indexicalized chromatically. and cultural system that emerged from instituting slavery as the core economic institution in the North Atlantic English colonies. the contract. The conflation between skin color and the status of servant was slowly codified in legal norms that had the specific goal of buttressing the power of the land-owing classes. on the other. whiteness gets codified as possession and possessiveness. that is. Its presence is allowed but as the mark of dispossession. The plantation is an institution for spatial containment that is geared to the maximum exploitation of the slave. had been abolished. once slavery. Putting the plantation at the core of the colonies’ economic system made this emergent society shift from being a society with slaves to a slave society.PLANTATIONS. the Africans who did not and could not provide such a contract.42 is matched by a racial topography that dislocated and displaced blackness into a cultural. absence and inability to possess. The plantation was a system of exploitation that sequestered and contained slave laborers for the express purpose of expropriating their labor power. and later. in the market. nor was blackness ipso facto associated with servitude. and which incidentally are only legally codified in the second half of the nineteenth century. In contrast and simultaneously.38 It is not true that anti-Black animus permeate the colonies. economic. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 51 The Plantation The plantation is a social. not having a proxy in the market. who could provide a contract. As Steve Martinot put it. In other words. is enabled by the processes of legal disenfranchisement that hides itself behind the veil of a naturalized chromatic indexicalization that conflates blackness with servitude and dispossession. This containment. It was a geography of dispossession and containment as it was an entire episteme and dispositif that simultaneously dispossessed the black body. “[t]he laborer’s body thus substituted itself for the juridical instrument. Blackness is both dispossession and servitude. GHETTOS. however. At the same time. African and English were distinguished not by the color of their skins. The ‘geography of slavery. requires that one’s own body stand in for the contract. there emerged the legal difference between English indentured laborers.

In other words. White Americans countered with Jim Crow. but it is at the same time the mechanism through which their labor is made available for optimized exploitation. almost half a century after slaves had been emancipated. In fact. In the words of Wacquant.52 E.46 As African-Americans arrived in the North to the Fordist city of metropolitan industry. are granted the license and funding to flee to the suburbs. I must mention that lynching seems to have been a common practice and was originally used against whites. plagues. but as the nineteenth century comes to a close. and the policing and terrorizing violence of Jim Crow and the Ku Klux Klan. Jim Crow extended and further codified the anti-Black animus that began to be codified under slavery. Between 1910 and 1960 almost five million African Americans migrated northward. India.”43 The ghetto begins to emerge as a space of containment in urban areas as the North reconstructed (although some revisionist historians may use the term “colonized”) the South after the civil war.44 It is noteworthy that the paroxysms of this ritualistic violence reached its zenith at the turn of the twentieth century.45 The decline of the southern agricultural economy due to natural disasters. per definition the primary beneficiaries of state benefits. compounded with the emergent labor demand brought on by industrialization in the metropolises of the North. and Africa. and actually participated in the very act of destroying housing that was and could have been available to AfricanAmericans and poor people in the inner cities.47 It is significant that the process of northern urbanization takes place in tandem with the process of racial gentrification. Jim Crow went beyond the juridification of anti-Black racism. After the civil war. The Federal Bulldozer. it came to be used predominantly against blacks. but also by the everyday violence of quasi-legalized lynching. A geographical analysis of the distribution of these lynchings reveals that 90 percent of them took place in the Deep South. that the government has destroyed more low- . Martin Anderson has argued in his notorious book. Jim Crow “consisted of an ensemble of social and legal codes that prescribed the complete separation of the “races” and sharply circumscribed the life chances of African-Americans while binding them to whites in a relation of suffusive submission backed by legal coercion and terroristic violence. were strategies of racial regimentation. however. they were relegated and cordoned off in those regions where they could be accessed as cheap labor and also not present a threat to the property of the white order of Anglo-America. the emancipation of the slaves. Between 1882 and 1968. and geopolitical competition from Latin America. The exodus to the North was occasioned not just by Jim Crow. mostly to the Midwest and the Northeast. An overview of the different agencies and acts used by Congress to regulate housing policies and availability reveals that the government conspired to segregate through its loaning practices. This racial gentrification is overseen by the state itself through its housing policies.723 reported lynchings of African-Americans. and the derailed project of integration into white society that was undertaken under the reconstruction. and as the recently freed slaves begin a massive migration northward. Its virulence and violence was more acute precisely because the African-American was now nominally and de jure a free being. These policies ensure that the poor and colored are concentrated in the dilapidated and poorly serviced urban centers while wealthy whites. Both processes. which now has become a euphemism for legalized political disenfranchisement. there were 4. led to what we should call a massive refugee influx of persecuted African-Americans into northern cities. the development of the ghetto has to be seen in tandem with the suburbanization of the US. MENDIETA required to contain people with the end of exploitation. The ghetto is the spatial segregation of the African-American.

