THE CATHEDRAL SCHOOL OF REIMS IN THE TIME OF MASTER ALBERIC, 1118 - 1136 Author(s): JOHN R.

WILLIAMS Source: Traditio, Vol. 20 (1964), pp. 93-114 Published by: Fordham University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27830770 . Accessed: 30/07/2011 04:11
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THE CATHEDRAL SCHOOL OF REIMS IN THE TIME OF 1118-1136 MASTER ALBERIC,
By JOHN R. WILLIAMS

in the first half of the twelfth century was witnessing a Europe intellectual and cultural revolution. One manifestation of this was the great hordes of ambitious youths seeking instruction, not only in the traditional 'seven liberal arts,' but also in the more specialized fields of law, medicine, and theology. In consequence, old educational centers were being revitalized Western
and new ones were

schools. Previous to the twelfth century, the monastic schools had played a more conspicuous role in educa however, tion than those of the cathedrals. The period with which we are concerned saw a notable teries were Nor was ducive reversal in this situation. Usually located in rural areas, monas unprepared to supply the needs of large numbers of students. the presence of a transient and turbulent body of adolescents con

and some cathedrals had maintained

appearing.

For

centuries,

of

course,

most

monasteries

Thus

In the long run Paris, Laon, and Chartres were to exert the greatest influence. Yet there were many other schools in the period, 1100-1150, which could boast a famous master or two and which produced notable scholars. One

can frequently the early progress of the 'Twelfth-Century Renaissance' be best observed in a study of the history of this or that cathedral school.

to monastic Cathedrals, on the other hand, situated in discipline. the rapidly growing towns, could supply the students in their schools with the necessities of life,while providing elementary and often advanced instruc tion through a corps of teachers supervised by the cathedral scholasticus.

of noted masters, Herimann, Bruno, and cosmopolitan throngs of students to its cathedral Godfrey, school.1 The death of Master Godfrey in 1094 or 1095, however, initiated two decades of decline. Undoubtedly this was the result of the rising fame educational succession had attracted were of the neighboring school of Laon, where the brothers, Anselm and Ralph, lecturing on Scripture. Reims had no masters comparable to these. Consequently her cathedral school slipped quietly into obscurity.

of these was Reims, which under Master Alberic enjoyed for nearly twenty years a prestige in theological studies equalled by no contemporary school. Even in the second half of the eleventh century Reims had been a leading center. A

1 See my 29 (1954)

article

'The

Cathedral

School

of Rheims

in the Eleventh

Century/

Speculum

661-77.

94 Nevertheless

TRADITIO

cathedral scholasticus.2 Unfortunately we know little about the intellectual or pedagogical activities of this man.3 We do know that Odalric was still at Reims in 1107, for in that year he journeyed to Rome to protest the election of the provost of the cathedral chapter, Ralph, to the vacant archi?piscopal see ofReims. His mission proved of no avail, forPaschal II confirmed Ralph's election. At the same time, for reasons unknown, he made Odalric a cardinal.4 In 1109 we find him as papal legate in England attempting to settle a contro versy between Canterbury and York, and he appears to have been still active as late as 1130.5

there is reason to believe that, even while Laon was at its a school, probably of elementary nature, continued to exist at Reims. zenith, In a letter of 14 April, 1096, Pope Urban II mentions a certain Odalric as

It is more difficult to prove that a school continued to exist through the decade, 1107-1117. No charter nor narrative source has preserved the name of Odalric's successor as scholasticus. A charter of 1110 is, however, witnessed by a certain Leo6 who was apparently theMaster Leo of a charter of 1121.7 Leo was the nephew of the Chanter Richer,8 and in 1123 he succeeded his

uncle in that office.9 By 1130 he had become dean,10 a title he was to hold for the next thirty-six years.11 A letter of Pope Adrian IV informs us that in 1154 he was interval between that Leo not only dean but magister scholarum remensis ecclesiae.12 The 1107 and 1154 is so long that it would be rash to assume had been direct successor to Odalric as scholasticus. Yet the title

2 JL 5640. is also 10 (Paris 1751) 33. Odalric Christiana in Gallia The letter is published SS 8.611. of St. Hubert, of the monastery in the chronicle mentioned MGH, 3 A letter of Ivo of Chartres and 'Odolrico bonae to Ralph, is addressed provost of Reims, The letter discusses the scholasticus. This is undoubtedly 162.165-166. spei fratri,' PL certain 4 H. legal Meinert, of marriage. problems de discordia 'Libelli papae,' S. Remigii inter monachos Albert Brackmann Festschrift of York, of Four Archbishops et S. Nicasii Remensis

in Anglia (ibid. 1884) 207. 15 (Paris et de la France des historiens des Gaules in JL 1.823 and in Recueil 'Aldericus') 1878) 361 n. (a). This work will hereafter be cited as RHGF. 6 M. L. de Nationale Travaux de l'Acad?mie "Histoire de l'abbaye Paris, d'Avenay,' 62 (1876-77) 285. Reims 7 G. II (Reims historia Remensis Marlot, Metropolis 1679) 285. 8 Reims 1. 2 (Paris 1844) ed. P. Yarin, Archives l?gislatives de la ville de Reims, obituary, 80. 9 Archives administratives 10 Gai. Chr. 10.39. 11 Varin, Arch. adm. to be distinguished century. 12 Ibid., 1.1.334-36; de la ville de Reims, The ed. P. Varin, 1.1 (Paris 1839; 276.

Paschalis agitata tempore 5 See the Chanter's Hugh Historia 127, and Eadmer,

History novorum

1931) 277. (Weimar 2 (Rolls Series 1886) 119 later (as Odalric appears

1.1.346.

from a later dean JL 9950.

same page quotes of the same name,

from the Reims around

the beginning

Leo is obituary. of the 13th

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

95

Magister

in 1121 and that of magister scholarum in 1154 do warrant our con cluding that Leo was a teacher, at least in his early years, and those early years take us back into the obscure decade before 1117. education Yet of St. Thierry and his companion, Simon, received their in the period, 1105-1115, is an open question. Our sole source of information, the Vita antiqua, certainly indicates that they did.13 Whether William at Reims

Our sole source indicates This, however, is conjecture. we know that it was at the monastery of St. Nicaise of Reims Reims, and that the two young men became monks ca. 1113.15 Nevertheless, owing to the defective condition of the Vita antiqua, we are unable to be certain that crowds to Laon.14 they were Another educated at the cathedral school. boy or youth who was possibly educated at Reims in this period of Cologne from in

certain modern scholars, particuarly Adam and D?chanet, have argued that it is improbable that these two young men from Li?ge would have studied at Reims at just that time when Anselm and Ralph were attracting vast

was

the German, Bruno of Altena and Berg, later archbishop 1132 to 1137. Our only evidence here is a letter of St. Bernard written 1124.16 Bernard speaks of meeting Our knowledge of Bruno's

Reims.

journ at Reims was presumably education, he well might have begun his studies earlier than 1118. All things considered, then, it seems justifiable to conclude that a school it was a very continued to exist during the decade, 1107-1117. Undoubtedly elementary school attended by relatively young duced to the seven liberal arts. The death of Anselm of Laon in 1117 was boys who were being intro

the young German 'a long while ago' at after 1119 suggests that his so itinerary anterior to that date. As his reason for being there was

decline.

to prove a turning point in the fortunes of the school of Reims. Despite the fact that Anselm's brother Ralph continued to teach at Laon until 1133,17the popularity of that school began to On the other hand, the death of Anselm was to provide the occasion

13 Published Godefroid 14 A. Adam, Kurth

by A.

Poncelet

from the sole MS, I 85-96.

