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Colonial Latin American Review, Vol. 7, No.

1, 1998

Between Images and Writing: The Ritual of the King’ s Quillca*
Joanne Rappapo rt
Georgetown University

T om Cummins
University of Chicago

In the late eighteenth century, in a dispute over maize lands in the warm country of Puntal, the caciques of Tusa presented a series of ª notebooksº com prising a range of docum ents produc ed over the course of two and a half centuries, bound roughl y together by thread (ANE/Q 1792) .1 Carefully stored in hom e archives by generations of hereditary chiefs, this documentation legitim ized strategies of expansion by Pasto rulers into produc tive warm -country territory (cf. Powers 1995, 124±27). In addition to the rich ethnohistorical inform ation contained in these pages, the Tusa notebooks can also be approached in term s of their form and materiality: the ways in which such docum ents are written, com piled, kept; how they are related to one another and to nonwritten referents in an intertextual series (Hanks 1986) ; and how they appear as objects in a phenom enological sense. In other words, they can be read with an eye to com prehending how alphabetic literacy and the objects in which it was manifested came to occupy a multivalent position in native northern Andean institutions and form s of m emory. Just as colonial alphabetic docum ents can be appreciated in their quality as objects, they can also be interpreted as visual representations. European literate forms were deeply entangled with pictorial representation in the colonial Andean world. The most celebrated example of native Andean literacy, Guam an Pom a’ s Nueva Coro nica i Buen Gobierno, is itself an object of representation within the  pictorial realm : in his illustrations, Guaman Pom a includes the image of his book, whose bound folios are presented to the king ([1615 ] 1980, f. 961). This suggests that writing is som ething to be seen, handled and exchanged rather than being just a text to be read. At the sam e tim e, the text supplem ents the black and white drawings by describing color, sound , and movem ent. In the larger context of colonial cultural interaction, text and image are interwoven visually in religious images, such as the m urals in the native church of Sutatausa, Colombia (Figure 1), where written names and the painted faces of patrons interact with the Biblical subject matter represented in the pictorial narrative, so as to establish a perm anent record of the relationship between speci® c individuals and sacred, universal iconography. All of these examplesÐ the collected papers of the hereditary chiefs of Tusa, Guam an Pom a’ s illustrations depicting books, and the m arriage of alphabetic
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1998 Carfax Publishing Ltd on behalf of CLAR

JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS

F IGURE 1. Detail from m ural of Last Judgment, depicting dono r portrait and inscription, Sutatausa, Colom bia, ca. 1630 .

text and portrait on the walls of the Sutatausa tabernacleÐ suggest that we would do well to expand the notion of literacy beyond the alphabetic (cf. Mignolo 1995), and even beyond writing, to consider the impact of visual literacy in colonial Latin Am erica. In the colonial Andes, alphabetic literacy was introduced sim ultaneously with new form s of visual representation and different ways of viewing a visual image, bound together within a com plex ideological system that structured the didactic, religious, and legal practices of Spaniards and indigenous people alike. This article analyzes the produc tion of literacy in a colonial context as a m ultifaceted phenom enon, at once alphabetic and visual, and as a process deeply embedded in social, political, and econom ic realities that impacted upon the ways that literate skills and technologies were distributed and employed in the colonial era (cf. Gee 1988; Graff 1987; Street 1984; Goody 1977; 1987) . W e concentrate our analysis on the native peoples of northern Ecuador and southern Colombia during the colonial period, particularly on the ideological substratum within which alphabetic and visual literacy were entangled in the Spanish worldview and implem ented in the civil and religious adm inistration of native peoples. 2 Given its character as an ideological system and a constellation of adm inistrative and didactic practices, the spread of literacy served as an agent in the constitution and reconstitution of European institutions in native northern Andean society. The precise nature of the relationship between text and image has always been unstable in W estern though t and practice, and the two have been articulated in various form s (Mitchell 1986; Marin 1988; Derrida 1987; Bedoz-Rezak 1993). The sim ultaneous introduction in the Americas of both m odes and their relationship as the preferred m eans of symbolic com munication for legal, social, historical and religious knowledge has never been fully addressed, particularly in 8

The introduction of this new technology was embedded within European administrative and philosophical systems that redrew the contours of Andean social and topographic space. turning our attention toward signatures and their deployment. it is necessary to consider diverse form s of literacy within their broader ethnographic contexts. Andeans had to com e to terms with m ore than a new technology of inscription and a novel set of literary genres. 1993) .BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA the Andes. Messick 1993. Because theirs was a nonliterate society before the Spanish invasion. as well as native hearts and m inds (Cum mins and Rappaport n. to seals. the lengthy chronicles and relaciones written by native authors in colonial Peru and Mexico are nonexistent in this region. 5 The sam e legal papers can also be apprehended as objects. m issionaries and catechum ens). 130±31. et al. Hanks 1986) and Europeans (Neuschel 1989. 4 the institutions and m ethods by which literacy was taught. to m arks. town criers. exhibited. we must exam ine them in their nonliterary aspect as objects and as visual images. interpreters.). This approach provid es a deeper understanding of how both native Andeans and Spaniards with varying degrees of literacy confro nted. to waterm arks. by taking this direction. given that it was throug h legal writing that native northern Andean peoples com m unicated with the colonial state. In the alphabetic sphere. which we will explore in the pages that follow.3 Thus. where literacy as both a different cognitive and visual system supplemented and supplanted pre-Columbian m nem onic system s that depended upon different chains of historical referents and visual cues than those articulated in written or visual European texts. Bedos-Rezak 1993) embedded oral conventions. copied. we are concerned primarily with analyzing administrative documents. and the nature of m ediators at the grass roots (scribes. The pre-Columbian northern Andes knew no alphabetic or hieroglyphic literacy. we need to comprehend visuality throug h alphabetic docum entation. The visual world becom es the subject not only of experience 9 .d. The encounter of Andean and Spanish technological and ideological system s under conditions of European dom ination produc ed a distinctly colonial culture of comm unication. and to com prehend what m ediates the produc tion of different forms of literate com m unication. In order to trace the connection between new forms of literacy and the implantation of a colonial ideology based upon writing and vision. forged . artists. they had to learn to recognize the surface-groun d relationship between paper and graphic mark as a concrete m anifestation of language. as tangible things which can be stored. grasped and transform ed the m eaning of these docum ents. Street 1984). But beyond interpreting docum ents in terms of their written contents. W e also need to appreciate alphabetic docum ents as form s of orality. all of which acquire contrasting and contradictory m eanings within the dual cultural ® lters throug h which native peoples and Europeans interpreted arrangements in topographic space and on the written page (Adorno 1986) . including the impact of language of transmission. associated with a variety of other things in a m eaningful series (Clanchy 1989. 1988. At the sam e tim e. kissed. to the layout of the page (Goody 1977. we are further able to enhance our com prehension of the ethnographic context in which literacy is produc ed and maintained. nor did pictorial representation take a narrative form . in which both native peoples (Goody .