the flight of industrial capital.55 The rise of the ethnoracial prison has to be put in the context of suburbanization.5 billion in extra mortgage payments. the ghetto ought to be understood as an “ethnoracial prison” or what Foucault called the “carceral archipelago.PLANTATIONS.50 As Kenneth T. but over the last half century it has turned into a major disciplinary “sociospatial” institution that “enables dominant status group in an urban setting simultaneously to ostracize and exploit a subordinate group endowed with negative symbolic capital. for re-education. Uncle Sam was not impartial. To a predominantly black inmate population this fact must have more than overwhelming irony. but also. however. and institutional encasement. the assault on the federal government by Republican administrations. prisons evoke the plantations of their slave forefathers and foremothers. which gave federally-secured loans to soldiers returning from WWII. In Wacquant’s analysis. . These federally built structures were almost always located in the poorest parts of the major US metropolises. These two strategies were deployed over the following demographics: from 1960 to 1977. The “Vernon C.000.” At the same time. constraint. the inner-city African-American population grew by 6 million.000 as direct result of the 54 percent higher rate they pay on their mortgages. “American housing policy was not only devoid of social objectives. Bain Correctional Center” in New York is named after the family name of a slave-owning plantation. territorial confinement. thus paralleling and exacerbating what began to be codified during slavery times.”53 This sociospatial institution takes over the structural and functional role that the ghetto played in the first part of the twentieth century. namely the spatialized racial containment and gerrymandering that perpetuated the exclusion and marginalization of African-Americans.49 Since the 1930s the American government has pursued strategies to deal with the challenge of urbanization. the implosion of the inner city. During the same period. low-interest mortgages. as the number of whites living in suburbs increased by 22 million. and that every black homeowner loses $4.48 The GI bill. simultaneously. Jackson noted in his celebrated Crabgrass Frontier. the prison enacts and replicates the ghetto’s main mechanisms for ethnoracial control. the prison is an ethnoracial ghetto. but instead contributed to the general disbenefit of the cities and to the general prosperity of the suburbs. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 53 income housing than it actually built. and perhaps more importantly as de-industrialization desiccates the inner city. 4 million joined them by flying from the inner city. and. The economists Melvin Oliver and Tom Shapiro estimate that these discriminatory policies have cost black homeowners $10. One was to encourage and finance homeownership through long-term. and continues to be. punishment. and the Fair Housing Amendments of the sixties and eighties. The other was a housing initiative that involved the federal government in the actual construction of public housing. the ghetto is. but instead helped establish the basis for social inequities. it has turned into a mechanism of “ethnoracial closure”52 that has transformed the inner city into a region of racial war. GHETTOS. The Prison The prison is an institutional space for confinement. and. which are: stigma. allegedly.54 Seen through the prism of these disciplinary and normalizing technologies. while its suburban counterpart only grew by 500. the launching of a war on drugs that has made the ghetto as violent and predatory as the jungles of Vietnam. have been mechanisms for extending the possessive investments in whiteness and the dispossession of blacks. and later the Fair Housing Act. To many African-Americans. a major instrument for labor extraction.”51 In short.