B. N.

lat. 11782

(12th

century)

inM?langes

(Li?ge 1908) sa vie et ses oeuvres J.-M. de Saint-Thierry, Guillaume (Bourg 1923) 29. 10-11 accepts l'homme et son oeuvre (Bruges de Saint-Thierry, Guillaume 1942) D?chanet, of theology and of St. Thierry's He Adam's concept argues further that William opinion. his method of exegesis 15 n. were 1. II to von K?ln 1133. Etude A (Dissertation, different chan sur le those of Anselm of Laon. I do not find his argument entirely convincing. 15 D?chanet, 16 6 Epist.

Bruno A. Lauscher, Erzbischof 182.92-93); (PL Cologne 1902) 12-13. 17 from 1117 as chancellor in charters of Laon appears Ralph cellor XII* appears si?cle: in a charter of the latter year. See A. (Paris Barth?l?my de Vir, ?vtque de Laon 1877)

de Florival, 283-284,

historique 346, 347.

96 for the return to Reims

TRADITIO

disciple, Alberic. He was to re store to its cathedral school a prestige comparable to that it had enjoyed in the days of Gerbert or Bruno the Carthusian. We are well informed as to the main points in Alberic's career.18 He was of his most devoted Our sources consistently refer to him as 'Albe certainly a native of Reims. ' a family tie with the city is indicated by the pres Moreover ricus Remensis. ence there of a nephew, Stephanus de Porta Claustri.19 From the known chronol

ogy of Alberic's career we can infer that he was born between 1085 and 1090. Presumably his early education was obtained at Reims, perhaps under Odal ric or Leo. Abelard implies that he had studied under William of Champeaux.20 If so, there must have been a visit to Paris fellow students at Laon in 1113.21 Alberic must Laon. As have returned to Reims before he and Abelard became

soon after the death

of Anselm

of

prime movers against Abelard at the Council of Soissons.23 Five years later Alberic was elected bishop of Ch?lons, but despite enthusiastic support from Bernard of Clairvaux, his election failed to obtain papal confirmation.24 He attended the Council of Troyes in 1128, where the Knights Templars received Reims.26 bishop their constitution.25 By 1131 he had become one of the two archdeacons of This office he held until 1136, when he left Reims to become arch required the direct intervention of Pope
18 The von best of Alberic account ' 37 Neues Archiv I have (1912) found 130-34.

early as 1118 his presence there is attested by charters.22 There he was to teach until 1136. His activities were, however, by no means con In 1121 he and Lotulph the Lombard were to be fined to the classroom.

of Bourges.

No

doubt

it was

due to his experience in 1126 that it Innocent II to overcome his relue
is that of A. Hofmeister, The account of the 'Studien school ?ber Otto

Freising,

under

Alberic

en France V (Les ?coles de la fin du VIIIe de la propri?t? eccl?siastique by E. Lesne, Histoire but con useful material si?cle ? la fin du xne, Lille brings together much 1940) 285-91, errors. tains many 19 ceremo a fund to enable the chapter to mark with appropriate established Stephen death : Varin, Arch. of his own and his uncle's nies the anniversary l?g. (cit. supra n. 8) 1.2.73,89. 20 Historia Mediaeval 21 Ibid. 22 PL of Reims, 23 Hist. calamitatum Studies 163. 12 5 (PL 178. 1425. Another 9 (PL 178. 144-145, or in the recent edition by J. E. M?ckle,

[1950] 192.) 125; M?ckle

144-155 ;M?ckle 192-197). 24 Bernard's II is in PL 182. 116-117. letter (13) to Honorius 25 RHGF 14.232. 26 In 1127 the two archdeacons were Hugh The and Nicholas. latter died in that year was Alberic still archdeacon in 1143 (Varin, Arch, adm. 1.308). SS 16.732). Hugh (MGH, not appear annales with the title until 1734) 1131. no. 592. See C. Hugo, Sacri et canonici ordinis Praemon 1 (Nancy

Ste. Biblioth?que cal. 9, 10 (PL 178.

181). of the same year is found 1650 no. 9. MS Genevi?ve, charter

in the Cartulary

of St. Denis

does

stratensis

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

97

tance to accept this honor.27 His gesta as archbishop of Bourges do not con cern us here. It will suffice to note that his pontificate was brief. He died in 1141.28 Alberic's teaching at Reims seems to have been confined to the exposition of and commentary on the books of the Old and New Testaments. In this he won the enthusiastic admiration of most of those who heard him. We are fortunate The in having three interesting testimonials of these deserves somewhat detailed examination. to his success. Each

I of Mainz. On hero of his poem, was the nephew of Archbishop Adelbert the death of the latter in 1137 the nephew succeeded him as archbishop un til his own death in 1141. To us the interesting feature of Anselm's poem is the very detailed account of Adelbert's student days in France. As a boy he to be initiated into the rudiments of learn had first been sent to Hildesheim

first of these is a long-winded, metrical biography of a young German Adelbert of Saarbr?cken.29 The author of this artistically crude, yet noble, spirited and vivid, eulogy was named Anselm. Apparently a clerk of Mainz, he wrote soon after 1141.30 Nothing further is known of him. Adelbert, the

ing. Then formore advanced instruction he was sent abroad, to Reims. This must have been in the early 1130s.31 To his experiences there, Anselm devotes 364 verses.32

He dwells upon the youth's resistance to the temptations of the big city. He traces his progress in school. To perfect himself in the trivium and quadrivium, Adelbert first attended the classes of the 'lesser masters'. Later he entered the school of Master Alberic :
nova Qui, pandendo littera celat quae set non vetus aut silendo, antiqua nova revelat, scripta, in urbe Remensi, primus secreta duorum.33

dux immensi dogmatis testamentorum pandens

This

then begins the narrative of a later visit to France. at Paris and then at Montpellier.
27 Innocent's

is all that Anselm tells us of Alberic, but his verses define succinctly the area and nature of his teaching. Adelbert's studies with him were seeming ly of brief duration, forAnselm rather abruptly takes him back to Mainz, and This time Adelbert

studies

and the cathedral letters (JL 7776, 7777) to Archbishop Raynald chapter in PL 179.278-279. are dated 1136. They are published 12 May, 28 Gal. Chr. 2.49-50. 29 Published rerum Germanicarum 3 (Monumenta Moguntina, by P. Jaff?, Bibliotheca Berlin 1866) 565-603. 30 In his the author of the poem, as Anselm, Jaff? identified Anselm, introduction, bishop ' die Person Anselms des Verfass He was shown to be in error by G. Will, ?ber of Havelberg. zur deutschen Geschichte ers der Vita Adelberti II, Archiepiscopi Forschungen Moguntini,' 11 (1871) 623-30. 31 Jaff? p. 570. For the date of the poem, 32 Verses 242-606. see Jaff?'s introduction. 33 Verses 603-606.

98 Confirmation of Alberic's

TRADITIO

Hugh became a teacher of the liberal arts at Orleans. Quarrelsome and dis solute, he was, in the early 1130s, expelled from that city. Wandering through Northern France, he came at last to Reims, where he settled down for a while as an auditor of Alberic's

fame as a lecturer on divina pagina is provided Its author, Hugh of Orleans, known as 'Primate,' was one by another poem. of the cleverest and most versatile of the Goliardic poets.34 Born around 1096,

lectures.35 One of his surviving poems contains a of praise of the master and his teaching.36 paean Under Alberic, declares Hugh, the ancient fame of Reims has been increased. In his He has made it the city supreme, a fountain-head of divine science.

