EN ARCHE

Indonesian Journal of Inter-Religious Studies Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011) ISSN 2088-8228

En Arche is a biannual journal published in March and September by the Student Council of ICRS-Yogya. It is dedicated to publish and disseminate research and critical thought on inter-religious studies. EDITORIAL BOARD Prof. Dr. E. Gerrit Singgih, Duta Wacana Christian University Prof. Dr. Bernard Adeney-Risakotta, Duta Wacana Christian University Dr. Jeanny Dhewayani, Duta Wacana Christian University Prof. Dr. Heddy Shri Ahimsa-Putra, Gadjah Mada University Dr. Sri Margana, Gadjah Mada University Dr. Wening Udasmoro, DEA, Gadjah Mada University Siti Syamsiyatun, M.A., Ph.D., UIN Sunan Kalijaga Dr. Phil. Al Makin, M.A., UIN Sunan Kalijaga SUPERVISORY EDITOR President of Student Council of ICRS-Yogya EDITOR IN CHIEF Fransiskus Borgias M MANAGING EDITOR Nyong ETIS LANGUAGE ADVISOR Charlotte Arden Blackburn

PUBLISHER Student Council of ICRS-Yogya OFFICE ADDRESS UGM Graduate School, Third Floor Jln. Teknika Utara Pogung, Sleman, Yogyakarta Email: enarchejournal@yahoo.com

Copyright 2011 by Student Council of ICRS-Yogya All rights reserved.

Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

ISSN 2088-8228

CONTENTS
Foreword Editors (pp. 1-6) Identity: The Art of Living in the Palace of Nowhere Fransiskus Borgias M (pp. 7-30) 19th Century Christianity in Java: Kristen Jowo as a New Dimension for Javanese Identity Andreas Jonathan (pp. 31-51) The Muslims Resurgence in Indonesia: Historical Study on the Founding of the First Islamic Bank Ayi Yunus Rusyana (pp. 52-71) The Quranic Hermeneutics of Farid Essack Elya Munfarida (pp. 72-106) Sekaten: A Traditional Ceremony in Yogyakarta Rr. Siti Kurnia Widiastuti (pp. 107-122) Conflict in Aceh and the Role of Women in Peace Process Cut Mita (pp. 123-152)

The Impetus of Religion in Anti-Colonial Movement: A Comparative Study of the Javanese Peasant Revolt in Banten and the Burmese Peasant Revolt in Thayawaddy Naw Lily Kadoe (pp. 153-176) Islam and the Fall of Two Regimes: The Old and New Order Nyong Eka Teguh Iman Santosa (pp. 177-208) Notes for Authors (pp. 209)

FOREWORD
En Arche is a journal dedicated by the Student Council of ICRSYogya to publish and disseminate research and critical thought on inter-religious studies. En Arche means in the beginning. It envisions to develop an inter-religious aura among civil society in Indonesia. This first volume contains eight inter-religious studies papers which bring various issues from different fields such as philosophy and theology, identity and culture, economy and law, hermeneutics, gender, history, and politics. Fransiskus Borgias M wants only to emphasize the fact that theology can be established upon a personal biography. Theology not always starts with speculative statements. Theology can also be based on personal-empirical experiences. This is a kind of empirical theology. It is believed that a personal biography characterizes the way a person practices his or her theology. Identity, as a dynamicliving concept, is something personal. The forming process of identity is also an integral part of a personal life biography. The struggle for identity also, therefore, shapes and influences ones way of practicing theology. Identity develops or even changes from time to time. It interacts with time, space, and history. That is why there is no theology in an empty space. Theology not always consists in abstract theological speculations or propositions, as many may have thought so far, but theology can also be based on a personal biography. In that sense, theology is transformed by the new understanding of the identity of self. Hence the keywords are biography, identity, and theology; all of them constitute the whole understanding of theology of life. Andreas Jonathan explores a mode of the formation of Javanese identity particularly in East and Central Java. He does it through critical analysis on four significant figures as models of
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Foreword

introducing Christianity to Javanese people from the beginning until the nineteenth century. They are Coenraad Coolen, Johanes Emde, J.E. Jellesma, and Sadrach Surapranata. Andreas portrays Coolen and Emde as the opposite extremes, while Jellesma and Sadrach are somewhere in the middle. Coolen promoted a kind of Christianity that accepted Javanese philosophies and culture and rejected everything considered as western culture. Emde, on the other side, was so western. He insisted that to be a Christian is equal with to be a westerner who consequently had to reject almost everything about Javanese culture and belief. Between Coolens Kristen Jowo and Emdes Kristen Londo, another key figure, Jellesma, took a contextual approach by accommodating both orientations. As a westerner he saw the importance of appreciating local culture to express Christian faith. He accepted the Javanese culture as far as it did not contradict biblical teachings. He was also the figure who believed that the Javanese would be best served by the Javanese themselves. This belief had encouraged him to train the natives to become leaders among the Christian congregations. One extraordinary figure of native missionaries was Kyai Sadrach. Andreas describes Sadrach as both the model of insider movement in Christian mission today and the model of real or true Kristen Jowo. It was Sadrachs community who had implanted Christianity as a new dimension to the Javanese identity along with existing others such as Kejawen, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam. Kristen Jowo in fact had made the Javanese identity has been evolving in a dynamic way; in such a condition, being a Christian does not necessarily mean losing his/her indigenous identity as a Javanese. Ayi Yunus Rusyana analyzes the establishment of Islamic banking in Indonesia as an indicator of Muslims resurgence. It historically relates to the political circumstances occurring prior to 1992 when the first Islamic bank, Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI), was founded. He argues that the changing of Soeharto policy to
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Foreword

accommodate Muslims aspiration to implement sharia at that time had made this project possible. Theologically, the rise of Islamic neoRevivalism among educated Muslims had also become an influential background to encourage Indonesian Muslims to support the establishment of an Islamic bank. They saw that the Islamic financial institution, which operated an interest-free practice, was a necessity to fulfill Muslims economical demands in avoiding riba (usury) which was declared religiously as haram (prohibited). Elaborating Hefner, Rusyana admits that the founding of Islamic banking was not only a symbol of Islamic economy but also an embodiment of Muslims hopes to end their economical marginalization. For more than two decades of the New Order, practices of Indonesian national economy had been dominated by the Chinese businessmen. It is why the initiative to establish BMI can be seen as a part of strengthening Muslims participation in national economic development. However, the reader should keep in mind that Indonesian citizens from Chinese-ethnic descent are not totally non-Muslims and what socalled as Pribumi among Indonesian citizens are also not totally Muslims. It is crucial not to confuse among terms used in this article such as Chinese, Pribumi, and Muslim to identify ethnic, economic, religious, or even political affiliations. Elya Munfarida writes on a prominent Muslim intellectual from South Africa, Farid Essack. This figure has developed a sort of hermeneutics called reception hermeneutics which is influential to highlight liberative and transformative aspects of the Quran as praxis-ideology. Essacks hermeneutics are condusive historically with the problems of South African society under the system of apartheid and reflects the potential to be contextualized against the unjust regimes or policies in other places, including Indonesia. As an art or method of interpreting text, this hermeneutics offers insightful perspectives for searching new meanings of the Quran suitable with the context of liberation struggles against any oppression,
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Foreword

discrimination, or exploitation. Essack understands that the interpretation of the Quran is a productive mode. Interpreting a text is not a reproduction of a meaning, but rather a production of a new meaning. It is the result of the interaction between the text and the contemporary situation of the interpreter. Here, reception hermeneutics departs from the readers or interpreters own culture and tradition rather than referring to traditional opinions of the predecessor (salaf). He insists that there is no neutral interpretation apart from subjectivity of the interpreters. However, to reach objectivity within subjectivity or arbitrary subjectivity, Essack sets hermeneutic keys for interpreting the Quran namely taqwa, tawhid, al-nas, mustadhafun, qist or adl, and jihad. These six keys guide the interpreters with moral criteria and doctrine in process of dialogue with the text, location of interpretation activity, and also ethos and method to produce and shape contextual understandings. In addition, Essack redefines iman (faith) as a deeply response to God. This meaning inclusively covers all faithful people regardless of their religions. Interestingly, Essacks Islamic liberation theology had been practiced in the real struggle against the injustice of the apartheid regime in South Africa; hand in hand with other parties and activists from various backgrounds and different religious affiliations. Rr. Siti Kurnia Widiastuti argues that Sekaten is one of the means used by Sunan Kalijaga (one of the nine Walis of Java) to spread Islamic teaching and to persuade Javanese people to accept Islam. She is conculdes that this method was proved to be very effective. It is in this historical consciousness that she explores the history of Jogya and the history of Sekaten itself, which appears in the circle of Yogyakartas Palace. She strongly believes that the Sekaten celebration has a certain social function and role to play. For that particular reason, she also argues to maintain the continuity of this special and unique ritual in Yogyakarta because Sekaten so far has made Yogyakarta very special.
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Foreword

Cut Mita identifies two models of resistance or rebellion in Aceh; they are represented by Darul Islam (DI) and Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). DI did not aim to create an independent state independent of Indonesia. Its rebellion was launched to impose radical change based on Islam within an existing state structure. While GAM took a different goal; it pursued a complete separation of Aceh from Indonesia as an independent state. The reasons behind both rebellions are in fact complex. However, we can mention several main reasons such as economical discontent, excessive centralism and uniformity of the ruling regimes politics, as well as military repression and terror. Along with this violence, Acehnese woman were so vulnerable of being victims from assaults, rapes, sexual harassment, murder, domestic violence, and also religious discrimination. Unfortunately, eventhough they have borne the most serious consequences of the violence, they are often left out of peace talks in Aceh. Here, Mita attempts to uplift the importance and necessity of womens role in the peace process of Aceh. She argues that Acehnese womens involvement in all processes of decision making will generate the peace process in getting better results and improvements. Naw Lily Kadoe brings the history of the Javanese peasant revolt in Banten (1888) and Burmese peasant revolt in Thayawaddy (1930) into comparison to explore the impetus of religion in anticolonial movements. She argues that both revolts were deeply influenced by unbearable conditions that the people experienced. In general, the peasants rebellion of Banten and Thayawaddy can be seen as protest movements against the irresistible control of the colonial economy and politics. At that time, the lives of colonized people were so hard; this condition forced them to follow any leader who launched an outbreak from the colonial government. Kadoe explains that the revolts were even termed as peasant revolts; however, these revolts practically involved rural elites, religious
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Foreword

leaders, and members of the former sultans families. Through critical comparison, she finds some similarities between the two peasant revolts. Both unrests illustrated, as she concludes, resentment of the people after the deposition of the sultan or the king; social, cultural, economic and political turbulence in the colonial period; the plights of the peasants under colonial rule; the leadership of the religious and charismatic leaders; the making use of the popular beliefs of peasants such as amulets and promise of vulnerability; the idea of Holy War; and nationalism. In this context, religion is clearly the essential impetus which had burned Javanese and Burmese peasants spirit to support the anti-colonial movements and struggle. Nyong ETIS argues for the necessity of Islam in Indonesian political context. He says that neglecting Islam or failing in balancing the power equilibrium among existing parties is too risky and may open the gate to political disaster. He comes to this conclusion after analyzing the role of Islam within the history of the fall of two regimes, the Old Order under Sukarno and the New Order under Suharto. Within political turbulences around these crucial moments, Islam as political power always existed and played its role whether to safeguard a ruling regime or to support political transition. However, it does not mean that the fall of the two regimes was caused solely by political Islam. In general, the fall of both regimes was a result of political rivalry among competing powers in which political Islam taking a part. Many other factors had exacerbated the fall of both regimes such as irreconcilable conflicts among the elites, the centralization of political power, the economic crisis, and the crisis of legitimacy. Have a critical reading! Editors

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IDENTITY: THE ART OF LIVING IN THE PALACE OF NOWHERE

Fransiskus Borgias M
Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung, West Java

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Introduction Identity is something that makes someone recognized as a certain person. Identity makes a certain individual becomes a person. There is a social aspect of identity; we call it social identity.1 There is also its personal aspect; we call it personal identity. Personal identity plays the important role in ones life because it makes someone a person. Personal identity, in its establishment process, determined by some factors. On the one hand, it is defined by other because an individual is in relation with other. On the other hand, personal identity is defined by the individual itself. This happens because an individual also confronts himself, in order to know himself better. According to Socrates, the knowledge of someones self is one of the moral and intellectual obligation for every human being. Socrates call it, gnoti he auton, know thyself. The knowledge of own self is important in the process of the formation of personal identity. Personal identity can be formed through the process of self recognition. Without the ability to self-recognition people will difficult to establish his/her personal identity. It is not always easy to perform a self-recognition. There are a lot of challenge and barrier to the self-recognition. One of the challenge is the unwillingness and the inability to perform a self-criticism.2 Identity is a dynamic concept. It is a verb rather than noun. It develops continuously till the end of life. It is a complex phenomenon
1

See Richard Jenkins, Social Identity (New York: Taylor and Francis e-Library, 2008); Susan George, Religion and Technology in the 21st Century, Faith in the E-World (London: Information Science Publishing, 2006), 195. She quotes Macmurray who talks about the social and personal identity; Jonathan Friedman, Cultural Identity and Global Process (London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publication, 1994), 26, 33-37, 249. 2 To quote Socrates, life that does not criticized is not worthy to be lived. The criticism of life is a sign that this life is valuable. If the life is not criticized the life is already dead. 8 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Fransiskus Borgias M

in human awareness because an individual involves in a multiple relationship in time, space. There is a possibility that in the experiment with identity development an individual will fall down, but there is still possibility to raise up again and continue the journey. Here the role of religion and morality is important to give new strength and inspiration to struggle for his or her life. Identity is in the process of becoming. It is not something static and standardized. It is always in the process of formation, in the process of searching. This is true for the initial development of human being, especially in their youth. We know that both physically and spiritually, morally and religiously an individual develops gradually from a certain stage to the next stages in his life. This is also true for an adult. Human development also takes place in the old age. This is something happen until old age, even until death. Identity is something in the process of becoming, in the ongoing formation; it is a process of formation that take place contiuously from the birth until death. Only on the death bed we can say that the whole process was finished. Here I will lay foundation for my theological thinking on my personal journal. Therefore I will focus on my personal experiences. There is a possibility that such endeavor will spread to many direction, because there are a lot of aspects in my personal life. To avoid it, I will narrow down its scope by formulate research question. And this is my question: Can people establish a narrative theological thinking based on his/her own biography as a dynamic journey toward the formation of personal identity? It seems that this question is simple. But actually it is not. The importance of this question should be viewed at the background of modern turn to the subject as the agent of action.3 Let me see the historical fact to show
3

See George, Religion and Technology, 191-193. Also Dorothy Holland, et.al., Identity, Agency in Cultural World (London: Harvard University Press, 1998). 9 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Fransiskus Borgias M

that there are a lot of thinkers who establish their thinking on their personal biography. Biography and Philosophy-Theology Having look through the long history of the world (philosophy and theology) I find some great historical fact containing a truth. Based on such historical investigation I realize that the great theology produced by those great theologians always started with their biography, or based on their own experience (secular and spiritual). The greatest and striking example is St.Augustine of Hippo. One of his wellknown book which has a strong influence for Christian world is Confessiones. A Belgian philosopher from early tweentieth century, Malebranche, called the book an internal-spiritual methaphysics because in this book St.Augustine honestly and bravely deconstruct the clusters of his mind and heart and present its results to the reader. He does not shame to open himself, to reveal his own scars, including his passions and desires. Only one thing he did not open to public and this case made the modern feminist rebuke him severely, that is the mystery of his wifes name. Until present time nobody knows his wifes name; we can only know his sons name, Adeodatus, Given by God. Some of great works of Paul Ricoeur in philosophy were strongly influenced by this book of St.Augustine. So strong is the influence of this book that modern interpretation of the Bible used the title of Confessiones as a technical terms to mention all the subject similiar to it. For instance, they have the term Confessiones Jeremiae to call some of chapters in the Book of Jeremiah, in which the prophet recites his personal miseries. One of the great French philosophers, Jean Jacques Rousseau, also wrote a book with the same tittle, Confessiones. Also from Augustine we know the other book with the tittle Civitas Dei (City of God). This book was written
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from the background of his personal experience as a Bishop of Hyppo in North Africa, when he personally, as an old bishop, witnesses the history of the colapse of Roman Empire in North Africa because of invasions of vandals from North Europe. From modern time I mention some liberation theologians. Gustavo Gutierres, with his Liberation Theology, started from suffering experiences of his congregations in Peru.4 From Asia I mention Aloysius Pieris from Sri Lanka. He is well known for his Liberation Theology from Asia. This book is also based on his experience of suffering and struggle in the midst of his congregation.5 Choan Seng Songs books also born from the womb of suffering of Asians. There are a lot of feminist theologians in several part of this world who based their theology on their (negative) experiences. For instance woman theologian from Korea, Chung Hyun Kyung, Struggle to be the Sun Sun Again; also woman liberation theologian from United States of America, Delores Williams.6 I have to limit the list here because otherwise I will consume the whole space of my paper. The lists are good representatives.

See Gustavo Gutierres, A Theology of Liberation, History, Politics and Salvation (London: SCM Press Ltd, 1977). 5 See Aloysius Pieris SJ, An Asian Theology of Liberation (New York: Orbis Books, 1988). 6 Simone de Beauvoir, with her The Second Sex, also an example of philosopher establishing their philosophy based on personal biography. Indonesias Kartini, with her Habis Gelap Terbitlah Terang, also a good example. 11 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Fransiskus Borgias M

Toward a Narrative Theology 7 I am on a journey. Ego sum homo viator. I have a journey. Journey is the proper definition of my identity. In my journey I have a dream. Journey and dream are two poles of my life, marks its dynamics from the beginning until its end of nowhere. Being born I am condemned to start a journey. To become a human being is a dream I bring with, a dream that gives energy and dynamics to me in my journey. I am not alone on my journey. My people also are on journey. Therefore this is a communal journey rather than personal one. Even my community, from where I come from, is community on journey. My journey is not my own. It is a journey of my faith. My real life is the starting point of my theology. Theology begins with my life, but my life is related to the lives of others. The story of my life is the story of many lives.8 My tribes settled down in West Flores since four centuries ago. They come from a journey through the sea. Being on journey they are accustomed to cross boundaries, to the point of risking life of community because of natural disaster or storm in ocean. I know this from oral tradition. We have no written tradition. But it does not mean that we have no tradition to be handed down. We have it in a different form. We have language in which we keep everything. For people of oral tradition, language becomes bridge of time, space, culture and civilization. Language becomes a space in which we keep secret and preserve everything. Language becomes a communal memory (memoria communalis). Because language used every day,
7

This part of my paper is personal narrative. In it I want to trace moment of passing borders in my life and my tribes life. Hopefully I can build a theology. C.S. Song emphasizes such kind of theology in Asian root. See Jung Young Lee, Marginality: The Key to Multicultural Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 7. He said that theology is autobiographical. 8 I take such an insight from Lee. Ibid., 8. 12 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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such function not static but a dynamic function: It becomes memoria continua (continual memory). It changes from communal memory to memoria continua. In that sense language becomes the bridge between generations. From language I know the way our ancestors established their way of thinking and managing natural world, and then transform it to the level of cultural world. Language becomes a pool in which I can dive to find an enlightened mind knowing that some of the art of managing the world have been treasured. In such sense language becomes a room to enter and rest for a while from a journey. Because language has become communal memory and memoria continua, it becomes like a stream of narrative with a bulk of establishment. It becomes grand narratives of my tribes. It becomes like an opened book. So I can quote from such a book of history. This is, of course, a different art of quoting because I am not referring to certain page, chapter, of subtitle. I quote from book of no pages, no chapter. It is a book in which life is recited as such. It flows down the stream as such. Do not be astonished if I do not refer to a certain pages in which I find the idea. This is a mensa communis (communal table), a table for all, where I find perennial philosophy. My Story: Living by Passing Borders 9 From such a book of life I know that our ancestors are sailors coming from West of Sumatera through the sea until they arrived at the island where we lived now. In a sense, they cross borders, their homeland, hometown, meadows, fountains and mountains, valleys, islands. They cross the stormy and dark sea. They know what is it to live in border or to cross borders. Their existence is always on border, on boundary. So, we are refugees in this world, in this place, in this
9

When I wrote this part, I am inspired by A. Maalouf, In the Name of Identity, Violence and the Need to Belong (NY: Pinguin Books, 2003). 13 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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island, in the place where we are now. We are pilgrims who now arrived at a certain station of a journey. Perhaps it is not a final station yet. They went out of their native land to an alien country. Paul Tillich said that the boundary between native land and alien country is not merely an external boundary marked off by nature or by history. It is also a boundary between two inner forces, two possibilities of human existence.10 Is this insights of being on a journey disappeared once they settled down on a certain spot of an island? This is my question now. My answer is Yes and No. Yes because we have already stayed at that island for more than three centuries. No because our ancestors move around that certain area in western part of our district today, due to natural disasters (connected to a terrifying cosmogony or topogony)11 or due to the aggression of other tribes. It is just at the beginning of 20th century that our ancestors became more settled down. My personal life is also a story of journey. My father is an elementary school teacher. So, I was born in eastern part of Manggarai when my father worked there as an elementary school teacher. I was not born where my parents were born. I was born outside of my parents lovely place. For my parents it has a meaning. Especially for my mother: she gave birth to me outside of her village. I was born outside of borders of their lovely places. In a sense, they gave birth to me on a journey. I am brought up in a different place in central part of Manggarai (Ketang). Here I changed a lot. One aspect of it is the change in dialects of language. In my childhood I used
10 11

See Paul Tillich, The Boundary (Collins, London: St.James Place, 1967), 91. Cosmogony means the story about the genesis of cosmos: How cosmos came to existence. Topogony means story about the genesis of topos (place): How a place came to existence. It is too long to tell one example of it though it is very important for a better understanding of the whole context of story. 14 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Lambaleda dialect. Now I use Lelak dialects. Such changes bring a feeling of alienation to language of my childhood. I have different dialects from my mother, because hers is dialect of Wontong. It creates a feeling of difference within our own family. Finishing my elementary school I entered minor seminary in Kisol. It brought a new change also in my life: I live together with new people coming almost of every part of Manggarai; I have to adapt myself with this new situation. In Kisol, people have their own language, which is quite different from ours. Because I live in seminary, which at that time was a little bit closed, I have a minimum contact with people outside of it. Therefore I did not know their language. I feel strange from them though I like them. The most dramatic change is the way we are educated. We are educated in a western tradition. On the one hand, it was good. But on the other hand, it marked a change in my personal life. Since then I am uprooted almost completely from my cultural back ground. In such sense I am alienated from the culture of my tribe. The result was clear: I felt strange to my culture. But it helps me to transcend, to go beyond the borders of my culture. I have to see this change in a positive way. Otherwise I cannot live in such a never-ending changes and shifts of paradigms. I studied in that seminary for six years and half. Twice a year I went back to spend my holiday with my parents. That is why my contact was minimal with my people, parents, tribes and culture. Then I entered major seminary. As preparation I spent one year in Pagal, Northern part of Manggarai. Their dialect was also different. I have to adapt to their dialect. Then I moved to Yogyakarta. This was a big change in my life. I get out of my land, my people, hometown, and language. I entered into a new land, people, island, language, and culture. This helped me to transcend furthermore the borders of my culture. I entered Franciscan Order to become a priest. In novitiate I underwent a process of religious and
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spiritual formation. I live with other people (Java, Papua, and Sumatera). Then I studied philosophy and theology (Jakarta and Yogya). This makes a great change in my life. At the end of my theological formation I decided to leave the Order. This was also a great change. I have to begin a new life. So I have to start from a zero point. I have to earn money. I have to think about my future. In the Order I never think about it. Everything is available. I really know by my own experience the meaning of life struggle, challenge, and competition. At first I feel distressed; but then I like it. That is the meaning of life. Having three years lives outside of the Order, I think about my future: marry or not? I decided to marry. At the moment, I still did not know with whom I will marry? That is a big question? Shall I marry a girl from my tribe? At that time I stayed away from my tribe. So I try to find a girl from other tribes. This was also a great leap in my life. I married a girl from Jakarta. After married we stayed in Bandung; it has a different language: Sundanese. Then our first lovely child, Yoan, born. Two years afterward have born our second child, Agung. There is a great leap in my consciousness: Now I become a father of two children. Since then I seriously think about the identity of our child in future. Their main problem would be a problem of identity, which is closely connected to ethnicity.12 Now their ethnicity will be in-between: Manggarai and Betawi. In a sense such condition is also the condition of crossing borders. It is not just in spatial and geographical and linguistically meaning; but also in genetical meaning. Their existence is characterized by the trait of crossing borders. After working for more than seven years in department of philosophy and theology of Catholic University of Parahyangan Bandung (West Java), I received scholarship from Nijmegen. Studying
12

See Friedman, Cultural Identity and Global Process, 88-89, 168, 245. 16 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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and staying in Netherlands, again I cross one of the greatest borders in my life. I engage in an international encounter and relationship. I enter into a totally different way of life and communication. If so far I mainly spoke Indonesian language, from now on I have to communicate completely in English, sometimes in Dutch and Germany. From Story to Theology: Some Theological Impacts After reviewing and reflecting globally on the whole course of my life, I realized that my existence is characterized by the event of passing borders almost from time to time. It seems that I exist in the process of passing borders. As if it has become my self-identity and self-definition. It demands many things from my life. First of all, I have to be accustomed to the possibility of multiple identities, which I want to talk about now. 1. Multiple Identities: Standing Straddle People in their whole life, indeed, as though standing straddle over borders of two spaces; spaces of ethnicity, language, culture, ideology or even religion. They are always in condition of passing borders. At one moment, one of their legs stands in one room. At the other moment, their other legs stand in another room. For example: I come from Manggarai (Flores). But now I stay in West Java and married with West Javanese woman. This condition in a certain sense creates multiple identities in me: the identity as Manggarain and the identity as a husband of West Java woman. Or the identity of my children in future: They are Manggarains (from fathers line) but also at the same time they are Betawians (from mothers line). The importance of this fact lays in the fact that I have

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to negotiate the spaces in my identity, even also negotiate my identity.13 Because of standing straddle, people cannot always stand strongly on the ground. They are always in condition of being almost fallen down, dizzy; but fortunately they never really fallen down. It is like someone who are walking down stairs (ladders) and thinking that there is still one ladder to walk down. But in fact that is the last. When s/he begins to step on with such thinking, s/he will lose his/her equilibrium. We try to keep our equilibrium in order that we will not fall down. Other consequence of such condition was that we become a fragile people; in such condition we are easily attacked by others. This condition is like a boxer with a bad footwork and the consequences is that he is not strong. Such a boxer will easily fall down if he got an uppercut from his sparring partner. Condition of multiple identities in a sense is similar to the condition of standing straddle. That is the fragility of the condition of a people with multiple identities.14 2. Be Humble Always Knowing that my life is always changes from time to time, I have to be courage to make a new decision for life. I have to be ready to leave the establishment. Nothing is permanent in my life. For that reason, one of the theological consequences I can see from start is that I should never make a truth claim. I am not the only side who has the truth. Truth is always universal. It never exists in particular
13

See Timothy P. Daniels, Building Cultural Nationalism in Malaysia Identity (New York and London: Routledge, 2005), especially Chapters 1, 3, 6. 14 Jung Young Lee talks much about such phenomenon in his book. He pays more attention to such a problem especially in context of American political background. See Lee, Marginality, 8-25. In those pages he talks about the Korean-Americans, the Chinese-Americans, Japanese-Americans, Taiwanese-Americans, Vietnamese-Americans. 18 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Fransiskus Borgias M

and limited way. For that reason truth is always in the realm of inbetween. No party can ever claim it as absolutely their own. Nobody can monopolize truth. The truth is always independent. The other consequences are based on the previous one. If I know that in principle truth is universal, then the truth is laying in between. For that reason, I have to be always humble to the possibilities of truth in others and of others. I have to be ready to acknowledge that truth I see in the other is also part of truth although not whole truth. Furthermore, I have to be opened to the truth of the other, be opened to a further revelation of truth. Truth is never in a static condition. It is always a dynamic event. Truth is always coming from beyond the borders and from beyond the horizon of life and faith. 3. Theological Threat of Relativism Principle of relativism basically means that there is nothing which is called an absolute truth. In this way we make a kind of relativization of truth. I make the truth relative and not absolute. If it is not absolute, the consequences of it are that I morally not always obliged to obey and practice and preserve the so-called truth. I can change almost every time. I have to search for the truth throughout my whole life. Its negative impact is: I can arrive at a certain point of agnosticism, the condition where I believe that related to the truth I can never find any certainty. I am always in condition of doubt. Even further I can arrive at a certain point of view, which emphasizes the fact that I cannot find the truth at all. But for me the existence of objective and universal truth is important. It is very dangerous for tradition and institution if there is no truth. It is a danger for education process. You cannot transfer anything to young generation if you do not believe that something is true and important. An old saying of Latin goes like this: Nemo dat quod non habet (Nobody can give something that he or she has not).
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If I find truth everywhere and if I cannot monopolize truth, and if truth is always universal event and entity, then in myself can occur a conviction that truth is always relative or better relational, meaning that it is found the dynamic of human relationship. I think, however, what are relative not truth in itself but particular and personal truth. The universal truth as such is always true. So the theological threat of relativism is not so much related to the truth as such but related to my personal commitment to a certain embodiment of universal truth.15 Ready to Accept Pluralism Harold Coward wrote a book on religious pluralism as a challenge of our contemporary condition and religion.16 But what is pluralism? There are many definitions of it. Pluralism is, therefore, plural in itself. For the purpose of my paper, however, I will propose a general definition. Pluralism is the coexistence at the same time and place of various, of different and conflicting things in a broadest sense of the word (religion, culture, ideology, personality). Those things could come from the same class that their coexistence could be complementary or substitutive. They could also come from different category or class so that their coexistence could be an opposite one. In this case, it could be a coincidentia oppositorum
15