in other words. continues this form of natal alienation and social death through its policies of cultural. the United States was second to Russia for its rate of incarceration. This act extends the punitive measures of earlier laws that suspended either temporarily or permanently welfare payments. the United States has a six to ten times higher incarceration rate. we face Du Bois’s race predicament. Yet. veterans’ benefits and food stamps for anyone who was in prison for more than sixty days. (b) allowed the termination of parental rights. or. Comparatively. The Work Opportunity and Personal Responsibility Act of 1996 banishes former felons from Medicaid. and “institutionally encased” within a prison culture that spells for them only the accumulation of negative symbolic capital. Of this almost 4 million. and cultural.63 The ethnoracial prison. which continue to make more intense and lengthy the punishment of certain sentenced inmates.58 Yet. It is also economic. the United States enjoys lower rates of crime.67 In addition. The ethnoracial prison is “a landlocked slaveship stuck on the middle passage to nowhere. when one looks at the ethnoracial composition of this inmate population. social. public housing. or. there were a total of 1.68 . the juridification of political. social. which is one in fifty adults.”62 But exclusion is not just political. the level of crime tends to be lower. but now in an even more desperate way. compared to these very same industrialized nations. Between 1985 and 1995. and section 8 vouchers and similar forms of public assistance. as extension of the ghetto. the prison population has risen by about 500 percent. federal and state governments opened a new prison every week to house the influx of prisoners. and political exclusion. economic and social exclusion has been exacerbated. 1.000 citizens. it has one of the largest inmate populations in the world.9 million Americans.59 But this number does not betray the level at which both African-Americans and Hispanics are criminalized. The prison industrial complex does not just confine for a period of time. while 17 percent is Hispanic. one will discover exorbitant disparities. are either permanently or currently politically disenfranchised due to criminalization. Compared to other industrialized nations. MENDIETA Over the last half century.56 This means that there are about 645 inmates per 100.60 With a greater likelihood of being imprisoned and criminalized at a rate of one out of every three young African Americans. This has been directly linked to the punitive character of our sentencing laws. Thus. Over the last two decades as the war on drugs has made the punitive retribution against African-Americans more acute. Half of the present inmate population is African-American.57 In 1995. as the population has grown by about 28 percent. imprisonment itself reduces black political ability to influence these policies.61 this means that between 30 percent and 40 percent of African Americans will lose their right to vote.4 million were African-Americans.”64 For instance.54 E. Yet.7 million prisoners. The Higher Education Act of 1998 withdraws eligibility for felons convicted of a drug-related crime. At the turn of the twenty-first century. except when it pertains to violent crimes. and (c) converted the status of felon into grounds for divorce. stigmatized. “not only are criminal justice policies resulting in the disproportionate incarceration of African American[s]. a 1996 analysis of state statuses concerning inmates revealed that there had been a rise in the number of states that (a) permanently denied felons the right to vote (in fact now forty-eight states and the district of Columbia do not permit prisoners to vote65). A study conducted jointly by The Sentencing Project and Human Rights Watch disclosed the grim fact that approximately 3. 13 percent of the African-American male population.66 In addition. By 1999. approximately one out of every 155 American is in prison. Orlando Patterson described slavery as natal alienation and a form of social death.