In other words. That all form s could be presented together in a court of law as evidence underscores the relationship between text (testimony/speech) and image (portrait/person. although they are incomm ensurate: ekphrasis cannot reprod uce the plentitude of the pictorial image. map/territory). and history. They are equally traces of things not present. loans. The m ultiple understandings and possible interpretations of colonial Andean literate and visual conventions were profou ndly in¯ uenced by Spanish-derived ritual uses of 10 . nor can the pictorial image reprod uce the tem poral nature of the narrative. For this very reason both form s are necessary. Torres’ maps are the earliest cartographic documentation we know of for what is today Colom bia. one can understand how European images becom e problem atic in the accounts of visions by native Christians. where the portrait of an individual. legal inheritance. It is no accident that many catechism s begin with a syllabary (silabario). we would like to focus our attention on a colonial ceremony that con® rms secular and divine authority throug h the physical m anipulation of the written word. can also be traced through nonliterate form s of activity. Muisca hereditary chief Diego de Torres subm itted m aps of the territories and indigenous towns of Santafe de  Bogota and Tunja as evidence accompanying his volum inous com pendium of  written petitions. and could be presented by the litigant to the authorities. devotional images. and sales contracts that describe objects and places. as well as reading. That is. This interaction can be seen at the level in which writing and pictorial images were didactic colonial strategies for conversion and acculturation. W e also need to look at the intertextuality and intervisuality of these different forms of docum entation to com prehend how both Spaniards and Andeans understood visual and alphabetic literacy as working in fundamentally the same way in the formation and characterization of the world. now contained in m ultiple legajos at the Archivo General de Indias (Rojas 1965). and m iraculous icons as well as how they could com e to understand Christian dogma throug h analogies drawn from visual representational practices. In regard to the m undane world. 8 The connection between different form s of docum entation. the visual and the alphabetic are intimately associated at m ultiple levels in the colonial Andean world. denote their subject just as the written document does. 7 A similar set of relationships between colonial image and text exists in the colonial legal structure. but the object of textual description. or a map. The colonial process of ekphrasis can be exam ined through catechism s and sermons that explain how people should see and react to narrative biblical representations. linked to Foucault’ s (1979 ) theory of the role of bodily discipline in the constitution of power. the intertextuality of the visual with the alphabetic. the use of ® gural language to ª paintº an image throug h words is crucial for Christian religion. Following Connerton’ s (1989 ) analysis of the prim acy of ritual and bodily habit in the construction of m emory. in his sixteenth-century bid to retain his cacicazgo. land transactions. as they were used sim ultaneously to teach doctrine throug h sermons keyed to visual representations. the issue can be studied in the language of wills.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS and exegesis. For example. 6 From other ecclesiastical docum ents. a historical scene of som e colonial event.

and subsequently singled out as signi® cant by future generations of indigenous readers. the az a docum ent had to be presented to the of® cial responsible for the case. recorded in the docum entary record. Just above this image cam e the signatures of the royal of® cials of the Audiencia. which took place repeatedly in the course of disputes and was witnessed by indigenous spectators. postures.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA images and the written word (Seed 1995) . 37). rather than any written words it contained. the intertextuality of alphabetic and visual literacy in the colonial Andean world can be sough t within the nonliterate m edium of ritual. was a ceremony involving the ritual kissing of the document. 243v) . and gestures associated with the acknowledgm ent of the authority of secular rule conveyed throug h alphabetic writing are employed in the af® rmation of divine suprem acy conveyed in the visual realm . who would then continue the process. Libro II. f. The document which was the focus of this ceremony. Moreover. the real provisio n or royal decree. even som eone who could not read could. The King’ s Signature W e will focus on a single ritual in the remainder of this article: the cerem onial acceptance of documents containing the king’ s seal (the king’ s image) and the signature of his royal court by colonial of® cials (Figure 2). however. their bodily activities m ust be scrutinized in relation to the conventions of pictorial signs. The sam e attitudes. which was placed on the head of the colonial authority to sym bolize his intent to obey the orders inscribed therein: 10 11 . Titu lo XXI. In order to obtain com pliance. an act that could occur at num erous points in a dispute. It therefore appears   as something apart from the speci® c document. a party to a suit was able  to ensure that the king’ s orders would be obeyed and that the case would be procedurally suitable for consideration before the Real Audiencia or Royal Court (Dõ Rementerõ 1977. Inscribed repeatedly in the record each tim e a royal decree was presented. W e will examine the varied m eanings attached to the bodily exercises embedded in the ritual af® rmation of writing. it is the visual nature of the seal. just as their ritual gestures can be interpreted in connection to alphabetic docum ents. The almost undecipherable ¯ ourish of these marks provides a kind of visual transition between the imagery of the seal itself and the scribal text of the docum ent. The real provisio n carried an image of the royal coat of arm s embossed in  wax onto a separate piece of paper. when people are conducted into the imaginary through religious paintings that serve a didactic function. yet integral to conveying its author’ s suprem e authority. recognize the different elem ents of the docum ent by their form . 137). was a form ality in a series  of legal interactions between two parties in con¯ ict. Ley iii. which was added to the end of the document (Recopilacio n 1973. the coat of arm s literally pressed into the material of the document. 9 In other words. By acquiring a real provisio n in a dispute over lands or chie¯ y succession. at the very least. that was ® rst recognized as conveying this authority: ª Mirando el sello dijo: Estas son las armas del Rey mi sen orº (Cabello Balboa Ä [1589] 1945.

with royal seal and Audiencia signatures.  En el pueblo de Cum bal a terminos y jurizdicion de la ciudad de Pasto a veinte y ocho dias del mes de abril an o de m il y seiscientos y cinquenta y seis an os Ä Ä ante el maese de campo M iguel de Caizedo teniente de gobernador justicia m ayor corregidor de naturales y alcalde m ayor de minas de la dicha ciudad de Pasto sus term inos y jurizdicion por su magestad prezentaron esta rreal prouision con peticion los contenidos en ella y pidieron su complimiento y bista por el dicho teniente de gobernador rreciuio en sus manos la dicha rreal prouision y la bezo y puzo sobre su cauesa teniendola destocada y la obedecio con el acatam iento deuido a carta y prouicion rreal de su rrey y sen or natural Ä la quien la diuina m agestad guarde muchos an os con aumento de mayores Ä rreinos y sen orios como la cristiandad desea y m ando que se cumpla y guarde Ä com o en ella se contiene y que esta puesto de uer perssonalmente a cum plir con el tenor de la dicha rreal prouicion luego y sin dilacion y lo ® rm o ante si 12 . Quito. Fondo Popaya n (ANE/Q 1695 : f. 3r). Archivo Nacional del  Ecuador.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS F IGURE 2. Real provisio n.

12 Andean observers. muchay n’ cupuni is translated as follows: ª Tornarse a sujetar.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA por no auer al presente en este dicho pueblo escribano publico ni rreal: Miguel Caizedo. usually in a different handwr iting. The best exam ple we have of the assignation of m eaning to this ritual by contem porary people com es from Cum bal. invokes a colonial n 13 . m ight have read the act of kissing the real provisio n ambiguou sly. Cabello Balboa [1589 ] 1945. while they m ay not have conveyed the content of the particular decree in question. For m any native observers. 9v-10r) This act of placing a docum ent on the head. such engagem ents with image and writing imparted the system of values attached to literacy and language. Colom bia. probably a ritual of Moorish origin. author Agustõ Colimba. then. muchana acquired new m eanings. the best term for obedience is. Once comm itted to paper. as indigenous readers from later periods perused the docum entary record for legal purposes. an act com m unicated by the Quechua word muchana. o. because the royal decrees were inspected by participants and then read aloud (in Spanish) to the spectators (ANE/Q 1771. 36±37). observing the presence of annotations describing such rituals. that we can begin to decipher a speci® cally colonial iconology. the act of obeying the royal decree was one of the few encounters they would have with alphabetic and visual literacy and its relation to ultim ate authority. is m ade more intelligible when we consider that in Arabic. the memory of this ritual was transferred from the space and time of perform ance to the space of the inscribed page. In Gonza lez Holguõ s Quechua dictionary. 246). ª On m y eye and on m y headº .  to the lands it encom passes. as well as to the rings on the staffs of of® ce that sym bolize the authority of com m unal of® ceholders (Rappaport 1994. 11 W hat sort of meaning m ight this European and Islam ic ritual have had for native Andean peoples? In Incaic ritual conventions. situated at the interstices of the two cultures. and when we note that in twentieth-century Iran. (ANE/Q 1656 . 80±83). pedir perdon al m ayor. appended to the end of copies (or som etimes originals) of royal decrees. receipt of writing issuing from the Shah was acknowledged by placing the document on the eyes and on the head (Mehdi Abedi. however.13 It is in such ritual acts. More importantly. which was a founda tion of the Castilian adm inistrative apparatus (Mignolo 1995) . especially those living in the ® rst century after the Spanish invasion and those who were not m embers of chie¯ y fam ilies or of® ceholders. o reconciliarse con su m ayor. W e  know. captured in writing and image. by this tim e muchana acquired the m eaning of subordi nation to both secular and Christian authority. personal comm unication). In other words. where the m id-twentieth-century descendants of the Pastos use the m etaphor of a crown to refer to their land title (itself a real provisio n). practicants made kissing sounds at huacas (shrines). o con Diosº Ë ([1608 ] 1989. secretary of the reservation council. In a 1950 letter from the elected authorities of Cum bal to the Ministry of Mines. The orality (and rituality) captured by colonial scribes would acquire signi® cance over tim e. a dar la obediencia el ren ido Ä o alc ado.14 Whether they could read the docum ents in question is immaterial. such as land claim s. from both Andean and European perspectives. that by the beginning of the seventeenth century. 5v.