77 school one is not concerned with Martianus, Priscian, Socrates, Plato's maeus, or the poets. Here one learns the secrets of the Prophets, reads the

Gospel according to John, and listens to the name of the one God. Here all in is holy. In contrast to the wrangling in the schools of the dialecticians, Alberic's school peace and harmony reign, rendering it unique. Hugh then notes that by changing the o in scola to a we have scala, ladder. This school is in very truth a ladder on which the sinner may ascend to God.37 ' ' Such eulogies from such a man are surprising. Primate was not the pious, devout type of cleric. Nor was he hostile to Priscian and the poets. One sus in giving voice to these sentiments. He pects that he had ulterior motives

was

from 1148 to the prose biography of another Hugh, abbot of Marchiennes left 1156.38 In this the anonymous author relates how the youthful Hugh his native Tournai in the company of an older man, Master Walter of Mortagne, to study at Reims :
34 The mas fundamental work von on Hugh Orleans),' of Hugh, 1931) (2nd remains W. Nachr. 973-78; ed. Oxford d'Orl?ans Primas in his F. Meyer's Gesellsch. 'Die Oxforder Gedichte des Pri

always seeking gifts and patronage ! Nevertheless his poem confirms Al beric's reputation for preeminence in lecturing on Scripture. Yet, despite Hugh's enthusiastic boast, peace and harmony did not always prevail in his school. This is demonstrated by a third source of information,

(des Magister Hugo recent discussion For more des Mittelalters III in theMiddle B. M.

see M. Manitius,

113-75. 75-111, (1907) G?ttingen Literatur Geschichte der lateinischen

Poetry Grucis Attolamus 3 5-26; (1947) 233-38. 35 Weisbein,

(Munich II Ages Marti,

de Ma?tre

Hugues 'Hugh that

Latin A History J. E. Raby, of Secular 'Les Laudes 1957) II 171-80; N. Weisbein dit le Primat,' Revue du Moyen Age Latin of Orl?ans,' La Speculum 30 (1955) latine able to

and Arnulf doctoral

toc. cit. 9, claims d'Orl?ans dit

dissertation,

vie et l'oeuvre he has been this dissertation.

du Ma?tre

Hugues

le Primat

in 1136. prove that Hugh was at Reims 36 Published loc. cit., No. XVIII, pp. 100-103. by Meyer, 37 verses 33-80. Meyer, 38 E. Mart?ne novus anecdotorum Thesaurus and U. Durand, Also given in part, including the anecdote in question in RHGF

of Paris 1945) (University to consult I have been unable

3

(Paris 1717) 14.398-401.

1709-1736.

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

99

zeal for learning there burning [in Reims] great men of its learned and because those frequented city in wisdom. so of these to be convened indoctrinated had there, Many once those clerks and who witnessed when many, say it, that laymen overcome were in conflict, of their numbers because the clerks have would not peace had them restored between and the townsmen, been speedily and the was much the former had returned to their schools and the latter to their homes.

At

that

time

there

was

thus questions to which Alberic was hard pressed to find answers. Badgered a student, the master finally lost his temper and even refused to speak to by Walter. by many students, the latter thereupon withdrew from Accompanied school to the vicinity of the monastery of St. Remi. Here Walter Alberic's a school of his own. Thereby he only intensified the archdeacon's It was not long before Alberic forbade his former student to teach animosity. opened

lost no time in enrolling in the school of the The visitors from Tournai Our biographer allows that this master was co archdeacon, Master Alberic. pious, affable, and eloquent in his lectures, but, he adds, he was not equally skilled in dealing with questions. Unfortunately for him, Walter ofMortagne was not only brilliant, but also aggressive. He was always raising difficult

Walter

years after these events and is not to be trusted implicitly.40 As Hugh ofMar chiennes became a monk at St. Martin of Tournai while Segard, who died in 1127, was still abbot,41 his visit to Reims must have taken place several years before this, presumably not long after 1120. We note, however, that our author makes much of the fact that Alberic was archdeacon. Yet, as has been

and took steps to have him expelled from Reims. Bowing to forcemajeure and his followers retreated to the safety of Laon.39 The author of this interesting narrative was writing from thirty to forty

the shown, he did not obtain this office until 1131.42 Obviously, chronology here is faulty. One wonders, too, whether the author's account of Mortagne was not influenced by of the feud between Alberic and Walter calamitatum. Although one looks in vain for verbal bor Abelard's Historia rowing from Abelard on the part of our biographer, his account of the rela tions ofWalter and Alberic persecution by William wonders whether the feud between Walter seems strikingly similar to Abelard's tale of his one of Champeaux and Anselm of Laon. Moreover and Alberic was

as bitter as the

it appear. Certainly it is rather surprising to find these biographer makes two masters at a later time exchanging letters on problems of canon law and

39 RHGF 14.398-399. 40 The author notes fice from 41 RHGF 42 Supra 1155 14. to 399 n.

that Walter

of Mortagne

is 'now

bishop

of Laon.'

He

held

this of

1174. (b).

at n. 26.

100

TRADITIO

theology.43 In these they address each other in respectful and courteous tones. Only by reading a great deal intoWalter of Mortagne's letters is it to see the antagonism described by Hugh ofMarchiennes' possible biographer. Alberic appears to have been a widely-read scholar, endowed with an ex cellent memory, and boundless faith in authority. The biographer was prob in answering questions. Apparently when ably right in noting his weakness to rely on his own ingenuity or reasoning Alberic made a poor showing. obliged

This

account of his conversation with impression is confirmed by Abelard's him at Soissons in 1121.44 He was at his best in the crowded lecture hall

where he could expound Scripture clearly, eloquently, and with an impressive In the eyes of his students he further array of citations from the Fathers. an aura of prestige bequeathed him by his master, Anselm of Laon. possessed That his fame attracted great numbers to Reims is clear. Most of the stu dents undoubtedly came from Northern France, but there were also many from Germany, some from Italy, and presumably some from the British Isles. In age the students must have varied greatly. Hugh of Orleans and of Mortagne were certainly no youngsters, while Adelbert of Saar br?cken and Hugh ofMarchiennes were in their teens. We are fortunate in having in the biography of Adelbert a vivid picture of the life of these students. We

Walter

like hostile armies clerks and townsmen rushed upon each other. Real carnage was only avoided by the presence of mind of one of the clerks who rushed off to fetch Adelbert. Reaching the battle field, the young noble thrust himself between the combatants and harangued them so eloquently
43 Two U. Durand, A 839. of Walter's Veterum letters to Alberic and Alberic's is in L. are given by E. Mart?ne and coltectio 1 (Paris 1724) 834 amplissima sive coltectio veterum d'Achery, Spicitegium reply and discussion of these i.W. letters

in high spirits students and townsmen had sallied forth to pelt each other with snowballs. At first this was all good-natured fun. But sudden ' ' ly the sham battle became the real thing. Anselm calls it the battle ofReims. An Englishman concealed a stone in his snowball and hurled it at a German in the forehead. Swords were drawn at clerk, who was severely wounded once and

are told first of the temptations of the big city and the problems of the Germans living among the French. There follow the most fascinating verses of the whole poem, an account of a great 'town ' ' and gown m?l?e, possibly the same one alluded to by Hugh ofMarchiennes biographer. The trouble flared up during the Christmas season.45 Snow had fallen and

scriptorum to Alberic third letter ofWalter

et monumenforum

For analysis 3 (Paris 1723) 523-24. scriptorum aliquot zur theologischen Briefliteratur L. Ott, Untersuchungen und Theologie des Mittelalters der Philosophie Geschichte 266-91. 44 Hist. 45 Verses cal. 9 (PL 178.147-148; M?ckle 193-195).

see zur

der Fr?hscholastik 34, M?nster

(Beitr?ge 1937)

213-34,

459-567.