016 people were put to death by the state. and ninety-six state prisons. In 2003. and pyramids of power are also mechanism for war making. Thus.69 The United States spends about $7 billion a year in prison building. and normalizing mechanisms and spaces for the punishment. in which the more you kill. Yearly expenses for running this prison industrial complex is between $20 and $35 billion. as we saw with the ghetto and the prison industrial complex.72 Between 1930 and 1976. The prison betrays how race and place.71 It races by stigmatizing. a report by the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). the uses of capital punishment reflect topographies of power that seek to police the borderlands of racial encounter and friction. Arkansas. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 55 The prison industry complex. and encasing. These expenses certainly match the levels of the military budget at the height of the Cold War. Of these. and thus they mark indelibly the racial geographies of US biopolitics. we see how these territories. has augmented its budget for state correctional facilities from $200 million in 1975 to $4. The prison is a dispositif for race “marking” and race making. which parallels the levels of inversion of the military industrial complex itself. the prison is one of biopower’s dispositifs for executing this socially sanctioned and normalized killing. and race and topography.70 In fact. GHETTOS. the state funds invested in the prison system surpassed those allotted to the University of California college system. Death Row Capital punishment is co-extensive with slavery and the ethnoracial prison. They were and continue to be legal. In 1994.3 times more likely to be given the death sentence if the victims of their crimes are white. close to the annual military budget before the war on terrorism was launched.73 The death penalty is used precisely to police racial encounters. however. The more we imprison the “criminal” and “felon” the more we can enjoy our lives.129 were African-Americans. There is no way to get around the fact that the death penalty is overwhelmingly used against African-Americans. disciplining. 90 percent of people executed for rape were African-American. African-American are 42 percent of the death row population. In 1996 alone. it is also a mechanism for waging a war on the alleged criminal. South . The state of California. Louisiana. and extermination of African-Americans. are intricately entwined. Oklahoma. such levels of societal inversion on the deliberate criminalization and imprisonment of African-Americans.8 billion in 2000. confining. contractors began twenty-six federal prisons. But this is not its only one.PLANTATIONS. notes that of the more than 700 executions carried out in the United States over the last quarter of a century. that is to say. institutionalized. regions. has expanded into one of the most lucrative industries. The prison industry complex is not just a mechanism for exclusion and marginalization. 2. Between 1930 and 1990. signal the development and maintenance of a domestic war machine deployed against the body politic itself. similar studies show that African-Americans are 4. in fact. Missouri. although people of color constitute 55 percent of all death row inmates. the threat. which has the largest prison system in the world. Nor is it the most blatantly racialized and racializing. the more you may live. Georgia. Florida. which capitalizes on the so-called war on crime (in an age of declining crime rates) and the need to attract federal funds in lieu of industrial capital that keep bleeding out of the nation. The Bureau of Justice and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) statistics make this painfully evident. It is a war pursued by means of geographical and territorial means. At the same time. constraining. 53 percent. 4. the pollutant felon and deviant. Furthermore. fields. If racism is the means by which biopower reintroduces the right to kill. 82 percent were performed in ten states (Alabama. Again.