Mauricio Mun o z de Ayala. connected a monarch’ s individual and corporate bodiesº (Aram 1996. 17 Other parties to docum ented disputes. 9). which authenticate on a supreme level the contents of the decree and ensure its juridical force in perpetuity (Fraenkel 1992. 136r±v. 16 But what m ight a signature be for colonial-era native peoples. did not necessarily view signatures as connected to speci® c individuals (cf. Essential for constituting the authority of the real provisio n are the seal and  signatures it bears. including the Pasto area. f. 217).JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS m om ent at which the Spanish authority of® ciating in the land transfer. Spalding 1984. Hartmann and Oberem 1981. they m ight swear that they did not know how to make a signature (ANE/Q 1695. the seal. en su posesio n.d. as did native scribes. who m ight sign their nam es at one point in a document. 125v. many of whom could not sign their nam es. 214r). ANE/Q 1634. 98r±v. were not necessarily schooled in the intricacies of notarial rhetoric? Hereditary chiefs. This is evident in the confusion of the signatures of Pasto hereditary chiefs. 2v). signatures and rubrics of m ultiple signatories are so sim ilar as to suggest that they were created by a single hand (ANE/Q 1634. A real provisio n was invalidated when it was proven that the caciques  (from Cum bal) who had requested it and af® xed their signatures on their 14 . Fraenkel 1992. cin ie ndose la corona de oro de su rey. ANE/Q 1716. W ood 1986. ANE/Q 1760. 88). representantes genuinos de sus pueblos de CUMBAL. Murra n. (ACIGC/N 1950. however. 105v. while in another document. pointed out speci® cally in her argum ents in favor of granting the chie¯ y succession to her son. Galdo 1970) . The royal signature ª like its counterpart. en su m ism o dom inio a los  caciques. represented by a crown) is placed on the head of the authority named to obey it (here. en alta voz hizo Ä Â Ä entrega de la tierra en su tenencia. bestowed title upon Cumbal’ s forebears: Ä Â hecho lo cual pacientemente de la linderacio n a que fueron llam ados los dem a s   pueblos. contrary to Spanish legal usage which required that witnesses con® rm in writing their act of signing for an illiterate. 3r±v. Jaram illo Uribe 1989. where their signatures appear in the docum entary record (ABC/I 1654. as is repeatedly noted in the docum entary record. who perform ed of® cial functions throug hout the Andes (Mannheim 1991. ANE/Q 1653) . that a will she had submitted as proof that the title ran in her family was legitimate because it contained the signatures of seven witnesses (ABC/Q 1748. the subscription. el Capita n de Infanterõ espan ola se puso de rodilla en la pampa y  a Ä luego. 67r. An eighteenth-century cacica from the town of Pastas. 4v). ff. for Peru see Ca rdenas 1975±76. su sen or natural. 24). 15 It is both the royal seal and the signature of the royal court that was the object of the brief ritual recorded in the documents. 5). and its m edieval antecedent. In other cases. when that docum ent (here. ff. for instance. 5) Em bedded in this brief narrative is a very clear reference to the act of obeying a royal decree.. 1v. throug h the bestowal of land rights). 143±44. endowing ª the page with strength (® rmeza)º (ibid. ANE/Q 1588. com prehended the rationale behind signa tures. who were educated in special schools (ANE /Q 1695. or if they could write.

12v. functioned to guard against artistic forgery.18 The ambiguity of native signatures within Spanish documents attests to an anxiety about proper meaning and suggests that the meaning of other acts. Signature. The introduction and copying of prints from northern Europe in the Am ericas was extrem ely important. It is here that the m eaning of signature could be expanded in unexpected ways. hence equating artist with scribe (W ood 1993). In a society that had been without writing until the advent of the Spaniards. we tend to forget how much writing intersects with pictorial images (Figure 3). had never signed it at all because they could not afford to accom pany the only real signatory to Quito to m ake the request (ANE/Q 1656. the ceremonial acquiescence to a royal decree can becom e m ore com prehensible. as well as signatures. therefore. were forms of com m ensurabilty (indigenous and Spanish) that worked by analogy based on ritual practices. they served as models for paintings and drawings m ade by both creole and native artists. as docum ents of Biblical or secular history. What com prehension required. were sim ilarly ambivalent. But it is also clear that the 15 . and Im age That the ceremony and the signature sustaining it were relevant to native northern Andean peoples is clear from Spanish references that emphasize the importance of visual literacy and its relationship with alphabetic literacy. It is easy to identify the native artist’ s dif® culties in reprod ucing correctly many of the conventions used in these m odels. Paintings form ed a site of dialogue between priest and catechumen. as opposed to the sign of an individual. or native inform ants and colonial of® cials (Cumm ins 1995) . especially prints. as. And while the vast m ajority of viewers m ay have not been able to read the words nor fully understand the intricacies of European iconography. 9). to suggest that actions and m arks could be m utually interpreted. But if we look at the signature as a trace left by an activity. This is especially true in regard to painting and drawing in sixteenth-century colonial culture. Writing often appears in the painting itself and thereby calls forth the notion of docum ent. or initials. the relationship between alphabetic text and pictorial image was continually on display. throug h the signature of whoever produc ed it (Figure 4). Although pictorial images were often termed ª books of the illiterateº (Acosta [1590 ] 1940). This follows from European developm ents in the late ® fteenth and early sixteenth centuries. for exam ple. 13v±14r). The m isinterpretation of the rules of perspective are immediately recognizable. where personal style. Seal. carried signatures in the form of initials. m onogra m s. such as the ritual elevation of a document bearing bureaucratic signatures and the royal seal above the head of a European of® cial.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA petition. as graphic ceremonial space replacing physical cerem onial space (Fraenkel 1992. their arti® ce was sometim es marked in the sam e way as a written docum ent. just as the document carried the rubric of the notary or author. it is not clear that a signature would have carried the sam e m eaning for the Pastos as it did for Europeans. Pictorial images. Moreover. in the paintings of Spanish kings by Sa nchez Gallque. a native artist  working in Quito at the end of the sixteenth century.