Some thinkers tend to think here about syncretism, a Greek word that describe about phenomenon in which people try to take some positive value from one religion and other positive value from other religion and try to combine those mixed positive value in a certain new existence of religion. Traditionally it is considered as negative. But there is other theologian who thinks about it in positive way. See Leonardo Boff, The Church, Between Charism and Power (New York: Orbis Books, 1980). 16 Harold Coward, Pluralism in the World Religions, Short Introduction (Oxford: One World, 2000). 20 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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(coincidence of the opposites), using philosophical term of Nicholas Cusanus. We have to view pluralistic phenomenon in our world in an optimistic way, in spite of the fact that there is potential threat imbedded in it for our political life. In following part I try to see optimistically such pluralistic phenomenon. First, phenomenon of pluralism is natural fact willed by God. God creates diversity in universe. So it must be a positive thing if God creates and wish it. It must have positive value. This statement has a theological implication: rejection of phenomenon of pluralism is the same with rejection of Gods design. And this is one of grave sins human being can do: blasphemy. Because God wills phenomenon of pluralism, secondly, it means that plurality is the only way of existence for everything. We exist and live in plurality. We are never outside of it. We are different from each other; we are unique and einmalich. Our uniqueness contributes to pluralism of our being together. We are a relational being, says Susan Georg.17 Further consideration is aesthetical point of view. It is said that aesthetics demand diversity. In diversity lies aesthetics. Diversity is a constitutive part of aesthetics. When we see wonders of sea-world, we are sure that its beauty lies in its diversity. In it we see various fish with several size, colors, or even combinations of colors. We see various kinds of choral with its own size and color; we see various kinds of under-water plants with its beautiful colors and size. All of these things contribute according to their own mode of existence to the total beauty of the sea-world. How dull it would be if sea-world consists only of one kind of fish, under-water plants, plankton, etc. Aesthetics, therefore, imply diversity. No aesthetics without diversity. We need aesthetics for our spiritual satisfaction. Rejecting diversity

17

George, Religion and Technology, 195, quoting Kenneth Gergen and Macmurray. 21 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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means also rejecting aesthetics. Rejecting aesthetics means rejecting our spiritual satisfaction. It is, for me, a kind of spiritual-suicide. Fourthly, we have to accept plurality as positive value because plurality is conditio sine qua non of life and its continuity and conservation. Plurality is condition which makes possible the conservation of life in universe. A newborn child is possible because sperm (man) and ovum (woman) is united in the womb of woman and thus begins a totally new existence and personality. It shows that it needs more than one element in order that new life begins to exist. Everything needs others to exist. Some thinker say: we are always in condition of needing others; we are always in condition of refering and relating to others.18 Rejecting plurality, therefore, means rejecting condition for life. Finally, in plurality there is possibility for human being to learn from other: from existence, experience, culture, language, and religion. Existence of other is, therefore, not completely strange otherness but a place to learn much about life, about other, about our self. No man is an island, the proverb goes. No one can live alone. By meeting others it is possible for us to have a complementary and substitutive view of life, which is important for transforming the self, life, horizon of personal life. Other view is not totally other and strange but has a transforming power for our life. To apply such philosophical discourse on vegetative level of life, I can say that plurality/diversity is opportunity for all vegetative creatures to have symbiotic counterpart. Biologically, symbiosis has also transforming power.19

18 19

See ibid., 195-96. For the topic of the other see Michael Barnes SJ., Theology and the Dialogue of Religions (Cambridge: CUP, 2002). Also Michael de Certeau, Heterologies: Discourse on the Other (Manchester: MUP, 1986). Also 22 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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The Other as Point of Reference If I know that I am not the ultimate criterion for truth then I will always ready to be opened to others. I am always in the condition of referring to the other. That is my expression to rephrase the philosophical insights of Edmund Husserl: That we are always in the condition of intentional. Our consciousness always has its own intentionality. Intentionality means that we are always in the condition of direct or being attentive to the existence and the presence of the other. Other people have their own quality of truth. I will, here, refer to social theory of conversion to show the importance of the other. Usually people talk about four kinds of it. There are people who become converts because they live in certain social context. People in Hindis dominated society will become Hindu. There are people who become convert because they born in family with a strong religious identity. For example: I become Catholic even before I was born. There are people who become a convert because they are persuaded of forced by other. In colonial times there are people who change their religion because of missionaries. Finally there is conversion because people experience a miracle in which they are asked to follow a certain religion. Paul is one of the classic models. From those four kinds of conversion we know that the factor of the other have a strong influence on the individual whenever they want to decide something important in their life. The factor of the other happens in the dynamics of encounters, both cultural involvement of various religions in sharing of everyday life and not an organized-institutional dialogue, and negotiating their spaces and

Emmanuel Levinas, Humanism of the Other (Illinois: University of Illinois, 2006). 23 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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identity.20 In inter-cultural encounters there is a cultural shift. It also happens in inter-religious encounters. To be religious in modern world is to be inter-religious.21 It has a transforming force. Whether people acknowledge it or not religions changed after they meet other traditions.22 Believers will change others and vice versa. Transformation in believers can change socio-cultural expressions of religion. When a religion enters into culture, it becomes in-culturized. When religion enters into inter-cultural encounter it becomes interculturized.23 The way we organize socio-physical expressions of religion is influenced by socio-culture it enters into. There is historical change in religion that brings positive insight to the self-realization of believers. There is an exchange among believers who transform socio-cultural feature of religion. The role of hermeneutics is important. The way we understand our past is influenced by a critical-correlation hermeneutics. There are many difficulties in inter-religious encounters. One of it is the shallowness of participants with the result that their participation is not based on a profound self-knowledge and knowledge of others. That is why R.Panikkar emphasizes intra20

Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self, the Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), Chapter 2. Mike Baynham, Performing Self, Family and Self Representations of Migration and Settlement (pp.376-398) in Discourse and Identity, edited by Anna De Finna, Deborah Schiffrin and Michael Bamberg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 21 See J. Dupuis, Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism (NY: Orbis Books, 1997), especially Introduction. 22 The most interesting illustration of it is Lorraine V.Aragon, Fields of the Lord (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), describing the encounter of Prostentat Christianity with the Highlander people in South-Western Part of Sulawesi. 23 See Charles H. Kraft, Christianity in Culture (New York: Orbis Books, 2005). 24 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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religious dialogue before entering into an inter-religious encounter. Before going out into dialogue, people must delve into his/her own religion and from such profundity s/he will mature to enter into an inter-religious dialogue. Inter-religious encounter means that we go into our own religion and dive into its deep spirituality and ready to experience metanoia. Inter-religious dialogue means that people realized passing over: go beyond his own religious convictions and enter into others. The aim is not to stay in it forever but to learn something new. You have to come back. When arriving at your former place you are transformed into a new being, a new personality; you are not just the same. According to John S.Dunne, passing over must be always countered with coming back.24 Otherwise it is only a conversion into a new religion, even an apostasy. Challenges to Authentic Religiosity Authentic religiosity is religiosity in its purest forms which acquired by individual through the whole process of life which bring him/her to encounter with transcendence. Individual gives a personal agreement to religious beliefs he/she gets in life. S/he is consciously responsible to his/her belief. They do not believe because of others witness, tough it is an authoritative one, but of an authentic experience. It is an appropriation of an aspect of truth because I have experienced its rays. But what is the difference between religion and religiosity. Religion is the physical connotation of the word. It is an institutionalization of the experience of divine and the sacred. Religiosity is an experience of the divine itself. When one can see the divine in the wind then that person has a sense of religiosity.

24

See John S. Dunne, The Way of All the Earth (London: Sheldon Press, 1970), especially Introduction. 25 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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What is the meaning of authentic? Firstly, it means that something is experienced personally. I have a firsthand knowledge of something because it is I who experience it. I do not depend on others knowledge or witnesses. It is I who responsible for what I know. Secondly, it means that the content is not mixed with other thing. For example: persuasion, witness and knowledge of other. It means that in the process something has been purified from an external influence. What is its challenge to authentic religiosity? First, it could have a positive impact in the sense that they endorse the growth of understanding of truth. The apprehension of truth is not a process that happens only once in our life. Finding truth is always a dynamic event. Finding truth is a dynamic process in dialogical relationship. The proper place for it is not the both sides of participants but in area of in-between (Emmanuel Levinas, Desmon William). The inbetween concept means that there is an encounter of the two sides (culture and religion). The encounter of various cultures and religions help us to grow in our understanding of truth. We can never claim the truth because it is something in-between. The finding of truth is a process of revealing it. We have to open the veil of every event in life. Second, those two factors could have a positive impact in the sense that they endorse the intensification of truth. Once we have grasped truth, we will always in need of others contribution to intensify it. Otherwise it will become an obsolete and unjustified truth lacking authority of its own. It has no appeal for people who are thirsty for knowledge. Borrowing Poppers word, a truth should always be falsified in order to find the real truth. The process of justification and falsification can happen only in the event of encounters with other. They never happen outside of dynamic encounters. Through it we can experience the intensification of truth we have achieved.
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Third, those two factors could have positive impact in a sense that they endorse metanoia: a transformation of mind from a certain condition to new heart due to the encounter with others. It is an internal transformation. It is different from conversion that means only the change of religion or denomination. What I mean is that even I still in the same denomination, but I change because of encounter with other. Encounter with other endorses the event of metanoia. Transformation of heart will change the way we approach others: people, religion, and culture. I never understand the Dutch way of life, until I came here and encounter the Dutch people in their own living place and culture. I experience a metanoia, but I am still the same Francis. Fourthly, at the level of authentic religion hopefully people can live in harmony. Following W.C. Smiths distinction between the essence and the trivial of religion, I can say that people will put strong emphasis upon the essence of religion and not on trivialities. In its essence, all religion is the same. The claims of religion mostly and primarily are concerned with the institutional aspects of it, and with the physical connotation of the religion. Epilogue: Be Opened to the Hand of God The fact that identity is a dynamic process is a problem in itself. I arrive at an awareness that our human personal identity is not a monolithic but a multiple identity. I have to know that there are several roles that I play in my personal and social life. Such roles also plays an important and significant role in the process of shaping and determining our identity. In my self-analysis I realize that I have a role as a father for my children, a husband for my wife, an lecturer for my students, and now I am a student to my lecturers. These are my selfawareness as a person in a functional relationship (parental, organisational, institutional, and ecclesial relationship, etc). Culture and religion plays an important role in identity formation. Therefore I am a religious and a cultural being. Those forms of my personal
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relationship helps me in the process of taking a critical distance from my self. This is important because this is a prerequisite for the ability to made self criticism.25 In the process of development, there is always a real possibility to fall. It is natural. But it is something painful if there are other people who mock us. It is worse if there is a social judgement, and a socio-moral stigmatization. But in ethics, the fall-down experience is an opportunity to raise up. The important thing is not the event of falling down itself; the important thing is the courage to raise up again and continue the journey. Here the role of religion and morality is important. Faith is always a journey and on journey, a journey to God. It is like the journey of Abraham. Faith is human response to the revelation of God. Revelation is God self-communication. Human being responds to such self-communication of God by and in faith; it is always a process. The whole human life is directed toward transcendence. Realizing that life is journey, we have to be open always to the hand of God, to his grace because in the beginning there was a grace and relationship.

25

Here I remember western scholar who say that the ability to take a critical distance is related to the gramatical structure of language. This grammatical structure made possible for human being to take a critical distance. I against such an opinion because the ability to take a critical distance from a self is an universal phenomenon among human being though their language do not have such similar grammatical structure. 28 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Bibliography Aragon, Lorraine V. Fields of the Lord. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. Barnes, Michael. Theology and the Dialogue of Religions, Cambridge: CUP, 2002. Boff, Leonardo. The Church, Between Charism and Power. New York: Orbis Books, 1980. Byanham, Mike. Performing Self, Family and Self Representations of Migration and Settlement (pp.376-398) in Discourse and Identity, edited by Anna De Finna, Deborah Schiffrin and Michael Bamberg. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Coward, H. Pluralism in the World Religions, Short Introduction. Oxford: One World, 2000. Daniels, Timothy P. Building Cultural Nationalism in Malaysia Identity. New York and London: Routledge, 2005. De Certeau, Michel. Heterologies: Discourse on the Other. Manchester: MUP, 1986. Dunne, John S. The Way of All the Earth. London: Sheldon Press, 1970. Dupuis, J. Toward a Christian Theology of Religious Pluralism. NY: Orbis Books, 1997. Friedman, Jonathan. Culture, Identity and World Process. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publication, 1994. George, Susan. Religion and Technology in the 21st Century: Faith in the E-World (Chapter 5 and 9.4). London: Information Science Publishing, 2006.
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Gutierres, Gustavo. A Theology of Liberation, History, Politics and Salvation, London: SCM Press Ltd, 1977. Holland, Dorothy et.al. Identity, Agency in Cultural World. London: Harvard University Press, 1998. Jenkins, Richard. Social Identity. New York: Taylor and Francis eLibrary, 2008. Kraft, Charles K. Christianity in Culture. New York: Orbis Books, 2005. Lee J. Young. Marginality, Key to Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995. Multicultural Theology.

Levinas, Emmanuel. Humanisme of the Other. Illinois: University of Illinois, 2006. Maalouf, Amin. In the name of Identity: Violence and the Need to Belong. NY: Pinguin Books, 2003. Pieris, Aloysius. An Asian Theology of Liberation. New York: Orbis Books, 1988. Taylor, Charles. Sources of the Self, the Making of the Modern Identity (Chapter 2: The Self in Moral Space). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989. Tillich, Paul. The Boundary. Collins, London: St.James Place, 1967.

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19TH CENTURY CHRISTIANITY IN JAVA: KRISTEN JOWO AS A NEW DIMENSION FOR JAVANESE IDENTITY
Andreas Jonathan
STT Getsemani, Yogyakarta

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Andreas Jonathan

Introduction The discussion of the history of religions in Indonesia is very interesting and inspiring. In some extend, mirror from the history, we can say that Indonesian people are religious, because the presence of religion has been evident even since the pre-history era. The coming of the foreign religions (i.e. Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity) to Nusantara which had been inhabited by hundreds of ethnic groups --each with its own native religion and tradition-- had changed significantly the socio-religious map in the forming of Indonesia. This fact does not allow us to view Indonesia only through single religious lens, but in the contrary Indonesia religiously should be viewed from very diverse lenses. It is not only applied in national level, but also for every ethnic group. The coming and diffusion of the foreign religions that brought in by foreigners together with their foreign cultures had interacted significantly with the natives in the making of indigenization process into the cultural identity of each ethnic group. Some had succeeded, but some failed to pass this process. Some elements of foreign religious-cultures had been integrated and accepted as part of their culture, but some elements are still considered as foreign. The interaction and indigenization process in some extend play significant role in the diffusion of religion. The later comer religion was not dealing only with the native religion, but also with the foreign religion that had come earlier. In this dynamic, I will discuss how foreign religion --particularly Christianity as my focus in this paper-- has been diffused among the Javanese in the nineteenth century, which can be considered as the early diffusion period of Christianity in Java significantly. Christianity, which is in general considered as the last wave of foreign religion that spread in Java (after Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam) had to deal not only with the Javanese religion and culture, but also with Islam that had been embraced by the majority of Javanese at that time.
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Andreas Jonathan

The Christianity that brought in by the Europeans to Java in the nineteenth century culturally was not the original Christianity that rooted in Jewish tradition as it was in the first century. This European type of Christianity that arrived in Java was mainly rooted to GraecoRoman and western culture. Coming with the spirit of superiority and colonialism, the westerners were spreading their Christianity together with their culture. Undoubtedly, it created tensions and clashes with the natives. They had to deal with question whether Christian faith had to be embraced together with the western culture or it could be expressed in Javanese culture. Moreover, the Javanese also had to deal whether they could accept Christianity as part of their identity which at that time had been identified with Islam. Based on the background stated above, this research paper will try to answer my research question: How could Kristen Jowo be accepted as a new dimension of the Javanese identity? This research paper will be a significant study of historical background for my main interest on ChristiansMuslims interaction in Indonesia. In this paper, I limit my research to the diffusion of Christianity among the Javanese and Javanese Christian communities in East and Central Java from the beginning until the nineteenth century. My focus is on observing the encountering of Christianity and the Javanese, culturally and religiously. I will discuss this issue mainly through four significant figures in the diffusion and shaping of Javanese Christianity in that early period: Coenraad Coolen, Johanes Emde, Jellesma and Sadrach Surapranata, which all are under the umbrella of Protestant Christianity. The reason I choose these figures because all of them were leaders who made decisions how Christianity should be practiced among the Javanese. Their role was very crucial because it would influence the development and progress of future Christianity among the Javanese. On the other hand, there are some differences among them in dealing with cultural and religious issues based on their cultural background and understanding of the Bible or Christian doctrines. These differences created different reactions
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Andreas Jonathan

from the Javanese. These dynamics that took place during that period was crucial in the formation of Kristen Jowo as a new dimension of the Javanese. I will compare those differences to see the lessons that we can take for our context in Indonesia today. Brief Historical Background Although Christianity probably had arrived in Nusantara (Sumatra and Java) in the seventh century by Nestorian Persians, but there was no solid record of Christian community in the region.1 The earliest record of the presence of Christianity is from Ebedjesus of Nisibis (1291-1319) that mentions Dabbagh as the district of a bishop. Dabbagh during that period was a common name of Java or Sumatra.2 However, that is also debatable since the evidence is not very strong. Most scholars generally agree that the arrival of Christianity in the archipelago was in sixteenth century with the coming of the Portuguese (Catholics). Although some scholars say that it is hardly to find any evidence of the presence of Javanese Christians before nineteenth century, but actually there is a record that showing the existence of Javanese Christian community in the sixteenth century. According to Jan S. Aritonang,3 in Hindu Blambangan kingdom there were many people who rejected to become Muslims and they were interested to Christianity. Related to this record, Soekotjo quoting G. van Schie says that in 1585 came two Catholic missionaries to Blambangan and
1

S.H. Soekotjo, Sejarah Gereja-gereja Kristen Jawa Jilid 1: Di Bawah Bayangbayang Sending 1858-1948 (Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen and Lembaga Studi & Pengembangan Gereja-gereja Kristen Jawa, 2009), 98. 2 Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 6. 3 Jan S. Aritonang, Sejarah Perjumpaan Islam dan Kristen di Indonesia (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004), 44-45. 34 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Andreas Jonathan

worked there for four years. They were baptizing around six hundreds Javanese even few of them from the royal family.4 Soon later, Blambangan was attacked and Islamized by the Islamic kingdom of Pasuruan. The Christian community was destroyed, left nobody there. Nevertheless, there was no serious and continuous Christian mission to Javanese then after the Islamization of Java, because the Dutch VOC did not support it. VOC moved its centre from Ambon to Batavia in 1619. Church in Batavia, which was under VOC, became the centre of all VOC Christian churches all over Nusantara. VOC limited Christians to communicate to the Muslims until its end on the last day of the eighteenth century. The Dutch government after taking over the power from VOC continued VOC policy relating to mission work. The earliest record of intentional Christian mission in Java in the nineteenth century, according to Th. Sumartana was the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS) that founded by William Carey in 1792 that sent William Robinson to share the Gospel to the Javanese. Robinson arrived in Batavia on 1 May 1813 when the authority was under the British (Thomas Stamford Raffles) in 1811-1816 who opened the door for mission work. One year later the BMS sent two other missionaries to help Robinson.5 C. Guillot6 adds that in 1814 three missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS)7 were sent to Batavia. They were: J.

4 5

Soekotjo, Sejarah Gereja, 99. Th. Sumartana, Mission at the Crossroads: Indigenous Churches, European Missionaries, Islamic Association and Socio-religious Change in Java 18121936 (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia: Jakarta, 1991) 9-10. 6 C. Guillot, Kiai Sadrach: Riwayat Kristenisasi di Jawa (Jakarta: Grafiti Press, 1985), 5. 35 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Andreas Jonathan

Kam, J.C. Supper, and G. Bruckner. Later, Kam was sent to Ambon, Supper stayed in Jakarta and Bruckner went to Semarang. Because they Dutch Church both in Jakarta and Semarang needed pastors, then Supper and Bruckner were occupied with the Dutch and Church activities rather than to serve the Javanese, which was supposed to be the main purpose of their coming. Because of strong desire to serve the Javanese, Bruckner finally resigned from the pastoral work and joined the BMS. He translated the New Testament into Javanese. The translation was done by 1823 and he went to Serampore to print it at William Carey printing. While the printing almost done, in 1825 the Java War of Diponegoro started, and later in West Sumatra the Minangkabau also fought against the colonial that considered as kafir. Because of these wars that not only political but also religious, the colonial forbid the distribution the Javanese translation Bible, and also forbid any mission work among the Muslims. Because of this colonials rule, all the mission works then concentrated only in eastern part of Indonesia. Bruckner lived in Semarang until 1857, but there was no visible fruit of his ministry. The silent period of the work of official mission bodies did not mean there was no work at all. In fact there were some individuals that amazingly had played a significant role in the spreading of the Gospel in Java. However, the defeat of Prince Diponegoro in 1830 was shaking the Javanese Muslims which lost their leader who was believed and expected as Ratu Adil and Khalifah. Started from 1830, the door for gospel diffusion was opened wider. Philip van Akkeren8 makes a note about this issue, The fall of Diponegoro signified that
7

According to J.D. Wolterbeek, Babad Zending Ing Tanah Jawi (Yogyakarta: TPK, 1995), 5, it was Nederlandse Zendeling Genootschap (GNZ) not LMS, but according to Th. Sumartana both organizations were in cooperation. 8 Philip Van Akkeren, Sri and Christ: A Study of the Indigenous Church in East Java (London: Lutterworth Press, 1970), 43. 36 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Andreas Jonathan

the whole of Java was subject to the government of the Netherlands Indies, so that obedience was due to not to an Islamic authority but to a so-called Christian one. Further, Van Akkeren supports his theory by Javanese literatures during that period, for instance Paramajoga of Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita, a well-known poet from the kraton. The story was about Ajisaka who converted to Christianity, although it was also in the form of the Javanese mysticism as occurred to Islam as well. It showed a remarkable evidence of tolerance to integrate Christianity into Javanese society.9 According to Anthony Reid, the spreading of Christianity and Islam in some parts of Nusantara (and Southeast Asia) had been colored with conflicts and fighting.10 Nevertheless, we will discuss that in Java it had not been the similar case. We will observe particularly the spread of the gospel in East and Central Java through four significant figures that had changed the religious mapping of the Javanese. Four Significant Figures 1. Coenraad Coolen The beginning of Javanese Christian (protestant) community can be considered as the fruit of the work of an Indo-European named Coenraad Laurens Coolen. His father was a Russian and his mother was a Javanese priyayi from Mataram kingdom. He worked as colonial army whose main duty was to watch over forests in Wirosobo (Mojoagung). He learned kejawen firstly from his mother and later also from the village people where he lived. In July 1827 he resigned from the army and opened a forest in Ngoro, near Surabaya
9

Ibid., 47. Anthony Reid, Islamization and Christianization in Southeast Asia: The Critical Phase, 1550-1650 in Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief. 37 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)
10

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and became a village founder. He opened some paddy fields and employed many local workers. Coolen became a very rich and respectful person in the village. Coolen was married to a local Javanese lady named Nyi Sadjiyah and had six children. As a pious Christian, Coolen also liked to discuss spiritual things with his workers and shared his faith with them. He explained to them that gospel is above all elmu and taught them three rapal: Pengandelan (Apostle Creed), 10 Commandments, and Lords Prayer.11 He was acknowledged as a kiyai in a Christian version, because he could give advice and receive visions. He did not urge the villagers to become Christian, and accepted many of them remained Muslim.12 Moreover, Coolen believed that confession of faith was enough for someone to be a follower of Christ without baptism as required by common Christian tradition. He was afraid that the practice of baptism would make their sense of identity being more Dutchy and left their Javaneseness. For Coolen, being a Christian, a Javanese should remain a Javanese. Coolens followers were growing in number thus he started and led a Sunday service at his house. This was the first Javanese Christian community in Java. According to Wolterbeek,13 one of Coolens followers from Wiyung named Pak Dasimah met Emde in Surabaya and got to know about baptism from him. Emde was a German Christian who also the leader of Christian church in Surabaya. After Pak Dasimah was convinced that baptism was a necessary practice in Christian faith, he invited thirty five of his friends from Wiyung to go to Surabaya to get baptized together on 12 December 1843. After got baptized, Pak Dasimah went to Ngoro to talk to his fellow Christians and Coolen

11

Handoyomarno Sir, Benih Yang Tumbuh VII: Suatu Survey Mengenai Gereja Kristen Jawi Wetan (Malang: GKJW, 1976), 27. 12 Aritonang and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity, 640. 13 Wolterbeek, Babad Zending Ing Tanah Jawi, 16. 38 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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about baptism. According to Handoyomarno Sir,14 Ngoro community was in contact with Wiyung community which had been baptized while they were building the place of worship in Ngoro. When Coolen was aware about this issue, he was very angry and commanded Wiyung group to leave from Ngoro. Further, Karel Steenbrink,15 points out that when Wiyung group got baptized, Emde told them to cut their hair, wear European clothes and refrain from wayang play. Moreover, they also got Bible names for example, Pak Dasimah became Yohanes. These westernization acts were the factors that made Coolen got so angry. But later, finally Coolen let his followers in Ngoro, around two hundred people to get baptized after having discussion with Jellesma who could accept them to remain in Javanese culture. Coolen taught his followers through poems (syair), songs (tembang), zikir and also puppet (wayang). In some extend he was also practicing ngelmu Jawa that he had learned before. When he opened a new field or began to plough the field, he always started by a communal prayer with his workers to ask Gods blessings in slametan. Nevertheless, his prayer was mixed between Christian belief to Jesus Christ and the Javanese belief to Dewi Sri and mount Semeru, Oh mountain of Semeru, who art the highest in the land of Java, our song is dedicated to thee. Bless the work of our hands. Bless the plough which breaks the earth open, and makes the soil worthy of the seed. Bless the plough cutting the furrow, bless the shaft, the lash of the whip on the cattle, and the live-giving stream. The newly-cut furrows gleam like a sweet-smelling ointment. Bless the harrow which smoothes the soil in which Dewi Sri takes a delight, she who is the goddess of the rice, who gives us abundance.
14 15

Sir, Benih Yang Tumbuh, 34. Aritonang and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity, 641. 39 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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And above all, we pray for blessings and for strength from Jesus, who is the greatest in might.16 There was no record about any tension between this Javanese Christian community and Muslims society around Ngoro. Even until today, many people around Ngoro do ziarah to Coolens grave because he is still respected as holy man. 2. Johanes Emde Johanes Emde was a pious Christian from Germany who came to Java with VOC. From Batavia he went to Surabaya, worked as a watchmaker and married to a Javanese priyayi. Before Kam, one of first three missionaries from GNZ, went to Ambon in 1814, he stayed in Surabaya pastoring a European Protestant Church about six months. He met Emde and inspired him to spread the gospel to the Javanese.17 Kam also founded a Bible Tract and Mission Society in Surabaya, which held regular prayer meetings. After Kam left for Ambon, he passed the leadership to Emde. Before his departure from Surabaya, Kam introduced Emde to Bruckner, so that Bruckner could send some copies of the Javanese Gospel of Mark to Emde. At one exhibition in 1830, his wife (or his daughter according to C. Guillot) gave it to Kyai Midah, a Madurese who later passed it to Pak Dasimah which started to read and discuss the Gospel with his friends.18 Pak Dasimah later (1838) became one of the first Coolens followers who got baptized by Emdes group. Basically, Emdes teaching was in contrast with Coolens. For Emde, to be a Christian was to leave Javanese culture and converted to Christian culture which in his understanding was European culture. He did not allow Javanese Christians culturally remain as Javanese, but changed them to be Kristen Londo by cutting their
16 17

Van Akkeren, Sri and Christ, 63. Ibid., 52. 18 Wolterbeek, Babad Zending Ing Tanah Jawi, 12. 40 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Andreas Jonathan

hair, wearing pants instead of sarung, wearing jackets, and some of Javanese traditions like keris, gamelan, tembang, circumcision, wayang, slametan were forbidden. Emde misunderstood that Western culture was Christian and Javanese culture pagan. He judged everything by the standard of European Christianity in which he had been brought up. Baptism was used as a sign not only for conversion of faith but also cultural identity. Thus, baptism had become an offence for Javanese culture, and then Emdes Javanese Christian community became alien to the bigger society, even being mocked by their Muslim fellows. Emdes western Christianity had polarized Christian community into two: Kristen Londo and Kristen Jowo. Although there was no record of physical conflict with the Muslim community, but it had built a gap and wall between them. They were not considered as part of the Javanese community anymore but as Londo. The rejection of being Londo culturally was bigger than being Christian religiously. 3. J. E. Jellesma From two figures above, we learn that while Coolens approach was accepting Javanese culture altogether with the kejawen, in contrast Emdes approach was rejecting Javanese culture totally and judged it pagan. Jellesma was taking a middle and selective way: accepting Javanese culture that was not against the Christian faith and the Bible. Jellesma understood the difference between faith and culture; that embracing faith did not mean embracing western culture. Jellesmas efforts to be a mediator between Emdes group and Coolens group were fruitful. Eventually these two groups could be united. Jellesma was the first official missionary who sent by NZG to Surabaya. He was sent to Seram before came to Surabaya, since at that time Dutch colony prohibited any mission work among the Javanese in Java. Because of the growing number of Javanese
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Christians in Ngoro, Wiyung and other villages, finally Dutch colonial allowed NZG to come to Java (Surabaya). Jellesma, when arrived in Surabaya in February 1848, chose to live among the Javanese instead of among Dutch community. He lived in Mojowarno which became a significant Christian village in the growing of Christianity in East Java. Jellesma believed that the most effective people who could serve the Javanese were the Javanese themselves. Jellesmas ministry was very much supporting to and in cooperation with Paulus Tosari as the local leader. He almost never took over the leadership but he encouraged the locals to lead. He started to found a training centre for the Javanese to be Bible teachers (pemulang) and to continue the mission work among the Javanese. One of Jellesmas disciples was Kyai Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung who later became one of significant figures in the Gospel diffusion in Central Java. The development of Mojowarno community during Jellesmas presence had made it independent from the influence and control of the Surabaya Church although initially they were baptized and being westernized in Surabaya. 4. Sadrach Surapranata Sadrach was born in north coast area of Central Java, which many devoted Muslim santris and hajjis lived in. His original name was Radin, which later became Radin Abbas which showed that he was a truly santri. He was growing as a pious Muslim who learned and ngelmu from many Islamic school, pesantrens and individual teachers or kyais. According to Wolterweek,19 during his pesantren period in Jombang, Radin met Jellesma and heard about Jesus Christ from him. He was interested by Jellesma teaching and story but still a

19

Ibid., 65. 42 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Muslim. According to Sutarman Partonadi,20 one of his ngelmu teachers in Semarang before he went to East Java was Pak Kurmen. After graduated from pesantren, he went back to Semarang and met again with Pak Kurmen that had become a Christian by the ministry of Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung. Through Pak Kurmen, Radin met Tunggu Wulung and he was interested in the Christian faith because he did not need to leave his Javaneseness to become Christian. After Radin was convicted to become Christ follower, he went to Batavia and was baptized in 1867 with his new name: Sadrach. Shortly after his baptism, he worked as an evangelist who walked from Batavia to Bandung, Cirebon, Tegal, and Semarang. In 1868 he went to East Java to visit the Javanese Christian communities in Surabaya, Wiyung, Sidoarjo and Mojowarno. Sadrach used the public debate method with other kyais in his Gospel ministry. The rule of the debate was the looser --many times together with all the disciples-- would be the follower (ngelmu) of the winner. He became very famous and respected because he always won in many debates. Unfortunately, I could not find any record or example of Sadrachs debates with those kyais in all books that discuss about Sadrach (see Bibliography). If we can find some examples, I believe we can make significant analysis about the major topics of the debates and why Sadrach always won the debates. I believe that should be any records about the debates that should be a big issue at that time. I wonder if any political reason so that these debates could not be found in any book available in Indonesia. Eventually, Sadrach chose to start his independent ministry in Karangjoso, Kedu in 1870. In 1871, the first worship place for Sadrachs community was built. The community was very much
20

Sutarman Partonadi, Sadrachs Community and Its Contextual Roots: A Nineteenth Century Javanese Expression of Christianity (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 58. 43 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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contextual to the Javanese and even Islamic culture. They did not call it church but masjid (the architecture was similar to Islamic masjid), pastor was called imam or kyai, bedug was used for call of worship service, celebrate baptism by slametan. The community was called Golongane Wong Kristen Kang Mardika, to tell that this community was free or independent, not under the Dutch colonial authority. It was growing tremendously and later he added Surapranata after his name because he had became a great leader and organizer of his follower. According to Aritonang this name also conceived a messianic meaning related to what the Javanese believed as Ratu Adil; its complete title was Raden Mas Ngabehi Surapranata.21 Although according to M. C. Ricklefs,22 the Reform and Revival Islamic Movement was growing in Java, which resulted in antiChristian sentiment, nevertheless there was no record of Muslim Christian conflict because of Sadrachs public debates with many kyais which had resulted conversion of Muslims became Christians. It seemed that after the conversion, the relationship between the people was peaceful. It proved that the toleration degree of the Javanese at that time was very high. They were very fair without any resentment to admit that they were loosers and ready to ngelmu to the winner. It showed also that the main motivation of those kyais in the debates was really to find truth and not just to defend their religious identity but open for other truth. I disagree with some people who think that those kyais were abangan who did not have knowledge of religion, because in some cases the debate was last for many days. It means, although they were from pious and santris group (as Sadrach himself), they were still very open. Nevertheless, on the contrary Sadrach was in conflict with the Dutch mission agency and the colonial government. The Dutch
21 22

Aritonang and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity, 98. M. C. Rickflets, Polarising Javanese Society: Islamic and other visions (c. 1830 1930) (Singapore: NUS Press, 2007), 55, 75. 44 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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mission considered Christianity taught by Sadrach was different with what the Dutch understood, especially in relation to cultural aspects. Christianity that earlier often mocked as agama Londo, and the Javanese Christians as Londo wurung Jowo nanggung or lali Jawane by the growing of Sadrachs community and many Javanese leaders became Christians, eventually those negative image toward Christians decreasing. The interaction between Christian and Muslim Javanese even getting better; they lived together in peace.23 Discussion From the description of the four different figures above, we can see that each figure has different understanding and characteristics of Christianity. In terms of culture, we can see them as a continuum by putting Coolen and Emde as the opposite extremes, while Jellesma and Sadrach are somewhere in the middle. Coolen took the Javanese elmu and culture very much and rejected everything considered as western culture, even the basic teachings of the Bible such as baptism also considered as western and rejected (in fact the baptism at that time had been westernized). The Javanese could accept this kind of Christianity as Kristen Jowo but it may be considered as syncretic Christianity and not so Biblical (because also worshipping Javanese gods like Semeru and Dewi Sri) that may hardly be accepted by the larger Christian circle. Whereas on the other extreme, Emde was so western and rejecting almost everything about Javanese culture and belief. To be a Christian is equal with to be a westerner: Kristen Londo. The larger Christian body will accept them as part of the body, but the Javanese, especially the Muslims, were hardly to accept them as Javanese and they were alienated from the community.