Michel Foucault. Michel Foucault. 205–38. trans. that regulates not just how we relate to ourselves. 5. more disturbingly still. 3. Notes 1. 2001). MENDIETA Carolina. See also “Deadly Symbiosis: When Ghetto and Prison Meet and Mesh. Race is produced by the encounter between powers and spaces in the practices of subjectivity and subjection that makes our time uniquely modern. no. however. From him we have also learned to see the relationship between space and race. the auction block.” in Michel Foucault Live: Collected Interviews.. xvii–xviii.” 145–63. Power.” in Thinking Space.75 These southern states. Discipline & Punish. Sheridan Smith (New York: Vintage Books. The Order of Things: An Archeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books. Racism is the name for a technology of subjection.” Punishment & Society. but most importantly to others. 1996). a people must make the technologies of survival and the health of the people routine. this is where racism is interjected: it introduces the need and right to put to death. ` 7. The Birth of the Clinic: An Archeology of Medical Perception. executed 245 death row inmates between 1976 and 2001. 3. Texas and Virginia). accounted for 83 percent of executions. almost one-third of all executions. ix. “Foucault’s Geography. “Space. Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real-and-Imagined Places (Cambridge. ed. But biopower is social power. As Foucault noted.” in Michel Foucault Live.76 Indeed. 1973). Alan Sheridan (New York: Pantheon Books. Sylvere Lotringer (New York: Semiotext(e). 2001). 346. 1975). 4. 226. But Texas and Virginia together accounted for more than half of these executions. 1996). eds Mike Crang and Nigel Trift (London and New York: Routledge. which account for approximately 26 percent of the US population. Mapping the Present: Heidegger. . Michel Foucault.”77 We have learned from Michel Foucault that the history of powers is the history of spaces.” New ¨ Left Review. 6. “The Eye of Power. chapter 5: “Heterotopologies: Foucault and the Geohistory of Otherness. Edward W. Foucault and the Project of a Spatial History (London and New York: Continuum. is what allows diffused biopower to claim the right to kill. trans. In this field. of agency. The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography. B. Racism. Soja. Mass: Blackwell Publishers Inc. 1 (2001): 95–134. and yet we regard it or disregard it with the neglect that Hannah Arendt rightly called the banality of evil. as a normalized science. Texas. 2. Michel Foucault. and through them to ourselves. and normalized. uniquely our time. 8. Death row is no less grotesque than the slave ship.56 E. 2000). above all. Discipline & Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Harley. Racism makes genocide quotidian. Knowledge. Michel Foucault. Paul Laxton (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. To live. and Power. it is power over the social by the social. Loic Wacquant. but now as a routine.74 that is. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration: Rethinking the ‘Race Question’ in the US. quotidian. 307. 1977). power is resisted as it enacts its subjugation. Eighty percent of all federal death row penalties charges presented by prosecutors come from five out of the ninety-two judicial districts. especially chapter 2: “Maps. 1961–1984. 301. the death penalty demarcates a deep racial line in the American body politic with its “particular racial topography. Nothing makes this as patently clear as does the use of the death penalty in the United States. Foucault. Michel Foucault.” 51 ff. necessary and a right. Power deploys itself by constituting a horizon of confrontation. the tree with its lynched mutilated corpses. and how geography and topography are entwined with the productivity of power. it is a power over a population that the population itself exercises over itself via the techniques and technologies of making live. See also the use of Foucault by J. and Stuart Elden. Two exceptions are Chris Pilo. Knowledge. ed. 13 (Jan–Feb 2002): 41–60.

¨ chapter 1. “Two Lectures. 35. or immortality. Foucault. 30. 15. thoughts. “Society Must be Defended. which determine the conduct of individuals and submit them to certain ends or domination. 73–80. ed. ´ ´ Politique. Michel Foucault (New York: The New Press. 2002). an objectivizing of the subject. 294. “The Subject and Power. See David Theo Goldberg. chapter 5: “Bio-Politics and Sovereignty.” in Foucault.” in Ethics.” in Power/Knowledge. 77. “Society Must be Defended” Lectures at the College de France 1975–1976. transform. no. “‘The birth of bio-politics’: Michel Foucault’s lectures on neo-liberal governmentality. 25. 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 13. “Two Lectures. See the following discussions: Thomas Lemke. “Society Must be Defended. A Seminar with Michel Foucault. See Pasquale Pasquino. Foucault. Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. Foucault devoted his 1979 lectures to “the birth of biopolitics.” 255. 26. trans. or signification. “Technologies of the Self. Foucault’s Critical Project: Between the Transcendental and the Historical. 33. Italics added. “Society Must be Defended. Foucault. 19. 24. “Race and Place: social space in the production of human kinds. Foucault. especially part two. “Society Must be Defended. 1 (Feb 1993): 77–88. These four types of technologies hardly ever function separately. 