the letter is no longer an index of something exterior to the image. The source for the European elem ents cam e from an architectural treatise. division between the written and the pictorial was not always apprehended when European m odels were copied.   ca 1600 .JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS F IGURE 3. Museo del Conven to de San Francisco. personal com munication). in which the pictorial architectural form s are keyed to the text by letters. which appears at the base of the depicted column (Ellen Baird. In the Sahagu n image. Quito. Here. It therefore becom es the trace of som ething other than what it was originally intended to 16 . Portrait of King Sancho of Castile by Andre s Sa nchez Gallque. For exam ple. oil on canvas. probab ly by Serlio. the  indigenous artist copies not only the image. a native artist depicts the art of Aztec goldworking within a European architectural setting (Figure 5). in Bernadino de Sahagu n’ s Floren tine Codex. however. but also the letter ª Aº of the European prototype. but becomes a virtual part of it.

signed and dated in lower right-hand corner by Francisco Quispe. 690. so that they are recognized by the spectators with great pleasure ¼ º (Alberti 1991. This becomes even m ore disconcerting in the sense that over time a signature could acquire alm ost the sam e status as a pictorial portrait.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA F IGURE 4. our italics) 17 . In this sense. The Passion of Christ. Museo del Conven to de San Francisco. y ruegan por nosotros y son nuestros abogado s. suggesting that Spaniard and native understood such conventions differently. the signature and the pictorial image m ight not always be so easily distinguished. Y por eso los honram os y llam amos sus nombres y tenemos sus ima genes en las Iglesias.  para que nos recuerden estos padres y maestros.25m x 1. oil on canvas. 1668 . 1. signify. Concilio de 1990 .46m . This sentiment is invoked in the eighth serm on of the 1585 Catechismo to be preached to native Andeans in which the role of saints is explained: Y ahora todos estos santos que son innumerables esta n en el cielo gozando de  ver a Dios. (Lima. Alberti had already written in the ® fteenth century that ª painting possess a truly divine power in that not only does it m ake the absent present (as they say of friendship) but it also represents the dead to the living m any centuries later. 60). Quito.

M . It no longer m erely testi® es to the authenticity of the docum ent of which it is a part.  and the object (book or painting) on which it appears. fray Pedro M artyr tuvo esta provincia el Venerable P. Goldworkers. It manifests visually the presence of som eone who cannot be physically present. Bedo n’ s own signed work survives in the form of both docum ents and  paintings (Figure 6). (Zamora Ä 1701. En ellos se hallan. His signature therefore becom es disem bodied from the sense of the written word and takes on the materiality of the body. 143) Bedo n’ s signature is transform ed. Sa nchez  Gallque. Ä y en el Refectorio en el an o 1594 . among other things.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS F IGURE 5. com piled by Bernardino de Sahagu n. cuyas ® rm as se veneran en  sus libros com o reliquias. Signatures also cam e to provide the sam e pleasure. Biblioteca Laur. presence in the eighteenth century: M uy a los principios del Provinciato de Rm . P. Florentine Codex. especially in relation to painting. It is the signature on both that cam e to stand for his continued. one of the principal  founde rs of the Quiten o school of painting. almost saintly. cuya pintura se debe a sus manos. ca. since it becomes alm ost incarnate in the sense of a relic. 361r. 1579 . but whose trace transcends tim e and space. nearly taking on the proper ties of a holy relic. Fray Pedro Bedo n was. 18 . a reliquary. or even m ore so. com o Depositario en estos an os. Florence.  f. just as a painted image might. In fact. M ro. the earliest extant signed Ä portrait from South America was painted by one of his students. fray Pedro Bedo n.

the royal seal. and to sculpting and painting. 301. Y si reverencian las ima genes. as the visual channel. Quito. y en    Jesucristo ponen su esperanza y su voluntad.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA F IGURE 6. which is represented as a ritual object.  no por aquella cera ni el papel. on the one hand. indicating the am biguities of alphabetic script in a society  that did not know alphabetic writing. or knot record) was transm itted as m uch throug h the tactile. y  las besan y se descubren delante de ellas.  This m ingling of signature and painting as a trace of something is a crucial aspect in the indoctrination of Andeans.  Com o el corregidor besa la provisio n y sello real. in an illum inated letter from a choral  painted by Bedo n. y lo pone sobre su cabeza. 20 In northern A ndean languages. 1613. quillca refers to writing and the recording of statistics. es por lo que aquellas im a genes representan. on the other (Gonza lez Holguõ 1989. Santo  n Tom a s 1951. Detail of the initials of Fray Pedro Bedo n. (Lima. 19 A Quechua word. Concilio de 1990 . 357). e hincan las rodillas y hieren los pechos. y no por lo que en sõÂson. this com m on identi® cation 19 . 513. 653) Invoki ng the secular ritual pertaining to a real provisio n. sino porque es quillca del rey. Biblioteca del Convento de Santo Dom ingo. the identity of writing  and image in the colonial Andes is most clearly expressed in the use of the term quillca. but whose system of recording (the khipu. as enunciated in the nineteenth sermon from the Tercer Catechismo published in Lima in 1585: Y asõÂsu corazo n po nenlo en el cielo dond e esta Jesucristo y sus Santos.

E sta sen al h ace m o s cu an d o n o s p e rsig n am o s en la fren te y Ä e n la b o ca y en el p e ch o . Ensen ar la theologia dictandolaº Ä (1989. n u e stra b o ca d e m alas p ala b ra s. (L im a . d ig a ª lõ ran o s S en o rº . An English translation of the Quechua m ight be: ª To teach by having som ething written dow n continuouslyº . 7 2 9 ±3 0 ) A slightly earlier colonial catechism written in Bogota is even m ore speci® c so  as enforce strict uniform ity: S e m an d a q u e e l m o d o d e p ersig n ar sea y se g u a rd e en esta fo rm a: q u e h e ch a u n a cru z co n el d ed o p u lg ar d e la m an o d erec h a so b re el  d ex õn traig an el p u lg ar d esd e la fren te h asta la p u n ta d e la n a riz d icien d o ª p o r la sen alº . y c ru zan d o e l d ed o d ich o h asta e n m ed io d el v ien tre d esd e la b arb a . n u estro co ra zo n d e m alo s d eseo s y d e m alas o b ra s. y cru z an d o b Ä p o r el p ech o d el lad o iz q u ierd o al d erech o . as is implicit in the passage from the Third Catechism . in Pa ez): ª persignarseº Ð to m ake the sign of the cross (Castillo y  O rozco 1877. q u e es u n so lo D io s. ® s m eans both ª to readº and ª to paintº (Castillo y O rozco 1877. bchihisqua m eans both ª to writeº (Anonym ous 1987. in v o can d o y llam an d o y co n fesa n d o el n o m b re d e la S an tõ a sim T rin id ad . C o n cilio   d e 1 9 9 0 . d esd e la fren te h asta la cin ta y d e sd e e l u n h o m b ro al o tro . that quillca is m ore than sim ply w riting or painting. there is yet another m eaning of  n’ quillca: ª Quellcar payachispa yachachim i.  C u an d o n o s san tig u am o s.  p o rq u e p o r la sen al d e cru z es v e n cid o e l en em ig o y h u y e d e lo s Ä c ristian o s. 50). h acem o s la sen al d e la san ta cru z en to d o Ä e l cu erp o . suggesting. y en c o g id o s  lo s o tro s d o s. y p o n ie n d o la p u n ta d e lo s e x ten d id o s en la fren te 20 . y lu eg o cru zan d o d e sd e la sien izq u ierd a a la d erech a d ig a Ä ª d e la cru zº . ª en em ig o sº . and ª letterº (ibid. 21 in Pa ez. d ig a . to teach by dictation. 76). 301). cu an d o el d em o n io  s o s trae m a las te n tacio n e s. ju n ta n d o el d ed o  p u lg ar c o n lo s o tro s d o s d e e l v ecin o s d e la m an o d erech a.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS of alphabetic and visual literacy is also the rule: in M uisca. P ad re e H ijo y E sp  õ ritu S an to . cu a n d o salõ d e la ca sa. or possibly. Y a sim ism o en e l san tig u ar se g u ard ara la u n ifo rm id ad . cu a n d o o s v e is en alg u n p elig ro o trab ajo . 295). The w riting on one’ s body of the Christian doctrine (cf. e sp ecia lÂ Ä Ä m e n te cu a n d o o s le v an ta is. p ara q u e n o s d e su b e n d icio n y g racia y n o s lib re d e to d o m al. 50).22 The serm ons of the Third Catechism w ere highly explicit in their teaching of this sym bolic gesture: Y tam b ie n o s sen alad m u c h as v eces co n la sen al d e la cru z. 260) and ª to paintº (ibid. This acknowledgem ent of the ideological m atrix within w hich colonial literacy was understood and practiced can also be seen in yet another m eaning of ® s (to read or to paint. but also refers to a particular pedagogical technique for conveying a body of knowledge and practice. d ig a ª D io s n u estro º . de Certeau 1984) conjoins literacy as writing w ith literacy as depiction in an ef® cacious and ritualized m ovem ent. p ara q u e D io s n u estro S e n o r lib re n u estro Ä e n ten d im ien to d e m alo s p en sa m ien to s. y tray en d o e l d ich o d ed o p u lg ar d esd e la p u n ta d e la n ariz a la b a rb a d ig a ª d e n u estro sº : y c ru zan d o p o r la b o c a d el lad o iz q u ierd o al d erech o . In Gonza lez Holguõ s Quechua dictionary. ª bookº .  although the Quechua borro wing quilca is used for ª paperº .