23

Aritonang and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity, 100. 45 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Jellesma although was a westerner but he understood that Christianity should take the local culture in expression of Christian faith. In general, he accepted Javanese culture but at the same time also rejected some beliefs that did not match with the biblical teachings. He did not take the leadership but he encouraged and trained the native to be leaders because he believed that the Javanese best served by the Javanese. This is what today called contextualization. Jellesma is the best model for foreign missionary. He could produce Kristen Jowo that could be accepted by the Javanese community, but he himself still remained as a westerner and not practicing Javanese culture like what Coolen did. Sadrach is also the best model, for native missionary. He is an insider not an outsider. He is a Javanese, he knows very well his culture and belief (elmu), and he does not leave them when he became Christian. Moreover, he also has Islamic background as a pious santri who searched for truth seriously; he knows how to deal with his Muslim fellows. Although he uses debate in his evangelization but seems that their Muslim fellows are not offended. This is the model of what we call as insider movement in Christian mission today. He is the model of real or true Kristen Jowo. Whether Sadrachs Christianity is considered as syncretism is debatable depending how we define syncretism. In regards to this debate, Partonadi says that Sadrachs community was comparable to the New Testament early church which was regarded as a new Jewish sect. Interestingly, on the one hand this community was regarded by Christian as a new sect of Christianity which influenced by Islam heavily, but on the other hand it is regarded by the Muslims as a new sect of Islam with a Christian color.24 Although in certain level it may be very close to the border of syncretism but in my opinion it is still in

24

Partonadi, Sadrachs Community, 111. 46 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Christian boundary since Sadrachs core belief is clearly to Jesus.25 Is Sadrach a model of hybrid like some of Muslim follower of Isa AlMasih today? I do not think so, because his identity as Christian is very clear by naming his groups as Golongane Wong Kristen. History has proved that this type of Christianity that being accepted very well and can multiply very fast.26 The presence of Kristen Jowo that mainly represented by Sadrachs community had added a new dimension to the Javanese identity, which before had been identify by the Kejawen, Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam. This evolution of Javanese identity --until it accepted Christianity as part of its identity-- was possible I think because the nature of the Javanese that opened to new things but it still kept the core of its indigenous culture. Cultural identity was the highest identity for the Javanese, even higher that religious identity. According to Prof. Heddy Ahimsa Putra in his lecture in Cultural and Historical Studies of Religion class at ICRS Yogya, the Javanese has two basic philosophies. Firstly, living in harmony (rukun) with the community; this is expressed in a Javanese proverb say, Rukun Awage Santosa (harmony brings prosperity). Andrew Beatty points out that slametan as one of the means to achieve rukun, because in slametan the only identity that unites the participants is the Javanese identity, regardless the religious and belief backgrounds.27 Secondly, Manunggaling Kawula-Gusti. This phrase can mean two meanings: the unity between God and human being or the unity between king and servant (people). These two philosophies have no contradiction with biblical teaching. Living in love and harmony definitely is biblical teaching. Unity of God and human being
25

Apostles Creed was taught to the community and recited in the service (Ibid., 133, 138). 26 Guillot, Kiai Sadrach, 197. 27 Andrew Beatty, Adam and Eve and Vishnu: Syncretism the Javanese Slametan in The Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute 2, (1996): 286. 47 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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is also a principle in the Bible. Jesus himself is the model of the unity of God and man, and the Bible teaches that Jesus followers should imitate Him. Apostle Paul says, I have been crucified with Christ. I no longer live, but Christ lives in me ... (Galatian 2: 19-20). The metaphor that is used in the Bible for Christians is body of Christ which Jesus is the head. Because this paper is to discuss history not theology, then I will not elaborate it. What I want to say here is that to be a true Javanese with its core philosophies and culture and to be a true Christian with its biblical teaching is not a contradictory. Of course in some points there are contradictories, but it is not the core. Thus to be Kristen Jowo not Kristen Londo is not only possible, but also the best choice for any Javanese who wants to follow Christ. Lessons for Today Studying history is not only to study the facts and data from the past but more than that we learn something from the past for our life and context today. What lessons that we can learn from the discussion above? Due to limited space, I want to present at least two points that we can learn especially in the context of my main interest on Christian-Muslim interaction: 1. The form of Kristen Jowo should be a model to practice by Christians in Indonesia. As far as I know, the majority of Christian churches in Indonesia still follow the model of Kristen Londo instead of being indigenous or contextual. This form becomes the hindrance to the acceptance of the gospel by the Muslim majority ethnic groups. We need serious and even extra efforts to change these traditions. Indonesian Christians should be more Indonesian than western. The Javanese is very important model for other ethnic groups in terms of cultural and religious identity. As an ethnic group, the
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2.

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Javanese strongly keeps its cultural identity and open for any religious identity. Although in some point in the history there was a claim that to be a Javanese is to be a Muslim, however the Javanese identity proves that this claim was wrong. To be a Javanese is a Javanese, regardless the religious affiliation. By accepting Christianity the Javanese shows its plurality in religious identity but unity in cultural identity. This is one of great values (keluhuran) of the Javanese. Today in Indonesia many ethnic groups still claim their identity based on particular religion, for instance Acehnese with Islam, Bataks with Christianity, Balinese with Hinduism. This exclusivity makes tensions and conflicts when someone from these ethnic communities converts to other religion; he may be alienated and cut off from the ethnic group. Any conversion will be considered as betrayal of the ethnic identity. This is very vulnerable for conflicts in terms of interfaith interaction. Conclusion How could Kristen Jowo be accepted as a new dimension of the Javanese identity? Based on what we have discussed above, I want to conclude that the presence of Kristen Jowo could be accepted as a new dimension of the Javanese identity at that time because of two major reasons: (1) Kristen Jowo culturally retained its Javaneseness in expressing its new faith; and (2) the Javanese put cultural identity higher than religious identity. This made them open to any religious affiliations. It does not mean that there are no other factors involved, but in my opinion these two were the main factors that we can learn for our context today. Kristen Jowo had made Javanese identity more colorful. Like a jigsaw puzzle, Christian identity is one part of the puzzle that together with other parts (Kejawen, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, etc) forms Javanese identity. Each part is equally important to in the
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forming complete identity. This should be a pride of Javanese identity that is not yet owned by other ethnic groups. The nineteenth century is a significant time in the history of religions in Java and Indonesia. Bibliography Aritonang, Jan Sihar and Karel Steenbrink (eds.). A History of Christianity in Indonesia. Leiden: Brill, 2008. Aritonang, Jan Sihar. Sejarah Perjumpaan Kristen dan Islam di Indonesia. Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004. Beatty, Andrew. Adam and Eve and Vishnu: Syncretism the Javanese Slametan in The Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute 2, 1996. Guillot, C. Kiai Sadrach: Riwayat Kristenisasi di Jawa. Jakarta: Grafiti Press, 1985. Partonadi, Sutarman. Sadrachs Community and Its Contextual Roots: A Nineteenth Century Javanese Expression of Christianity. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988. Reid, Anthony. Islamization and Christianization in Southeast Asia: The Critical Phase, 1550-1650 in Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief. Ricklefs, M. C. Polarising Javanese Society: Islamic and other visions (c. 1830 1930). Singapore: NUS Press, 2007. Sir, Handoyomarno. Benih Yang Tumbuh VII: Suatu Survey Mengenai Gereja Kristen Jawi Wetan. Malang: GKJW, 1976. Soekotjo, S. H. Sejarah Gereja-gereja Kristen Jawa Jilid 1: Di Bawah Bayang-bayang Sending 1858-1948. Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen and Lembaga Studi & Pengembangan Gerejagereja Kristen Jawa, 2009.
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Sumartana, Th. Mission at the Crossroads: Indigenous Churches, European Missionaries, Islamic Association and Socio-religious Change in Java 1812-1936. Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1991. Van Akkeren, Philip. Sri and Christ: A Study of the Indigenous Church in East Java. London: Lutterworth Press, 1970. Wolterbeek, J. D. Babad Zending Ing Tanah Jawi. Yogyakarta: TPK, 1995.

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MUSLIM RESURGENCE IN INDONESIA: A HISTORICAL STUDY ON THE FOUNDING OF THE FIRST ISLAMIC BANK
Ayi Yunus Rusyana
UIN Sunan Gunung Djati, Bandung, West Java

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Ayi Yunus Rusyana

Introduction In the 1980s, Indonesian Muslims did not imagine that they would have an Islamic finance institution, such as an Islamic bank, which is supported by the state, officially regulated and easily founded in cities around the country. In both the Old Order and New Order, although become majority, Indonesian Muslims were politically and economically marginalized by the state supported by military. The notion of Sharia (Islamic law) implementation was usually rejected and so-called Islam-phobia was introduced. However, we can see now how Islamic banks have been rapidly developing in our country. Institutionally, according to the Sharia Banking Statistics in November 2010, the current number of Sharia banks has reached 11 Sharia Banks (Bank Unit Shariah/BUS), 23 Sharia Unit (Unit Usaha Shariah/UUS), and 149 Syariah Rural Financing Bank (Bank Perkreditan Rakyat Shariah/BPRS) and the network of 1688 offices units. If the number of Sharia bank offices in 2001 are only 102 offices, that number increased to 3320 offices on November 2010.1 Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI) established in 1992 was the first major Islamic bank in Indonesia. The establishment of BMI was an interesting phase for the development of Islam in Indonesia since President Soeharto and Minister BJ Habibie gave significant support. For some anthropologists, it was an unordinary phenomenon, since they believed that the Muslims, the government and the people could never work together. They always had to compete: the government feared Islam, Muslims opposed the government, and people rejected Islamic piety.2 However, establishing BMI signified the changing orientation of Soeharto policies toward Indonesian Muslims. Some Indonesian leaders who were involved in establishing
1 2

Http://www.bi.go.id, accessed on December 2010. Robert W. Hefner, Civil Islam: Muslim and Democratization in Indonesia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 149. 53 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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both the formation of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia/ICMI) and BMI, as well as several cabinet ministers persuaded President Suharto to support the establishment of ICMI and to provide similar support to the formation of BMI. Discussing the establishing process of an Islamic bank in Indonesia is then very interesting because it connects with the changing of Soeharto policy to accommodate the Muslims aspiration to implement sharia. Previously, the notion of sharia implementation in this country had was rejected since the seven words of the Jakarta Charter (with the obligation for its adherents to carry out sharia) were eliminated. Therefore, this paper will investigate the historical background on the founding of the first Islamic bank to answer following two research questions: 1. 2. What are the main factors influencing Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic bank? Why did President Suharto support the founding of Islamic bank?

Theoritical Framework According to Pepinsky,3 a national financial system is usually not independent from political influence. Quoting Krishner, he argues that political considerations lie at the heart of modern finance from monetary policy goals to the choice of monetary institutions. Therefore, Islamic financial systems do not emerge spontaneously either because national financial systems do not arise absent a state to create them. The spread of Islamic finance to Indonesia was also shaped by political influence. The first Islamic financial institutions arrived
3

Thomas B. Pepinsky, Islamic Finance in Multicultural Indonesia in http://www.courses.cit.cornell.edu. 54 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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somewhat later in Indonesia than they did in other Muslim-majority countries, for, under the New Order, Islamic finance, like any other conspicuously Islamic behavior, was linked to radicalism and extremism.4 As a consequence, advocates for Islamic finance suffered from the same obstacles that the countrys popular Muslim organizations faced under Soehartos rule. Only in the early 1990s, when Soeharto began to adopt a more conciliatory stance vis--vis Islamists,5 were Islamic financial institutions permitted to organize. Neo-Revivalism: A Theological Basis for an Islamic Bank Theology, according to Effendy,6 is one of the most important factors in establishing the BMI and, subsequently, other similar institutions. According to him, how Muslims view their religion relates to their theological perspective. For some, religion is considered a divine instrument to understanding the world. Islam, in comparison with other religions, is conceivably the one with the least difficulty in accepting such a premise. Furthermore, they believe the omnipresence concept as one of Islams most conspicuous characteristics. This concept recognizes that the presence of Islam should provide the right moral attitude for human action everywhere. In addition, Effendy states that the concept of Islams omnipresence led many adherents to believe that Islam is a total way of life which is expressed in Sharia. They believe that Islam is a comprehensive religion that offers a solution to all problems of life. Thus, Islam has to be accepted in its entity and be applied to the family, to the economy and to politics.
4

Angelo M. Venardos, Islamic Banking and Finance in South-east Asia: Its development and Future (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2005), 166. 5 See Robert W. Hefner, Islam Pasar Keadilan: Artikulasi Lokal, Kapitalisme dan Demokrasi (Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2000), 128-166. 6 Bachtiar Effendi, Islam and the State in Indonesia (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003), 67. 55 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Ayi Yunus Rusyana

This holistic view of Islam as described above actually can be understood in the context of Islamic Revivalism, which began in the Islamic world in the 18th and 19th centuries. This revivalism, according to Saeed,7 emerged in the Islamic world as a reaction to the so called corruption of religion and the moral laxity and degradation seen as prevalent in Muslim societies at the time. It was essentially a call to going back to the original Islam (Quran and Sunna or Prophet Muhammads tradition) and to shedding of both the superstition spread by popular Sufism and the idea that the traditional schools of law were not infallible. The revivalism of the 19th century led to the emergence of two distinct trends within Islam: Modernism and neo-Revivalism. The Islamic modernist movement emerged in the latter part of the 19th century. It called for fresh attempts to revive ijtihad, legal reasoning and interpretation of sharia, to derive relevant principles from the Quran and authentic Sunna, and to formulate necessary laws based on those principles. Saeed highlights that Modernists criticized what they called the atomistic approach to derive rules from the Quran and also the early jurists failure to understand its underlying unity. In addition, they also called for selective use of the Sunna; the exercise of systematic original thinking with no claim to finality; a distinction to be made between the sharia and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence); the avoidance of sectarianism, and a reversion to characteristic methodology (but not necessarily to the law).8 Neo-revivalism, according to Saeed,9 was in part a continuation of the revivalism, and a reaction to the excesses of secularism in the
7

Abdullah Saeed, Riba, Interest and Islamic Banking: A Study of the Prohibition of Riba and its Contemporary Interpretation (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1996), 6. 8 Ibid., 7. 9 Ibid., 8. 56 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Muslim world. It became an influential movement in the first half of the 20th century and focused on the following important issues: resistance to the Westernization of the Muslim community (umma); advocacy of the self-sufficiency of Islam and of Islam as a way of life; and rejection of any interpretation of the Quran or Sunna. He points out that neo-Revivalist movements appeared in Egypt, marked by the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimiin), which was founded by Hasan al-Banna (d 1949), and in the Indian subcontinent, marked by the Jamaat-i Islami (Islamic Party), which was founded by the Pakistani Scholar Abu Ala Mawdudi (d 1979). The neo-Revivalists believed that Islam had answers for all the modern-day ills of both the East and the West. According to them, Muslims should implement Islamic beliefs, values and law, and they then could re-establish themselves as they had been in the past and could once again become contributors to world civilization, reversing the course of humiliation they had undergone during the colonialism and imperialism from the West. Based on this view, the neoRevivalists emphasized that the implementation of criminal and family laws must refer to the Quran and Sunna. In addition, they identified interest on loans as riba (usury), thus Muslims should implement an economic system based on Islamic principles. To sum up briefly, we can say that the neo-Revivalist theology was more influential to the Indonesian Muslims in the establishment of an Islamic bank than the Modernist one. The Discourse of Riba and Interest The idea to establish an Islamic bank in Indonesia started from the debate about whether the bank rate was identical to riba (usury) or not. Many Muslims consider that interest is permissible, because it contains the voluntary element in both the bank and its client and has a function for the common good. They also argue that additional payment is not in large numbers. Whereas, others think that interest
57 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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is riba because it contains extra ziydah (payment). Therefore interest, according to them, is haram (prohibited). Consequently, many Muslims refuse to deal with conventional banks and prefer to keep their money "under the bed". In the New Order era that emphasizes economic growth, the ability of public competition in terms of capital accumulation can not be separated from the role of banking institutions. Nahdlatul Ulama or NU, in the National Congres in 1938, according to Hefner confirmed that interest was permissible as long as it brings benefits to the borrower. They argue that the benefits represent the repatriation of interest. In 1950, NU moved forward from theory to practice by setting up two banks in Jakarta, and a third bank was established in Semarang in 1960. All of them set interest rates on loans. Although now closed, the three banks set a precedent for the involvement of NU in conventional banking. The precedent was revived in 1990, when NU had established several rural banks. However, despite these historical initiatives, NU never managed to completely lessen some member fearing for usury. For instance, several NU clerics denounced all forms of fixed interest rates and criticize NU leaders who intended to cooperate with conventional banks.10 On the other hand, Muhammadiyah, the modernist Muslim organization in Indonesia, in the National Congres in 1936, according to Hefner did not work out tough decisions concerning the legal status of interest. They recognized it as mutasyabihat, a matter of law that the answer is not clear and still requires further review to complete. The decision is not exhaustive as it is also produced at a conference of this organization in 1968 in Sidoarjo, East Java. The decision was apparently taken because most of them assume that
10

Robert W. Hefner, Islamizing Capitalism: On the Founding of Indonesias First Islamic Bank in Shari and Politics in Modern Indonesia, edited by Arskal Amin and Azyumardi Azra (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003), 151. 58 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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interest was usury, however, the Islamic finance institutions are not available yet. Whereas, banking institutions are urgently needed by Muslims.11 In 1990, interest was still controversial discourse among Muhammadiyah scholars. Although some of its liberal leaders approved interest, others are still harshly criticized. Thus, when they considered setting up such credit bank in 1990, a former Chairman of the Legal Affairs Committee (Majelis Tarjih) of Muhammadiyah in East Java openly criticized the bank as a Jewish creation. Although they did not agree with the way he critized, some Muhammadiyah leaders supported the condemnation of this cleric, who equated interest with usury. Therefore, based on this fact, it is not a coincidence that the intellectuals of Muhammadiyah are the only non-governmental constituencies that affected the formation of BMI in the future. Furthermore, Majelis Tarjih Muhammadiyah, in 2010, officially declared that interest is prohibited.12 Chinese, Pribumi and the Economy Injustice Although the Chinese Indonesians were politically and socially not recognized by the government and most of Indonesian people as the indegenous citizens, they dominated almost the entire economics field. Conversely, Pribumi (indigenous, i.e. non-Chinese) Indonesians were economically marginalized. This fact became a strong reason to explain why Indonesian Muslims, which are majority of Pribumi, intended to establish an Islamic bank. Hefner reported that in the mid-1980s, an estimated 70-75 percent of domestic private capital is owned by Chinese. The concentration of ethnic is getting a great view of the fact that as a group, Chinese is only 3-4 percent of Indonesia's population, while Muslims at that time
11 12

Ibid., 152. Http://www.mediaindonesia.com. 59 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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amounted to around 88 percent. 13 He actually said that the data was not accurate enough. However, his data show that the gap between the two in the control of the economy is very clear. The hegemony of Chinese businesses simply can not be removed from the New Order governments policy to conduct economic collaboration with them. Their business community had become a partner in national development and they obtained the capital, skills, entrepreneurs, and access to financial networks in East and Southeast Asia.14 In the 1970s, 80 percent of the total allocation of state credits were granted to the Chinese. In return for agreements, certain elite among the business leaders gave their indigenous partners compensation in the form of direct payments, stock blank or joint businness.15 For Muslims, such treatment was a form of injustice that resulted in economic inequality that led to the creation of jealousy, which later crystallized into an attitude of antiChina. These imbalances lead to stratification in the field of revenue. Ethnic Chinese views of economic status are at higher levels than native citizens. The two Government policies, supporting the Chinese businessmen and marginalizing Pribumi, are what led to the Muslim reaction to propose the application of Sharia into the strict application of the economic sector. Although, according to Hefner,16 it is not the only shown reaction, because some Muslims were involved in a strong polemic of "anti-China", and the others tried to
13

Hefner, Islam Pasar Keadilan, 244. [It should be kept in mind that Indonesian citizens from Chinese-ethnic descents are not totally nonMuslims. And what so-called as Pribumi among Indonesian citizens are also not totally Muslims Eds.]. 14 Richard Robison, Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986), 272. 15 Ibid., 272-277. 16 Hefner, Islam Pasar Keadilan, 249. 60 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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did businness with Chinese. Some people claim that there is no Islamic economy and Muslims must learn modern management techniques. However, in the 1990s, when Indonesia began to enter a competitive stage of economic development, Indonesian Muslims began to wonder about what was actually needed to ensure that they would also be able to enjoy the fruits of development. Finally they took the initiative to establish the first Islamic bank in Indonesia, namely Bank Muamalat Indonesia, as a part of strengthening the participation of Muslims in national economic development. For some Muslims, the Islamic bank, according to Hefner,17 became a symbol not only of Islamic economy but also of Muslim hopes for redistribution and social justice. In addition, it became a symbol of opposition to Chinese economic dominance. However, these statements are very spontaneous and emotional words. In the following years as the Islamic bank rapidly grew, we can find an interesting fact that its client were not only (Pribumi) Muslims but also Chinese or non-Muslims. Humaemah, a graduate student of University of Indonesia states in her MA thesis that about 43% of Bank Syariah Mega Indonesias clients are coming from Chinese and most of them are Catholics.18 Islamic Renewal and Accomodation Politics Movements in Islamic renewal in Indonesia fit into the category of urban Islam more than that of rural Islam, as Bromley noted: The tributary state was unable to control the rural areas, essentially because of the weight of pastoral nomadism with its mobile means of production, armed populations and absence of

17 18

Hefner, Islamizing Capitalism ..., 159. Http://ib.eramuslim.com. 61 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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urban growth.19 These movements are marked by a determination to respond to the western influences that are often regarded as threatening the nations social and political balance. The prime movers are often educated young Muslims from urban areas who find themselves antagonistic to fundamentalist ideas but also alienated from capitalist culture that is strongly influenced by western values. Most of these groups of young Muslims also find their original tribal identity can no longer provide them with enough paradigms to withstand the hostile penetration of foreign culture. This quest for a new identity leads these groups of young Muslims to turn to Islam. In addition, Hefner said that in the late 1970s, a great movement emerged the so-called "Salman movement" developed in the Salman Mosque at the Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB) under the guidance of Imaduddin Abdurrahim, a charismatic intellectual, who a few years later played an important role in the formation ICMI. Salman Mosque is the center of activity that always invites a popular band to a gig, conducts a seminar on religion and development, publishes a journal of cultural and economic issues, and develops economic programs for poor people living around the campus. In the early 1980s, the model of Salman movement, according to Hefner, spread to other universities in Indonesia as well as out of-campus, and touched the lives of urban poor and middle class.20 On the other hand, some Muslims scholars tried to propose Islamic renewal that began in the early 1970s under the guiding influence of such figures as Nurcholis Madjid, Dawam Rahardjo, and Abdurrahman Wahid. The failures of political Muslims in both the Old Order and New Order gave them a positif impact to reorient the
19

Simon Bromley, The Prospects for Democracy in the Middle East, in Prospects for Democracy, edited by David Held (Oxford: Polity Press, 1993), 383. 20 Hefner, Civil Islam, 123. 62 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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political meaning of Islam which had been elaborated in shades of legality and formality. For instance, Madjid introduced the phrase: Islam Yes, Partai Islam No (Islam Yes, Islamic Party No). With such jargon, among other things, he supported Indonesian Muslims to direct their commitment to Islamic values and not to institutions, even those of Islamic origin such as Islamic party.21 In this sense, Muslims should formulate a new political orientation bringing to a political substantive and integrative. The new approach puts more emphasis on the aspect of the content of Islamic values as a source of inspiration for political power and attitude to accept and adjust between Muslims and the state. In the period 1982-1985, a good relationship between Islam and the state began to intertwine, although it was not ideal. The existence of the Third National Conference of Golongan Karya (Golkar) in October 1983 marked the beginning of a new phase showing the important role of elite political Muslims in the body of the New Order state party. Akbar Tanjung, the formar Chairman of Islamic Student Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam or HMI), competed against Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, student activists which has the patronage relationship with LB Moerdani, General in Military. Both were fighting to compete for a position as General Secretary of Golkar. Of course Akbar had more Islamic vision than Sarwono who was socialist-oriented. Although Akbar was defeated in battle, it still gave a new meaning to the development of Golkar in the future. Golkar, the first two decades of New Order mastered abangan more anti-Islamic, since the appearance of Akbar as a candidate of its General Secretary, gave hope for leaders of Islamic movements to play a better role in the body of Golkar in the next period.22 Meanwhile, in the composition of the management of Golkar in 1983, Ali Murtopos influence had declined. He was one of
21 22

Effendi, Islam and the State in Indonesia, 75. Leo Suryadinata, Golkar dan Militer (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1992). 63 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Soehartos staff who had a strong influence to make decision in marginalizing Muslims. Murtopos persons were only represented by two people and they did not occupy a strategic position. Murtopos political deterioration is strongly associated with his political gap toward Suharto. According to Masoed,23 Suharto in the late 1970s to the 1980s slowly began to shrink the political role of Murtopo and began to turn to Soedarmono, who successfully managed the secretariat of state, then officially appointed as Vice President. In his view, Soedarmono was a figure with no political ambitions and good relationship with Islamic organizations. The Soehartos view and his support of Soedarmono had weakened some top military support to the new Order government. Military led by LB Moerdani, a Catholic who previously was very loyal to Suharto, began to show resentment against the Suharto children who shamelessly used the family name to compete for major contracts and business deals. In fact, according to Hefner, by the end of his tenure as commander of the armed forces, however, Moerdani was said to have been so dismayed by the cronyst abuses of the first family that he appealed to the president to control his children's avarice. The military disobedience made Soeharto very angry and he intend to give lessons to some military leaders. Moreover, some of them began to approach Abdurrahman Wahid, leader of NU, and vice versa. Wahid began to seek other allies in the military, after he considered that Soeharto can not be expected to support his ideas about Islam and democratization in Indonesia. In this context, most observers recognize that Suharto's support to Indonesian Muslims, in the establishment of ICMI, or BMI, was the presidents punishment against the military leaders, because they had opposed against him. Furthermore, the support was considered as a great planning to