THE

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SCHOOL

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101

that they sheathed their swords and dispersed. Anselm undoubtedly exag gerates the role of his hero in quelling the disturbance, but his tale is so cir cumstantial that it is difficult to doubt that it is based on a real event. His verses confirm the presence at Reims bulent body of students. of a numerous, cosmopolitan, and tur

To identify individuals among them, other than those already noted, is not always easy, for the evidence in many instances is of uncertain quality. There is no reason to question the claim made by Master Robert de Bosco, archdeacon of Ch?lons, that he had studied It is diffi under Alberic as well as under several other prominent masters.46 cult, too, to doubt that Anselm, Adelbert's biographer, had actually been at Reims.47 His intimate knowledge of the topography, ancient monuments, and history of the city could only have come from direct observation.48 provides us with the names

Here we see the students in the mass.

Hugh of Orleans Alberic :
ecce comes et cum valde noster comis dives

of three other students of

Fredericus et

amicus, eo Adelardus Longobardus;

generosus et quam hic sacri aggressi

puer

Oto

plures pari voto vite viam heremite.49

degunt

Thus

tion. Although the exact year of Otto of Freising's birth is unknown, it was not before 1114/1115.51 After studying in France, Otto became a Cistercian monk at Morimond in 1132/1133.52 Thus chronology does not preclude iden

far, all attempts to identify the wealthy Lombard, Adelard, have failed. Meyer, however, was convinced that the 'generosus puer Oto' was Otto ofFreising,50 and there is something to be said in favor of this identifica

tification with Hugh's it is perhaps a significant fact that 'Oto.' Moreover one of Otto of Freising's companions on his travels in France and in entering Morimond was a certain Frederick.53 It is true that in his surviving works Otto of Freising fails to mention a sojourn at Reims. Yet even Hofmeister, who refuses to accept Meyer's identification, notes that Otto does display considerable
46 John A.

familiarity with

events which

took place

in that city.54 While,

ed. R. L. Poole Historia (Oxford pontificalis, zur Gelehrtengeschichte des 'Untersuchungen Landgraf, e Testi 122 (Vatican Studi City 1946) 277-79. 47 did not accompany Adelbert Jaff?, loc. cit. 565, states that Anselm of Salisbury, also M. of Reims is so impressed by his detailed description had studied there at some time. 48 An of Anselm's description analysis archaeological au XII si?cle (Paris 1893). de Reims description 49 Verses 82-89. he 50 'Studien ?ber 51 Ibid. 110. Otto von Freising,' 52 Ibid. 137. that he was suggests,

See 19-20. 1927) 12. Jahrhunderts,' on his travels, yet 567 n. 3, that he Demaison, Une

made

by L.

loc. cit. 107. 53 Ibid. 138 n.

1.

54 Ibid.

102

TRADITIO

It is a question of considerable interest whether Peter Lombard, the famous 'Master of the Sentences,' should be included among Alberic's auditors. That Peter studied for a short time at Reims we know from a letter of Bernard of Clairvaux commended to Gilduin, abbot of St. Victor at Paris.56 The Lombard had been to Bernard by a bishop of Lucca, whose name, unfortunately, is not given. The abbot of Clairvaux had provided for the young Italian's

'noble boy Oto' was Otto then, it would be rash to conclude that Hugh's of Freising, the identification would appear to be something more than the remote possibility that Hofmeister considered it to be.55

In his letter he begs Gilduin to provide for them, now that Peter is leaving Reims for Paris. The date of this letter believed it was has been the subject of considerable discussion. Vacandard written in 1139, after Bernard's third trip to Italy.57 If so, the Lombard did needs while he had been at Reims. had departed for Bourges. Joseph de in 1931, found himself unable to be as precise as Vacandard. Ghellinck, writing He concluded that the letter could only be assigned to some time between until after Alberic not go to Reims

1136 and 1139.58 In that case, Peter might possibly have heard Alberic. Re cently, however, the question appears to have been given a definitive answer. With convincing logic, Father Damien Van den Eynde has shown that the letter must have been written in 1134 and that the Lombard must have ar was in the early part of that year.59 This being so, he undoubtedly at some of Alberic's lectures. His stay at Reims was, however, present brief and the impression that Alberic may have made on his theological de is impossible to measure. velopment rived in Reims

Domini

Some years ago Professor Friedrich Stegm?ller called attention to a Liber Giffordi de sancta (trinitate) ad Albericum Magistrum, which he had discovered in a twelfth-century manuscript ofWarsaw.60 Identifying Gifford as William that

from 1100 to 1129, he suggested Gifford, bishop ofWinchester From the 'Albericum Magistrum' may have been Alberic of Reims.

55 uted,

Otto, may

bishop of Lucca, been also have Sententiarum,"'

la "Summa

In any is only conjecture. of Hugh's have been the 'generosus poem. puer' 56 159 (PL 182.618-619). Epist. 57 Vie de saint Bernard II 112 n. 5. 1927) (Paris 58 'La carri?re de Pierre Lombard: Revue chronologiques,' Quelques pr?cisions 27 (1931) 799-802. eccl?siastique 59 'Essai sur l' uvre litt?raire de Pierre Lombard,' Miscellanea chronologique is accepted den Eynde's conclusion 52-53. Van diana by Ph. 1957) (Novara Pierre Lombard: 60 'Sententiae Varsavienses, sa vie, ses oeuvres, sa morale ' Thomas Divus (Montreal (Piacenza) 1961) 14. 45 (1942) 301-42.

sententiarum has been attrib to whom the Summa 1138-1146, a disciple to F. Bliemetzrieder, 'Note sur of Alberic, according et m?di?vale 6 (1934) 412. This de th?ologie ancienne Recherches that he could it highly improbable case, the chronology makes

d'histoire Lombar Delhaye,

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

103
studied under

dates

it is obvious

that William

Gifford was

too old to have

Alberic, although there is no reason why he may not have dedicated a treatise on the Trinity to him. Unfortunarely, however, there appears to be consider able doubt as to the probability of this. Originally Stegm?ller dated the treatise 1120-1125.61 Subsequently he felt obliged to change this to 1127 Moreover we cannot 1136,62 thus making Gifford's authorship questionable. even be sure that the treatise was trum,' since Stegm?ller 'Albertum' and substituted and Alberic of Reims really intended for an 'Albericum Magis notes that a later hand has crossed out 'Albericum' for it.63 A connection between William

Gifford

remains to be proved. doubtful case is that of Petrus Cantor, one of the most influential Another theologians of the late twelfth century.64 Peter was certainly educated at Reims and his early career was closely identified with its cathedral church. We know that he died 'an old man' to have heard Alberic

in 1197,65 so it is possible that he was born lecture. Yet it is a strange fact that early enough who loves to adorn his discourse with anecdotes, has only one to relate Peter, concerning Master Alberic.66 The probability is that Petrus Cantor was toiling under the masters of the liberal arts in Alberic's day and never heard him
lecture.

Modern Reims.

scholars have

sometimes mistaken

another Alberic

for Alberic

of

This has occurred frequently in accounts of John of Salisbury's stu John speaks of his study of dialectic under dent days.67 In his Metalogicon Master Alberic at Paris.68 Obviously this could not have been Alberic ofReims, who was

no dialectician, who did not teach at Paris, and who was already archbishop of Bourges when John went there to study.69 Similar confusion has existed in the case of the Pisan, Hugo Eterianus, a translator of Greek
61 Ibid. 62 'Die 63 64 The

314-16.

der "Sententiae Varsavienses," Quellen 303. Varsavienses' 'Sententiae standard work on Peter 1899). PL 205.546. in a time The is F. S.