rather than the representation itself.). It is one of the very few Quechua term s that appears in the Spanish version of the sermons. Thus. both are termed quillca in Quechua. It was linked to speech acts transcribed into m undane docum ents as a m nemonic for the gesture and its m eaning (ª juram os a dios nuestro sen or y vna sen al de cruz 1 no c er de m alic ia etcº . Jesu sº . dira n ª y del hijoº .BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA de plano. dira n ª y del Espõ   ritu Santoº . dira n. If an image is taken to be in and of itself that which is worshipped. was more than the act of the Christian faithful. 261)    The sign of the cross. but if an image is understood to refer throug h its form to that which is adored (the Holy Family and the saints). just as the image of Christ stands for Him while not actually being Him. then it is proper ly venerated. the relationship between text and image is form ed in this part of most docum ents. (Zapata [1576] 1990 . The words ª en sen al de cruzº are interpolated with the graphic Ä image of the cross. Im age can never be in and of itself what it refers to. y levantando la m ano y ponie ndola en el hombro   izquierdo y traye ndola hasta ponerla en el derecho. The ceremony of kissing the king’ s quillca (with its accompanying seal) and raising it above the head was preceded by the ritual entrance of the sello itself into the Real Audiencia as stipulated by a royal decree in 1559: Es justo y conveniente. similar to the relation between the gesture of m aking the cross while reciting the prayer. Pen a 1995. que cuando nuestro sello Real entrare en alguna de nuestras Reales Audiencias. as it encom passes both without really signifying either in a traditional Andean sense. The ritual act of receiving a royal provision is evoked so as to con¯ ate alphabetic and visual literacy. y descendiendo hasta en m edio del  vientre. 23 The analogy arises m ost directly from the Catholic doctrine on images articulated in the Council of Trent and re-articulated in the Third Council of Lima to give Andean speci® city to its interpretation of the ® rst com mandm ent and the distinction between idolatry (adoration) and representation (veneration). This relationship is based. This text/image relationship and its bodily ritual enactment is crucial in the passage from the nineteenth serm on of the Third Lima Council cited above. Ä Ä Ë Ë as a bounda ry m arker (ANE/Q 1767. dira n ª En el nom bre del Padreº . traced upon the body. the Quechua term quillca is used.24 Yet honor s and rituals are accorded to the image as if it were the king or Christ. But quillca is deployed differently than these terms. in part. reference is always directed to that which is represented. while images are God’ s quillca. f. Quillca is necessary because only by using Quechua can the idea be so explicitly expressed that the king’ s seal stands for the absent king. other than nam es that identify certain Andean titles such as curaca and Andean ª idolsº such as huaca. and this is true for both writing and picture. calling both of them quillca: what is raised over the head of the corregidor is the king’ s quillca. So even in the Spanish version of the bilingual serm on from Third Council of Lima. sea recevido con la autoridad. y juntando las m anos y cruzando los dedos pulgares y besando la cruz con estos pulgares hecha. upon a pedagogical analogy between writing and the pictorial that can only be m ade concrete by the Quechua word quillca. ª Ame n. 11r. 470). Just as imporÄ tantly. then this is idolatry. or on the landscape. que si entrasse 21 .

y el Presidente y Oidor m as antiguo le llevan en Ë m edio. One understands this meaning of the king’ s portrait most clearly by its close relation to the spiritual realm of colonial power in the series of Cuzquen o paintings of Corpus Christi completed around 1680. the royal ce dula of  Charles V granting Corte s a coat-of-arm s in 1525 begins with the illuminated  letter ª Dº initiating the title Don. our italics) The entrance of the royal seal was to be treated just as if the royal person were entering the colonial city. rather it is just the opposite. hasta el Pueblo sea llevado encima de un cavallo. 243. y desde dond e  estuviere. que llegando nuestro Real a qualquiera de las Audiencias de  las Indias. perm eated the discursive formation of royal absolutism in seventeenth-century France.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS nuestra real persona. (Recopilacio n  1973. Tõ tulo XXI. tom a is la quillca y   guarda isla. segun y como se acostum bra en las Audiencias Reales de estos Reynos de Castillo.26 The king’ s portrait was. the seal appeared on docum ents distributed to and m anipulated by natives. para que en ella  le tenga a cargo la persona que sirviere el o® cio de Chanciller del sello. f. understood to m ark his presence. (Lima. royal representation takes a different turn as it passes throug h the gates of the city in the guise of the king’ s seal. que se requiere.  y m a s.25 This ceremony follows from m edieval political theology as analyzed by Kantorowicz (1957 ) and which. For example. The king’ s written person in the form of his seal and the king’ s portrait are the same and at tim es they can be com bined in a single com position such that the corporeality of the ® gure and the authority of the word reinforce each other. con toda la veneracion. such that Charles V appears both in nam e and ® gure. quedan libre de pecado. in fact. nuestros Presidentes y Oidores. AsõÂtambie n los    sacramentos de la Santa Iglesia hacen que los que los tom an. The ª Dº is ® lled with no less than a pro® le portrait of the Em peror him self. com o se haze en las de estos Reynos de Castilla. when the metaphysics of Catholicism was interpreted for Andeans. por esta orden vayan hasta ponerle en la casa de la Real Audiencia Real. an experience that was conjured by sermons. au n queden ricos de gracia. But in the colonial Andes. because it is the power of that representation in the form of a bureaucratic docum ent that is m ost imm ediate and real in the colonial interaction between Spaniards and natives. os m anda dar de la caja del Rey cien pesos. y de  sellar las provisiones. Por tanto mandam os. 657)  It is not through the sacram ent that the king’ s representation is understood. AsõÂcomo si el Virrey o la Audiencia os da una provisio n o quillca con que os hace libre de tributo. y por ella queda is libre del tributo y aun rico. followed by the other titles of the emperor (Figure 7). que en las Chancillerias se despacharen. Concilio de 1990 . as a conceptual bridge to the explanation of the m ysteries of divine grace achieved throug h the sacraments: Sacramentos llamamos unas sen ales y ceremonia ordenadas por Jesucristo con Ä las cuales honram os a Dios y participam os de su gracia. Here. donde este . this festival Ä 22 . y la justica y Regimiento de la Ciudad salgan un buen trecho fuera de ella a recevirle. o mula. serm ons implored Andeans to recall their personal experiences with administrative docum ents and the potential bene® ts of such decrees. For example. even though he was not corporeally present. con  aderec os muy decentes. Libro II. as Marin (1988 ) has dem onstrated.