23

Mochtar Masoed, Ekonomi dan Struktur Politik Orde Baru 1966-1967 (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1989), 179. 64 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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achieve broad support and legitimacy from Muslims to maintain his power.24 However, recent political observers, such as Bachtiar Effendi,25 say that this trend is political accommodation to Islam. According to him, there are two main reasons why the New Order government accommodated Muslims, particularly the Muslim activists and scholars. First, from a sociological perspective, since education and economic activity was accessible to middle class Muslims; they had many opportunities to study abroad. They returned from their studies accompanied by the social mobility and the bargaining power of Muslims, so they should be accommodated into the structure of the country. Second, improving the quality of Muslim education and the ability to cast the idea of an Islamic scholar in Islamic thought, making the government is not likely to ignore their existence, especially since these thoughts in some respects in accordance with the direction and policies developed by the New Order. In addition, Effendy states that there are actually four kinds of what the New Order government accommodates Muslims: structural accommodation, legislative accommodation, infrastructural accommodation, and cultural accommodation. Structural accommodation means recruiting some Muslim leaders in executive agencies (bureaucracy) and legislative institutions of the state. This kind of accommodation is clearly seen when President Suharto supported the establishment of ICMI (Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals) in 1990. The legislative accommodation associated with the issuance of laws or some regulations associated with Islam as an independent and legitimate rule. Among the policy of accommodation is ratification of the National Education Act of 1989, enacting laws religious courts, the permissibility of wearing hijab in 1991 and legislation relating to Islamic banking in Indonesia
24 25

Hefner, Civil Islam, 158. Effendi, Islam and the State in Indonesia. 65 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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in 1992. The infrastructural accommodation is the provision of infrastructure required Muslims to perform their religious obligations. One form of this accommodation was the willingness of the government to help the establishment of Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI) in 1992. Meanwhile, the cultural accommodation allowed widely different cultural expressions that are understood as Islamic. The Establishing of an Islamic Bank The idea of establishing Islamic banks in Indonesia has actually emerged in the 1970s or in the early New Order. However, this idea was initially suspected of being part of the remnants of the Islamic State ideas, thus it was rejected by the government. The official reason that they put forward, according to Dawam Rahardjo,26 is that the idea of an Islamic bank clashed with the banking legislation which did not provide space for the operation of the bank without interest. The law is the Basic Law of Banking No. 14/1967 Chapter I, which requires each credit transaction is accompanied by interest. In the mid-1980s, the Indonesian Ulama Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia/MUI) began discussing the possibility of establishing an Islamic bank. Although it had long been regarded by the critics of the government as a corporate mechanism to co-opt the clergy, MUI actually had always internal diversity. Therefore, in line with the increasing thinness of the government against Islamic religious concerns, and also in line with the more apparently results from the rise of Islam, some scholars in the MUI began reviewing the possibility to apply for re-planning the establishment of an Islamic bank.27
26

M. Dawam Rahardjo, Bank Islam in Ensiklopedi Islam Tematik (Jakarta: PT Ichtiar Baru Van Houve, 2002), 399-400. 27 Hefner, Islamizing Capitalism, 154. 66 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Finally, on August 19 to 20, 1990, MUI hosted a workshop in Cisarua, Bogor. The conference was motivated by the fact that many Indonesian Muslims started to demand interest-free banking products and services in line with the requirements of sharia. It was during this conference that a proposition to establish an Islamic bank was made. Thus, it can be seen as an important milestone in Islamic resurgence in the area of economics, banking and finance in Indonesia. Following the conference, continuous efforts were made to put the idea into practice. It is important to note that, at the early stages, the ulama (Islamic scholars) and academics were the initiators of the Islamic bank idea. Although the legal status of interest was not decided yet in the workshop, Aqsha said that the participants agreed to establish an interest-free bank in line with Islamic law. Recommendations from the workshop were followed up with the National Conference IV by assigning MUI Leadership Council to initiate the establishment of the bank and eventually formed the MUI banking team led by M. Amin Aziz and supported by ICMI's legal team headed by Karnaen Perwaatmaja.28 However, the efforts to establish Islamic banks, according to Hefner faced a lot of obstacles.29 Many senior figures in the army and intelligence agencies, as well as a few technocrats in the Ministry of Finance considered Islamic banks a dangerous concession to the primordial sectarianism. These worries seemed to match the response to the formation of ICMI, who both run about the same. However, President Suharto ignored the concerns among the military and his advisers from among the technocrats, and instead supported the establishment of ICMI and BMI. What was done by Soeharto, in fact, is something that had no precedent in the New Order. However,
28

Darul Aqsha et.al., Islam in Indonesia: A Survey of Events and Development From 1988 to March 1993 (Jakarta: INIS, 1995), 184. 29 Hefner, Islamizing Capitalism, 155. 67 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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according to Hefner, Soeharto needed the support of Muslims to realize his ambition to continue his presidency, after the ranks of armed forces to mobilize opposition against him. In addition to political constraints, Hefner stated that the attempt to establish an Islamic bank also faced financial challenges.30 To fulfill the banking requirements set by the Ministry of Finance, the organizer must provide a fund of Rp 10 billion (just under U.S. $ 5 million) to get a license to operate. Again, the support of President Suharto proved very decisive in this phase. When the committee establishment of Islamic bank meet President Suharto, he responded to proposals for establishing a bank with enthusiasm, and immediately offered to provide Rp 50 million (approximately U.S. $ 25,000) from his own money for the bank's capital. More importantly, he also agreed to fund using Yayasan Dana Amal Bhakti Muslim Pancasila (a foundation established by President Soeharto to help the building of mosques and dakwah) to provide cash of Rp 3 billion. He also promised to attempt to acquire the remaining Rp 7 billion. Before BMI established, the Government issued Law No.7/1992 on Banking stating that the bank using a profit and lose sharing system was accommodated. On 1 November 1991, Articles of PT. Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI) was signed by the Notary Judo Paripurno, S.H. BMI, finally, obtained permission from both the Minister of Justice and the Minister of Finance. With the business license issued by the Minister of Finance dated April 24th, 1992, BMI started to operate on May 1st, 1992. Conclusion The establishment of the first Islamic Bank in Indonesia was influenced by the following factors: first, the neo-Revivalism which
30

Ibid., 155-156. 68 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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shaped Muslims understanding of Islam as a religion that provides moral and law to solve modern problems; second, the discourse of prohibition of bank interest among Indonesian Muslims; third, economic injustice as a result of the New Order policy to support Chineses businness; forth, the Islamic renewal which influenced the New Order policy to accomodate Muslims; and fifth, the change of attitude of the government (President Soeharto) against Islam. Soeharto gave supporting the establishment of BMI in both politics and economic action to obtain Muslims support for his ambition to continue his presidency. However, the establishment of Islamic bank can be considered as one of the indicators of the Muslims resurgence in Indonesia, after they were politically and economically marginalized in previous decades. Moreover, Islamic Banks (later usually mentioned by Sharia Banking) have been rapidly growing, particularly, since the last thirtheen years. There are at least some factors that contributed to the development of Islamic banks in Indonesia. First, the government and House of Representative (DPR) play an important role in producing law that can be used as legitimation for the development of Islamic banking. The presence of Law No. 10 in 1998 concerning permits for conventional banks to open a business unit of Sharia, and Law no. 21 of 2008 concerning Sharia Banking become evidence that they support sharia banking in Indonesia. Second, the role of scholars in producing a fatwa stating that bank interest is usury. On December 16, 2003, Komisi Fatwa of MUI has produced a fatwa stating that the interest practiced in the conventional financial institutions, such as banking, insurance, capital markets, pawnshops, and cooperative status, are illegitimate. This assessment is then approved by the board of MUI on January 6, 2004. Third, the Muslim piety expressed their religiosity in symbolic pattern. MUIs fatwa stating that interest is haram (prohibited) became a strong opinion among Muslims, thus many of them become customers of sharia banks. These conditions have moved the bankers to open a sharia bank completely. In other
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hand, some universities are also vying to open the program of Sharia Banking Study. From the fact that the sharia banking had grown rapidly, finally, an important question arises: did Islamic banking successfully achieve to implement social justice, strengthen Muslims economy and alleviate poverty? This question is very important because Islamic Banks, according to the Law no. 21 of 2008 about Sharia Banking, were established to support the implementation of national development in order to enhance fairness, unity, and equality of peoples welfare. Furthermore, these goals will absolutely maintain and develop the resurgence of Indonesian Muslims in the future. Bibliography Aqsha, Darul et.al. Islam in Indonesia: A Survey of Events and Development From 1988 to March 1993. Jakarta: INIS, 1995. Bromley, Simon. The Prospects for Democracy in the Middle East, in Prospects for Democracy, edited by David Held. Oxford: Polity Press, 1993. Effendi, Bachtiar. Islam and the State in Indonesia. Singapore: ISEAS, 2003. Hefner, Robert W. Islamizing Capitalism: On the Founding of Indonesias First Islamic Bank in Shari and Politics in Modern Indonesia, edited by Arskal Amin and Azyumardi Azra. Singapore: ISEAS, 2003. _____. Civil Islam: Muslim and Democratization in Indonesia. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. _____. Islam Pasar Keadilan: Artikulasi Lokal, Kapitalisme dan Demokrasi. Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2000. Http://www.bi.go.id.
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Http://www.ib.eramuslim.com. Http://www.mediaindonesia.com. Law No. 21 of 2008 about Sharia Banking. Masoed, Mochtar. Ekonomi dan Struktur Politik Orde Baru 19661967. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1989. Pepinsky, Thomas B. Islamic Finance in Multicultural Indonesia in http://www.courses.cit.cornell.edu. Rahardjo, M. Dawam. Bank Islam in Ensiklopedi Islam Tematis. Jakarta: PT Ichtiar Baru Van Houve, 2002. Robison, Richard. Indonesia: The Rise of Capital. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1986. Saeed, Abdullah. Riba, Interest and Islamic Banking: A Study of the Prohibition of Riba and its Contemporary Interpretation. Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1996. Suryadinata, Leo. Golkar dan Militer. Jakarta: LP3ES, 1992. Venardos, Angelo M. Islamic Banking and Finance in South-east Asia: Its development and Future. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2005.

71 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

THE QURANIC HERMENEUTICS OF FARID ESSACK

Elya Munfarida
STAIN Purwokerto, Central Java

72 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Elya Munfarida

Introduction The Quran was revealed not in vacuum, but in concrete historical situation of Arab community as the first receiver. Its existence as response to socio-cultural conditions faced by Arab community meaning there is dialectic relation between the Quran as text and Arab society and their historical situation as the context. The dialectics also implies two notions of the existence of the Quran. First, it points out the two sides of it, that is, normative and historical sides which make it able to be realized transcending space and time. Therefore, to understand it, as said by Komaruddin Hidayat, needs to utilize double analogy, that is, conceptual analogy between the world of human being and the world of God and historical analogy between world of Arab community as the first receiver and world of contemporary Muslim.1 In addition, the accumulation of dialectics of the Quran expressed in circular dialogue between normativity and historicity dimensions, for Wilfred Cantwell Smith, has constructed a cumulative tradition of Islam,2 that is, a religio-historical construction dynamically develops along with the development of Islamic community. Second, historicity of the Quran shows its involvement in human affairs and the functional role it plays in responding sociocultural conditions of Arab community as the first receiver. In this sense, Moeslim Abdurrahman asserts that a significant function of the presence of the Quran is its corrective attitude to historical distortion deviant from humanistic values.3 Practices of dehumanization such as exploitation of the marginalized, riba (usury), killing female baby performed by Arab community, were
1

Komaruddin Hidayat, Memahami Bahasa Agama (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1996), 9. 2 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, The Meaning and End of Religion (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), 156-157. 3 Moeslim Abdurrahman, Islam yang Memihak (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2005), 1. 73 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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resisted by the Quran.4 Deconstructing worldly-oriented worldview and constructing God-oriented one, has greatly impacted on transformation of socio-cultural manifestations. It insists that the historicity of the Quran as manifestation of its dialectics between the Quran and Arab community has functioned role of transformation and liberation. The transformative and liberative dimension of the Quran has been unfortunately marginalized in Islamic discourses for the domination of mistico-teological interpretation of Quranic verses. Greek Philosophy, as insisted by Asghar Ali Engginer, not only has contributed advantages for development of speculative thought, but also occupied Muslim society on metaphisic discourse of theology as such so that the developing theology is more theosentric rather than antrophosentric.5 It leads to ignorance of humanistic problems faced by Muslim society as a result of colonialism, imperialism, hegemonic policy of state, or even conservative interpretation toward religious texts that in turn creates injustice and inequality. The similar curiosity is as well felt by Essack as he observes religiosity of Muslim community in South African which inclines to hold acomodative theology standing for status quo with its ideologies of racism, imperialism and totalianiarism. This theology then has
4

To view transformation played by Islam in Arab Community, knowledge on worldview of and socio-cultural condition of pre-Islamic Arab will be very important. To know more about worldview and culture of pre-Islamic Arab, see Toshihiko Izutsu, Relasi Tuhan dan Manusia dalam the Quran (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 2000). Some books of Khalil Abdul Karim, Hegemony Quraisy: Agama, Budaya, Kekuasaan ( Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2002); Syariah: Sejarah Pergulatan Pemaknaan (Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2003); Negara Madinah: Politik Penaklukan Masyarakat Suku Arab (Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2005). 5 Asghar Ali Enggineer, Islam dan Teologi Pembebasan, translated by Agung Prihantoro (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 1999), ix-x. 74 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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marginalized liberative dimension of Islam, whereas, for Essack, the developed theology should be liberation theology.6 In this theology, religion is used as a basis of ideological praxis to liberate South African society from various forms of injustice, oppression, discrimination and exploitation. The liberation theology has driven Essack to search for hermeneutics as a means to explore transformative and liberative dimension of the Quran and to resolve social, economic, and political problems experienced by South African society. In deal with the discussion, some questions will be arisen. What kind of hermeneutics of the Quran does Essack develop to overcome the problems of his society? Why does he choose hermeneutics reception to be applied to the Quran interpretation in the context of South African? How does he apply that hermeneutics in interpretating the Quran? These questions will be answered in the following discussion. A Short Biography of Farid Essack Farid Essack was grew up in in Bonteheuwel, a coloured township on the Cape Flats. Given a policy of the Group Areas Act, this place is specially dwelled by the coloured people. Apharteid law promulgated in 1952, set aside the most barren parts of the country for Blacks, Indians, and coloureds.7 This racial discrimination marginalized them in all apsect: social, economical, and political one. As such, they did not have any access to increase their wealth, producivity as well as political bargaining. While productive and prospective areas were provided for the Whites, so they could gain all means to acheive prosperity and political power.

Farid Essack, Quran, Liberation & Pluralism: An Islamic Perspectives of Intereligious Solidarity Against Oppression (England: Oneworld, 1977), 7-8. 7 Ibid., 2. 75 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Since he was child, he had a tremendous concern on his social reality suffering poverty and marginalization resulted by implementation of Apharteid law, economical exploitation, hegemony of patriarchal system and racism. As he was nine, he was involved an organization of Tablighi Jamaah, an international revivalist organization. He has been ever caught by police dealing with his involvement in National Youth Action and South African Black Scholars Association. Both these organizations had commitment on social and political transformation and settled in Christian Institute building before banned in 1973.8 After graduating from his college, he followed training of theology in Pakistan dan found simmilarities between his society and that in Pakistan. Discrimination and oppression to Hindu and Christian minority, gap between conservative and progressive theology, and oppression toward women in Islamic society were some problems existing in Pakistan. Some discussion undertaken with the Student Christian Movement, has convinced him on how hard to live in an unjust and explotative community.9 The experiences had in pakistan, have strengtened his commitment to advocate the oppressed group seeking to liberate them from hegemonic and explotative systems. In 1983 marked collective resistency in cross-religiously South African society, by intensively isolating themselves from Apharteid structure and rejecting racial constitution as early step to fight for gaining freedom. In 1984, with his three friends, he pionerred founding the Call of Islam, an organization having a significant role in fighting for freedom of South Africa. The affiliation with United Democratic Front (UDF), soon becoming the most active liberation

8 9

Ibid., 3-4. Ibid., 5. 76 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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movement on struggle against Apharteid, gender inequality, threats to the environment and to interfaith work.10 Instead, he also involved in some other organizations such as the Organization of People against Sexism and the Cape against Racism. In the early 1997, he was pointed as a chief of Gender Equality Committee by Nelson Mandela. He was also incorporated to independent organizations as an honorary member, such as the Community Development Resources Association, the AIDS Treatment Action Campaign, National Public Radio, and the Muslim Peace Fellowship. Recently with Paul Knitter, he campaigns on religious pluralism for gaining justice.11 Discourse of Islamic Thought in South Africa Discrimination and oppression realities as an implication of application of Apharteid system has emerged teological responses. Religion plays significant role to construct Islamic society response toward whole social structure of South Africa built on Apharteid system. In such condition, according to Essack, religion becomes a contested territory, for each group tends to make their own scripture as a basis of argumentation, even different and contradictive interests could propose the same textual reference.12 On the context of oppression, religion will meet one of two roles, namely, supporting structure and institution of oppression or performing its function in struggle for freedom. Both these role options will further construct different theological expressions that in turn determine political positions taken. In general, the formed
10 11

Ibid., 6. Dadi Darmadi, Memahami Farid Essack in Farid Essack, On Being A Muslim: Menjadi Muslim di Dunia Modern, translated by Dadi Darmadi & Jajang Jahroni (Jakarta: Erlangga, 2002), xv-xvi. 12 Essack, Quran, 6. 77 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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theological response based on two roles of religion above, can be classified into two forms. First, theology of accomodation which tries to accomodate and justify status quo of its politics of racism, capitalism, and totalianiarism. Though its taking side is not explicitly expressed, but denial of conservative group as representative of accomodation theology to actively participate in political praxis against policies of Apharteid rezime and put forward more on personal piety, implicitly indicated of legitimation to the existing power. Using three important events happening in South Africa, i.e. election of tri-cameral parliament (Coloureds, Indians, Whites), suspecting bidah (heretic) toward radical groups and threat to people participating in politics of anti-Apharteid, Ebrahim Moosa regards conservative group as being reluctant to criticize political policies of Apharteid goverment by not giving political statements to reject the tri-cameral parliament election system which even strengthens Apharteid system. Oposition to radical group and its suspect as being heretic and therefore must be turned out from Islamic community, shows apolitical attitude of conservative group implicating to establish status quo.13 Conservative group related radical Islam as well with Syii that Iran revolution in 1979 was regarded as inspiring progressive movement taken by that group. Though influence of revolutionary spirit of Iran can not be denied, but this discourse has inevitably arisen in surface sectarian polemics between Sunni and Syii in the context of South Africa. For Sunni, as stated by Enayat, history is movement away from ideal condition, while for Syii history is movement toward ideal condition.14 Both movements in turn will
13

Ebrahim Moosa, Muslim Conservatism in South Africa in Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 69 (December 1989), 76-77, http://web.uct.ac.za/depts/ricsa/tre/j69moosa.htm. 14 Ibid. 78 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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effect Muslims worldview and implicate to their political thoughts and attitudes. Through this framework, radical opposition toward goverment is committed as praxis action to form a better history. Whereas apolitical and passive attitude toward status quo, is regarded as rejection to create history and affirmation to the political policies of the powerful. The second form of theology is liberation theology, that is, theology involved in praxis of struggle for freedom. In this theology, religion is utilized as a theological basis of liberation of the oppressed and the marginalized from any exploitative practices. In South Africa, the theology is articulated by some figures and organizations which admit of sin for being passive and silent before oppression and explotation practices.15 In contrary with the former, liberation theology urges the Muslims people to actively participate in political struggle for resolving the problems they had. Resistence to status quo is taken to liberate people from hegemonic system of Apharteid applied to them. In South Africa, Iran revolution has raised Muslims consciousness that Islam could be ideological base revelant to their context. Therefore, praxis political movement is conceived as the best way to undermine domination and hegemony of Apharteid goverment. In the other words, the oppressing social and economical structure must be resisted not by cultural way but rather by structural one, so that revolutionary Islam as manifestation of structural movement becomes the main option of the youths of South Africa in their political fight. Among these two teological expressions above, Essack took a side of liberation theology, for iman, according to him, must be embedded both personally and socially. It means social sensibility of realities faced by his community and social responsibility by seeking
15

Essack, Quran, 8. 79 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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to overcome the problems, is to be measurements of iman. Besides, consequence of human role as khalifah compels him to actively participate in creating history in which humanistic values must underpin it. Therefore, Muslims must be subject of history, not just as object of history, through active involvement of undertaking social transformation to create a just and humanistic society. In the other worlds, for Essack, what needed in the context of South Africa is interventionist Muslims having great consciousness to transform their environment and to contribute for creation of the new world.16 The Quran as Progressive Revelation: A Basis for Reinterpretation of Islam in South Africa Statement in the Quran that it performs as a guidance for human beings indicates that it can be a reference for Muslims in any space and time (salih li kulli zaman wa makan). It means the Quran can have dialogue with human reality with its problems and needs. In this sense, Komaruddin Hidayat mentions that the presence the Quran has occured Islamic discourse for centuries moving centrifugally and centripetally. The former represents that the Quran has a great drive for Muslims to interpret and explore its meaning so creating intellectual journey. While the latter describes that though Islamic discourse has lasted for centuries and produced an enormous exegesis, but an effort to refer to the Quran is never endless.17 Accumulation of dialectics of the Quran manifested in circular dialog between normativity and historicity, for Wilfred Cantwell Smith, has constructed accumulative tradition of Islam,18 that is religio-historical construction dynamically developing in line with the development of Islam community.
16 17

Essack, On Being A Muslim, 124-125. Komaruddin Hidayat, Memahami, 15. 18 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, The Meaning, 156-157. 80 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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This reality can be obviously discerned in the process of Quranic revelation. The will of God embedded in Quranic verses, was revealed as response to social condition of the receivers. Principle of tadrij, that Quranic verses are gradually revealed, reflects creative interaction between Gods words, socio-cultural reality and the needs of the receivers. This interaction is a necessity for action of God in the world is the action in space and time undergoing through natural laws whether physical or social nature.19 Thus, the action of God, in this case is the Quran, will be comprehended by human beings as this revelation is rooted in historical human reality. The Quran itself, as pointed out by Essack, explicitly mentions the reasons for the ways it was gradually revealed. First, the Quran is present as day-by-day guidance, thus needs pattern of gradual revelation. Second, Islam exists in the situation of struggle and Muhammad continuously needs support in deal with his interaction with Arab society. This matter is expressed in Quranic response to its opponents who question why the Quran is not simultaneously revealed in one time. It is then answered that this way is for steadying the heart of the receiver.20 Steadying of the heart conveyed in the verse above, as said by Ibnu Khaldun, indicates that the receiver condition is as well considered, for process of communication of revelation is hard to be accepted especially in the early times.21 The receiver here is not only including of the prophet Muhammmad himself but also Arab society as the community for which messages of the Quran direct to. Principle of progressive revelation, as characterized by process of gradual revelation, is obviously represented in asbab al-nuzul and
19

Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Mafhum an-Nash: Dirasah fi Ulum the Quran (Beirut: al-Markaz as-Saqafi al-Arabi, 1994), 99. 20 Essack, Quran, 45-55. 21 Abu Zayd, Mafhum, 98. 81 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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naskh. The former studies on causes or particular events for which certain Quranic verses were revealed. Asbab al-nuzul can be classified into two manners: micro asbab an-nuzul referring to particular causes or events of the revealed verses and macro one pointing to socio-cultural realities of Arab society at the time. Significance of asbab an-nuzul in interpreting the Quran cannot be neglected for a language represents the culture and the thought of its user.22 Therefore, production of a text through media of Arabic language will involve tradition and thought of Arabic community. Thus study of asbab an-nuzul both micro and macro insists on the dialectic relation between text and the context surrounding it. While the latter is abrogation either by removing text which points out laws from reading (not including it into Quranic codification) or by letting the text prevailing in al-Quran as a clue of the existing abrogated law. The abrogation of the text does not mean that the abrogated verses lost their legitimacy function, but for Quraish Shihab, abrogation is meant to be exchanging from one container to another rather eliminating text and its function. It means all Quranic verses prevails and no contradiction, while abrogation is exchange of law for certain people or community because of having different conditions.23 In the same line, Abu Zayd asserts that religious laws are dedicated for human being to arrange all their dynamic activities, thus those laws must be dynamic as well.24 Both two concepts above, asbab an-nuzul and naskh, reveal the existing relation between text and reality. Dialectics of both elements, for Essack, becomes a foundation for reinterpertation of text in contemporary situation by contextualizing the messages
22 23

Ibid., 106. M. Quraish Shihab, Membumikan The Quran (Bandung: Mizan, 1994), 146. 24 Abu Zayd, Mafhum, 146. 82 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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within and catching the extending unthinkable territory in Islamic thought. The linkage between the rulers and religious scholars in the history of Islamic civilization played a significant role to reduce or even eliminate transformative dimension of Islam for the sake of establishing their status quo. In this context, unthinkable territories were constructed by certain power to maintain their profan or religious authority.25 As Foucoult said, power is inherent in production of knowledge which then, using Louis Althussser, is interpreted or accepted by subject of Islamic community as the truth without question. Hermeneutics of Reception: Searching for Meaning in the Context of South Africa In the context of South Africa, hermeneutics as an art or method of interpretation of text, offers enlighting and promising perspective for searching new meanings of Quranic text that are suitable with the context of their struggle against oppression. Hegemony of interpretation of the text by certain groups has even legitimated the existing established power. This condition even weakened Muslim community which in fact becomes a part of the oppresseds. Therefore, looking for new meaning of the Quran is an important matter to generate theological basis for liberating South African people in general from repression of Apharteid goverment.

25

Power relation in religious discourse has revealed concepts of thinkable, unthought-of, and unthinkable. Thinkable represents known concepts of Islam, while unthought-of refers to strange or unknown concepts of Islam. Whereas unthinkable points to known concepts which are not thinkable for either they are not realized of their significance or realized but not thinkable for the sake of maintaining ortodoxy. Further elaboraion of these concepts can be seen in Mohammed Arkoun, Kajian Kontemporer al-Quran (Bandung: Penerbit Pustaka, 1998), 12-42. 83 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Essack seemingly colaborates the two streams of defining hermeneutics. The first stream regards hermeneutics as a general body of methodological principles which underlines interpretation, while the second one views it as the philosophical exploration of the character and necessary condition for all understanding. That is why he quotes Carl Braatens notion which defines hermeneutics as a science of reflecting on how a word or an event in a past time and culture may be understood and become existentially meaningful in our present situation. He adds that in turn it involves both the methodological rules to be applied in exegesis and the epistemological asumptions of understanding.26 In the context of the
26

Essack, Quran, 50-51. The first stream can be traced back to the thought of Schleiermacher who perceives hermeneutics as an art of understanding making it as being philosophical, reflection of thinking toward meaning of speech or text. In his introduction of Hermeneutics and Criticism, Schleiermacher extensively elaborates the notion of hermeneutics as an art of understanding. However, he also lays a foundation for considering hermeneutics as a method by setting rules covered in gramatical and psychological explication. See Friedrich Scheiermacher, Hermeneutics and Criticism (United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 5-28. The understanding of hermeneutics as an art of understanding is further developed by Gadamer who mostly concerns on the process from which understanding is likely possible. In the chapter II Elements of a Theory of Hermeneutics Experience, he deeply elaborate of understanding process as a hermeneutic principle. To reach this notion, he discusses some concepts which are interrelated one another that the existence the former will lead to that of the latter. See Hans-George Gadamer, Truth and Method (New York: Continuum, 1995), 265-379. Essack in some parts of his book also quotes Gadamers ideas to explore subjectivity of the interpreter which is then as a main base of reception hermenutics. The second streams influenced as well by Schleiermacher is taken by Hirsch who differentiates two kinds of meaning of text, that is, meaning for what text implies and significance for what text does not imply. This differentiation then leads to differentiation of the means to reveal meaning and significance. However, he seemingly 84 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Quran, hermeneutics is applied to present the Quran as a historical and cultural product of the past in the present to provide guidance for contemporary Muslims in regard to problems they have. Hermeneutics, for Essack, assumes that interpreters will bring their expectations as they want to interpret text. Therefore, a demand of objectivity of interpretation by setting a side subjectivity of the interpreters in the process of interpretation is an absurd thing and text will be sailent without the presence of pre-understanding and subjectivity of interpreters.27 Quoting Gadamer, he asserts role of interpreters in understanding text. For Gadamer, interpretation is always a circular process in which text of the past can be understood only from our historical present perspective. Interpreters and the text are always tied by their own traditions, so that interpreters, whether consciously or unconsciously, have certain preunderstandings toward texts being interpreted. In this sense, interpretation is likely possible through the fusion of horizons, that is, colaborating pre-understanding of interpreters and horizon of meaning contended in the text.28 This notion consequently implies that interpretation of a text is not a reproduction of a meaning, but rather a production of a new meaning resulted from interaction between text and contemporary situation of the interpreters. For it is productive, so there is no repetition of meaning.

prefer to catch meaning rather than significance in hermeneutic task that makes him posit in objective side of hermeneutics schools. The objective side taken, urges Hirsch to set tests of interpretations validity that include four criterions, i.e, the criterion of legitimacy, correspondance, generic appropiateness, and plausibility. Elya Munfarida, Summary of Hirschs validity in Interpretation, written for lecture Philoshopical Hermeneutics part I, ICRS (Indonesian Concorsium for Religious Studies), UGM, Yogyakarta, 2010. 27 Essack, Quran, 51. 28 Gadamer, Truth and Method. 85 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Based on the framework above, Essack reveals that hermeneutic tradition in some extents exists in Islamic thought. Though term of hermeneutics does not definitely prevail in Islamic scholarly, but its meaning and method of operationalization are implicitly developed in Islamic discourse. The reasons are: (1) hermeneutic problems are actively experienced rather than thematically posed which can be discerned from the existence of asbab an-nuzul and naskh; (2) methods and theory of interpretation are well developed and systematized in the discipline of principles of tafsir (exegesis); (3) traditional tafsir has always been categorized depending on the perspective used by the interpreters creating schools (madzhab) of exegesis, such as madzhab Syii, Mutazili, Sunni, and so on. It means ideology or subjectivity of interpreters are involved in process of interpretation.29 Although hermeneutic tradition in some extents prevailed in Islamic discourse, but using hermeneutics in contemporary term will occur some difficulties in traditional Islamic scholarly for some reasons. First, significance of context and role of human for grasping meaning implies that the Quran is not out of the socio-historical context, rather exists in the context of concrete humanity. In the other word, without context, text is meaningless. This proposition is certainly in contradictory with traditional opinion which regards meaning of Quranic verses as what God intends to. Second, stressing on role of human beings in producing meaning contradicts with the idea that God can give human beings a right understanding or what Arkoun called as essentialist rationality and therefore unchangable in which divine intellect will maintain and warrant the truth of their understanding. Third, traditional Islamic scholars have made a strict distinction between production of the sacred text in one hand and interpretation and reception in other hand. This distinction becomes a crucial factor in shaping Quranic hermeneutics resulting opinion
29