' Divas

Thomas

46 (1943)

375-84. sein Leben

Gutjahr,

Petrus

Cantor

Parisiensis,

und seine Schriften (Graz 65 14. Gutjahr 66 Verbum abbreviatum, Christians 67 C. losophie and Jews Schaarschmidt,

anecdote

has

to

do with

relations

between

at Reims

und Studien, Joannes Schriften und Phi L'essor de la litt?rature latine au XII si?cle 1862) 71, 75 ; J. de Ghellinck, (Leipzig La I 128; M.-D. si?cle (Paris 1957) 338. Chenu, th?ologie au douzi?me 1946) (Paris 68 Ioannis Carnotensis Metalogicon, ed. C. C. I. Webb Saresberiensis Episcopi (Oxford Studies in History and Chronology in his (Oxford 1934) 223, and Webb, the identification of John's master with Alberic of 78, discard error in identifying him with Alberic de Porta Veneris mentioned the Liberal of Champagne, PL 199.124.

of drought. nach Leben Saresberiensis

1929) 78-79. 69 R. L. Poole, edition Reims, by John

of the Metalogicon but fall into another

in a letter to Count Henry

104
works into Latin

TRADITIO

court to the Byzantine and envoy of Frederick Barbarossa a dialectician at Constantinople. Hugh tells of his studies in France under named Alberic. There is every reason to believe that this was John of Salis

bury's master, not Alberic of Reims.70 Thus farAlberic has appeared as Biblical exegete and commentator. There is, however, reason to suppose that he concerned himself with canon law and speculative theology. Unfortunately, most of the evidence for this comes from critics or rivals, notably Walter of Mortagne and Abelard. We have two Walter to Alberic challenging the latter's position as to certain points letters of relating to marriage.71 Walter admits he has heard this from a third party is writing Alberic

Reims, but this proves of little value in determining a specific date.72 The two letters deal wTith a problem on which there existed a wide variety of opinion in the twelfth century. At just what point does a valid marriage between man and woman by a certain Master to marry a woman

to give him an opportunity to confirm or deny the report. He addresses both letters to Alberic as Domino, which probably in dicates that they were written after 1131, wThen the Reims master became The earlier letter also refers to a consecration of bishops at archdeacon. and

with another woman

time.74 Flis language is still courteous, but it is possible to sense sarcasm in certain of his remarks. Most of the letter is a restatement ofwhat was already said in the first one. This time, however, he succeeded in obtaining a reply. Alberic's answer to Walter's questions is the only surviving example of his writing.75 He
70 C. H. gests has been doctrinale that

the future was equivalent to marriage. Walter vigorously attacks this posi tion, pointing out the many inconsistencies and inconveniencies it entails.73 Receiving no reply to this letter,Walter at last wrote to Alberic a second

begin? Walter had heard that Alberic, supported that a man who had promised Simon, had maintained in the future could not legitimately contract marriage as long as the first one lived. In short, the promise in

apologizes
Studies

for his delay

in giving attention

to Walter's

letter.

Science in theHistory 1927) 213, sug (Cambridge ofMediaeval not it was of Rheims who died in 1141.' That the Albericus 'perhaps d'histoire et L?on Toscan/ Archives Eth?rien shown by A. Dondaine, 'Hugues III Mittelalterliches Geistesleben M. Grabmann, 74-76. et litt?raire 27 (1952) Haskins, this was the dialectician and his

on Alberic 1956) 103, 109, has some interesting comments (Munich works. 71 Marlene and Durand, Script, amp. col. 1.S34-S36. 72 Here on October 18-19 of Reims. 1131. at the Council Possibly SS 8. 250. Innocent of Trier by Pope crated archbishop II, MGH, 73 A on tIiis problem of twelfth-century summary opinion good 1 (Medieval ed. \V. J. Millor and H. E. Butler, John of Salisbury, of London braith and R. A. B. Mynors, 1955) 267-271. 74 Marlene and Durand, Script, amp. col. 1. 836-38. 75 Ibid. 838-839.

Adalberon is given Texts,

was

conse

in The Letters ed. V. H. Gal

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

105

He

had, he says, fully expected to see him in person before long. The ques tions submitted to him are important ones. They should not be answered careful consideration. He assures Walter that he has been misquoted. does not hold that a promise to marry in the future constitutes marriage. It is the promise in the present, that is, at the time of the actual wedding ceremony, that constitutes the beginning of marriage. He then gives an elab shown that most

without He

by Gratian.77 While we are unable to credit him with much originality or subtlety, he at least succeeded in demonstrating that Walter had been mis
informed.

to his thesis by citing many authorities. It has been of this has been taken directly from two letters of Ivo of Chartres.76 Alberic's views were those of reputable canonists of his day, and, according to Ott, his position on marriage was close to the one finally taken orate documentation

ears. He has 'heard' that Alberic holds that Jesus had come to Walter's was neither sad nor troubled by the approach of the passion, nor did he fear death. Walter disagrees with Alberic and seeks to defend his position by the usual mustering of authorities. He has some difficulty in proving that Jesus did indeed fear death, since his authorities appeared to contradict each other. Only by distinguishing between two kinds of fear is he able to bring them into harmony. Certainly, if he has represented Alberic's position accurately, the latter was no evidence that Alberic

to Alberic, taking us from the There remains still a third letter ofWalter field of canon law to that of theology.78 It was probably earlier in date than the other two, for here Alberic is addressed simply as Magistro. Apparently The letter was inspired by a report that he had not yet become archdeacon.

his bitter enemy, Peter Abelard. According to him the Reims master was that it was proper to say that, since God the Father begot God the insisting Son, God begot himself. He also accuses Alberic of teaching that many who lived before the incarnation, even though they lacked faith in the incarna tion yet to come, would nevertheless that Alberic teaches that Jesus was being be born Finally Abelard charges in aperto utero Virginis, just that he alone was conceived sine saved.

out of tune with the general opinion of his day.79 Still, we have if it really held this view, for his reply to Walter, ever existed, has disappeared. Most of our information as to Alberic's theological teaching comes from

as any human

is born, except

76 letters are nos. 148 and 161 Ivo's (cit. supra n. 43) 286-88. By Ott, Untersuchungen of Reims, and Odalric to Ralph, in PL 162. The latter is addressed (supra n. 3). provost 77 288. Untersuchungen 78 213 of the letter, see Ott, For analysis Untersuchungen D'Achery, Spic. 3.523-524. 234. 79 Untersuchungen 215-16.