M arch 7. 30r).BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA F IGURE 7. 23 . Library of Congress. a document could stand for a ritual: in 1693 and 1735. in and of itself. Som etim es. 1525 . Likewise. 243v). 1r. Just as religious and secular images stand in for those they represent. Â Harkness Collection. what it represents: the Eucharistic wafer/Christ’ s body. D.C. manuscript 1: f. docum entary evidence of the perform ance of a ritual granting possession of lands in Cum bal to the com munity’ s hereditary chiefs was presented in a dispute over chie¯ y succession (ANE /Q 1735. vellum. she sent a written docum ent. stating ª Ante Vuesa Mersed paresco con este m emorialº (ABC/Q 1748. W ashington. Patent of arms given by Charles V to Hernando Corte s. being unique insofar as it celebrates the only Catholic symbol that is. alphabetic writing ª stands inº for the physical presence of people as ritual participants and as the makers of docum ents. paper could replace a writer: when the mid-eighteenth-century witness Magdalena Mallam a could not appear in person to give testim ony in a dispute over the succession to the chiefdom of Pastas.

visual as well as textual. They becom e things in the colonial world that operate at a variety of levels. 24 . as did his signature. in this case. In this sense.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS And in the late seventeenth century. Colonial Semiosis W hat we are dealing with here is the produc tion of culture. W hat our small exam ple dem onstrates is that literacy is a strategy intrinsic to Spanish colonization in the Am ericas (as well as in other parts of the globe). It might be better to think of the space in which literacy took place as a ª middle groundº (W hite 1991) . W hat is to be found in its legacy. a royal seal stood for the king (Fraenkel 1992. 37r). which took the place of the king in the brief ritual of acceptance of a royal decree (Aram 1996). a new colonial reality that is com prehended (albeit in different ways) and fashioned by the participants in it. Docum ents. Similarly. is not a neutral gathering of data to be ordered and analyzed. To think of a signature as a relic or the king’ s seal as a quillca suggests that m uch m ore is at stake than the neutral transcription or rendering of som ething. Not only do they refer to each other in an intertextual series. however. 97). and the technologies used to produc e them . Mignolo suggests that our com prehension of cultural produc ts from the colonial period m ust take into account ª a plurality of traditionsº reaching across cultural bounda ries. and in so doing are both transform ed and transform ing. He would not have us isolate the cultural traits pertaining to each tradition and assign them to the m embers of that group . ª the understanding subject’ s `positionality’ vis-a-vis the phenom ena to be understood and the com m unity to which the outcom e of the act of understanding will be comm unicatedº (1989 . We therefore suggest that one of the key issues before us is to begin to think of the relationship between the visual and the written as a condition of colonial praxis that is never static nor stable. the literate practices of which we have been speaking are neither ª indigenousº nor ª Spanishº . but they socially overlap in the rituals of colonial religion and administration. This concept. suggests that in the colonial period there still existed separate and pure cultural worlds. This gives docum ents a certain agency or ef® cacy that exceeds the intentions of their authors. but artifacts of the m iddle groun d which characterized the colonial period. are social and cultural form s that are variously enacted. what Mignolo (1989. f. comprehend what he calls ª the locus of enunciationº . 1995) calls ª colonial semiosisº . Media and genre intersect in unexpected ways. when the new cacica of Guachucal was awarded the succession to her chiefdom . a comm on colonial context that replaces the earlier realities in which natives and Spaniards had lived. she ceremonially received census data from the Spanish of® cials: ª ¼ Y Su Mersed la cogio por la mano y la entrego la num eracion deste dicho pueblo todos agtos que dijo hacia en sen al de Ä posesion ¼ º (ANE/Q 1695. a docum ent ª stood forº an entire comm unity. 83). but instead. the m yriad of docum ents. which was itself present at the succession ritual. drawn from the conceptual realms of both native Andean and the Spanish worlds.

and the anonymous reviewers for Colonial Latin American Review provided us with astute criticisms and com mentaries that have made this a better article.  3 On khipus (Incaic knot-records) see Ascher and Ascher (1981) and Urton (n. dijo dos missas. 25 . Greg Spira. it has not been uncovered  by historians. tampoco sino con aquella tela azul que es el cieloº (Avila 1648. las Estrellas. as well as systems of pictorial narrative expression (Cummins 1994. Puntal is now called Bolõ var. am ong people whose native language was a member of the Macro-Chibchan family.. and then only for the space of a decade or so. 1994). y estendida. y Luna form ados. In 1594. y en tu cuerpo esta el Lunar. perm itting us to engage in interdisciplinary discussion and interpretation. Carolyn Dean. an inquisition record from Lim a in 1761 records that a literate native caught an impostor who was attempting to pass as a priest: ª Tercera Causa. for collaboration in the collection of archival materials and for the pleasure of a continuing dialogue over the past decade. al m odo que en una tabla. Pues Mira de la misma suerte estan el Sol. Alan Durston. y como en tu rostro. una en el Pueblo de Chinchero del Obispado de Guamanga.d. alia Ioseph Zegarra. y estrellas. Joanne Moran Cruz. The archival documentation used in our analysis was collected by Joanne Rappaport under a Grant-in-Aid from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research in 1989 and with Designated Research Initiative Funds from the University of Maryland Baltimore County in 1990. Natural de La   Ciudad de Cordova del Tucuman. director of MARKA-Instituto de Historia y Antropologõ Andina   a (Quito). Luna. que esta es Missa Chamberi. que no sabia las ceremonias. Gruzinski 1988). y abriendose cerquillo. since docum ents were frequently written in Spanish. Bruno Mazzoldi. is now called San Gabriel. On a general appreciation of mnem onic devices and their intertextuality in the Andes. o una maripoza? ¼ Pues dim e a ora. sin saber leer. o aquella ¯ or alli formada es viuiente. Novicio Lego que dijo haver sido Â Ä del Convento de San Agustin de la ciudad de Guamanga. dandole un reves. ni escribir: y en esta segundo haviendole notado el Indio Sacristan. 1 Located in the highlands of Carchi Province in northernmost Ecuador. see Cumm ins (1988). no sucede. but if this document was ever prepared. given that only a small number of Pasto chiefdoms were brought under Incaic control. donde salio sin haver profesado.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA Notes * The research on which we base this paper was funded by a Senior Research Grant from the Getty Grant Program in 1995±1996. y ® ngiendose Sacerdote de dicho orden. y quando Â Ä Â tu te m ueues se mueuen contigo. 4 In the Pasto case. Sol. based upon testimony collected in Quechua. Thanks goes to the directors of the archives consulted.  anda alli. Michael Gerli. que alli formas una ¯ or. including false doctrine. there is a double overlay. 473). Francisco de Avila wrote in his bilingual sermon for Epiphany that: ª Quando tu en el telar hazes una chuspa. and we know little of its gram mar or lexicon. especially to Grecia Vasco de Escudero. and Moreno Ruiz (1970). however distinct their genres were from European form s (Mignolo 1995). 2 Important historical works on the Pastos. director of the Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. ellos mismos no se mueven. que Missa havia dicho. o Âmueuese? No. de edad de 24 a 25 an os. y otra en el pueblo de Abancay. del Obispado de Cuzco. Thanks also to Cristo bal Landazuri. Quechua was probably introduced among the Pasto under Spanish domination. Frederick Luciani. For example. ni andan. Leibsohn 1994). diciendole: calla Bruto. The Pasto language has not been spoken since the early nineteenth century. Landazuri (1995). whose literacy practices constitute the central focus of this article. where literate practice included forms of hieroglyphic and phonetic writing (Boone and Mignolo 1994. Tusa. le respondio este Reo. que no estaba buena. 6 For example. y expresandole. que  se usa en Limaº (Anonymous 1761). en una tela azul tirada. de ninguna manera. 5 The command of literacy skills eventually came to work both ways in the interaction between native peoples and Spaniards. and his students. A literate native could safeguard the community against all kinds of Spanish impostures. two Mercedarian fathers were directed to produce a Pasto catechism and confessionary (Lopez de Solis 1995. 102). in attem pting to disprove the Andean belief that the sun and stars are animate beings that move under their own volition. Esta fue la de Mathias Ponce de Leon. immediately to the north of Puntal. Sarah Fentress. include Calero (1997). The singular differences between Andean and European modes of communication can be contrasted with the situation that the Spaniards encountered in Mesoamerica. o  en una madero esta n los n udos. aquella maripoza.