22. See the suggestive if misguided reflection on Foucault’s similarity to Carl Schmitt by Mika Ojakangas. Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society (London and Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage Publications. The History of Sexuality. 6.” Philosophy and Geography. 31. Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics. “‘Polluting the Body Politic’: Racist Discourse and Urban Location. Edward ´ Pile (Stanford: Stanford University Press. symbols. 1997). “Two Lectures. 34. “Society Must be Defended. 2000). 1982).” 257. 92. which permit us to use signs. 78–108. meanings. 32. 102. (3) technologies of power. “Political Theory of war and peace: Foucault and the history of modern political theory. The idea of racism as a technology of subjection and agency determination can be made more precise with reference to Foucault’s clarification of the concept of “technology. Foucault.” in . 18. 23. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 57 9. “Eye of Power. Discipline & Punish. See also the special issue of Cites dedicated to these lectures. David ` Macey (New York: Picador. Foucault. 139. 83. 1999). 1997). “Two Lectures.” Economy and Society.” 73–107. Volume One. which permit us to produce. Michel Foucault. purity. “Two Lectures. Michel Foucault. and way of being. Foucault.” Telos. or manipulate things.” 82–83. (2) technologies of sign systems. Sundstrom.” 254. which permit individuals to effect by their own means or with the help of another a certain number of operations on their own bodies and souls. 1 (2003): 83–95. 20. Cites: Philosophie. 21. Subjectivity and Truth.” in Michel Foucault. 237. 139. no. although each one of them is associated with a certain type of domination. The French version only appeared in 1997. The History of Sexuality (New York: Pantheon Books. 2003). Michel Foucault. Michel Foucault. 14.” 30. quote at 90. “Situating the Lectures. Hubert L. Ronald R. Foucault. 1980).” Michel Foucault. GHETTOS. The History of Sexuality.PLANTATIONS. Foucault. 29. Hutton (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press. 119 (Spring 2001): 32–40. 16. 10. and his book Eine Kritik der politischen Vernunft: Foucaults Analyse der modernen Gouvernementalitat (Berlin and Hamburg: Argument. Historie.” in Knowledge/Power.” in Power/Knowledge. especially chapter 3: “The Reformulation of the Archaeological Problem and the Genealogical Turn. Foucault.” 273–93.” Economy & Society. 139. “Sovereign and Plebs: Michel Foucault Meets Carl Schmitt.” in Michel Foucault. Martin.” See the resume of these lectures: “The Birth of Biopolitics. trans.” in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews & Other Writings 1972–1977. The Archeology of Knowledge & The Discourse on Language (New York: Pantheon Books. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon Books. 28. 27.” 245. eds Luther H. Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow. no. 224. conduct. 1983).” in Technologies of the Self. The Essential Works of Michel Foucault. so as to transform themselves in order to attain a certain state of happiness. Michel Foucault. 11. 12. 2 (2000): Michel Foucault: de la guerre des races au biopouvoir (Paris: Presses Universitaries de France.” Foucault writes: “[T]here are four major types of these “technologies. 22. and Patrick H. perfection. 18. Foucault. 1988).” each a matrix of practical reason: (1) technologies of production. See also Mitchell Dean. Foucault. 209.” 228. Michel Foucault. Huck Gutman. (4) technologies of the self. “The Discourse on Language. Dreyfus and Rabinow. See Alessandro Fontana and Mauro Bertani. 2 (May 2001): 190–207. “Question on Geography.” in Power/Knowledge. Foucault. wisdom. See Beatrice Han. 1978). Foucault. 17.

1995). 9.” 49. Mass: Harvard University Press. 16–24. 7. Wacquant. D. Of these. Rituals of Blood: Consequences of Slavery in two American Centuries (New York: Basic Civitas. Generations of Captivity. Melvin L. 2000). 41. 49. 1999). Wacquant. Martin Anderson. the State and the New Capitalist Economy.” in Marc Mauer and Meda Chesney-Lind. Wacquant. 7–14. Black Wealth/White Wealth (New York: Routledge. Oliver and Tom Shapiro. eds Malcolm Cross and Michael Keith (New York and London: Routledge. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. Race to Incarcerate (New York: The New Press. Jackson. 9. Mauer. Crabgrass Frontier. See Scott L. The Rule of Racialization: Class.58 E. 38. Wacquant. Crabgrass Frontier. “Three days in NYC jails: Black Terrorist Thug: The New Racial Profile?.” 24. “Four Strategies to Curb Carceral Costs: ¨ On Managing Mass Imprisonment in the United States. 51. 1. 60. 62. 2002). Travis. 418–49. 