106
virili coitu.80 These to have been more

TRADITIO

are serious charges. If true, Alberic appears of a radical than Abelard himself.

in some ways

But to what extent are these charges credible ? Abelard's claim that Alberic held it proper to say that God begot himself is probably true. Here Abelard was going on the evidence of his own ears, rather than on the reports of wan dering students. That this thesis had its partisans is indicated by its inclusion in Abelard's own Sic et non.81 Hugh of St Victor, the contemporary ofAbelard and Alberic, certainly comes very close, in his De sacramentis82 to the posi tion ascribed rejected ably true that Alberic was do so, we do not know. Abelard's believed to the latter. Theologians of the next generation seem to have It is prob it in favor of the view considered orthodox by Abelard.83 teaching this in 1121. Whether he continued

to

other two charges are based on nothing but hearsay. He himself that many who lived before the incarnation would be saved, because accuses Alberic Christian theo

version of logian would have gone that far. It is easier to credit Abelard's of the virgin birth. At any rate this could find some Alberic's explanation ' ' support among the authorities, as the Sic et non again demonstrates.85 Yet the theologians of the next generation appear to have agreed with Abelard.86 The accuracy of his description of Alberic's teaching remains open to serious It was easy then, as it is now, for students to misinterpret the question. of a teacher. the accusations The Theologia Christiana was written before 1125.87 Had which Abelard makes in it been well founded, could St. Ber

reason had brought them to a faith in its preordination.84 He of omitting faith. It is difficult to believe that any medieval

words

are repeated in more The 4 (PL Christiana summary charges 178.1286). Theologia ibid. 1056. Abelard ad theologiam (Theologia form in the Introductio speaks only scholarium) cal. 9 (PL 178.147. M?ckle is proved by Hist. That this is Alberic of a 'master in France/ Gap. 15 (PL 178.1370-1374). ' 82 1.3.23 gignit, id quod ipse est gignit. Qui enim gignit et de sua substantia (PL 176.226): a quo erat qui cum ipso erat idem quod Et propterea ipse erat.' 83 Summa De of Mortagne, 1.11 (PL 176.60); Walter sententiarum trinitate, 9 (PL 209.586); in ?crits in theologiam 1.4 (PL 192.533-534); Sententiae Peter Lombard, th?ologi Ysagoge ed. A. ques de l'?cole d'Ab?lard, 84 In the Christiana. Theologia agrees that faith is essential, but for salvation. 85 62 (PL Cap. 86 For example, sitio in symbolum 87 D. Van den 1934) 252. Landgraf (Louvain sententiarum The author of the Summa seems to doubt 1.3 (PL 176.45-47) was adequate 193). 81

80

that the faith of the ancients

178.1430-1431). Robert Pullen, 7 (ibid. Eynde,

(1961) 241.

Sententiae 3.22, (PL 186.795); Jocelyn of Soissons, Expo 19 (PL 172.1123). Elucidarium of Autun, 1484); Honorius 28 th?ol. anc. m?d. Rech, 'La Theologia Scholarium d'Ab?lard,'

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

107
as a man of 'sound

nard, writing to Honorius faith and doctrine'? We have one has noted

II in 1126,88 have praised Alberic to Alberic's of

other reference the citation

mous

Stegm?ller twelfth-century manuscript of the National Library ofWarsaw already noted in this paper.89 This citation occurs in a discussion of the Christological problem that so agitated theologians of the second half of the century.90 The anony

Professor theological views. Albericus Remensis' in a 'Magister

had created himself, the view that Abelard is the anonymous author satisfied with the view manhood was only an external garment (the so-called 'habitus himself seems to favor, with some qualifications, the view that ginally of a single nature and simple, at the incarnation became Alberic. Nor

author examines the three concepts of the God-Man relationship cur rent in his day.91 His method is syllogistic and his distinctions are fine-spun and not always very clear. He seems to reject the view that Christ as man is an aliquid (the so-called 'assumptus theory'). This would lead to the con clusion that God attributes that Christ's theory'). He divinity, ori a composite

to

of two natures and three substances, divinity, soul, and body (the so-called 'subsistence theory'). He concludes his discussion of this topic with the state ment 'Magister Albericus remensis et Magister Galterus id quod nos de hoc
sentit. '

certain respects his position resembles that of the anonymous of theWarsaw As to Alberic, however, the anonymous appears to have been manuscript. wrong. That master's belief that one might say that God created himself would appear 'assumptus to place him definitely in the ranks of the champions theory,' with which the anonymous does not agree.

of Mortagne, who was Magister Galterus is probably no other than Walter indeed concerned with Christological problems. This is demonstrated by his letter 'Ad universos fid?les' in which he deals with homo assumptus.92 In

of the

88 Supra n. 24. ' 89 ' e Testi et Christologicae, Varsavienses Trinitariae Studi 122 (Vatican Quaestiones cf. supra at n. 60. City 1946) 282, 90 I am to Professor P. O. Kristeller of Columbia to Profes greatly indebted University, sor F. Stegm?ller of Freiburg of the University i. B., and to Father J. N. Garvin of Notre Dame I am University for assistance to Father in obtaining Garvin, grateful especially taken from Professor Stegmiiller's originals, reproduced. 91 Fols. statement 105r,v The classic of the three positions 3.6, 10 (PL 192.767, 'The Eulogium 777). ad Alexandrum 'The On them, see Ott, Papam "Tractatus photostats who kindly of Warsaw allowed me MS Cod. Lat. 0.1.16. to have his photostats, Sent.

is Peter

Lombard's, M.

182-84 ; N. Untersuchungen terlium of John of Cornwall,' Mediaeval de Assumpto Homine" 162-187. by Magister

Haring Studies 13 ibid.

and 253-300, (1951) 21 (1959) 147-75. 92 D'Achery, Spic.

Vacarius,'

3.520-522;

Ott,

Untersuchungen

108
Our

TRADITIO

measure

difficulty in evaluating Alberic's theological teaching is due in large to the lack of works from his own pen. As already noted, we have nothing but his letter toWalter ofMortagne dealing with marriage. Seeming

it ly he never wrote a treatise or substantial opus of his own. Nevertheless, is probable, although it cannot yet be proved, that he was among the contri ' ' ' sentence literature now identified with the school butors to the voluminous of Anselm of Laon. '93 There is, too, some slight evidence that he had a hand in the compilation of the great Glossa ordinaria. Miss Beryl Smalley has found a manuscript of Trinity College, Cambridge, in which the gloss on Acts is attributed to Magister Albericus,M and Dr. R. W. Hunt has called attention to one in the Bodleian Library in which a share in the gloss on the Apocalypse is credited to Alber, presumably an abbreviation for Albericus.95 in the 1120s Alberic was but one of several masters teaching at Reims and 1130s. Most

of these were undoubtedly teachers of the seven arts. The other theologian appears to have been the Lombard, Lotulph. Like only Peter Lombard, this man was a native of Novara.96 Presumably he had been attracted to Laon by the fame ofAnselm. On the latter's death he accompanied Alberic back to Reims, where, Abelard tells us, he was conducting a school in by him, both as canon of Reims and Two years later he is found at Rome, where he participated in a Christological debate with Gerhoh of Reichersberg.99 We then lose any certain trace of him. It is probable, however, in the light of his association canon of Laon.98 1121.97 A charter of 1124 was witnessed

with Laon, that he is the Archdeacon Lotulphus of that see who figures in charters of Bishop Bartholomew from 1126 to 1132.100 Abelard alone mentions his teaching at Reims, which was apparently of brief duration. There is some

von Laon Sentenzen Anselms [cit. supra n. 43] systematische (Beitr?ge i.W. that Alberic was compiler of the Sententie Anselmi. 18, M?nster 1919) 29*, 163, assumes He for his assumption. fails to produce any evidence 94 'La Glossa th?ol. anc. m?d. 9 (1937) 366. Rech, Ordinaria,' 95 B. Middle in the Smalley, Study of the Bible Ages ( 2nd ed. Oxford 1952) 61 n. 2. 96 Otto of 1.47 (MGH SS 20.377). Gesta Friderici Freising, Imperatoris 97 Hist. cal. 9 (PL 178.145 ; M?ckle, 192). 98 J. in Frankreich: Picardie Ramackers, 1942) G?ttingen, (Abh. Akad. Papsturkunden No. 16. 99 PL 193.576. con sur deux ma?tres 'Du nouveau lombards See also D. Van den Eynde, 2 (June 1953). du Ma?tre Pier Lombardo No. des Sentences,' temporains ' ' ?oo de Vir (cit. supra n. 17), Nos. 40, 44, 46, 47, 48, Cartulaire, Florival, Barth?l?my 51, 54, 59, 60. has witnessed charters he was of the Abelard's In No. the 1150s 70 a new charters. 1160s, and archdeacon, earlier Strangely, but the long etc. who Bartholomew, appears along with Wido, a Master Reims in many appears Lotulph that it improbable interval of time makes There in the spelling of the name is no consistency