Essack, Quran, 61. ` 86 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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that only Islamic hermeneutics can overcome problems of Quranic interpretation.30 These difficulties urge reluctancy or even rejection of traditional scholars of utilizing hermeneutics for Quranic interpretation. This attitude also still exists now for they conceive that there is different ontological and epistemological aspects between the Quran and other profan or even other sacred texts. Therefore, they insist on keeping to use traditional principles and methods of interpretation that will unconsciously cause great impact on the result of their interpretation, especially in case of South African context. Interpretation model of traditional Islamic scholarly, for Essack, is perceived to be a praxis theological foundation for the prevailing discrimination and exploitation in South Africa. Their interpretation tends to establish ideality of ortodox tradition by giving authority of the truth of interpretation to salaf (predecessors) interpretations that precisely stressed on personal piety and salvation. Such ascetic attitudes in turn shape the passive political attitudes and practices in response to the oppresive structural policies and in turn implicitly support the power interest. The weakness of traditional interpretation urges Essack to look for another model of interpretation founded in Francis-Schussler Fiorenzas view on her reception hermeneutics. This kind of hermeneutics is derived from theory of reception which is as one of the important theories of poststructuralism.31 Theory of reception
30 31

Ibid., 62-64. Some theories categorized as theory of poststructuralism are theory of literary reception, of intertextuality, of postfeminism, of postcolonialism, of deconstruction, and of discource and text. Further explanation of those theories and the history of their occurance can be seen in Nyoman Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode Dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra dari Strukturalisme hingga Postrukturalisme (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2006), 143-295. Theory of postructuralism has similarities with that of postmodernism, for 87 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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highlights on how readers give meaning to the text read and react or comment on it. Their response can be passive, that is how the readers can understand the work viewing its aesthetic essence, or can be active meaning that how the readers can realize it. This approach surpasses the establishment of the prevailing approaches which focus on text and the author or on the process of creating the text (aesthetic of production). Whereas in reception approach, meaning is perceived as a result of interaction between text and the reader depending on factors of position, presence and reception of the text by the reader.32 Therefore, this theory marks shifting from
scholars categorized as those of postrukturalisme are also included as proponents of postmodernism. Besides, the tendency to regard social reality as phenomenon of language preassumes that theory of language can be applied in studying social reality as well, so that both theory are influenced each other. Yasraf Amir Piliang, for instance, mentions the developed theories of postmodernism including: the death of the author (dominacy of reader/reception), intertextuality, deconstruction, simulation, and hiperreality. Some books describing theory of postmodernism and its cultural manifestations can be looked at Yasraf Amir Pilliang, Hipersemiotika: Tafsir Cultural Studies Atas Matinya Makna (Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2003); Dunia Yang Dilipat: Tamasya Melampaui Batas-batas Kebudayaan (Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2004); dan Transpolitika: Dinamika Politik di Dalam Era Virtualitas (Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2005). 32 Ahmad Baso, The Quran dan Komunitas Agama sebagai Pembaca in Preface of Ali Nurdin, Quranic Society: Menelusuri Konsep Ideal dalam The Quran (Jakarta: Erlangga, 2006). Robert C. Holub mentions five influences as precusors of reception theory: Russian formalism, Prague structuralism, hans Georg Gadamers hermeneutics, and the sociology of literature. Further explanation about these five influences can be read in Robert C. Holub, Reception Theory, A Critcal Introduction (London & New York: Methuen, 1984), 13-52. Two literaly scholars are considered as pioneer on reception theory are Wolfgang Iser and Hans Robert Jauss. Their books are Wolfgang Iser The Act of Reading, a Theory of the Aesthetic Response (London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), and Hans Robert Jauss, 88 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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the dominancy of the author in determining meaning of the text to the reader as a subject who reads, understands and realizes the text. In other word, it signs shifting from model of production aesthetic to reception aesthetic. This theory is further developed as a form of hermeneutics focusing on process of interpretation of individuals or groups toward text. This interpretation, according to Fiorenza needs to consider not only text and the original or the first receiver into account, but also transformation of horizon of the past and the present. Thus, the hermeneutics of reception includes two things in the process of interpretation, namely, problem of horizon shifting from different audience and transformation of expectation horizon of the past and the present.33 Through the framework above, Essack reveals three important elements in the process of interpretation of text. They are text and its author, interpreters and interpretation act. In deal with interpretation of the Quran, some problems will raise. First, a manner that the Quran is created by God is problematic. One side, Muslims claim that human beings cannot acknowledge the mind of God, but in other hand, occuring claim that God has controlled human mind that unables them to gain truth of what God intends to.

Toward an Aesthetic of Reception (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982). Nyoman Kutha Ratna states that the reception theory emerges on some considerations: 1) as way out to overcome structuralism which only pays attention on elements; 2) emerging consciousness to arise humanity values in term of consciousness of universal humanity; 3) consciousness that values of literaly works are developed only through competency of the reader; 4) consciousness that the eternity of the literaly works is caused by the reader; and 5) consciousness that meaning contends in ambiguity relation between the literaly work and its reader [Ratna, Teori, Metode, 166]. 33 Essack, Quran, 52. 89 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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This tendency is seen in discourse of traditional exegesis denying notion that interpreters can enter to the mind of God, but that denial is based on assumsion that their interpretations are meanings of which God intends to. This problem will seriously result if it is applied in the socio-political sphere, for identification of the author or the first receiver does not frequently regard the difference of historical situation between the first receiver and the interpreters. Besides, essentialist and absolutist religio-political claims conceiving that God has inspired the true interpretation to the interpreters, often cause claims of absoulte truth not condusive for searching for pluralism.34 Essacks idea implies that human beings cannot claim their interpretation as God meaning, but God meaning is catched in dialectics of the text and the historical demand or need of the receiver. Identification of the historicity of receiver will reveal functional role of the first receiver emerging the text, then that role is transformed in the present context. In this term, Essack accomodates method of regresive-progressive offered by Arkoun. This means a continuous reversion to the past, not to project on fundamental texts the demands and the needs of the present but to discover the historical mechanism and factors which produced these texts and assigned them such function (regressive procedure).35 Essack continues to apply it in his context of South African. He points out: The process of revelation of within a societal context is examined and its meanings within that particular (past) context comprehended. The process of understanding, however, operates within a (present) personal and social context which is one of oppression and struggle. Because these texts are an inseparable part of Muslim identity and
34 35

Ibid., 74-75. Mohammed Arkoun, Rethinking Islam (Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1987), 7. 90 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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active in the Islamic ideological system, they have to be reworked in order to assign a contemporary and contextual meaning to them. This dual process of regressionprogression between the Quran and socio-historical religious context to ummah and current socio-political context is regarded as necessary for an understanding and meaning compatible with the requirements of justice and liberation to emerge.36 Thus, as Le Roux points out, this hermenutics has two dimensions, objective (the Quran) and subjective (context of marginalization and oppression). Out of this hermeneutics of the Quran and context evolves the criteria of the people (an-nas), the downtrodden in the earth (mustadafun fil ardh).37 The dimension of subjectivity in the context of South African thus must be considered in process of interpretation to apply historical function of the text in recent situation. In this context, the Quran will always be meaningful for Muslims for it provides guidance to realize in the contemporary context with its specific demands and needs. However, stressing on subjective dimension does not mean ignoring the objective one. Regression process is a manifestation of the objective dimension in which the interpreters should trace back to the text and how the first receivers comprehend it. Second, interpreters have pre-understanding and presupposition that will be held in their interaction with the text. Understanding of the text by the interpreters is always situated by subjectivity, expectation and historical situation surrounding it. Therefore, every interpretation and understanding is partial. As
36

Essack, Liberation, Human Rights, Gender and Islamic Law: The South African Case in Islamic Law Reform and Human Rights, Challenges and Rejoinders, edited by Tore Lindholm and Kari Vogt (Oslo: Nordic Human Rights Publications, 1992), 185. 37 Ibid., 186. 91 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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stated by Tracy, there is no innocent interpretation, no innocent interpreter and no innocent text.38 Only by the existing preunderstanding of the interpreters that interpretation is likely possible. In the context of South Africa, Essack points out, we all approach text as people whose need to understand the text is driven by who we are and what our interests in retaining or shedding our gender, race, class, clan, or ethnic positions.39 In this sense, Essack criticizes Arkouns idea that the ideal search for knowledge is motivated by seemingly neutral reason.40 He insists that there is no neutral interpretation apart from subjectivity of the interpreters. Arkoun himself also involves his prejudices and pre-understandings as he interacts with the Quran. That is why his interpretation is different from others for he has different pre-understandings and expectations with the others. In Islamic discourse, Essack discerns the urgent need for contemporary Quranic scholarship to remove pre-understanding from the much-maligned tafsir bir-rayi (interpretation based on considered reasoning) which, in conservative discourse, has come to mean baseless and devious theological and political connotations superimposed on the Quran. That is why they prefer to interpret through tafsir bil-matsur which interprete the Quran by means the Quran, tradition of the prophet and predecessors opinions. As this task of removing pre-understanding is accomplished, one can proceed to examine and discuss the legitimacy, usefulness and justice of particular pre-understandings above or in contrast to others.41 In this sense, pre-understanding must be shared with other people to construct the common pre-understanding with regard to the context
38 39

Ibid., 75. Clinton Bennet, Muslims and Modernity (London & New York: Continuum, 2005), 104. 40 Essack, Quran, 87. 41 Ibid, 75. 92 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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of South Africa and then to be brought in interpreting the Quran. In turn, the resulted interpretation will meet the expectations and the demands of South African people to release from any forms exploitative and oppressive exercises. In term of Jurgen Habermas, there is a need of dialogism and intersubjectivity in public deliberation42 to share pre-understandings of different groups and examine them to gain consensus and common understandings for their common interest. Third, interpretation cannot set apart from language, history and tradition. Language reflects history and tradition of the user. Every interpretative act is a participation in process of historical linguistics, creation of tradition and this participation occurs in space and time. Therefore, interaction with the Quran does not only involve factors of language, culture and tradition of the first receivers, but also those of the reader.43 Essack insists on this proposition to reject opinion of some Islamic scholars who deny their own tradition and culture in interpreting the Quran by campaigning going back to the Quran to get truer meaning of the Quran. It also criticizes the traditional model of interpretation that prefer to refer to traditional opinion of the predecessor rather than interpretating the Quran departured from their own culture and tradition. Hermeneutic Keys for Interpreting the Quran in the Context of South Africa Given consideration of historical situation of interpreters in interpreting the Quran, will result the presence of interpreters subjectivity while having dialogue with the text. This subjectivity not
42

F. Budi Hardiman, Demokrasi Deliberatif, Menimbang Negara Hukum dan Ruang Publik Dalam Teori Diskursus Jurgen Habermas (Kanisius: Yogyakarta, 2009), 158-159. 43 Essack, Quran., 76. 93 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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only has a productive role in signification proccess but also brings the text to legitimate their pra-supposition and expectation, so text is present in a manner in which the interpreters expect. Such condition will be potential to justify ideological interpretations which are inclined to stand for their own interest while excluding other groups. This consequence is also realized by Essack that urges him to minimize the impact of interpreters subjectivity by setting several key concepts as basis of interpreting text which is subjective but objective. First, concept of taqwa is used in the Quran implying some meanings either in relation with God and human beings. The Quran connects taqwa with having faith (iman) to God (10:63, 27;53, 41:83) and conceives it as the highest achievement in worshipping God (2:21). In the context of humanity, taqwa is related to social interaction and care to others (92:5, 7:152-3), fulfilling promise (3:76, 7:52), especially giving kindness (3:172, 4:126, 5:93), and stressing on the significance of taqwa in a community as having task to perform transformation and liberation (3:102-5,125; 8:29). Thus, in the Quran commitment to humanity cannot set apart from that to God.44 The siginificance of taqwa as a hermeneutic key, for Essack, will greatly effect interpreters and the act of interpretation. Firstly, taqwa will evade the interpretation from teological obscurantism and reaction as well as a subjective individual speculation, even if the interpreters come from the oppressed. Secondly, taqwa will facilitate an aesthetic and spiritual balance in the interpreters life. Thirdly, taqwa will provide a commitment for the interpreters in the personal process of dialectical socio-political transformation. Fourtly, for an activist as an interpreter, taqwa will prevent him or her for being image of tyranny he or she againts for.45

44 45

Ibid., 87-88. Ibid, 89-90. 94 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Second, tawhid meaning the oneness of God is a base and centre of Islamic tradition. Comperhensivity and holism of Islam is rooted in this concept. In the context of South Africa, tawhid has two implications: first, in the existensial level it means rejection to dualistic conception of human existence through dichotomy of secular and spiritual, sacral and profan; and second, in political level it means denial to social stratification based on race, and ethnic for the oneness of God reflects the unity of humankind as His creature. Thus tawhid, in the construction of Quranic hermeneutics, becomes a basis for rejection of discourse based on syirik (worship others beside God), meant by Essack as the use of theology separated from social analysis.46 Third, concept of al-nas which is in the Quran used to point social collectivity in which, according to Ali Syariati, human beings are harmonically positioned altogether with God and nature in the world of tawhid. Sentrality of human beings in this world is reflected in their task as khalifah (vicegerent) of God in the world. This notion emerges two hermeneutic implications: firstly, the Quran must be interpreted in a way of supporting the interest of the whole people or of majority not that of minority; secondly, interpretation must be shaped by experience and aspiration of the people which is frequently in opposite with that of the powerful minority.47 Fourth, concept of mustadafun (the weaks) points to the oppressed or the weaks treated arogantly. Terms such as aradhil (the oppressed), fuqara (fakir), and masakin (the poors) describe the weak and marginalized social classes.48 They are social groups that must be freed from any limitation and oppression. This task has been realized by the prophet throughout his life, so that personal ascetism committed by him, does not prevent him to carry out social
46 47

Ibid., 92 Ibid., 96. 48 Ibid., 98. 95 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Elya Munfarida

transformations. In this term, his preference to raise degree of humanity of mustadafun must be the option of the interpreters in interpreting text and apply in the struggle against injustice and that of liberation of the oppressed. In the context of South Africa, this concept is utilized to be foundation to search for Quranic contribution toward struggle for justice for South African society in which they are in majority belonging to mustadafun.49 Fifth, the concept of qist and adl both point to concept of justice. The Quran stresses on the significance of applying justice to any fields, so that justice must be a base of social relation in human life. Justice will create humanistic order, and otherwise injustice will construct the opposite condition, that is, the deviant, destructive and unhumanistic social order.50 Therefore, this concept can be used as an ideological basis to oppose injustice with its socio-political manifestations. This step will cause two important implications: first, interpreters who are in oppressive situation can justify the use of objective approach toward the Quran and search for ways how the Quran be used against injustice prevailing in their society. Second, approach to the Quran as a means of opposition assumes of received teological and ideological commitments as well as affinity to the above values.51 Those values then are realized in struggle against oppresive status quo and together with community and the oppresseds create a just social order Sixth, the concept of jihad is used in the Quran to mean struggle either in term of war or a wider meaning of struggle, that is, social and self transformation. Essack interprets jihad as struggle and praxis. Quoting Rebecca Chopp, Essack defines praxis as conscious action undertaken by a human community that has the responsibility for its own political determination .... based on the
49 50

Ibid., 103. Ibid., 103-104. 51 Ibid., 106. 96 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Elya Munfarida

realization that humans make history.52 In the South African context which experiences some kinds of oppression, jihad as a praxis creates an ideological framework for struggle either Muslims and nonMuslims to actively participate in practical political sphere to oppose the oppressive socio-political structure. From aspect of hermeneutic action, the first two concepts, taqwa and tawhid, aim to develop the moral criteria and doctrine in process of dialogue with the text. The second two concepts, al-nas and al-mustadafun, point to location of interpretation activity. While the last two concepts, qist, adl and jihad, reflect ethos and method to produce and shape a contextual understanding toward Gods words in the unjust society. These six basic concepts is as a guide for interpreters in dialogue with the text, so that their subjectivities, expectations and ideologies they have, do not drive them to be out from limitations of objective interpretation. Application of those concepts in interpretation will unable them to gain the proper and objective interpretation appropriate to social demand and need of their communities, thus could create social transformations as reflected in the history of the prophet life. Redefining Iman to Search for Pluralism in the Quran In the context of the struggle of South African people surpassing ethnic and religious borders for freedom and justice, redefining the others becomes crucial thing to be done. Fighting against the oppresive Apharteid system not only involves Muslims people but also non-Muslims people or even ones who do not affiliate to any religion. Even they sacrifice their soul in this fighting without any fear. In this case, how then people of non-Muslims who are in the struggle for and sacrifice their lives for liberation can be excluded from gaining Gods salvation. While in the same time, there
52

Ibid., 107. 97 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Elya Munfarida

were some muslims who even did nothing and sacrifice nothing for freedom. Their silent attitude will be contra-productive for struggle to reach a just society and it even will establish status quo. It is in this matter, for Essack, the need to reinterpret terms of exclusion and inclusion meets significant problem. To do this task, the context of struggle of all South African people to gain liberation must be taken into account. In the discourse of Islamic theology, Essack finds out the problem of inclusion and exclusion in which reification of terms such as iman, Islam and kufur become more rigid and strick. In consequence, all beliefs outside the institutionalized Islam must be excluded and lost of salvation, though in the Quran People of the Books are affirmed in the same level as Muslims. In other words, according to Essack, these words are no longer seen as qualities that individual may have; qualities that are dynamic and vary in intensity in different stages of an individual life,53 rather than as belonging to certain religious labels. Therefore, the shifting of meaning must be reexplored to bring into fore the inclusive meanings of such terms for advocating pluralism for justice. However, this effort is not bypassing and ignoring some exclusive terms, rather by searching for alternative meanings which are condusive for discourse of pluralism. To elaborate term iman, Essack mentions a text that is seemingly useful for examining the way in which the Quran uses term iman and its noun muminun. Indeed, the muminun are those whose hearts tremble with awe whenever God is mentioned; and whose iman is strengthened whenever His ayats (signs) are conveyed unto them; and who place their trust to their Sustainer. Those who are constant in prayer and spents on others out what

53

Ibid., 115. 98 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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We provide for them as sustenance. It is who they are truly the muminun... (Quran 8:2-4). Three interconnected themes may be discerned from the text above: the dynamic nature for iman, the interrelatedness of iman and righteous deeds and iman as a personal response to God. Related to the first theme that iman is dynamic in nature, some previous interpreters give different explanation, however they acknowledge of dynamic iman in term that it can increase and decrease. Ar-Razi, for instance, offers three explanations for interpreting the increase as one in certitude, affirmation, and awareness: (1) more and stronger proof leads to further removal of doubt and, in the same time, increase in certainty; (2) the greater ammount known, the more the affirmation; (3) an increase in iman means an increase in the awareness of the greatness of Gods power and wisdom. The reasoning followed by ar-Razi, for Essack, ignores the idea of iman, a vibrant faith in the presence of God, being increased either as a direct consequence of righteous conduct or as coming from the grace of God subsequent to it.54 Another definition proposed by Abu Hanifah, one of the four greatest founder of Islamic schools commonly called Madzhab Hanafi, in the second of the Wasiyyat Abi Hanifah (the last admonition of Abu Hanifah) to his followers, contains contradictory logic explaining: iman cannot grow and decrease. In fact, its weakening can be conceived only in connection with an increase of kufr (not iman) and its progress in connection with a weakening of kufr. This position actually implies the possibilities of one simultaneously being both a believer and a non-believer.55 The second theme concerning relation between iman and righteous deed, the interpreters again differs one another commonly their interpretations are apropriated to their schools, nevertheless
54 55

Ibid., 119. Ibid., 120. 99 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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they insist on interrelatedness of iman and righteous deed. Rahman said that the separation between iman and action is untenable and absurd situation. The deep elaboration is given by Izutsu that regards iman and salih (righteous deed) as an unseparable unit. Just as the shadow follows the form, wherever there is iman there is salihat (righteous deeds).56 This meaning is further taken by Essack to perform liberation theology, for iman must be embedded both personally and socially. It means social sensibility of realities faced by his community and social responsibility by seeking to overcome the problems, is to be measurement of iman. Besides, consequence of human role as khalifah compels him to actively participate in creating history in which humanistic values must underpin it. Therefore, Muslims must be subject of history, not only as object of history, through active involvement of undertaking social transformation for creating a just and humanistic society. In the other word, for Essack, what is needed in the context of South Africa is interventionist Muslims having great consciousness to transform their environment and to contribute for creation of the new world. 57 This discussion then leads to arise some significant issues important to be posed dealing with the reality existing in South Africa: (1) the status of those who have iman in the sense of affirmation but whose lives are lack of righteous conduct, even if the latter is interpreted as the rituals of reified Islam; (2) the value of the righteous deeds uncompanied by iman in the sense of affirmation; (3) the possibility of iman unaccompanied by affirmation. These issues are important in South African context which witnessed young Jews and Christians going to jail because of their refusal to join Apharteid army or committed Christians, both clergy and laity, preferred torture and incarceration as the price of a

56 57

Ibid., 122. Essack, On Being A Muslim, 124-125. 100 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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deeply held conviction that faith in God implied an undying commitment to the dignity and freedom of their people.58 Based on his context and expectation to search for inclusion in the Quran, Essack classifies two notions of iman, namely socioreligious sense and non-sociological one.59 The former is defined as affiliation of certain religious community or mumin, but this notion is sometimes lack of faith commitment. For instance, being born in Muslim family, thus the member will be mukmin and its affiliation is not frequently preceded by faith commitment and thus its realization in life totally in conformity with the ethos of the Quran and its emphasis to righteousness. While the latter stresses on the faith commitment and being expressed in life in accordance to the spirit of the Quran to realize justice and righteousness. This differentiation means that there were muminun in the non-sociological sense of the word, i.e, outside the Muhammadan community which by the conservative scholars was confined to the prophets and their followers preceded Muhammad. In addition, the Quran also acknowledges of the People of the Books as having the same iman as Muhammad community. Cantwell-Smith states that the most siginificant sense of iman is an active quality, one that commits the person and by which he or she is caught up into a dynamic relationship with his or her Maker and fellows. It is the ability to see the transcendent, and to respond to it, to hear Gods voice and to act accordingly.60 Based on this notion, Essack is convinced of iman as a deeply personal response to God and it cannot be limited to a particular socio-religious community. Such limitation will be a denial of the universality of God Himself. This is why the Quran is explicit about the iman of those outside the socio-religious community of muminun. If iman can
58 59

Ibid., 123. Ibid., 124. 60 Ibid., 125. Cantwell-Smith, The Meaning, 112. 101 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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embrace, as stated in prophet tradition, the removal of a banana peel from the road, how can it not embrace the lifelong response of an individual to the voice of God as he or she perceives it and manifests it in an eternal life of service to those with whom God Himself has chosen to identify, the oppressed and marginalized?61 From the elaboration of the meaning and the use iman in the Quran, Essack found inclusive meaning that can fulfil his expectation in the context of South African reality of pluralism for struggle to gain justice. Though there is a notion of iman referring to socio-religious community, but in many places the Quran uses iman as personal faith and commitment to God unseparable from righteous deed. This non-sociological meaning is perceived by Essack as the essensial meaning of iman that also have been applied by the prophet Muhammad to treat the People of the Books. Though they have different affiliation in term of socio-religious community, but in the deepest faith, they commit the same iman with Muhammadan community, that is, having personal respond to the God. In this sense, struggle for gaining justice and releasing from oppression performed by different religious community in South Africa can be viewed as realization of their iman or their personal commitment to God to undertake social transformation in the process of creating their history based on justice values. Conclusion Dialectics between the Quran as text and reality of its receiver as its context, represents historical side of the Quran in the history of humankind. This dialectis is frequently less considered by the Islamic scholars and thus leads text sacralization which impedes creativity in interpretation for mantaining the salaf (predecessor) opinions. The following consequence is transformative dimension
61

Ibid. 102 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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accompanying the historicity of text be marginalized so that transformative function of the text losses its existence. The dissappearing of the historicity of the text is also felt by Essack in Islamic discourse of South Africa. This condition urges him to adopt reception hermeneutics as a merthod of interpretation which not only accomodates historical dimension of the text but also provide a space for religious community as the readers to have in dialogue with the text situated to their social condition. This approach is appropriate to apply in the context of South Africa which face problems of oppression, discrimination, and exploitation resulted from apharteid system. To overcome these problems, the Quran is expected to provide praxis teological foundation for their struggle for releasing all hegemonic practices and gaining freedom. To reach objective interpretation in the context of South African subjectivity, this approach is applied by setting six basic concepts in the Quran such as taqwa, tawhid, al-nas, almustadafun, qist, adl, and jihad that will impact on interpretation act. These concepts will evade the interpreters from imposing their ideologies and interests in the process of interpretation. Thus subjectivity as a prerequisity of an interpretation will not lead to arbitary and authoritary, but it must be posited in objective way. In his implementation of reception hermeneutics on concept of iman, Essack departs from his context in which different religious followers together seek to liberate South African society from oppression. Based on this context, he expect that the Quran will provide theological base of pluralism to search justice. This condition urges him to elaborate how the Quran uses terms of inclusion and exclusion terms such as iman and how it gives them meaning. He also mentions some opinions of previous scholars of the meaning of iman. From his elaboration, he is convinced of the essensial meaning of iman as a deeply personal response to God rather that the socioreligious term which is held by mainstream Muslim scholars, for this
103 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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meaning has been also used by the prophet to include the People of the Books as having the same iman with Muhammadan community. Bibliography Abdurrahman, Moeslim. Islam yang Memihak. Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2005. Abu Zayd, Nasr Hamid. Mafhum an-Nash: Dirasah fi Ulum the Quran. Beirut: al-Markaz as-Saqafi al-Arabi, 1994. Arkoun, Mohammed. Rethinking Islam. Washington, D.C.: Center for Contemporary Arab Studies, 1987. _____. Kajian Kontemporer al-Quran. Bandung: Penerbit Pustaka, 1998. Baso, Ahmad. The Quran dan Komunitas Agama sebagai Pembaca , in preface of Ali Nurdin, Quranic Society: Menelusuri Konsep Ideal dalam The Quran. Jakarta: Erlangga, 2006. Bennet, Clinton. Muslims and Modernity. London & New York: Continuum, 2005. Cantwell-Smith, Wilfred. The Meaning and End of Religion. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991. Darmadi, Dadi. Memahami Farid Essack in Farid Essack, On Being A Muslim: Menjadi Muslim di Dunia Modern, translated by Dadi Darmadi & Jajang Jahroni. Jakarta: Erlangga, 2002. Enggineer, Asghar Ali. Islam dan Teologi Pembebasan, translated by Agung Prihantoro. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 1999. Essack, Farid. Quran, Liberation & Pluralism: An Islamic Perspectives of Intereligious Solidarity Against Oppression. England: Oneworld, 1977.
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_____. Liberation, Human Rights, Gender and Islamic Law: The South African Case, in Tore Lindholm and Kari Vogt (Ed.), Islamic Law Reform and Human Rights, Challenges and Rejoinders. Oslo: Nordic Human Rights Publications, 1992. Gadamer, Hans-George. Truth and Method. New York: Continuum, 1995. Hardiman, F. Budi. Demokrasi Deliberatif, Menimbang Negara Hukum dan Ruang Publik Dalam Teori Diskursus Jurgen Habermas. Kanisius: Yogyakarta, 2009. Hidayat, Komaruddin. Memahami Paramadina, 1996. Bahasa Agama. Jakarta:

Holub, Robert C. Reception Theory, A Critcal Introduction. London & New York: Methuen, 1984. Iser, Wolfgang. The Act of Reading, a Theory of the Aesthetic Response. London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987. Izutsu, Toshihiko. Relasi Tuhan dan Manusia dalam al-Quran. Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 2000. Jauss, Hans Robert. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982. Karim, Khalil Abdul. Hegemony Quraisy: Agama, Budaya, Kekuasaan. Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2002. _____. Syariah: Sejarah Pergulatan Pemaknaan. Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2003. _____. Negara Madinah: Politik Penaklukan Masyarakat Suku Arab. Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2005. Moosa, Ebrahim. Muslim Conservatism in South Africa in Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 69 (December 1989) in http://web.uct.ac.za/depts/ricsa/tre/j69moosa.htm.

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Munfarida, Elya. Summary of Hirschs validity in Interpretation, written for lecture Philoshopical Hermeneutics part I, ICRS (Indonesian Concorsium for Religious Studies), UGM, Yogyakarta, 2010. Pilliang, Yasraf Amir. Hipersemiotika: Tafsir Cultural Studies Atas Matinya Makna. Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2003. _____. Dunia Yang Dilipat: Tamasya Melampaui Batas-batas Kebudayaan. Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2004. _____. Transpolitika: Dinamika Politik di Dalam Era Virtualitas. Yogyakarta: Jalasutra, 2005. Ratna, Nyoman Kutha. Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra dari Strukturalisme hingga Postrukturalisme. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2006. Scheiermacher, Friedrich. Hermeneutics and Criticism. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Shihab, M. Quraish. Membumikan The Quran. Bandung: Mizan, 1994.