Another important example of native Andeans’ simplest experiences with the written word include the receipt of cedulas de confesio n. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala presented both written and visual forms of evidence in his lawsuit over lands in Chupas: a map of the territory and two portraits of the ancestors through whom the lands were inherited appear as integral parts of the legal docum ent (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1991. in the Catecismo breve para los rudos y occupados printed in Lima in 1583. Y por esta razon quando pintan a san Iuan o el entallador haze un bulto. 773. Implicit in the notion of subordination to royal authority was subordination to God.º He then enforces his words through a reference to images known to the  listener: ª Y por eso habeis visto pintado a San M iguel glorioso arca ngel con un peso que esta   pesando las almas. luego es llevada por angeles ante el juicio   de Jesucristo. Y allõÂle relatan todo cuanto ha hecho bueno y m alo. One was the irreverent use of sacred images and the other was the spread of profane images that found their way into native com munities and that seemed to have been given the same status and understanding as sacred images (see the 1570 Constituciones para caciques de indios of the Synod of Quito [Pen a 1995. personal communication). que signi® ca y quiere decir que en la otra vida mira el bien y el mal que han hecho las almas. The Ä relationship between religious images and sermons can be seen in Francisco de Avila’ s explanation of the meaning of Saint John’ s passage on the Baptism of Christ and the iconography of his image: ª Y a este Senor mostro Iuan diziendo este es el cordero de Dios y Ä Â los sen alo con el dedo. y conforme a eso reciben sentenciaº (Lima. 116±17). Ä Â le ponen teniendo un cordero. see also Kantorowicz 1957. 193±272). Tõ tulo I. the reading of the Torah is accompanied by the act of holding up the scrolls. Leyes 1±10. In 1611 Covarrubias (1995. Nieto Soria 1988. Concilio de 1990. the only sacramental act in which a Christian ritual imageÐ the HostÐ is what it represents and makes present the ultimate authority of Christianity (Marin 1988). since the king was God’ s ordained and anointed ruler on earth (Michael Gerli. o indiceº (Avila 1648. 125±26). in the thirtieth sermon published in the Tercero Catechismo (Sermonario) of 1585. personal communication. loud and wet kisses between men indicate relationships of respect (Bruce Mannheim. inscripcio n y nombre escrito de   propia mano. Investigators of the authenticity of miracles placed orders by the archbishop on their heads. In the modern Andes. which at the sam e time becom es inscribed within the legal testim ony. italics ours). we do not know what these ce dulas looked like. especially prints. Partida II. this does not m ean that the monarch himself was ª unsacredº (see also Nieto Soria’ s [1993] critique of the Ruiz thesis).JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 For example. 51±55. We thank Bruno Mazzoldi for alerting us to the connection between this practice and colonial ritual. o lo ponen cerca del. Alfonso X [1555] 1992. Ecclesiastical judges or provisores. just as secular authorities did in civil disputes (Christian 1981. For example. For how syllabaries were used to teach reading and writing in relation to prayers see Valtion (1947). in Jewish ritual. 548) de® nes ® rma as ª la rubrica. a syllabary appears on the ® rst page. when handed an apostolic brief such as a papal pronouncement. 3v. ® rst kissed the roll. Nonetheless. y oye sentencia de aquel alto Juez de vida o muerte de gloria o de in® erno como lo m erece sin que haya mas mudanza  para siempre jam as. the subsequent reappearance of the portraits in the map just above the contested territory condenses and summ arizes the historical narrative. Then the document was read for the decision (Cook and Cook 1991. 471]). cf. 116). The same cerem ony was enacted by ecclesiastical authorities in Spain at the close of the ® fteenth century. these cedulas refer not only   to the sacramental act of confession. and swore to obey and execute its contents. which are also kissed. While Teo® lo Ruiz (1985) argues that the Spanish m onarchy was  characterized by a paucity or absence of ritual. Sim ilarly. AGCG /R 1608±1609. The concept of the portrait presupposes the existence of the individual on which it is based. y a san Iuan mostrandolo con el dedo primero. certi® cates verifying that the bearer had confessed   and was able to receive holy communion (AGCG /R 1605. 46r). que haze ® rme todo lo contenido y escrito encima de la ® rma ¼ Dõ xose del 26 . Adorno 1993). however. but also to communion. placed it over the head. the priest begins by describing the Christian psychostasia: ª Porque habe is de saber que en  arranca ndose vuestra alm a y saliendo de ese cuerpo. Two interconnected problems arose from the introduction of Western images.