93 F. Bliemetzrieder,

Lotulph

the Lombard. Letaldus

Lotulphus,

Lotulfus,

Letoldus,

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

109

reason to believe

like Alberic, was a contributor to the 'sen tence' literature produced by the 'school of Anselm of Laon.'101 All older accounts of the school of Reims include among the names of Al that Lotulph,

beric's

colleagues that of Master Graphion of Anjou.102 Graphion does indeed II, dated appear among the witnesses to a charter of Archbishop Raynald more has been read into this document than is really 1127.103 Unfortunately, there. The
...

editors of the Histoire
voit en ces Hilarii la apr?s termes:

litt?raire de la France
de ma?tre

comment :

on

souscription

Graphion ds sancti

Signum de Monte Gaio.

magistri Ce qui

Lotulfe avoit qui probablement remplac? de l'?glise de Saint la?cs pr?s Hilaire.104

celle de ma?tre Alberic, de lai Graphionis Andcgavensis ce professeur, dire que semble en ce temps-l?, tenoit l'?cole des

one at all familiar with twelfth-century charters it is obvious that there are two errors here. First, there should be a semicolon between Andegavensis and de laicis, which simply marks the beginning of the signatures of the lay witnesses. Secondly, the S. of the charter is not an abbreviation for Sancti To but for Signum. The first layman to affix his signature to the document wras Hilary ofMont Gai. This should dispel the myth that there was a school for laymen near the church of St. Flilary presided over by Master Graphion of Anjou! As a matter

mont.105

In this Hugh attempts to answer certain questions on the soul pro to him by his friend Graphion. Aside from the one charter, however, posed there is absolutely nothing to link him with Reims. On the other hand, there is abundant evidence of a long association with Angers. As early as 1117
101 Anselms Lat. von Laon calls Sentenzen 16*-17*, systematische a magistro Uutoifo 14730, where he finds 'Scnten?e is a scribal error for Lutolfo. He discusses the point von Laon,' die literarische Archiv Werk und f?r katholisches Kirchcnrechl ibid. Ivos von Chartres,' attention collecte.' further in

of fact it is doubtful whether Graphion was teaching a school of any kind at Reims in 1127. That Graphion was interested in philosophical and theological matters is shown by a letter written him by Hugh of Ribe

Bliemetzrieder,

to fol. 73 of MS Munich He believes und and that Uutoifo die Schule 'Paul 'Gratian 58-59, 82-85. peaux

Anselms

Fournier

H. Weisweiler, in deutschen

of the sceptical 102 Hist. lit. de la France 103 PL 172.1347-1349. 104 12.72. 105 PL 166.833-83G. of Rouen,

von Laon Das und Wilhelm Schrifttum der Schule Anselms n. 43] 33, M?nster Bibliotheken i.W. 1930) (Beitr?ge [cit. supra identification. 9.33, 12.72. Lesne, Prop, eccl?s. V 289-290.

112(1952) 115 (1935) von Cham 22-23 is

of Ribcmont of Amiens, Bliemetzrieder identifies Hugh with Hugh uvre d'Anselme et la litt?rature 'L' de Laon 1130-1164, th?ologique th?ol. anc. med. 7 (1935) 48-51. of Ri Rech, treats Hugh Ott, however, contemporaine,' as separate of Amiens bemont and Hugh Manitius, authors, 44-47, 56-59. Untersuchungen archbishop Gesch. lat. Lit. Ill 816, reads 'Gravio Andegavcnsis' as 'Graf von Anjou.'

110

TRADITIO

Graphion was a clerk of the cathedral there.106 By 1131, and possibly as early as 1125, he had become its chanter.107 Subsequently he appears with this title in many charters of the 1130s and 1140s. It may of course be that he came in 1125 when Raynald, who had been bishop ofAngers became its arch with the purpose of establishing a school in the city. It ismuch more bishop, probable that he was one of the many who came there to hear Master Alberic to Reims

lecture on Scripture. At the end of his poem eulogizing the master, Hugh of Orleans bitterly denounces and threatens some unnamed person, possibly a rival of Alberic :
You Who To who have learn thirst come of Jesus for knowledge, to this fountain Christ

Are you going to listen to that thief? In so holy a gathering Is that parasite to be heard? Worthy of ridicule or contempt Why do you sit in this gathering?
Now that

Are you going to hear this thief? Now that you are listening to the Word of God Will you listen to the tongue of a criminal?
A This The How Does And Else convicted and appears marks not criminal branded. in his of a brands, thief. is ? he is, Beaten

you

are

reading

Solomon

scurrilous

captured his throat proclaim dark

its scar the

Let him return to his cowl
resume I shall habit: again, see him branded

Unless he desists from speaking evil ; Either let him depart or be quiet,
Or he may be expelled in a winding sheet.108

identity of the person so scathingly denounced here remains a mystery. Meyer was conviced that he was no other than the great Abelard himself.109 Certain of Hugh's descriptive details can indeed be made to fit the fugitive abbot of St. Gildas tolerably well. Unfortunately we have no knowledge of The Abelard's itinerary between 1131/1132, when he fled from St. Gildas, and

106 See Secundus 107 G.

the charter (Paris Urseau,

of Raynald

as bishop

of Angers

in Stephani (Angers

Baluzii

miscellanea, 259 No. 167

Liber : 'En

1679) 213. noir de Cartulaire

la cath?drale

d'Angers

1908)

1125 et 29 octobre 1131.' tre le 25 septembre 108 [cit. supra n. 34], verses 94-117. Meyer 109 108-109.

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

111

1136/1137, when John of Salisbury studied dialectic with him on Mt. Ste. Gen?vi?ve.110 Abelard was certainly no stranger to the Champagne country and he was a very rash man, but it is utterly incredible that he should have ventured
at Reims.

to establish a school under the very nose of his old enemy, Alberic,

Alberic

shall probably never diatribe? We was, then, the object of Hugh's know for certain. He was, I surmise, some itinerant preacher of radical doc trine. This is suggested by Hugh's emphasis on the orthodoxy and piety of Who and his school. Certainly the person described was not necessarily a Is it not possible that the villain of Hugh's rival teacher, as Meyer believed. was the heretic, Henry of Lausanne?111 Henry was a renegade monk, poem a 'black monk' say some of our sources.112 After spreading his heretical teaching over western and southern France before the Council

for many years,113 he had been of Pisa, May 30 - June 6, 1135. Here he had brought been induced to recant. Thereupon St. Bernard had given him permission enter Clairvaux,114 which is some seventy or eighty miles from Reims. At to

area was

this point, unfortunately, we lose him. If he got to Clairvaux in 1135, it is certain that he did not remain there. In the mid-forties he was again spread in southern France and Bernard had to tour the ing his heretical doctrine that he had in an attempt to repair the damage he was doing.115 Is it not possible resumed his preaching at Reims as early as 1136 while Hugh attending Alberic's lectures? To be sure no other source notes the scars

and marks sanne was
one

of the branding iron emphasized by the poet. Yet Henry of Lau a man who had been frequently apprehended by local authorities, and itwould not be surprising if he had been branded as a criminal on more
than occasion.

cated by Anselm in his account of Adelbert's school days. The only ones who are more than mere names are Leo and Fulco, and they are known large
110 J. G. 77-78. Sikes, Peter Abailard 1932) 25; Metalogicon (Cambridge 111 On Germa see A. Borst, Die Katharer of Lausanne, (Schriften der Monumenta Henry 85-87 and notes. niae Historica 12, Stuttgart 1953) 112 See Bernard's vita prima 3.6 (PL the S. Bernardi 241 (PL 182.434-436), 185. Epist. S S 23. MGH. of Alberic of Trois Fontaines, and the chronicle 7.17 (ibid. 427), 312-313), 839. 113He 114 was at Le Mans of Auxerre, of Pisa, letter, in 1116; RHGF 12.547-551. to Vita For the date 6.3 (PL 185.412). prima 5.1 (Paris 1912) des Conciles, trad. H. Leclercq

Ifwe turn from instruction in theology at Reims to that in the elementary subjects of the arts, we find no evidence of anything other than routine activ ity. That there were masters teaching some or all of the seven arts is indi

Geoffrey of the Council 706. 115 Bernard's

attached Epist. C. J. Hefele, Histoire supra n. 112.