54. “Mass Imprisonment and the Disappearing Voters. Mauer. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. See Loic Wacquant. 47. Wacquant. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. 67. 2002). 53. 52. 30–31.” 50. Governance (Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 43. 48. . and Kendall Thomas ´ (New York: The New Press. 2001). The distinction is discussed by Ira Berlin. Young African-American male means a male between the ages of eighteen and fifteen. 65. Steve Martinot. Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge. 45–60. Christian Parenti.” Harvard Law Review 106 (June 1993). Wacquant. Identity. 228. Berlin. viii–ix. Philip Dray. 32. September 24–30. 69 (Autumn 2002): 19–30. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. 2003). Lipsitz has one of the most perspicacious analyses of the ways in which “civil rights” have been used by Whites to further codify what Cheryl Harris called “Whiteness as Property. The Federal Bulldozer. MENDIETA 36. See Bryonn Dain. Jackson. “Whiteness as Property.” in Metropolis: Center ¨ and Symbol of our Times. Marc Mauer. the City and the State. Race to Incarcerate.. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. one in three are under criminal justice supervision. 142. 276–91.” 51. eds. Lockdown America: Police and Prisons in the Age of Crisis (London and New York: Verso. 50. See Loic J. 1982). 19. Wacquant. 186.” 41–42. 44. 170. 61. 1998). “Invisible Punishment: An instrument of Social Exclusion. Race to Incarcerate. Orlando Patterson. 1999). “Invisible Punishment. Racism. Race to Incarcerate. 64.” 50. Gary Peller. 1995).” 46. 58. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. Martinot. 63. “Mass Imprisonment and the Disappearing Voters. Mauer. 40. 57. Mauer. Malcomson. Neil Gotanda. eds Marc Mauer and Meda Chesney-Lind (New York: The New Press. 56. 59. 37. See also Austin Sarat. The Rule of Racialization. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. 45. 2003). 54–60.” Village Voice. Jeremy Travis. Marc Mauer. 7. MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Philip Kasinitz (New York: New York University Press. “The Ghetto. 1993). 356–57. Race to Incarcerate. One Drop of Blood: The American Misadventure of Race (New York: Farrar Strauss Giroux. Cheryl I. 42. 1985). 175–76. 2003). 46. Mauer. 19. 1998). At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America (New York: The Modern Library. 22. quoted in Kenneth T. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics (Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 66. ed. 55. 39. 119. 51. The Suburbanization of the United States (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Quoted in George Lipsitz. 50. Orlando Patterson.” in Invisible Punishment: The Collateral Consequences of Mass Imprisonment. Harris. eds Kimberle Crenshaw. 23. 1995). Reprinted in Critical Race Theory: The key Writings. Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves (Cambridge.” 47. Invisible Punishment: The Collateral Consequences of Mass Imprisonment (New York: The New Press. quote at 19. When the State Kills: Capital Punishment and the American Condition (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press.” Lipsitz. 2003. 230.” Studies in Political Economy.

77.PLANTATIONS. 75. et al.org/DeathPenalty/DeathPenalty.naacp. et al. Note on contributor Eduardo Mendieta is Associate Professor of Philosophy at Stony Brook University.. “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. Jr.shtml . Jackson. Wacquant. Legal Lynching: The Death Penalty and America’s Future. 71. Jackson. “Four Strategies to Curb Carceral Costs: On Managing Mass Imprisonment in the United States. He is the editor and translator of Enrique Dussel’s The Underside of Modernity (1996).. Jackson.” 58.” 116. Lockdown America. 73. Rev. 72. NAACP www. . 160. 74.” www. 69. Jesse L. Bruce Shapiro. Wacquant. He is the author most recently of The Adventures of Transcendental Philosophy: Karl-Otto Apel’s Semiotics and Discourse Ethics (2002). 71. Legal Lynching: The Death Penalty and America’s Future. 70. GHETTOS. Jesse L.aclu.aclu. 213. “Deadly Symbiosis. 71. Legal Lynching: The Death Penalty and America’s Future (New York: Anchor Books. The 55 percent people of color statistic can be found in a report by the ACLU entitled “Race and the Death Penalty.. John Bessler. Jackson. 2003). Death in the Dark: Midnight Executions in America (Boston: Northeastern University Press. PRISONS: US RACIAL GEOGRAPHIES 59 68. Report entitled “Geography Determines Death Sentences. 70. Rep.org/news 76.cfm?ID 9312&c 62 .org/work/washington_bureau/DeathPenalty032803. Parenti. Wacquant.” 20.” www. 1997).

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