sin que en quatro dõ que a as gasto en confesarse. Ecuador. 49±50): ª The question then arises: What would a `signature’ be which perpetually postponed the de® nitive location of name and person? In the case of baybayin. 561). the Confessionario. Signatures were accordingly am biguous. is a product of colonial language planningÐ the institutionalized standardization of language through the creation of grammars. leading her to be known as Juana ª The Madº (Aram 1996). Recuil de documents 1 . including a sign). a The Doctrina Christiana. the Quechua term for a signed document acknowledges the speci® city of an individual’ s hand by employing the word maqui. Thierry. et passe sans che que nus puist dire ne faire reins encontre. 47±51). however. dictionaries. and educational policyÐ and not necessarily a feature of pre-Columbian Quechua usage. In addition to private marks of owners which were dutifully entered into any legal document of sale. because they could not link one sound with one letter with any certainty (Rafael 1988. conforme a la m ateria del peccado que avõ de confessar. italics ours). or ª paper memoryº (Anonym ous 1987. quillca was an integral com ponent of ª to readº : according to Gonza lez Holguõ (1989. ª qquellccactam ricuniº (I see the  n quillca). African slaves in the seventeenth century were branded on the right breast with a royal brand using a capital ª Rº (for real).. Ley 23. se confesso con tanta distincion y puntualidad como si tuviera ojos y muy grande   entendimiento. breasts. in which a blind man is described as basing his confession on a khipu: ª Hõ zolo este indio de seis varas de cordel torcido y de trecho en trecho un hilo que lo atravesava y algunas sen ales de piedras o gu esos Ä È o plum as. Ä Â Interestingly. Cotocollao. quillca [writ] including a  n hand. may be to the notary (quellcaycamayoc) who validates the document. 67). both indigenous and African. 273. tõ tulo VI.. tout quanque doi eskieven  tesmoignent et recordant.. which Juana withheld from all but her most trusted advisors. The tactile aspect of Andean methods of inscription is clear in a 1602 annual letter from the Province of Peru. very different. Today. That is.)º . 287). llorando sus peccados y detestando las idolatrias con que el demonio le avõ a engan ado. Moreover. might be considered the secular antithesis to the symbolic marking of the Christian body through the sign of the cross. est ferm et estable. Ä However. stabilis ¼ º This sense of signature com es from the position of scribes as urban of® cials who appear ª in documents on the basis of the strength of their testimonial capabilityº (A. Signatures acquired a sim ilar ambiguity in the Spanish-ruled Philippines. was not perceived by the Europeans as adequate for rendering sound in alphabetic writing. 514) (literally. the Muisca translation of ª to readº was ioquec zecubunsuca. See also Bethany Aram’ s excellent interpretation of the struggle over Queen Juana’ s signature. so for example. a narrative of the history of the slave’ s owners was visually displayed on the slave’ s body by the sequence of brands which marked each new ª property ownerº . Maqui yoc vnanchayoc qquellcaº (Gonzalez Holguõ 1989. the thirteenth-century customal of Amiens article 74 states: ª Ci parole de testm oinage d’ eskievins de le chite d’ Amiens. It must be remem bered here that the use of a common word for these two.BETWEE N IMAGES AND WRITING: THE RITUAL OF THE KING’ S QUILLCA 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 nombre ® rme. 214±15). 27 . or hand: ª Escriptura ® rmada y signada. however. and arms. baybayin. some groups of signatures appeared to have been inscribed by a single hand (ibid. folio 163r). 71). This material was intended to be used throughout the viceroyalty and Fray Pedro Bedo n was consulted on the translation and the variations with the  Quechua of the Quito area (ibid. and the Tercer Catechismo all resulted from the Third Lima Provincial Council (1582±1583) and remained in use until the Plenary Council of Latin Am erica in 1899 (Barnes 1992. latine ® rmus. The branding of slaves. with letters on their foreheads. the reference. Libro II. Santam arõ explains (ibid. Derechief. practices. The real provisio n was not signed by the king even if it emanated from Spain (Recopliacion   1973. Colom bia). The sermons were used in the northern Andes and there is a com plete copy in the Biblioteca del Colegio San Ignacio de Loyola. satisfaciendo por todo con gran penitencia y dolorº (Fernandez 1986. the physical marking of property by the slaveowner is the inverse of the symbolic self-m arking of Christian metaphysics. 146 as cited in Bedos-Rezak 1993). ne a loi bataille venirº (ibid. not to the signatories. dudasse en cosa alguna y por el tiento del quipo y de las sen ales puestas Â Ä en e l. whereas in Quechua. it was a series of marks that called forth sounds but whose referent had to be `guessed’ Ð perhaps with a little help from God: `With respect to the inscriptions [letreros] [of the documents] we have transcribed them as God has given us to understand them’ . Pastas is called Aldana (Narin o. The pre-Spanish Tagalog script.

Quechua was not spoken and hence. Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Angel y Puntal. Fondo Popaya n. 82±83). 1634. Fondo IndõÂ genas. caja 55. moreover. Roma (AGCG/R). ª Autos de don Reymundo Quaycal sobre el casicasgo de Cumbalº . ff. As we have already illustrated. produced on vellum and painted with a portrait of Philip II on the penultimate folio. Autos de los yndios del pueblo de Cumbal en la Provincia de los Pastos. les den a entender que Ä aquellas ymagenes es una manera de escriptura que rrepresenta y da a entender a quien representa ¼ º (Pena 1995. 106). Quito (ANE/Q). ff. sobre los yacimientos de azufre del Cerro de Cumbal. caja 13. Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Ibarra (ABC/I). Novi Regni et Quitensis (NR et Quit.). Letras annuas de la Á vice provincia de Quito y el Nueuo Reyno de los an os de m il y seyscientos y ocho y seycientos Ä y nuebe (por el padre Gonc alo de Lopez). Don Gabriel Nac ate. Asuntos varios. For the branding of indigenous slaves with the letter ª Cº (probably standing for Caribe) in the sixteenth century see Forbes (1988. Don Juan Bautista Ypialpud. ff. Autos del sen or licenciado Manuel Suarez Ä de Poago ® scal de Su Magestad en esta Real Audiencia por la defensa de los caciquez de Tusa. Â 28 . Archivo del Cabildo IndõÂ gena del Gran Cumbal. Borradores de cartas Ä del Cabildo al Ministerio de Minas.JOANNE RAPPAPORT AND TOM CUMMINS 23 24 25 26 surmounted by a crown to mark that they had been legally imported (Bowser 1974.. Autos seguidos por don Gregorio Putag. Mugaburu 1935. Quito (ANE/Q). The a) ® rst known printed example was granted to Juan de los Olivios in 1597. Protocolos y testamentos a cargo de Juan Francisco Guapastal. see also Marin 1988). 1653. 36r±60v. escribano nombrado de Tulcan. Puntal y Angel contra Alonso Yanez. Testam ento de don Fernando Titamuesnan. ª Thomas Rodriguez de Herrera. 125±265. In ANE/Q 1735. Ä cacica principal del pueblo de Carlosama. Alonso Garcia Jatiua. In the Pasto territory and beyond to the north. sobre las tierras de Yanguelº . Ë Archivo del Banco Central del Ecuador. Â Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Â Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Roma (AGCG /R). ff. 1608±1609. Such documents were stored in the private archives of Pasto caciques and were willed by them to their descendants (ANE/Q 1695. casique de Guachocal. Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. 1605. ff. Fondo Popayan. caja 3. Narin o (ACIGC/N). Patents of nobility (cartas ejecutorias de hidalguõÂ often carried the portrait of the king. caja 7. Quito (ANE/Q). The use of the term quillca succinctly and economically links the role of the Catholic theology of the Corpus Mysticum with the theory of royalty and of the royal crown and dignity as outlined by Kantorowicz (1957. Fondo IndõÂ Ë genas. Ë contra don Alonso Godoy. 1140/39/6/M. principal de Tuquerres. 1748. Â Archivo Nacional del Ecuador. Quito (ANE/Q). 471). Archivo del Banco Central del Ecuador. Felipe Zamora y otros complices sobrel despojo de la tierra de los yndios de Tuca. 1716. 34). Historia 12±I. Quito (ABC/Q). the term quillca could not be used in this sense in catechisms or sermons. as in the following excerpt from the 1570 Constituciones para caciques de indios of the Synod of Quito: ª Y si tuvieren cruci® xos. 19/2. ym agenes de nuestra Sen ora o de los sanctos. casique del pueblo de San Juan de Pasto [sic] con don Pedro Pastas y vna calumnia que falsamente le a atribuido. 38r). sobre los agrauios que a hecho el Maestre de Campo don Bernardo de Erasso. NR et Quit. the identity between painting and writing is also evident in Spanish-language documents. Fondo Popayan. Quito (ANE/Q). Bibliography Archives Archivio Generale della Compagnia di Gesu . In ANE/Q 1735. 34r±v. 1695. Fondo Popayan. The royal portrait was also often processed or displayed in colonial ceremonies in which oaths of fealty were given to the monarch through his image (cf. Archivio Generale della Compagnia di Gesu . con don Raphael Assa. 1656. 1r±23r. caja 36. 103v±105r. con Fray Jose Pintado. 1588. the colonial Ä meaning of quillca had its equivalents in various northern Andean languages. Testamento de don a Esperanza Carlosama. Historia 12±I. Quito (ANE/Q). sobre tierras. sobre el cacicazgo de Guachocal. 1950. 1654. Carta annua de la vice Á provincia del Nueuo Reyno y Quito en los Reynos del Peru (por el padre Diego de Torres). Nevertheless. caja 55. casique de Cumbal.

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