112

TRADITIO

to represent the scholasticus Leo in a dispute over the of schools in the suburb of St. Remi.119 On the death ofLeo in 1166, supervision Fulco became both dean and scholasticus.120 He played a minor role in the sent to Rome Becket of Fulco controversy,121 and the teacher.123 died in 1176.122 Unfortunately we hear nothing

he was

of their prominence in the affairs of the chapter, rather than ly because because of their roles in teaching.116 Leo we have already noted as scholasticus in 1129.118 In 1154 and dean.117 Fulco first appears with the title Magister

the light of his successful expulsion ofWalter from his school of Mortagne at St. Remi. Here he was obviously exercising the prerogative of a scho

Clearly Alberic, and Alberic alone, was the source of the school's interna tional fame. Strangely no contemporary document gives him the official title of cathedral scholasticus. That he held this post is difficult to doubt in

most

lasticus in withholding the licentia docendi. ofMortagne have given posterity a rather unfavorable Abelard and Walter of Alberic. The opinion of these two was not, however, that of impression of their contemporaries. Men whose judgment we are bound to respect

Arch, and a Master Amalricus in charters of 1137; Varin, Bernard appear an archdeacon of Li?ge, Varin Arch. l?g. [cit. supra n. 9] 1.291, 292. The latter became is found with this title between 1146 and 1178, G. Piot, Cartulaire [cit. supra n. 8] 1.2.90. He de l'abbaye de Saint-Trond (Chroniques Belges, Brussels 1870) 68-69 no. 51, and S. Bormans de l'?glise Saint-Lambert de Li?ge and E. Schoolmeesters, Cartulaire (Ghron. Bel., Brussels adm. 1895) 117 118 119 1.73, Supra Varin, 83, 91-92, adm. date JL and 91 n. 1. at nn. Arch. n. 12. at which 11542. as dean is 1168/1169 in a letter I have found him addressed to grant a young man letter of Philip of Aum?ne begs Fulco as well as dean, B. Tis that he was scholasticus thus indicating A too, the letter Note, 1660) 3.249. (Bonnefontaine of the to supervise Becket's in the 'schools nephew Thomas Becket London 1875-1885) (Rolls Series, of 6-12. 1.286.

116A Master

Supra 120 The earliest of Alexander

III,

the right to teach at Reims Cisterciensium sier, Bibliotheca patrum of Thomas Becket to Fulco grammarians,' 5.256-258. 121Materials 122 Varin, Materials

asking him for theHistory

Arch.

5.165-166, 256-258, adm. 1.380.

422-424.

123 yVas Fulco

riens des Croisades;

as Urban II had formerly been a canon of its cathedral. too the Note of St. Remi of the sole of Reims. The provenance history of the Crusade by Robert, monk MS 97 (12th century) has not been established. It may, how MS of the poem, Gharleville that of the 305 MSS in the Charleville from Signy 110 came ever, be significant collection, monasteries in the diocese of Reims and 69 from Mont-Dieu, having close ties with the clergy of that city. Quarto Series See Catalogue g?n?ral des manuscrits 5 (1879) 591-592. 539-541, des biblioth?ques publiques des d?partements,

porary of Fulco in the First Crusade,

des histo the author of the poem on the First Crusade in Recueil perhaps LIistoriens occidentaux 5 (Paris 1895) 697-720? The poet was a contem and he lived in northeastern of Reims France. Reims interest had a special

THE

CATHEDRAL

SCHOOL

OF

REIMS

113

admired Alberic teacher.

of Laon, Gilbert the Universal, Alberic, and Gilbert, abbot of and Ralph Westminster.126 Otto of Freising describes Alberic and Lotulph as 'excellent men and noted masters.'127 Geoffrey of Auxerre cites against the view of Gilbert de la Porr?e the opinions 'of those distinguished men Anselm and Ralph ofLaon, also Master Alberic ofReims, afterwards archbishop ofBourges, and that most faithful expounder of holy writ, Hugh of St. Victor, as well as Robert Pullen, chancellor of the Holy See, and many others. '128 Wibald

'very famous for his knowledge of letters and the wisdom of his counsel.'125 John of Salisbury names him with respect in his Metalogi con, and in his Historia pontificalis reports the appeal of Master Robert de Bosco at the trial of Gilbert de la Porr?e in 1148 to the authority of Anselm

prudent describes him as

counsellor, an inspired scholar, and an inspiring 'of sound faith and doctrine, equally St. Bernard found him a man in divine and human affairs.'124 A continuer of Sigebert's chronicle

as a wise

of Corvey remarks that his world is full of the teachings and writings of An selm of Laon, William of Champeaux, Alberic of Reims, and Hugh of St.

Victor.129

From our present knowledge of the evolution of a theological science in the twelfth century, it would be impossible to credit Alberic with a major role in the process. Obviously he was no St. Anselm, no Abelard, nor Peter Lombard. Indeed one regretfully suspects that his name would not be remem bered at all today, had not Abelard in the tale of his calamities immortalized it as that of an arch-villain. Yet Abelard's spite should not blind us to Albe It was ric's influence on his own and the immediately following generation. ularized way

his misfortune

years ago prevail, that it is only slight exaggeration to say that until about fifty Anselm of Laon and his school were forgotten. Alberic was the representative of an obsolescent method. Indeed, he was undoubteldy its most popular rep resentative in the twenties and thirties of the twelfth century. Anselm in 1121. Ralph, Anselm's himself had died in 1117 ; of Champeaux William we hear little of him as a teacher. brother, lived on until 1133, but, strangely, For

to represent the approach to theology through authority pop his master, Anselm of Laon. That approach was rapidly giving by to the dialectical approach of Abelard. So completely would the latter

eighteen years at Reims Alberic continued to comment on divina pa gina according to the pattern bequeathed him by Anselm. The pattern itself was soon to be altered, yet the interest and enthusiasm he communicated to his international clientele of students was to prove an important stimulus to
124 125 RHGF 13.330. 13 (PL 182.116). Epist. 126 ed. Poole ed. Webb 18; Historia pontificalis, Metalogicon 128 PL 127 Gest. Frid. SS 20.37 7). Imp. 1.47 (MGH, 129 rer. Germ. (Mon. Corb.) 1. no. 167. Bib. Jaff?,

19-20. 185.616.

114

TRADITIO

of theological scholarship. Miss Beryl Smalley, in her ex the advancement on the Bible in the Middle Ages, traces the progress of theological cellent work studies from eleventh century Paris, to Laon under Anselm, and thence back to Paris.130 Could the Reims Dartmouth it be that the road from Laon back to Paris ofMaster Alberic ? College passed through

130

Study

of the Bible

in theMiddle

Ages

49.