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SEKATEN: A TRADITIONAL CEREMONY IN YOGYAKARTA

Rr. Siti Kurnia Widiastuti
UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta

107 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Rr. Siti Kurnia Widiastuti

Theoretical Framework Cultural tradition is deeply rooted in Javanese societies. It happened a long time ago before Islam came to Java. The Hindu and Buddhist culture embedded in the life of Javanese society. As a result Sunan Kalijaga and other Walisongo, when introduced Islam to Javanese people, used cultural approach to get into the societys life. Because of the deep of Javanese culture embedded into the societys life, to introduce a new perspective or concept people would relate or translate it into Javanese language. Without using or delivering difficult concept of Islamic teaching, Sunan Kalijaga implemented the teaching concept of Islam into the cultural tradition that already existed in the society. Sunan Kalijaga delivered his teaching through the puppet show media. Creating Sekaten ceremony to persuade Javanese people to accept Islam was another method to spread Islam in Java. Javanese people always relates to many symbols. Every symbols would gives a valuable meaning to the life of society. Ricklefs mentioned that the evidence of the image of Javanese society c. 1800-1930 allows us to draw conclusions: it is reasonable to believe that Javanese society was relatively unified in terms of religious identity. For this religious identity we use the term mystic synthesis which had three characteristic features within the mystical variant of Islam that it represented: a strong commitment to Islamic identity, widespread observation of the five pillars of the faith, and acceptance of local spiritual forces.1 Yogyakarta is a part of Java. Therefore, Yogyakartas peoples are close to the cultural tradition. In its society, Kraton or palace become the center of societys activities. Sultan Hamengku Buwono as an authoritative leader in Yogyakarta has a huge influence into the life of the society. Therefore many ceremonial traditions present in
1

M. C. Ricklefs, Polarising Javanese Society (Singapore: NUS Press, 2007), 11. 108 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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every community and regency in Yogyakarta. One of the popular ceremony presented by Sultan Hamengku Buwono is Sekaten. The event of Sekaten is presented in every Maulud month (Javanese month). Maulud or Rabiul Awwal in Arabic month is the month of the birth of the prophet Muhammad. Therefore this ceremony is meant to celebrate the birth of Muhammad. Although this ceremonial tradition has been started since a long time ago, it is still practiced up to present and deeply embedded in the life of Javanese society. This paper will explore the information about why does Sekaten still popular and persisted in Javanese society by using functional paradigm. Functional Paradigm Functionalism was started as a reaction to a social condition. After French revolution in 1789, Auguste Comte developed a sociology to react to the change brought by industrial revolution. Inspired by Saint-Simon, a popular socialist, Comte struggled to make a social equality in French. He is the founder of Sociology and developed a functional theory. Comtes philosophical system is based on social evolution. Comte looked at society as an organism. He made an analogy of the structure of biological elements into social organism2. Scholars said that Comtes perspective in the early period of Sociology was included in the functional theory. Herbert Spencer made a comparison between individual and social organism into structure and function. This is the point of functionalism. Structure has a function to save social unity. The change of structure involved the structural change for social unity. The idea of Spencer was

Jonathan H. Turner and Alexandra Maryanski, Fungsionalisme, translated by Anwar Efendi (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2010), 12. 109 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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continued by Emile Durkheim. His main thesis is that how such a structure could accommodate the integrative need of the society.3 Karl Marx discovered the connection between the social class divisions and certain stages of economic development; he believed that he had seen how this struggle would lead to revolution and the end of classes altogether. Marx rejected Hegels idealism because Hegel believed that material objects are secondary things. However he did not reject the concept of alienation and the idea that history moves along by a vast process of conflict. On the other hand, he folded both of these ideas into his materialism and put them at the very center of his own view of the human story.4 Durkheim inspired two popular anthropologists, A.R. RadcliffeBrown and Bronislaw Malinowski. These two anthropologists paid attention to the continuity of functionalism and the development of this paradigm. The method of analysis presented by Radcliffe-Brown related to method of gathering the data that is presenting an alternative for evolusionism, historicism, and diffusionism. This issue is organized into several topics: (1) the view or idea of RadcliffeBrown about science; (2) his concept of social structure; (3) his commitment into synchronic analysis; and (4) the use of functional concept. Radcliffe-Brown said that every science relates with its reality that is its natural system. When this system is unique and no other system is available, a natural system is presenting and creating a basic of the science. In addition, social system is a natural system that is coming from and presenting the unique that is not becoming a part of other system in the universe. These elements are a social relation
3 4

Ibid., 30. Daniel L. Pals, Religion as Alienation: Karl Marx in Eight Theories of Religion, edited by Daniel L. Pals (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 125-126. 110 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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among individual. Radcliffe-Brown further said that social structure is all social relations among individual in a certain period. RadcliffeBrown also said that functional analysis is based on the analogy of social and organic life.5 Another popular anthropologist is Bronislaw Malinowski (1884-1942). He said that everything has a function although the function already change. Culture has a function to fulfil the basic of need (biological level). Talcolt Parsons got the functionalism from Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown. The idea of Parsons is more developed; it is a social theory about society. The most important idea is system which is not quite developed in Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown. If we have a system, unit consists of several elements which are related to one another and the change of one element will change also the other element. Every system has a boundary, and since it has boundary, it has also an environment. Therefore system has problems in several things: 1. Adaptation to the situation: All social system has to find resources from the environment, change it into facilities that can be used, and distribute it into other part of that system. This is the requirement of adaptation. Integrating the element (integration): All existing system has to keep their interrelation and corellation between each constituent and to avoid the abnormatily in each relation. This is the problem of integration. Goal attainment: All existing system has to decide their purposes, to give priority, and to distribute it to reach the goal. This is the problem of gaining the purpose.

2.

3.

Turner and Maryanski, Fungsionalisme, 63-78. 111 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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4.

Pattern of maintenance or latency: All existing system has to give a result in the individual used that match with their system and to decrease the resistence in that unit system.6

Talcolt Parsonss functionalism is more developed than other functionalists. He tries to go over the science which has purpose to find the mistery of organization and human doing (activities). Therefore Parsons brings functionalism into logical conclusion as a theoretical strategy. This paper would look the function of sekaten for the society of Yogyakarta by using the lens of Talcolt Parsons. The History of Sekaten The early history of Sekaten in Yogyakarta was inspired by the ceremonial tradition in Demak Kingdom to celebrate the birth of prophet Muhammad. At the period of Demak Kingdom, every Maulud (Javanese month) or Rabiul Awwal in Arabic month, Idul Fitri and Idul Adha, there were ceremonial traditions presented. One day before the Maulud ceremony, the regents and palace staffs came to the Demak palace to make prayer (dzikir) in the mosque. There was also religious teaching in the mosque to guide people to say Syahadah (belief in one God, Allah and the prophet Muhammad). At that time, there were also the presentation of traditional Javanese music (gamelan). Therefore many peoples would like to come to the mosque to see the gamelan.7 Demak mosque was an important symbol of Islamic Kingdom to Javanese society. Demak mosque was also regarded as the center of the pious people, especially Sunan Kalijaga, the wali and important figure in the southern part of Central Java. Because of the importance of Demak Mosque in the history of Islam in Java, many Palaces or Sultans adopted the architecture of

6 7

Ibid., 132-134. Purwadi, Sufisme Sunan Kalijaga (Yogyakarta: Sadasiva, 2005), 129. 112 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Demak mosque for their own mosque design; this was also done by, for example, Sultan Hamengku Buwono in Yogyakarta. After applied in Demak, this ceremonial tradition was continued by Pajang Palace, Mataram Palace and was followed by Yogyakarta and Surakarta Palace. This ceremonial tradition is implemented as a kingdoms tradition. At that time, Demak became the central of an Islamic kingdom. Therefore this ceremony was very important for the kingdom. There were several functions in the ceremonial tradition provided by Demak kingdom: (1) as a tool to invite or ask people to accept Islam; (2) to unify the regents in the northern littoral (northern coastal area, called Pesisir in Javanese) and all of their staffs; and (3) to prepare the security staffs (prajurit) in confronting every dangerous situation.8 History of Yogyakarta Yogyakarta is a province which has a special status; it is one of 26 autonom provinces in Indonesia. The central of the province is Yogyakarta city which has many titles; for example, the city of struggling, the city of culture, and the city of student. Based on Babad Gianti, Yogyakarta or Ngayogyakarta (Javanese language) is a name given by Paku Buwono II (Mataram King, 1719-1727) as a replacement of Pesanggrahan Gartitawati. Yogyakarta Hadiningrat means the prosperious and important Yogya. It is derived from the name of the city in Sanskrit, Ayodya, in the epic of Ramayana. In daily speaking Yogyakarta is called Jogja(karta) or Ngayogyakarta (Javanese language).9 It is called a city of struggling, because of its role to struggle against the Dutch colonial power, the Japanese colonialist, and to get
8 9

Ibid., 130. [Anonym]. Sejarah Kota Yogyakarta. Retrieved http://students.ukdw.ac.id/~22002471/sejarah2.html. 113 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

from

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the independence. Yogyakarta is as a centre of kingdom of Mataram (Islam), Yogyakarta Kingdom, and Pakualaman Kadipaten (regency). It is called a city of culture, because it has a lot of valuable cultural evidences and heritages, such as Sekaten, Yogya Palace, Tugu Monument, etc.10 Yogyakarta is also called a city of student because there are a lot of students coming from all around Indonesia to study. They are coming from many different cultural, etnicity or religious background and living in the same place, and studying at the same university. Therefore, Yogyakarta is also called a miniature of Indonesia. We could find various people in Yogyakarta with the similar purpose that is to study. Geographically, Yogyakarta is situated at the central of Java Island. It is not included in the Central Java Province. It becomes an independent province. Therefore the government of Yogyakarta has an authority to organize the life of its society. Yogyakarta also has a valuable places to visit, like Parangtritis beach, Prambanan temple, Kraton of Yogyakarta, Malioboro, and many museums. Therefore many people are attracted to come to visit Yogyakarta. Talking about Yogyakarta would also talk about Yogyakarta Palace. The ancestor of Yogyakarta Palace is Mataram Kingdom which was builded in Kotagede in 1578. Mataram was built by Panembahan Senopati who was an important hero in the Javanese mithology. Because of the civil war, Mataram Kingdom was then separated into two Kingdoms, Yogyakarta and Surakarta. 11 As it is mentioned in the book of Islam Jawa by Mark R. Woodward, in Java, city is the representative of sufi mystical way and Islamic cosmos. Yogyakarta was designed by this way of thinking. Its
10 11

Ibid. Mark R. Woodward, Islam Jawa, translated by Hairus Salim (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999), 14-17. 114 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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architecture reflects the millitary reality and economy in the 18 century. Kraton Yogyakarta is circled by 33 villages. This number was probably choosen to represent the heaven in the Meru mountain, the axis mundi of the Buddhist cosmos. This is the important example of the infiltration of Hindu and Buddhist cosmos into Javanese Islam cosmology.12 In the Palace arena, there is a Taman Sari which has function as a secure place and place for praying. Therefore it includes mosque and kuil for Gusti Kanjeng Ratu Kidul, a queen of South sea and the wife of Sultan. In the west outside of the Palace building, there is an Angen mosque, the replication of Demak mosque. Beside the mosque, there is a Kauman, a santri village. In the north of the mosque there is a street straight line to Tugu (the monument that symbolizes the unity to God). There are also market and Patihan which symbolize the economical and political strengthening.13 Sekaten as a Ceremonial Tradition in Yogyakarta Palace Yogyakarta is the center of Javanese culture. Yogyakarta is also becoming special because of the existence and the important history of the Sultan Hamengku Buwono as a King of Yogyakarta Palace and a government of the special province of Yogyakarta. However, it is recently becoming a huge national issue. Kraton or Palace of Yogyakarta is a center of activity of its society. Therefore many traditions still apply and continue in the palace of Yogyakarta and every regencies in this province. It has a lot of meaning to the life of the society. However the implementation of that ceremonial tradition is decreasing. Sometimes, it loses the essence of the Islamic teaching that was brought by Sunan Kalijaga, for example: the guiding to read syahadah is not applying now.
12 13

Ibid., 26. Ibid., 30-31. 115 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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By adopting the Demak tradition, Sultan of Yogyakarta applies Sekaten for maulud ceremony. The word sekaten is derived from syahadatain; it means two sentences of syahadah. Syahadah is believing in one God-Allah and Muhammad as Gods prophet. In Islamic concept, to be a Muslim, people has to say syahadah, that is: Asyhadu alla ilaha illallah wa asyhadu anna Muhammadar rasulullah. There are three main points of this traditional ceremony: 1. The playing of two gamelans (Kanjeng Kyai Nagawilaga and Kanjeng Kyai Guntur Madu) at Kagongan Dalem, Agung mosque, Yogyakarta for seven days except from Thursday night to Friday afternoon. The ceremonial event of the birth of Muhammad the prophet at the night of 11 of Maulud in Serambi Kagungan Dalem Agung mosque, with the reading of the history of the prophet Muhammad by the staffs of Yogyakarta palace, Sultan families, the government, and society. Sultan Hamengku Buwono is providing some food (sedekah) in the main ceremony of Sekaten which is called gunungan.14

2.

3.

Maintaining the Continuity of Sekaten A huge effort of Sultan Hamengku Buwono to prepare and present the sekaten is to keep the continuity of traditional ceremony of Sekaten in Yogyakarta. There are also many various traditional ceremony that keep the elements of Sekaten applied in many regencies in Yogyakarta; for example: Rabu Pungkasan as a traditional ceremony in Plered, Bantul, and Majemukan as a traditional ceremony in Imogiri, Bantul.
14

[Anonym]. Sejarah Sekaten Yogya. Retrieved http://nafiana.blogspot.com/2008/08/sejarah-sekaten-jogja.html. 116 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

from

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Either Rabu Pungkasan or Majemukan is preparing and presenting the elements of Sekaten which are gamelan, main ceremony, and gunungan. However the implementation is adapted to the local culture. These two ceremonies are helding in the religious community which are having a deep understanding and implementing the Islamic religion. As a result, the gamelans are replaced by hadrah or rebana (traditional Islamic music). Although the use of the music is different, however, the function is not change. This hadrah or rebana is also having function to invite people to come to the ceremony. When the traditional Islamic music applied, many peoples would come to the arena or mosque. The center of these ceremonies are in the mosque. The main ceremony is also applied at night in the mosque where these ceremonies are taking place. It presented the reading of the history of prophet Muhammad or taken from the book of alBarzanzi. The function is to provide information and give understanding about the life, attitude and teachings of prophet Muhammad. In addition all people would follow the good attitude and the teaching of prophet Muhammad. This main ceremony is usually applied for the whole night. It is as the same as sekatens ceremony. The third element of sekaten is also applied in these two cereomies (Rabu Pungkasan and Majemukan). The community of those two villages prepares some food for Gunungan and for the kenduri (it is applied at night of the main ceremony). Gunungan contains various food, like vegetables, fruits, peanuts and rice. It is brought from the house of the religious leader (Kyai) at that place to the central mosque. By bringing the gunungan, many people would create carnaval with various costums of clothes. They are including the staffs of Kraton Yogyakarta that serve in that place and other community. Gunungan would be shared by the community in the central mosque. People would take some of the food from gunungan
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that is believed having a good chance or fortune to the peoples life or business. This gunungan also has function to share to other people. It is the application from one of the Islamic concept that is sadaqah. All of these traditional ceremonies which is adopted from the sekaten ceremony in various places in Yogyakarta would keep the continuity of sekaten tradition. Although the system is applied in the different context, the function is still not change. The elements of these ceremonies are still keeping the main elements of sekaten. Therefore, it would help the continuity of sekaten tradition in Yogyakarta. People would always remember and implement this tradition in every place where they are living. The Function of Sekaten in the Life of the Society The tradition of Sekaten was adopted from Demak Kingdom history. It was a traditional ceremony to celebrate the birth of prophet Muhammad. In addition, the continuing history, Sekaten is presented in Yogyakarta to celebrate the birth of prophet Muhammad. Therefore the ceremony helds in Maulud month in Javanese or Rabiul Awwal month in Arabic. As Talcolt Parsons said there was an adaptation of the way to present that ceremony. Although the ceremony moves from Demak to Yogyakarta, the function of it is not change. In the perspective of functionalism paradigm, sekaten is looked as a system that contains several elements. There are three important elements of the sekaten; they are gamelans, ceremonial event, and the food or gunungan. Each of them has a function that relates with other elements in the system and all of those elements are supporting to each other. Parsons said that every living system has to decide its purpose. Therefore in presenting the elements of sekaten, its purpose is already decided. The purpose of every
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element is giving a result to every individual or person in the society to be a complete Islam (Islam Kaffah). Originally the function of sekaten is to ask people to accept Islam. However in the present situation, sekaten is becoming a media for preaching the Islamic tradition. Therefore in the sekaten ceremony there are presented some Islamic traditions, like sholawatan (traditional song to prophet Muhammad). But the present implementation of this cultural traditions are rather far away from the original Islamic concept. In the night of the ceremonial day, there is a reading process of the history of prophet Muhammad. This ceremony functions to give an understanding to the society about the prophet Muhammad, the content of his teaching, his a good attitude as an example to the society. We can also elaborate the sounds of the musical instruments (for example, gamelans) used in the ceremony. These sounds can establish a certain relation between the inside world of the internal body (or kebatinan) and the outside world of culture. The playing of Gamelan is to ask people to come to the mosque to follow the reading process of syahadah. There are many tools of gamelans, like gong, kempul, kenong, kendang, and saron. The sound of saron is heard something like nong-nung-ning (onomatopoeia); their meaning are overhere (di sini) or overthere (di sana). Neng, ning, nung signifies the correlation between the sound and the internal body. Therefore people created the big instrument tool which is big gong or bonangan. The sounds of kempul is heard like pung-pung. It relates to the word put-put which means to come together. Ghur is the sound of kendang. Ghur or njegur means to come in. Overall the sound of the gamelan instruments means overhere, overthere, please come together. If you are asked to follow, so come in to Islam. This is the preaching process to invite people to follow into Islamic religion.

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The last element of sekaten is gunungan. Gunungan is provided by Sultan; it contains a lot of foods, such as rice, vegetables, fruits, egg, etc. These foods are provided by Sultan for all the participants to share. It means sadaqah. In Islamic concept, Moslem is demanded to share to other people. It aslo means charity from the rich to the poor. Those elements relate one to another. Therefore when one element changed or deleted, other element would also changed and the meaning will also decreased. The whole system means to ask people to be a complete Muslim (Muslim Kaffah); they have to do all of those elements: coming to Islam, doing praying or ritual praying, and share to other people or charity (sadaqah). When people do not perform all of those elements or only apply one or two elements, it means these people are incomplete Muslims (not Muslim Kaffah). Conclusion Sekaten is a traditional ceremony which always embedded in the life of Yogyakarta society; it is still supported by the Sultan of Yogyakarta. The reason is that it has an important function to the life of Yogyakarta kingdom. The history of Islam in Yogyakarta relates to Sunan Kalijagas cultural method of preaching. He implemented the content of an Islamic teaching in a cultural way that already applied in the Javanese society. Therefore his teaching was easily received by Javanese people. One of the important cultural method of Sunan Kalijaga was creating a ceremony like Sekaten and Gamelan. Sekaten is looked as a system which contains many important elements, like gamelans, main ceremony, and gunungan or food provided by Sultan. Each element has function to developing the spirituality of Javanese society. Gamelan functions as an invitation to come to Islam. If we could relate to the tradition of Islam, gamelan is similar to adzan. Adzan is the invitation to Muslim to come to the mosque to pray five times. In Indonesia and other muslim countries,
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adzan could be sounded very loudly. Because it has purpose to ask many people around the city or village to come to the mosque. However in the non muslim country, like western countries, Vietnam, Cambodia, and China, it is not allowed. Another element in sekaten is the activity to read the history of prophet Muhammad in the mosque; this task is usually made by Sultanate staffs, ulama, family and other people in the society. It is usually completed by the reading of sholawat or barzanzi (Islamic song that regards to prophet Muhammad). This ceremony is meant to enhance the understanding of the society about the life, attitude, and teaching of prophet Muhammad, so they, especially Muslims, could follow him in their everyday life. The last element of sekaten is gunungan. Gunungan is a number of various food which is presented by Sultan to the society. It also has function to share food to other people or give charity (in Islamic concept is called sadaqah). The function of sadaqah is to remember the difficulty of life of other people. Therefore people do not have an arogant feeling. When they are happy, they should remember the difficulty of other people. Islam asks Muslim to do sadaqah. There are several concepts of sharing to other in Islam: zakat, infaq, and sadaqah. All of those elements are interconnected to each other. Therefore, it would create a complete system in the life of society. Whenever people or Muslim people could implement all of these elements, they would become a complete Muslim (Muslim kaffah). One of the supporting reason why Yogyakarta community still keeps sekaten tradition which has been applied for along time ago is because there are many adaptation of Sekaten ceremony into other traditional ceremonies in various places in Yogyakarta, for example: Rabu Pungkasan in Plered, Bantul and Majemukan in Imogiri, Bantul. It helps Yogyakarta community to keep the old tradition. As a result they would have effort to keep it continuing in Yogyakarta.
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In certain place when people forget to apply periodically their old tradition, they would loose it. Keeping the old tradition does not mean that they are traditional or uncivilized people. Keeping old tradition has function to remember the history of previous peoples struggle in their community. Therefore people could find a good example or teaching and some benefits from that old tradition. People would not forget the important history that happened in the past. By keeping the old tradition, present people would understand the reason and the background of their community history. As a result, there will appear a certain sense of belonging of their local place and culture. In addition this people would gain more understanding about themself and the development of their community. Bibliography Anonym. Sejarah Kota Yogyakarta. Retrieved http://students.ukdw.ac.id/~22002471/ sejarah2.html. Anonym. Sejarah Sekaten Yogya. http://nafiana.blogspot.com/2008/08/ jogja.html. from

Retrieved from sejarah-sekaten-

Pals, Daniel L. Eight Theories of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Purwadi. Sufisme Sunan Kalijaga. Yogyakarta: Sadasiva, 2005. Ricklefs, M.C. Polarising Javanese Society. Singapore: NUS Press, 2007. Turner, Jonathan H. And Alexandra Maryanski. Fungsionalisme, translated by Anwar Efendi. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2010. Woodward, Mark R. Islam Jawa, translated by Hairus Salim. Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999.
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CONFLICT IN ACEH AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN PEACE PROCESS

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Gender Activist, Aceh

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Introduction Aceh, one of many provinces in Indonesia, is located in the westernmost edge of Indonesia. Because of the claim for the right of self determination by the separatist movement, Aceh has often been described as a centre of resistance against the central government in Jakarta. It is still worsened by the prolonged military conflict. As the impact of this situation, many Acehnese women have become victims to the brutal conflict for political and economic control. However, this paper not only attempt to describe the condition of Acehnese women who lived in the conflict area, but this paper also continues to explain powerful women who played important roles in the nationalist struggle. At least, the history of Aceh can be traced back to the early days of the Indonesian archipelagos history as a kingdom that had developed well world-wide relationships with countries such as Great Britain (with a treaty that was signed in 1603 and renewed in 18711 between King James and the Sultan of Aceh), France, Portugal, the Netherlands, USA, and Turkey. During the three centuries of the Dutch occupation of the archipelago, Aceh remained the only part of Indonesia which was not fully defeated. This historical aspect is seen as a key factor by the separatist movement to claim that Aceh was never part of Indonesias 1945 Proclamation of Independence, and therefore it should be given the right of self determination.2 Nevertheless, Aceh was also the prime supporter of Indonesia revolution for independence. It is well recorded in Indonesias history as the first province to answer the call from President Sukarno that the new republic needed an airplane in 1949. The Acehnese
1

Martin Manurung, Aceh & Papua: A Comparative Study of Separatist Conflicts in Indonesia (Norwich: University of East Anglia, 2006), 3. 2 See "Acheh, Sumatra, Declaration of Independence (1976). 124 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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enthusiastically and voluntarily joined, making enormous contributions in terms of economic-financial resources (e.g. the first plane of the Republic, a DC-3 aircraft called Seulawah,3 was bought from the contributions of Acehnese women who donated their gold earrings, bracelets and any other gold they had for the Republic) and also in terms of intellectual and cultural capital.4 This paper attempts to explain two models of resistance/rebellion in Aceh and several reasons behind those rebellions. It is also important to see the impact of conflict toward the Acehnese womens life. Lastly, this paper tries to explain the role of Acehnese women as an agent of change in the peace process. *** Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam means the country of Aceh, the harbour of peace.5 Since Indonesias independence in August 1945, Aceh has often been described as a centre of resistance against the central government in Jakarta. The first resistance was led by an influential ulama (religious leader) Teungku Daud Beureueh from 1953 to 1962. Aceh officially launched a rebellion against the central government through a movement called Darul Islam (DI). The Aceh DI became an important part of the movement to create an Indonesian Islamic state being sought by groups in other parts of Indonesia, notably in West Java and South Sulawesi.6 This clearly demonstrates that Acehs DI rebellion was never meant to seek a separate independent state outside Indonesia. Its original goal was only to
3

Seulawah in Aceh language means the gold of mountain. It was dated as the born of Garuda Indonesia Airways, a flag carrier of Indonesia. 4 Jacqueline Aquino Siapno, Gender, Islam, Nationalism and the State in Aceh: The Paradox of Power, Co-optation and Resistance (French: Routledge Curzon, 2002), 25. 5 Manurung, Aceh & Papua, 2. 6 For a good discussion on this issue, see: Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin, The Republican Revolt: A Study of Acehnese Rebellion (Singapore: ISEAS, 1985). 125 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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impose radical change in the nature of the state within an existing state structure. In other words, the DI rebellion can not be classified as a nationalist movement, because this movement still referred to Indonesian territory which was based on Islam.7 However, as the result of negotiation between the central government and Aceh rebel forces, the province was given a daerah istimewa (special region) status with broad autonomy in managing its own affairs, especially in religion, adat (customary law), and education.8 It was expected at the time that the compromise would eliminate sources of discontent within the Acehnese society against the central government in Jakarta. Predictably as the promise was never fulfilled in reality, the Acehnese once again took up arms and posed a serious challenge to Indonesias national integrity when a second rebellion movement, GAM,9 was officially launched in December 1976. GAM has had three incarnations: the first in 1976-79, when it was small and ill-equipped, and was easily suppressed by the military; the second in 1989-91, when it was larger, better trained and better equipped, and was only put down through harsh security measures; and the third beginning in 1998, when it became larger and better

M. Isa Sulaiman, The History of Acehnese Resistance and the Development of a Nationalist Development in Mosaik Konflik di Aceh, published by ACSTF and Acehkita. This paper is also presented on Workshop of Anatomy, Resolution, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Aceh Peace Program, Research and Education For Peace Unit, University Sains Malaysia, 15-18 July 2004. 8 For a detailed account by an insider on the resolution of the DI rebellion in Aceh, see: M. Nur El Ibrahimi, Peranan Tgk. M. Daud Beureueh Dalam Pergolakan Aceh (Jakarta: Media Dakwah, 2001). 9 Gerakan Aceh Merdeka is officially known as the Acheh/Sumatra National Liberation Front (ASNLF). 126 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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funded than ever before, challenging the Indonesian governments control of the province.10 Different than the DI rebellion, GAM sought a complete separation of Aceh from the Republic of Indonesia. Leaders of GAM, led by Hasan di Tiro, maintained that the people of Aceh represent a distinct nation with an inherent right to self-determination. In this context, it has been noted that GAM-led insurrections are indeed unique in Acehs history of resistance, in that they are the first articulation of political opposition which asserts a secessionist rather than a regionalist goal.11 In other words, it is clear that the end (final?) goal of the movement is to secede from the Republic of Indonesia and to establish an independent State of Aceh. Reasons and Sources of Rebellion Actually, the reasons and sources of discontent and distrust that gave birth to the current rebellion are far more complex. Yet, Collier and Hoeffler12 arguments regarding common risk factors that involved in civil wars, such as; mountainous, relative poverty, lacking in ethnic fragmentation, suffered from conflict previously, and is highly dependent on the export of natural resources might be considered as some factors that played important role in Aceh conflict.

10

Michael L. Ross, Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia, prepared for the Yale-World Bank Project on The Economic of Political Violence, June 5, 2003. 11 D. Brown, The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia (London: Routledge, 1994), 156. 12 P. Collier and A. Hoeffler, Greed and Grievance in Civil War, Policy Research Working Paper (2001). See also M.L. Ross, Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia," (Yale-World Bank project on The Economics of Political Violence. 2004. 127 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Aceh has areas that are mountainous and geographically remote (Aceh is on the most western edge). Mountainous terrain can help provide a safe haven for a guerrilla army that is outnumbered by government forces. Economically, the province of Aceh is among the poorest regions in Indonesia, although Aceh is among the richest in natural resources. Third, the societies in Aceh are relatively homogenous, yet they have strong fragmentation. Although GAM is usually recognized representing the separatism respectively in Aceh, but there are many other groups which have different opinions than GAM. One of these groups, known as, the Acehnese in exiles also played a crucial role for the international campaign and some of the GAM top leaders, as well as headquarters, are based in Sweden.13 Parallel to Collier and Hoeffler, Rizal Sukma14 grouped the sources of rebellion into four main factors. The first source of discontent is economic in nature.15 During the New Order period (1966-1998), the exploitation of Acehs extremely rich natural resources went on at an unprecedented degree. With its abundant natural resources including oil, natural gas, timber, and valuable minerals, Aceh contributed approximately 11 percent of Indonesias national revenue.16 From the liquid natural gas alone, it is estimated that in average Aceh contributed approximately US$ 2.6 billion a year.17 The problems that resulted from this New Orders exploitation of natural resources, however, are abundant. For example, the
13 14

Manurung, Aceh & Papua, 9-10. Rizal Sukma, Aceh in Post Soeharto Indonesia: Protracted Conflict Amid Democratization in Autonomy and Disintegration in Indonesia, edited by Damien Kingsbury and Harry Aveling (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 150. 15 Tim Kell, The Roots of Acehnese Rebellion, 1989-1992 (New York: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1995), 13-28. 16 See: Merdeka (January 11, 1999). 17 See: Republika (January 12, 1999). 128 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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expansion of industrial projects, especially the natural gas plants, fertilizer and pulp industries, led to understandable effects such as expropriation of land from small farmers without adequate compensation and serious environmental degradation.18 Despite its abundant natural resources, Aceh was also among the poorest provinces in the country. In all, the common feeling among the Acehnese was that instead of getting a fair share from extraction of natural resources by the central government, they also suffered increased incidents of poverty and increasingly harsh military control. Consequently, many Acehnese came to view their homeland as being plundered, exploited and treated unjustly by Jakarta. In connection to statements above mentioned, Collier and Hoeffler suggested that commodities increase the risk of civil war because they offer rebels an easy source of start-up funding. Even though Aceh is rich in natural resources, it provided the rebels with no start-up funding, yet it did contribute to the onset of the war in three other ways: by creating grievances over the distribution of resource revenues; by introducing a larger and more aggressive military presence into the province; and possibly by making the governments offer of regional autonomy less credible.19 The second source of discontent was the New Orders politics of excessive centralism and uniformity and its consequences for local identity. For the New Order, the creation of a single Indonesia identity became a sacred mission. The programme of transmigration, for example, was meant to gather and unite all ethnic groups into a single people, the people of Indonesia. It believed that through this
18

Geoffrey Robinson, Rawan is as Rawan Does: The Origins of Disorder in New Order Aceh (pp. 127-157) in Indonesia, Vol. 66 (October 1998), 136. 19 Michael L. Ross, Oil, Drugs and Diamonds: How Do Natural Resources Vary in their Impact on Civil War? in Beyond Greed and Grievance: The Political Economy of Armed Conflict, edited by Karen Ballentine and Jake Sherman (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002), 3. 129 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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programme, the different ethnicities would gradually disappear and in the end, there will be only one type of people.20 In reality, the New Order government simply ignored the complaint from many people outside the island of Java, including Aceh, that the transmigration programme simply meant Javanisation or in other words, they called it as colonization by the Indonesian-Javanese on Aceh and Sumatra nations. In the end, this discontent has driven Javanese settlers out of Aceh: in mid-1999 GAM forced at least 15,000 Javanese some who had lived in Aceh since the 1970s out of their homes.21 This may reflect, in part, GAMs anti-Javanese ideology, the association of the Javanese with the military (who are loathed) as well as the competition between the Acehnese and non-Acehnese over jobs. The discontent also may have been caused by the fear that the army would organize non-Acehnese settlers into a militia to fight the separatists, as they did in East Timor. Indeed, by 2002 there were widespread reports that Javanese militias had formed, though it was unclear if they had been instigated by the military. 22 Politically, the imposition of a highly centralized rule by Jakarta inevitably destroyed local political institutions and culture resulting in undermining Acehs local identity. For example, the introduction of a Javanese style bureaucratic structure and the politics of co-optation based on rewards and sanctions. Although ulamas have not been swept up in these changes, they were weak and without the authority their predecessors had enjoyed in rural Acehnese society. Thus, the ulamas rapidly lost their influence over the Acehnese
20

Martono Martono, 1986, quoted in Aceh: The Untold Story, edited by R. Barber (Bangkok: Forum-Asia, 2000), 25. 21 John McBeth, "An Army in Retreat" in Far Eastern Economic Review (19 November 1999). 22 Tempo, Deaths in Tanah Gayo in Tempo (10 July 2001); International Crisis Group (ICG), Aceh: A Slim Chance for Peace, Indonesia Briefing, 27 March, Jakarta/Brussels. 130 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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community. The weakness of these elites stemmed from the highly centralized nature of political, administrative, and economic power under the New Order, and from the nature of the social transformations resulting from the exercise of this power in Aceh. This can be seen as the success of the new Order in Aceh: the emasculation of the ulama as a social group capable of challenging the ideology and authority of the regime. On the other hand, the new ruling elite- the governors, bupatis (regents), Acehnese technocrats and the new middle class now willingly served at the centres pleasure, and were first and foremost administrators of the central will, as opposed to representatives of the specific interests of their region. Coupled with excessive control from the centre, the opportunity for the Acehnese to enjoy its status as a special region as promised by Jakarta, had been rendered largely meaningless.23 The third source of discontent is the politics of military repression and terror, especially during 1990-1998 periods. The use of military repression since 1990 inflicted a deep sense of trauma by Indonesian rule among Acehnese of Indonesian rule altogether. The government had placed its Military Operations Command (Pangkolaops) for Aceh directly in Lhokseumawe, home of the LNG facility. Lhokseumawe is also the base for one of Acehs two SubRegional Military Commands, Korem 011 (Komando Resor Militer).24 The military also has long had a central role in managing the LNG facility, in part out of fear that grievances over the distribution of its revenues would lead to security disturbances. According to Emmerson, the military had a major role in the LNG facility beginning in the 1970s, because the government believed that once those facilities have begun to fill central coffers with foreign exchange, the claims of regionalists to the income from their resources must be

23 24

Kell, The Roots, 84. Ross, Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, 34. 131 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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prevented from undermining the unity of the nation or, from a regionalist perspective, the hegemony of the center.25 In general, most Acehnese found it difficult to understand why the central government, despite its success in crushing the second rebellion attempt by GAM in early 1992, continued to prolong the use of heavy military repression. Consequently, when it became clear that the violation of human rights by security authorities in the province persisted, the feeling of disgust among the Acehnese against the military in particular and Indonesias rule in general, reached an unprecedented level. Corollary of this problem, the people became more loyal to the GAM.26 Indeed, due to the gross violations of human rights perpetuated by military under DOM, it has been noted that any tolerance of Indonesian rule was almost entirely extinguished. Political scientist Harold Crouch concluded in June 2001 that the credibility of the central government in Aceh was close to zero, amongst all sections of the population. Given a history of promises made and broken since the 1950s, even the minority of Acehnese who see autonomy as the best solution have little trust in Jakartas good faith.27 The last but not least source of discontent, related to the third, is the inability or unwillingness of the government in Jakarta to provide justice to Aceh by bringing those responsible for gross violations of human rights during the DOM (Military Operation Area) period to trial. In late July 1998, a fact-finding team from the national
25

Donald K. Emmerson, Understanding the New Order: Bureaucratic Pluralism in Indonesia in Asian Survey, Vol. XXIII (11 November, 1983), 1233. 26 Paul Dillon, Strategy of Provocation that Keeps Acehs War in Public Eye in The Scotsman Online (17 May 2001). 27 ICG, Aceh: Can Autonomy Stem the Conflict? in ICG Asia Report 2001, No. 18, Jakarta/Brussels. 132 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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parliament admitted that serious human rights violations had occurred in Aceh between 1990 and 1998. The tremendous sufferings caused by the military during the DOM era continue to leave a bitter feeling against the central government among ordinary Acehnese. Indeed, the trial of the perpetrators of human rights abuses during that period constitutes the most difficult problem that needs to be addressed soon. Even though in early August 1998, armed forces chief Wiranto visited Aceh to announce an end to the DOM and to apologize for the armys human rights abuses28 and also in March 1999, President Habibie visited Aceh himself and pledged to aid the regions economy, to help children orphaned by the conflict, and to establish a commission to examine human rights abuses by the security forces, Jakartas ability to push for significant progress on this issue has been seriously limited. The entire truth about what actually happened during 1989-1998 remains uncovered. Worse, there have not been any significant attempts to solve several cases of violation of human rights that took place after May 1998.29 Acehnese Womens Life in the Conflict Area Many Acehnese women have become victims of the brutal conflict for political and economic control. It is still worsened by the prolonged military conflict. According to Pak Noer Nikmat, the former head of Aceh Sepakat, there are five groups of armed people
28

From 1998 to the beginning of 2003, the conflict killed over 4,300 people. Most of the victims were civilians. See: Human Rights Watch (2003), World Report 2003: Indonesia. Available from http://hrw.org/wr2k3/asia7.html. Another report said that an estimated 15,000 lives have been taken and more than 1.4 million people have been displaced, on a battleground of torture, rape, and extra-judicial killings. See: http://www.worldwatch.org/features/disasters/aceh-timeline. 29 Sukma, Aceh in Post Soeharto Indonesia ..., 151; Ross, Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, 20. 133 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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responsible for the violence in Aceh: TNI (the Indonesian National Army), POLRI (the Indonesian Police Force), AGAM (the armed wing of ASNLF, the so called provocateurs) and AGAM Gadungan (fake AGAM, people pretending to be AGAM).30 The military presence in Aceh remains strong, with police, army, and militia troops as well as the additional personnel deployed as part of the military operation that began in May 2003. The inspections carried out by the 2500 syariah police employed to enforce Islamic law, and the intervention of the military in religious matters, are contributing to what is already an over-militarized society. Moreover, women have been the first targets.31 Numerous reports from human rights NGOs in Aceh have documented grievances that foreign troops take advantage of their operations to touch and fondle womens bodies, force them to undress, and force women to have sex with their own sons. According to Suraiya IT, a female Acehnese scholar and activist, there are hundreds of women who have experienced another kind of torture as well: sexual torture inflicted and permitted, indeed considered standard procedure by military personnel. This adds to the exercise of power, of power being sexualized because it means that the person who is tortured is being violated at a deeper level, a sense of terrorization of people at the most intimate level. The sexualization of violence is a form of violence aimed at instilling instability, because it makes women vulnerable. Women who are raped are doubly violated i.e. rape as a form of domination by the military, but on the other hand as a consequence the Acehnese women feel ashamed and no longer clean. It is because they live in a society where sexual violence against women is seen as shameful.
30 31

Siapno, Gender, 31. Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Women and Syariah in Aceh, http://www.serve.com/inside/edit79/p9-11_kamaruzzaman.html retrieved on May 1, 2007. 134 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

see: as

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Thus, sexual violence becomes a form of building a very deep kind of fear for the Acehnese women.32 In addition, throughout the decade of armed conflict in Aceh, women have had to bear the most serious consequences of violence. Several villages in Aceh are called kampong janda (literally village of widows, but Hendro Sangkoyo suggests that a more appropriate term would be community of widow) because most of the villages are composed of thousands of women whose husbands have either left, fled to Malaysia, been kidnapped, disappeared, killed or imprisoned.33 However, the Acehnese women did not only experience assaults, rapes, sexual harassments, murders, and domestic violence. Unfortunately, they also experienced violence based on the narrow interpretation of religious teachings. Written reports from various NGOs and newspaper clippings show that in the period of 1999-2000 there were around 33 cases of violence experienced by women because they did not wear a jilbab (a hijab).34 Even post-tsunami, women and children were in highly vulnerable situations. Some ulama began spreading the message that the tsunami was caused by womens sins, insisting that Acehnese women must now conform to strict Islamic laws to avoid another disaster. These leaders point to the fact that more women and children were killed by the tsunami than men35 and that most women
32 33

Siapno, Gender, 39. Ibid., 28. 34 Edriana Noerdin, Reconstructing Indonesian Nationalism from a Feminist Perspective, see: http://wri.or.id/english/docum/20060715_recon.php as retrieved on Mar 15, 2007. 35 Tsunami killed more women than men. Data from Sub-District Lampuuk. Total inhabitants of 5 villages are: 5,500. Survivors: 750 persons, only 43 females: Mesjid Village: 15 females; Cut Village: 1 female; 135 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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found dead or alive after the tsunami were less covered by clothing than permitted by Syariah law. One-year later, the conservative ulama still promote this message during Friday prayers at many mosques throughout Aceh, turning women into scapegoats for the disaster and burdening them with feelings of guilt. It is common in Aceh to find banners on the side of roads sponsored by conservative ulama saying, Disaster has happened, so women cover yourselves up. Although widely accepted at first, this message is now being questioned, and local and international NGOs have sought to counter it with scientific evidence of the tsunamis origins and earthquake education. NGOs have begun to counter these messages with roadside banners of their own thus helping to break the guilt and shame forced upon Acehnese women. In addition, the situation for women in the temporary barracks is dismal. The barracks are made of thin plywood on all four sides and corrugated metal roofs. The plywood walls that separate each unit do not even reach the ceiling by a foot or so, offering no privacy. Toilets and bathing areas are not separated for men and women and are far away. Some barracks do not have any bathing facilities and residents have to walk to rivers nearby, making women and girls more vulnerable to abuse and sexual assault. There have been many accounts of domestic violence spreading from unit to unit in the barracks and many rumors of
Blang Village: 10 females; Lambaro Village: 7 females; Balee Village: 10 females (See: Local newspaper Serambi Indonesia, 8 Jan 2005). Data from Sub District Pekan Bada - Meunasah Tuha village: Total inhabitants 1.428 , Survivors: 217 persons, only 40 females (Serambi Indonesia, 26 Feb 05). Even World Vision estimates around 60% people dead are women, while the ratio of the survivors is 1:3 between women and men. See: http://www.eaceh-nias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3Gender%20(ENG).pdf. 136 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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prostitution. We were told of one confirmed case where a husband was forcing his wife to prostitute herself for money. Luckily this incident was brought to the attention of a womens NGO forum and they were able to end the forced prostitution and get the woman assistance.36 Thus, it seems that at the level of social and political institutions in Aceh, women are included in the nationalism agenda not as an actor but as a symbol, as the symbolic bearers of the collectivity's identity and honour, as a symbol of the strength of Islam in Aceh, which is to promote stronger unity around Islam in order to fight the Indonesian central government and the military. Their life is strictly regulated but at the same time they are denied of any decision making positions. Syariat Islam is used as the rule of law that directs the Acehnese women to dress and behave in certain ways. The Acehnese women are required to wear dresses and shirts with long sleeves that cover their legs and arms, they are required to cover their hair with jilbab, and they are prohibited to wear pants similar to trousers commonly used by men. Those who refuse would be disciplined, violently if necessary and the Acehnese women did not have any say in the formulation of the syariah Islam rules.37 Again, still pertaining to the jilbab problem, I believe that every woman in Aceh would willingly wear the jilbab if implementing syariah, even in a narrow sense, would mean an end to the conflict. Women in Aceh have played an important role in Acehs political struggle since colonial times. Yet, there are no records of the head coverings of women causing problems in the past. The heroines of Acehs political struggle, including Cut Nyak Dien, Cut Meutia and a
36

Aceh: Peace after the Waters? Aceh: Challenges of Reconstruction and Peace One Year Later (March 2006). See: http://www.globalexchange.org/countries/asia/indonesia/AcehReport.pdf 37 Noerdin Noerdin, Politik Identitas Perempuan Aceh (Jakarta: Women Research Institute, 2005), 3. 137 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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host of other prominent women, wore their hair in the rolled up style unique to Aceh, with a shawl dangling and covering only part of the hair. To the present day, this hair bun is known as ok sanggoi Cut Nyak Dien (Cut Nyak Diens hair bun).38 Actually, obstacles to the efforts of Acehnese women to deconstruct the dominant meaning that turns them into a symbol do not only come from the interpretation of Islam by ulamas and GAM. Since declaring its independence in 1945, the successive governments of Indonesia have implemented 'practical exclusion' of women by developing institutional arrangements that domesticate women.39 The institutional set-up marginalized women from any decision making positions. The domestication of women in Indonesia in the post-independence era did not start under Suharto's New Order government. It was started by Sukarno within a few years after the country declared its independence. Before independence, Indonesian women had a lot more room to play important roles as both intellectual leaders and leaders in strategies and battlefields.40 The domestication process has made it difficult for Indonesian women in general and the Acehnese women in particular to get organized in order to deconstruct social institutions that discriminate against them. Some Acehnese women activists say that since under Suharto, women have been conditioned to just learn how to sew, cook, raise children, and clean the house. Women in the villages have internalized their role as housewives in addition to working in the field to help their husbands. They have no strength to resist the

38 39

Kamaruzzaman, Women and Syariah in Aceh. Jodi Dean, Including Women: the Consequences and Side Effects of Feminist Critiques to Civil Society in Solidarity of Strangers: Feminism after Identity Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 79. 40 Noerdin, Politik Identitas, 20-24. 138 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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domestication. They said that since they were stupid and weak, they had no option other than to obey what they were told to do.41 In addition, the lack of womens participation in the revitalization of customary institutions is a reflection of the wider problem of the exclusion of women from the political process. NGOs and other organs of civil society have shown a lack of interest in including women in their efforts to facilitate citizens' participation in the implementation of decentralization and regional autonomy, and local governments are still very much perceived as the domain of men.42 Actually, the conceptual exclusion of gender relations from nationalism is not accidental but it is a product of a discursive process. Yuval-Davis43, for example, argues that the influence of western social and political perspectives in dividing the sphere of civil society into public and private domains is responsible for locating women in the private domain and makes them politically irrelevant. She argues that as nationalism and nations have usually been discussed as part of the public political sphere, the exclusion of women from that arena has affected their exclusion from that discourse as well. Likewise, Walby44 argues that the confinement of women in the private sphere of the family itself is due to the patriarchal view that assigns women to the position of bearing and rearing children. Thus, being constituted as a symbol, women are actually not excluded from the nationalism discourse, but they are included in such ways that they can be pushed to subjugating positions in order to serve the political interests of the dominant
41 42

Ibid. Kompas, (June 14, 2001). 43 Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage Publication, 1997), 13. 44 Sylvia Walby, Theorizing Patriarchy (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 1990), 174-175. 139 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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positions. Basically, women are considered irrelevant in the construction of social and political meaning. Even when women do not disappear altogether from historical accounts, the masculinized conceptualizations tend to treat women just as "physical persons".45 The discourses make us see that Acehnese women physically engage in social, political, and economic activities, but just as floating bodies that do not carry any central role in the making of history, in shaping and reshaping meanings and power relations. Parallel with those statements, Mernissi said that: if womens rights are a problem for some modern Muslim men, it is neither because of the Qur'an nor the Prophet, nor the Islamic tradition, but simply because those rights conflict with the interests of the male elite.46 Agents of Change: the roles of women in Aceh's peace process From the traditional aristocratic kingdom to post-independent, post-social revolution Aceh, we continue to find powerful women who played important roles in the nationalist struggle. For instance, in Hikayat Aceh, Bustanus-Salatin Bab II, Fasal 13, Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, Putroe Hijoe and Sejarah Melayu, women were represented as powerful and fighting women. Further, Mernissi argues that Island Islamic Society, and in particular Aceh, seem to be extraordinarily unusual in term of womens access to political power compared to Middle Eastern societies. Aceh was already a cosmopolitan center of Islamic learning when it was ruled by a succession of four Acehnese female heads-of-state in the seventeenth century. In addition, Mernissi gives a radically different account of female political agency compared to Anthony Reid and Taufik Abdullahs interpretations that
45

Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 63. 46 Fatima Mernissi, Women and Islam: A Historical and Theological Enquiry (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), ix. 140 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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most likely they did not have real power. Mernissi argues that They (the female rulers) reigned despite the fact that their political enemies had imported from Mecca a fatwa that declared that it was forbidden by law for a woman to rule.47 A similar argument also comes from P.J. Veth, a professor of Ethnology and Geography at the University of Leiden. In his essay: The Women Government in the Archipelago of Nusantara, Veth confessed that it was easy to find a woman figure who ruled the archipelago. Nonetheless, he found some phenomena showing similarities regarding the decisive influence of women government in a kingdom. One of the most interesting cases was Aceh. He wrote as follows: .but one of the most amazing phenomenon of all of those examples of women government in the archipelago of Nusantara was that in the Kingdom of Aceh in Sumatra. It was a kingdom which played an important role in history..!48 Furthermore, in the construction of the nationalist narrative, Acehnese women, the most prominent among them Cut Nyak Dhien, Cut Meutia, Tengku Fakinah, Laksamana (Admiral) Malahayati and Pocut Baren played very important roles as leaders of the anticolonial resistance against the Dutch.49 At the village level, we find that women occupy an equally powerful position: for example, the Acehnese word for wife is not house-wife but po rumoh meaning owner of the house. According to James Siegels interpretation, a pioneering study of male marginality in Acehnese society, Acehnese residential systems are uxorilocal or matrifocal - it is the woman who own and head the household. Women acquire a house, or at least a portion of one, at
47 48

Siapno, Gender, 51. Maria Subadio Ulfah and T.O. Ihromi, Peranan dan Kedudukan Wanita di Indonesia (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada Univeristy Press, 1983), 233. 49 Siapno, Gender, 59. 141 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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the time of their marriage. Girls grow up in their mothers house and remain there or nearby for the rest of their lives. Parents build a new house for themselves and the rest of their family when their first daughter marries. Husbands move to the households and villages of their wives. This tradition of matrilocal residence may be practised in most parts of Aceh, it is especially strong in the regency of Pidie.50 Also in the past (especially in the decades before sixties and seventies), Acehnese men have the position of temporary guest in the home which is usually owned by the women. In fact, women treat their husbands just as they would a guest. But, like a guest, husbands can outstay their welcome and usually do. Thus, from the womens point of view, the family consists of the people who occupy the house compound themselves, their sisters, mothers, and children. Their husbands have no place, and hence no right to make decision. One reason for powerlessness of men could be their prolonged absence. It is true that women must make many decisions when men are gone, but even when men are home they have no power.51 Thus, with all explanations above mentioned, no more reasons for not involving women in all processes of decision making, including peace process. There are some reasons, actually, why women should be considered in making decision: first, the stage of the political circumstances are not actually beautiful nor ideal when only men dominate it. There should be women who play important roles. We can do it as far as we want. There is no democracy when women are not involved totally.52

50

James T.Siegel, The Rope of God (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 51-52. 51 Ibid., 177-179. 52 Tabrani Yunis, POTRET magazine, edition IX, August 2006. 142 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Second, this is not only because women constitute 53% of Aceh's population. It is because women have suffered grievously throughout this conflict. As citizens, they have suffered at the hands of the state, having been raped and abused by the Indonesian army. Culturally, they have been repressed by patriarchy. Even at home, they have faced domestic violence, being beaten and raped by their husbands. Data from the provincial government shows there are no fewer than 460,000 female heads of households, of whom 377,000 are widows.53 And related to disaster, the tsunami hit women extremely hard, and many of them are now widows who have to be sole providers and caregivers which is particularly difficult when women have unequal access to land and capital. Reports of women facing discrimination in exerting their legal rights, specifically inheritance and in accessing loans has further exacerbated women's suffering in the aftermath of the tsunami. This underscores how reconstruction planning and implementation has to provide both space and resources that take into account women's needs and interests and establish mechanisms for women's representation and participation in decision-making processes.54 Third, women organize and work for peace. They are praying, marching in the streets, distributing flowers and the message 'stop violence against women'. Women have held discussions with President Gus Dur and even with the army. They have also proposed to the commander of the Aceh Freedom Movement army that a special zone of peace for women should be set up. Women want all weapons to cease fire, whether they belong to the Indonesian army or to the soldiers of GAM.55
53

Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Women, Peace and Security: Acheh, Indonesia. See: http://www.peacewomen.org/WPS/Acheh.html. 54 The Second All-Acehnese Women's Congress (Duek Pakat Inong Aceh II or DPIA II) in February 2000. 55 Kamaruzzaman, Women and Syariah in Aceh. 143 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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In short, Acehnese women played strategic roles, generated bright ideas and were able to find unique ways to survive. They were able to become agents of change, performing negotiations between the two parties involved in the conflict or engaging in efforts to save their husbands, sons or their community. When insecurity forced men to flee their villages, women became the main breadwinners and decision-makers and took over most of the social roles played by men in their community life. In addition, they worked together to clean and repaint meunasah (Islamic schools), went to the fields or gathered firewood. They took care of the children and financed their education. They hid boys being hunted because of their fathers' and uncles' political choices, and sometimes they had to carry them home and bury their dead bodies. Women also undertook various religious programmes such as rotating Quranic recitation gatherings from one house to another to build continuous communication, and accompany and console those who lost family members to the conflict. Finally, they also have taken their campaign to the United Nations. With the cease-fire arranged in MOU, there are new hopes for peace.56 The signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) on August 15, 2005, seven months after the tsunami by the Government of Indonesia and GAM, ended the conflict that had lasted for over 30 years.57 In addition, Law Number 11 was ratified in August of 2006 and became one of the mandates of the Memorandum of Understanding between Government of the Republic of Indonesia and GAM. In December 2006, the election of the local leaders based on the Law Number 11 Year 2006 had also been held. Natural disasters such as the tsunami and the earthquake in the end of 2004
56

Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Agents for Change: The Roles of Women in Aceh's Peace Process. See: http://www.c-r.org/ourwork/accord/aceh/women.php. 57 Aceh: Peace after the Waters?... 144 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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and early 2005 also pushed the implementation of the MoU. Thus, because of those reasons, the year 2005 has been considered a benchmark in Aceh history. 58 In general, the community, including women experiences improving security since the signing of Helsinki MoU. Thus, once again, the journey to this peace agreement is not without the involvement of women. Yet, although many people argue that the involvement of women in the peace process and female participation can improve the implementation of peacekeeping, an expertise assessment carried out by UNIFEM and CMI shows that women were not involved, either in the peace negotiation or in the implementation of the peace itself.59 Again, unfortunately their voice did not resonate for long, and when the conflict parties engaged in peace talks, women were once again excluded. Despite a record of advocating for peace and fostering reconciliation, women were barely involved in the stopstart dialogue processes spanning over five years that finally culminated in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the government and GAM in August 2005. The kind of gender-aware conflict resolution mandated by Security Council resolution 1325 was not achieved. In addition, this was mirrored in other political processes as well: when Islamic Shari'ah law was introduced to Aceh, women's representatives were once again not involved. Women were considered only as objects of political processes, not active subjects.60 This is a big loss for the nation and community if people ignore womens roles and voices by closing the opportunities and by not
58

Evaluation on Women situation in Aceh in 2006. See: http://www.e-acehnias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3-Gender%20(ENG).pdf. 59 Ibid. 60 Kamaruzzaman, Agents for Change .... 145 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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maximizing womens role in the Aceh peace process.61 In the process of negotiation between the Government and GAM, for example, women were not formally involved. This continues in the implementation of the peace process. One of the implementation measures of the agreement as mandated in the Law Number 11 Year 2006 is the formation of a Reconciliation Committee. The formation of this committee should have given opportunities for women involvement, but it was still deterred.62 Kamaruzzaman argues that this is not only unjust, but that it undermines effective peacebuilding. In 2000, the first All Acehnese Women's Congress called for greater women's participation in political decision-making. But women were largely left out of discussions leading up to the 2005 peace agreement and of the agreement itself. Women have had to seek alternative avenues such as through establishing the Women's Policy Network which monitors implementation of the Law on the Governing of Aceh. However, women must be included formally if the peace process is to have sustainable political traction.63 Despite such negations by the policy-makers, Acehnese women have not been sitting idly, but have responded with new determination. The Women's Policy Network (JPuK) (established 2004) has been monitoring the development and implementation of the Law on the Governing of Aceh (LoGA) and of qanun (local laws) that will detail provisions of the LoGA to promote the equitable inclusion of women's interests. The Women's Peace Network (JpuD) (established December 2005) comprises 26 organizations and seeks
61

The speech of Syarifah Rahmatillah in a Seminar Women in Aceh Peace th Process, Banda Aceh, 16 of August, 2006. 62 As seen in the assessment conducted by UNIFEM and CMI, 2006. See: http://www.e-aceh-nias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3Gender%20(ENG).pdf. 63 Kamaruzzaman. See: http://www.c-r.org/our-work/accord/aceh/womenabstract.php. 146 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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to socialize the MoU and strengthen women's participation in peacebuilding strategies. A Gender Working Group (GWG) has been established as the hub for monitoring the policies of all parties involved in the reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation processes to ensure that they take into account the gender perspective in policy making and application and budget development. At the grassroots level, women's groups perform political education and strengthen individual and organizational capacity through various training, workshops and seminars.64 Conclusion At least there are three points that can be concluded from this paper. First, since the disaster, the Acehnese rebel movement GAM, which had been fighting for independence against the Indonesian authorities for 29 years, has signed a peace deal. The perception that the tsunami was punishment for insufficient piety in this proudly Muslim province is partly behind the increased emphasis on the importance of religion post-tsunami. This has been most obvious in the increased implementation of Syariah law, including the introduction of the controversial 'WH' or Syariah police. As homes are being built and people's basic needs are met, the people are also looking to improve the quality of education, sustainable industry, woman participation in public sphere and so forth. Well-qualified educators are in high demand in Aceh. Second, women in Aceh suffered from discriminatory treatments because of the conflict and the implementation of Syariah Islam. In their desire to turn Acehnese women into a symbol of Islam, the Acehnese government, ulama and GAM seem to think that women do not know what is best for them, and they need to be told what to do for their own good.

64

Ibid. 147 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Third, Acehnese women put their lives at stake in order to hold a meeting to discuss their views of what peace means. Their courage speaks of their firm belief that women's equal participation in democracy is essential to peace and security. To listen to those voices, which in many places are still forgotten or silenced, it is most important in redefining ways to secure life. Despite all the risk and problems, international and boundaries crossing networking and alliances must be maintained to keep these voices from being silenced. The story of the Acehnese women is far from being a success story. In order to make it into one, more strategic alliances must be made across national, cultural and gender boundaries. The most difficult task is to gather these alliances in the face of the strong resistance of the patriarchal biases that desired to keep the voices from being heard. How this is to be done remains a challenge that the government, GAM, ulama and common people have to meet, because in such solidarity lies the key to offer a more humane version of security and peace, in which, one's security is not the other's insecurity but a guarantee to every human being's life. Bibliography Acheh Declaration of Independence as stated on December 4, 1976. Barber, R. (ed.). Aceh: The Untold Story. Bangkok: Forum-Asia, 2000. Brown, D. The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia. London: Routledge, 1994. Collier, P. and A. Hoeffler. Greed and Grievance in Civil War in Policy Research Working Paper (2001). Dean, Jodi. Solidarity of Strangers: Feminism after Identity Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996.

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Dillon, Paul. Strategy of Provocation that Keeps Acehs War in Public Eye in The Scotsman Online (17 May 2001). El Ibrahimi, M. Nur. Peranan Tgk. M. Daud Beureueh Dalam Pergolakan Aceh. Jakarta: Media Dakwah, 2001. Emmerson, Donald K. Understanding the New Order: Bureaucratic Pluralism in Indonesia in Asian Survey, Vol. XXIII (11 November, 1983). Evaluation on Women situation in Aceh in 2006. Available from http://www.e-acehnias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3Gender%20(ENG).pdf. Globalexchange.org. Aceh: Peace after the Waters? Aceh: Challenges of Reconstruction and Peace One Year Later (March 2006). Avalaible from http://www.globalexchange.org/countries/asia/indonesia/Ace hReport.pdf. Http://www.e-acehnias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3Gender%20(ENG).pdf. Http://www.worldwatch.org/features/disasters/aceh-timeline. Human Rights Watch. World Report 2003: Indonesia. Available from http://hrw.org/wr2k3/asia7.html. ICG. Aceh: A Slim Chance for Peace in Indonesia Briefing, 27 March, Jakarta/Brussels. _____. Aceh: Can Autonomy Stem the Conflict? in ICG Asia Report 2001, No. 18, Jakarta/Brussels. Kamaruzzaman, Suraiya. Agents for Change: The Roles of Women in Aceh's Peace Process. Available from http://www.c-r.org/ourwork/accord/aceh/women.php.
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_____. Women and Syariah in Aceh. Available http://www.serve.com/inside/edit79/p911_kamaruzzaman.html as retrieved on May 1, 2007.

from

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Ross, Michael L. Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia", YaleWorld Bank project on The Economics of Political Violence (2004). _____. Resources and Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia. Prepared for the Yale-World Bank Project on The Economic of Political Violence, June 5, 2003. _____. Oil, Drugs and Diamonds: How Do Natural Resources Vary in their Impact on Civil War? in Beyond Greed and Grievance: The Political Economy of Armed Conflict, edited by Karen Ballentine and Jake Sherman. Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002. Scott, Joan Wallach. Gender and the Politics of History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988. Serambi Indonesia (February 26, 2005); (January 8, 2005). Siapno, Jacqueline Aquino. Gender, Islam, Nationalism and the State in Aceh: The Paradox of Power, Co-optation and Resistance. French: Routledge Curzon, 2002. Siegel, James T. The Rope of God. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969. Sjamsuddin, Nazaruddin. The Republican Revolt: A Study of Acehnese Rebellion. Singapore: ISEAS, 1985. Sukma, Rizal. Aceh in Post Soeharto Indonesia: Protracted Conflict Amid Democratization in Autonomy and Disintegration in Indonesia, edited by Damien Kingsbury and Harry Aveling. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Sulaiman, M. Isa. The History of Acehnese Resistance and the Development of a Nationalist Development in Mosaik Konflik di Aceh, published by ACSTF and Acehkita. Presented on Workshop of Anatomy, Resolution, Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Aceh Peace Program, Research and Education For Peace Unit, University Sains Malaysia, 15-18 July 2004.
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Tempo (July 10, 2001). The Second All-Acehnese Women's Congress (Duek Pakat Inong Aceh II or DPIA II) in February 2000. Ulfah, Maria Subadio and T.O. Ihromi. Peranan dan Kedudukan Wanita di Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada Univeristy Press, 1983. UNIFEM and CMI. An assessment conducted in 2006. Available from http://www.e-acehnias.org/CFAN/cfan3/Thematic%20Sector/CFAN3Gender%20(ENG).pdf. Walby, Sylvia. Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 1990. Yuval-Davis, Nira. Gender and Nation. London: Sage Publication, 1997.

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THE IMPETUS OF RELIGION IN ANTI-COLONIAL MOVEMENTS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE JAVANESE PEASANT REVOLT IN BANTEN AND THE BURMESE PEASANT REVOLT IN THAYAWADDY
Naw Lily Kadoe
Myanmar Institute of Theology (MIT), Myanmar

153 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Naw Lily Kadoe

Introduction In the history of Southeast Asia, the period from late nineteenth century to early twentieth century is a period of religious revivalism, nationalism, and anti-colonialism. According to Tarling, it is the period of a multitude of resistance movements, popular rebellions, acts of insubordination, and other assertions on the part of the colonial others.1 Southeast Asian countries had been colonized by the Portuguese, the Dutch, the British, the French, the American and the Japanese. The advance of European colonial powers in Southeast Asia began as early as the sixteenth century, but developed more importantly during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There were similarities in the nature of anti-colonial resistance in Southeast Asian countries although their religious beliefs are different. It is no wonder that the majority peasant population was the most suffered group by the colonial system. By introducing the European money economy of the colonists, administrative and fiscal control was drastically changed in the colonized countries. This change affected the village life of peasantry, and their lives were harder in colonial period than before. The plight of the peasants culminated in the outbreak of peasant rebellions in Burma, French Indochina, the Netherland East Indies and the Philippines. They would not cope with the hardship of life any longer if they did not resist the colonial rule. However, they were merely simple peasants and they needed the leaders who could lead them in their revolts. In this situation, religious leaders played very significant role in peasant revolts. They were not only religious leaders but also nationalists who had had anti-colonial sentiment. They needed followers for their anti-colonial movements and the charismatic leaders could manipulate the traditional popular beliefs of the peasants in their movements. It is very interesting that the
1

Nicholas Tarling, The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Vol. 2, Part 1: From c. 1800 To The 1930s (UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 193. 154 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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peasant revolts as anti-colonial resistance in Southeast Asia were very similar. In this paper, the present author will explore some similarities between the Javanese peasant revolts in Banten and Burmese peasant revolts in Thayawaddy in colonial period. In order to do so, the author will present the socio-economic and political situation in colonial period, the nationalism and anti-colonial resistance, and the impetus of religion in anti-colonial movements of Javanese peasants and Burmese peasants. Socio-Economic and Political Situation of Java and Burma in Colonial Period The impact of the European conquests on the societies of Southeast Asia had enormous consequences in various spheres to the Southeast Asian states and their people. The long cherished communal life of Southeast Asian countries was changed under the colonial rule. The subsistence economies prevailing for a long time in Southeast Asia were transformed into market oriented economies producing one or two crops for the world market. A great number of immigrants from outside the region migrated into Southeast Asia together with the economic transformation introduced by the colonists. This resulted in the formation of a pluralistic society in colonial Southeast Asia. The colonists had introduced colonial governments so as to enable them to strengthen their rule in Southeast Asia. A more complex colonial administration was introduced into Southeast Asian states emphasizing on law and order and providing a new range of services. Different educational policies were introduced into various territories of Southeast Asia. However, the exposure to western liberal ideas in the colonial schools and the western universities where the scholars from Southeast Asian states attended helped to give the emerging middle class with a progressive

155 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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and liberal outlook.2 Many of these scholars became the nationalists who led the independence movements in their own countries. 1. The Socio-economic and Political Situation of Banten in Java in Colonial Period In Java, according to Ricklefs, colonialism can be thought as a major initiator of social changes and population growth and mobilization. After the Java War (1825- 1830), led by Prince Dipanagara, the Dutch colonial regime sent a new Governor-General, Johannes van den Bosch, into Java for the benefit of the Netherlands and it had a great impact on the socio-economic change in Java.3 He introduced the cultuurstelsel (cultivation system) that encouraged the continuation of the exploitation of Java through indirect rule. This system created a new social structure in Java in general. Ricklefs classified the Javanese society of colonial period into three levels: (1) the priyayi elite; (2) a nascent bourgeoisie of Islamic bent; and (3) a peasantry being ground down by colonialism and by their social superiors.4 The real situation of Java, as Ricklefs saw, was a foreign-run colonial state depending on the indigenous elite to organize labour and taxes successfully exploited an ever-increasing Javanese peasantry.5 Banten, where the peasant revolt occurred in 1888, is located in the extreme west of Java. The sultanate of Banten was founded by the Javanese kingdom of Demak in 1520 and abolished by Daendels in 1808. The Sundanese, the largest ethnic group in Banten, is living in South Banten and the Javanese are residing in the northern part, while the Baduis are settling in the southern mountains. The North
2

Tun Aung Chain and Tin Tin Win, Modern Southeast Asia I. Text Book for History Students (Yangon: the University Press, 2005), 32- 33. 3 M. C. Ricklefs, Polarising Javanese Society: Islamic and other visions (c. 1830- 1930) (Singapore: NUS Press, 2007), 12- 29. 4 Ibid., 28. 5 Ibid., 24. 156 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Bantenese, among the Dutch, was notorious for their religious fanaticism, their aggressive attitudes and their rebellious spirit.6 They were majority peasants, whereas a number of villagers were traders, fishermen, craftsmen and some were running industries. Some peasants earned a subsidiary income by engaging in various industries and occupations in the agricultural slack season.7 In the time of sultanate, the cultivators of the rice fields were categorized into two groups: the mardika, who voluntarily became the Muslims and were granted free status, and the abdi who had been subjugated and enslaved forcibly. The land was generally considered as the royal domain in the pre-colonial time and it was distributed among the peasants on condition that they had to serve the sultan and give a tax on the harvest. In 1808, when Daendels abolished the royal domains and the compulsory service to the sultan, he introduced the land taxation for the low lands of Banten followed by Raffles who made the land rent the sole land taxation. The land granted to the sultans household officials, relatives and personal favourite was called pusaka land and the possessors of it were compensated while the owners of the new opened up land were allowed to retain their rights and had to pay tribute to the land grantee. However, due to corruption and malpractices of civil servants in this arrangement, there were conflicts over land rights, discontent and disturbances in Banten. People got the impression that the government had sanctioned double exaction since they had to pay taxation to the government and tribute to the land grantee.8 Moreover, compulsory services for public works, local projects and officials in the colonial period were overburden to the people. However, there were exceptions on the basis of age, physical and
6

Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants Revolt of Banten in 1888 (sGravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1966), 30. 7 Ibid., 32- 33. 8 Ibid., 34- 37. 157 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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matrimonial conditions, and the members of certain classes, such as civil servants and their families, village authorities, religious leaders and officials, those who performed services on permanent basis and who bought off his compulsory services on public works by paying taxes. The privileged that possessed prestige, power and wealth had exemptions from the compulsory services while the underprivileged peasantry had to bear the overburden of both taxes and services.9 The peasant was given an option, in theory, between paying traditional tribute, cultivating government owned export crops on one-fifth of his fields, or working sixty-six days a year on governmentowned estates or other projects.10 However, in practical, the ignorant peasants were manipulated and exploited by the political elites and the authorities. In 1882, a decree of abolishing all compulsory services to officials was issued and substituted a head tax. Instead of levying the head tax only on one member of each household, Resident Spaan of Banten ordered that all able-bodied males between 15 and 50 years of age to pay the tax. Spaans regulation made the household heads in Banten bearing overburden. In addition to that, those who had been promised exemption had to pay the head tax.11 In this way, popular discontent was awakening by the government reforms enacted in the latter half of the nineteenth century in Northern Banten. Worse than that, a cattle plague in 1879, fever epidemic in 1880, and the big eruption of Mt. Krakatau in 1883 greatly affected on the reduction of cattle stock, manpower and arable land. Failure of crops for many years from 1878 to 1886 was another aggravation of the situation.12

Ibid., 45- 49. Clifford Geertz, Agriculture Involution: The Process of Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), 53. 11 Kartodirdjo, The Peasants Revolt, 62- 63. 12 Ibid., 66- 67. 158 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)
10

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Kartodirdjo, unlike Ricklefs, conceived the status system of Banten society as a bi-modal class division.13 The common people consisting of peasants, craftsmen, traders and labourers were majority, whereas prijaji, comprising the bureaucratic elite and the nobility was a minority upper class. Traditional social structure was hereditary ruling class of sultans family as the top with the low nobility, officials and legal power invested religious leaders formed the bureaucratic elite. Western model of administration converted the members of the Banten nobility into bureaucrats since the civil service class was consisted of them and heirs of superior social rank were preferable for the administrative bureaucracy in Banten. They were the top officials and linked between central government and villagers. As in a religious-minded community, the rural elites in Banten were the village authorities and the religious leaders. In colonial period, the village heads (djaros) had been appointed by the government with the recommendation of the village elders. From 1844, however, the village heads were elected by the people and then sanctioned by the government. It is noted that the villagers preferred to choose an ignorant or obedient man rather than a strong one who might impose his will upon others. They had to deal with local administration such as the levying of taxes, the mobilization of people for compulsory services, the execution of orders from superiors and providing small administrative services to the villagers, like issuing various licences.14 Compared with djaros, the elders (kolotkolot) and the panghulu or amil who was an official in charge of collecting the djakat had more power in the villages.15 In a region where almost everyone was a Muslim, kjai and hadji were regarded as social and religious elites. Kartodirdjo categorized three kinds of hadji as follows: (1) people who went to
13 14

Ibid., 49. Ibid., 50- 56. 15 Ibid., 57. 159 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Mecca of their own free will and at their own expense; (2) people who were sent by their parents or kinsmen in order to study theology and who usually had a log stay in the Holy Land; (3) people who had a bad reputation and who were urged by their families to make the hadj, in order to do penance. Kartodirdjo also stated that the first group was the most energetic, industrious and dynamic; the second group became learned guru or kjai on their return; and the third group usually indifferent after they return from the hadj.16 Most hadjis were rich as they were landowners, businessmen, traders and prosperous class among the villagers. Moreover, although it had given less income many hadjis became religious teachers because teaching was considered as an honourable profession for hadjis in Banten. Nevertheless, the kjai had greater prestige than common hadji teacher as he established religious school and took up the crucial position in the social structure of village life. In Northern Banten, the kjai was regarded as powerful, sacred and influential figure.17 The lowest class of society or the social hierarchy was the group made up of people who were deprived by the socio-economic condition and who were usually considered as anti-social and criminal such as robbers, vagabonds and outlaws. They were to be regarded as the main component of a rural proletarian group. As they were deprived of possessions they worked for the landowners and employers who hired them as labourers. In many villages, it was quite common that the landowners or employers made labour agreements (wages) with their hired labourers who performed their services according to the demands of their employers.18 Under the colonial rule, the peasants in Java in general and the Northern Banten in particular were facing the hardship of life
16 17

Ibid., 59. Ibid., 60. 18 Ibid., 58. 160 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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regardless of the ownership of land or labour. With the introduction of Western administration system, they had to adjust the changing political and socio-economic situation in the colonial period. It is no doubt that living under the colonial rule was not an enjoyable experience for the colonized people. 2. The Socio-economic and Political Situation of Burma in Colonial Period Burma had been colonized by the British after the three AngloBurmese wars. After the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824- 1826) and the Second Anglo-Burmese War (1852) the lower Burma was occupied by the British. In 1885, the British annexed the remaining Upper Burma and incorporated it with British-Indian Empire as a province.19 Now we will deal with the British colonial administration, economic condition and Burmese society in Burma in the colonial rule. After the First Anglo-Burmese War, the British occupied Rakhine and Taninthayi coastal regions according to the Treaty of Yandabo (1826). The British put Rakhine under the Government of Bengal but they put Taninthayi under the direct administration of the Governor of India. After the Second Anglo-Burmese War, the British occupied Bago Division and the British East India Company appointed a commissioner to administer Bago Division (Thayawaddy District, where Saya San-led Peasant Rebellion occurred was in Bago Division). In 1862, Rakhine, Taninthayi and Bago were joined as British Burma, and a Chief Commissioner of the British Burma who was responsible to the Governor General of India administered the British Burma. After the Third Anglo-Burmese War, the British occupied Upper Burma and put it under the military administration. Later, Upper Burma and Lower Burma were jointly administered by the Chief
19

Than Tun and Soe Lin, Modern Myanmar I, Text Book for History Students (Yangon: the University Press, 2005), 83-84. 161 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Commissioner who was appointed by the Governor General of India.20 Civil administration for Upper Burma was under a Deputy Commissioner with a Police Assistant. In Lower Burma, local administration was based on the circle with its hereditary headman called thugyi. However, the villages were converted into administrative units by the Upper Burma Village Regulation of 1887 and the Burma Village Act of 1889. The maintenance of order and the collection of revenue became duties of the headmen and villagers. The reformation of administration began in 1897 with the promotion of the Chief Commissioner to the rank of Lieutenant Governor. At that time, as Burma was a part of India, whenever administration changes were made in India, administration of Burma also changed. However, when the British agreed to give self-government to India in 1917, they had no intension to give it to Burma as they thought that Burmese people had no political experience and education necessary for a western model of democracy. With resentment, the leaders of Young Mens Buddhist Association (YMBA) demanded political reforms in 1919, and the British Government promised to give Diarchy but it was a political trick of the imperialist. In 1937, the British separated Burma from India and the Burmese government came directly under the British Parliament.21 During the colonial period, Burmese economy had changed to colonial capitalist economy. The capitalist government and the capitalist foreigners possessed nearly all the businesses. Minerals such as ruby mines, petroleum wells and other mineral resources were exploited by the European companies. The development of transportation established by the government was for the profit of capitalist economy. After the British colonization of the Delta, there was an increase in rice production of Burma. Indias demand for rice
20

Soe Lin, Modern Myanmar II, Text Book for History Students (Yangon: the University Press, 2005), 1. 21 Ibid., 2- 4. 162 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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due to the Indian Mutiny of 1857- 1858, American Civil War which cut off the Carolina Rice Supply, and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 caused the growth of Burmese rice production for the external market. It was the most spectacular development of Burmese economic history. As the total acreage under paddy in the province rose, the demand for labour increased and the cheap labour from India was imported into Burma for rice cultivation. Peasant proprietorship broke down. Indian immigrants demeaned in competition for land tenancy. The wild scramble for land and the crying need for capital led to a very dangerous situation in 1930 due to the growth of agriculture indebtedness. Indian Chettyar moneylenders supplied most of the capital with high interest rate. When there was much unoccupied land in delta, Burmese peasants were prosperous but in the later years, through excess borrowing for competition for landholdings and the decline of domestic industries, their economic conditions became bad. When the Great World Economic Depression of 1929 onwards brought the rice price falling down, it was found that half of the occupied land of Lower Burma was in the hand of non-residents and non-agriculturalists.22 In the colonial period, the feudalistic Burmese society was transformed into the capitalist society due to the economic basis. The majority peasants did not own any land while foreigners and native landlords possessed land. Much land fell into the hands of Indian Chettyars. Cheap Indian labourers and Chinese labourers undercut Burmese in competition for work. They got jobs in government offices and other professions, and prospered in trade. Education and healthcare for the public was very poor. Education was difficult and expensive for local people so the number of educated Burmese people was small in colonial period. No effective medical assistance was given to the peasants so that the death rate

22

Ibid., 6- 7. 163 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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of the rural areas was very high.23 In colonial period, Burmese labourers and peasants became very poor and their standard of living was very low. The poverty of the peasants also affected the Buddhist monks in the villages. Burmese society as a whole and peasant society at any rate, primary function is the care and provision of monks. Buddhists believe that the feeding of monks gives them merits not only for this life but also for the next lives. In their view, as Spiro states, the most important function of a monk is his merely existence, which in Buddhist term, a field of merit. Therefore, no Burmese village can exist without a monastery.24 The pivotal role of a monk in a village is obvious in Buddhist societies. Peasant Revolts of Banten in Java and Thayawaddy in Burma In the nineteenth century, Southeast Asian villagers were so miserable under colonial rule that they were ready to follow any leader who would able to fight back the colonial government. If that leader would be their respected religious leaders or the former princes, they were more inclined to follow them even if they had to sacrifice their lives. Tarling put this situation that: Given the intensity of the changes taking place around them, Southeast Asian villagers during this period showed a readiness to follow individuals who could organize their experience and point to a better future. Whether led by kings, gentry, religious teachers or sage-prophets, whether called for armed resistance or withdrawal from society, the popular movements that emerged reveal striking similarities

23 24

Ibid., 8- 9. Melford E. Spiro, Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and Its Burmese Vicissitudes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 410. 164 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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in form, a reflection no doubt of the religious experience that animated the bulk of them.25 His statement is true when we study about the Javanese peasant revolts and Burmese peasant revolts. 1. Bantenese Peasant Revolt in Java Rebellion in nineteenth century Banten, as Kartodirdjo points out, was not sporadic but general, endemic and symptomatic for its society.26 According to him, the Peasant Revolt of 1888 was only one of a series of risings which took place in Banten during the nineteenth century and it was also an instance of the social convulsions which were sweeping across Java.27 The peasants rebellion of Banten in nineteenth century can be seen as protest movements against the Western economy and colonial control. Although it is termed Peasant Revolt, most of the rebel leaders were not ordinary peasants. They belonged to rural elites, religious leaders, and members of the former sultans families. In many cases, religious teachers made use of the popular prophecy such as coming of the Javanese Righteous King, Ratu Adil or the Islamic figure Imam Mahdi.28 In Banten, the gradual penetration of colonial rule brought about disturbances and instability in the society. Although they still keep held of social prestige, the nobility was degraded and dispossessed so that they were underprivileged of political power. On the other hand, the increase of Dutch colonial control caused frustration and deprivation among religious elite and peasants. However, a new group of elite emerged with the colonial rule was made up of civil servants or bureaucrats. Some of the nobility tried to retain their prestige and power by strengthening its relationship with
25 26

Tarlings, The Cambridge History, 210. Kartodirdjo, The Peasants Revolt, 105. 27 Ibid., 1. 28 Ibid., 4. 165 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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the new elite. On the other hand, while the new elite preferred to accept modernization, some of the nobility and religious elite tried to maintain their old tradition. As a result, a form of conflict was present between these two groups in terms of cultural values and norms. There was a tension between the old nobility and religious leaders on one side and the new bureaucrats on the other, and an open hostility raised as the new elite cooperated the colonial administration.29 Since the first quarter of the nineteenth century, after the fall of sultanate, social unrest was prevailed in Banten due to the disintegration of society and the instability of the government political system. The dominant power of new elite was challenged by the disrespect and hatred of the local people. Consequently, local officials could not maintain peace and order so that criminals and lawlessness grew in rural areas. These social unrests tended to outbreak revolts in the second half of the nineteenth century when a religious revivalism spread throughout Java. Religious revivalism could be seen as an increasing number of pilgrims to Mecca, the circulation of the eschatological message of the Prophet, fanatical activities of the wandering preachers, and mushroom growth of religious schools (pesantrens) and Muslim brotherhoods (tarekat). The brotherhoods attracted the peasants who belonged to the lower social class. Later, anti-foreign hostility in the form of general unrests was transformed into a new form of extremist religious movements. Fanaticism and the eschatological ideas of Islam converted the members of brotherhood into militant revolutionists. Their main goal was to overthrow the infidel colonial rule, their focus was on the idea of Holy War, and their expectation was the restoration of Islamic state. The revolutionary leaders emerged, cooperated, set up plans and tactics. Their means of propaganda were attacking the colonial rulers, indoctrinating the idea of Holy War, and promising the
29

Ibid., 22-23. 166 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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abolishment of taxation and founding of an Islamic state. With the excitement among the members of brotherhood, they could be mobilized as an active mob to exercise the millenarian idea. The actual uprising broke out at the night of the ninth of July, 1888 in Tjilegon. The rebels occupied Tjilegon by violence, murdering, torturing and looting. This brutality demonstrated their expression of hatred towards foreign rulers and their alliance, the native officials.30 The number of the rebellious force was not certain as the available accounts varied from twenty to six hundred.31 They could hold the aflelings capital, Tjilegon, and the rebellion was spreading through the region in every direction. However, with the blind conviction that they were invulnerable in waging the Holy War they failed to acknowledge the more effective military organization and strategy of the colonial government. In addition to the blind conviction, the leaders lacked a plan for defensive action while the local authorities took a prompt and vigorous action to defeat the insurgents.32 The government offered a reward of five hundred guilders to anyone who delivered Hadji Wasid, Kjai Hadji Tubagus Ismail and certain other prominent figures in the revolt, dead or alive. The colonial government suppressed the revolt and crushed the rebellion in less than one month. On the twenty-ninth of July, 1888, they got the dead bodies of some prominent leaders; Hadji Wasid, Kjai Hadji Tubagus Ismail, Hadji Abdulgani and Hadji Usman.33 The reaction of the government to this revolt was the drastic action and the colonial governments reformation of its administration system. They stationed small troops in the centres of rebellion, dismissed the officials who were thought of guilty of administrative abuses concerning the levying of various kinds of
30 31

Ibid., 23- 26. Ibid., 234. 32 Ibid., 236. 33 Ibid., 247- 261. 167 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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taxes, took control over the religious leaders and schools and set a new policy adopting on the regulation of compulsory labour, the land rent, trade tax and capitation tax.34 There is no doubt that their sacrificial deaths were not in vein for the rest of their countrymen. 2. The Burmese Peasant Revolt in Thayawaddy The British deported the last Burmese king Thibaw to India after the annexation of the whole country in 1886. Burma had never been under an alien rule and the loss of independence was a painful experience for the people. Their immediate political objective was the restoration of it and resistance against the colonial rule. To them, kingship was considered to be an essential element of the political order, and the war fought against the British in the Third AngloBurmese War was not thought of as an affair of the king alone. It was proclaimed to be a war in the interests of the religion and the country since the king was the upholder of religion and the national honour.35 It goes without saying that with kingship as a crucial issue in the resistance, many princes with their own followers emerged as early leaders of the national movement. Not only the princes, people of all over Burma took arms and resisted the colonial rulers. Resistance movements were headed by Pretenders (claimers of Messiah), Thugyis (village head), former Burmese soldiers, Buddhist monks, and tribal group leaders from the hills and plains with their own programs. The resistance movements broke out all over Burma at the end of the nineteenth century and it was considered to be the first nationalist movement.36 All these movements were suppressed by the well-organized British army. Since 1897, organizations appeared to promote Buddhism in Burma. With an imitation of YMCA, some educated young men
34 35

Ibid., 26- 27. Than Tun and Soe Lin, Modern Myanmar I, 129- 131. 36 Ibid., 131- 147. 168 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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formed YMBA (Young Men Buddhist Association) in 1906. This association was aimed to promote education, religion and culture of Burmese people in the colonial period. In order to carry out political movements, GCBA (The General Council of Burmese Association) was formed in 1920. The emphasis was now shifted from Buddhist to Burmese. The aim of GCBA was to promote the nationalist cause. People responded enthusiastically as the word Wunthanu (Patriotism) was very appealing and popular among Burmese people. The GCBA supported the first students strike led by the Yangon College students. It was the first open challenge to the British Government. This strike was a huge success that the colonial government had to fulfil the demands of the students. This victory encouraged the nationalists. However, the GCBA became weaken as some members broke away from the association due to the conflicts between some decisions.37 Saya San, the leader of the Burmese Peasant Revolt in Thayawaddy was one of the active members of the GCBA. Due to the laissez-faire policy, as the author had mentioned above, the cheaper Indian labourers were imported to Burma. Many of them served as soldiers in the British army. In the worksites, they pushed the Burmese labourers out of employment in factories, on the dockyards or the railways. On the fields, the peasants became the prey of the money lending Chettyars. The Burmese cultivators gradually became labourers on their former-owned lands and they had to work for the new Chettyar landlords. The situation of the peasants was so bad. Poor crops and the General Depression of 1928- 1929 made their situation getting worse and they could not pay the government taxes.38 At that time, Saya San was chosen by the GCBA to investigate the situation of the peasants. When he went around the villages all over Burma for his investigation, Saya San was
37 38

Ibid., 152- 155. Ibid., 155. 169 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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moved by the miserable plights of the Burmese peasants. He recorded more than seven hundred cases of the colonial rulers mistreatments to the peasants. He saw the peasants starving, having difficulty to pay taxes, the burnt-down villages, and men and women who were cruelly treated by the British army.39 He submitted his report to the GCBA but he noticed that the GCBA could not make an impression on the British government for any change of the peasants situation. The peasants had a high hope on Saya San to lead them in overthrowing the colonial rulers. At first, he was reluctant to do so but he could not help himself to help the poor peasants to be freed from their miserable condition. He left the GCBA for he did not want the association to be in trouble because of his revolution. According to Aung Thein, he did not want to impress on the peasants to pretend as a future king but on the other hand, he could not resist the peasants belief in the prophecy of his teacher, a monk from his hometown that he would be a king.40 Tarling also praised Saya San as he wrote, the 1931 Saya San rebellion does not seem to be all that fantastic and backward. Saya San was the perfect leader of a Burmese mass movement. He had been an iterant fortune teller, curer (se saya), gang member, practitioner of invulnerability magic, and sometimes pongyi (monk), before joining the GCBA in 1924.41 In the authors view, he was a patriot who had a passion to help the peasants out of their hardship by any means. He tried his best to fulfill the hope of the poor peasants who wanted him to lead their resistance against the colonial regime. The peasant revolt started from the villages of the Thayawaddy District located in the Lower Burma. The Burmese history recorded that Thayawaddy King (1839- 1846) had a strong national spirit and
39

Aung Thein, Galon Saya San (Yangon: Myo Myanmar Sar Pay, 2010), 3444. 40 Ibid., 107. 41 Tarling, The Cambridge History, 239. 170 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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anti-foreign sentiment. He considered that his major obligation was to save Burma from becoming a British colony but he failed to do so and the Lower Burma was under the British rule in 1852.42 Although his native village was in the Upper Burma, Saya San chose Thayawaddy as a starting point of his rebellion because he found that the villagers of the Thayawaddy district were on the verge of rebellion. The stock of rice remained unsold. Although the villager had plenty of food, they had no money to buy new supplies. As the price of rice fell to the very low level, the Indian landlords would not engage labour to cultivate their fields. Those who still owned lands just sat on their stocks of rice. They were unable to find the cash to repay the interest of their debts. They were tortured by the police as they could not pay their overdue annual taxes. Saya San was convinced that the only way to end their misery was to rebel against the British. He formed a rebel group, called Galon (Garuda) with the belief that Galon defeats Naga (Dragon) which is the resemblance of the British. He set the rules and regulations for the group, and renounced the members who did not follow the rules. He drew the plan and tactics for their revolt with other leaders. Within a few days Saya San declared himself as the new king, titled Thupannaka Galunna Yarzar meaning the Garuda King and was ordained by his teacher, Monk U Einda who gave him the title Buddha Yarzar meaning Buddhist King.43 On the twenty-second of December in 1930, his followers attacked government outposts with only swords and sticks as they believed Saya Sans promise of invulnerability. Before it reached to Rangoon, the authorities called in two battalions of British troops to defeat the rebels. The rebellion was suppressed by the British; rebels were executed and villages were burnt down. Saya San was captured on the second of August in

42 43

Than Tun and Soe Lin, Modern Myanmar I, 20- 22. Aung Thein, Galon Saya San, 160.. 171 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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1931 and was hanged on the twenty-ninth of November in 1931.44 Although Saya San was captured, the rebellion rapidly spread to all the delta districts, then to central Burma and Upper Burma, and finally to the Shan States. Saya Nyan was the new guerrilla leader in Thayet District and the hermit Bandaka in the Shwebo District. The rebellion was finally suppressed in 1932. Ten thousand rebels had been killed, nine thousand captured and given prison terms, and one hundred and twenty eight including Saya San, Saya Nyan and Bandaka were hanged. The peasants desperation and bitter hatred of the British rule had caused a tragic end of rebellion.45 Conclusion When we study the two peasant revolts of Java and Burma, we can observe many similarities between them. Some similarities are: resentment of the people after the deposition of the sultan or the king; social, cultural, economic and political turbulence in the colonial period; the plights of the peasants under colonial rule; the leadership of the religious and charismatic leaders; the making use of the popular beliefs of peasants such as amulets and promise of vulnerability; the idea of Holy War; and the nationalism. A long existing kingship system was disrupted after the occupation of foreign colonialists, the Dutch and the British in Java and Burma respectively. The sultan or king as a centre of nation, a symbol of honour, and the upholder of religion, the loss of kingship means a lot for people. We see that with painful resentment, the Javanese and Burmese tried to restore the kingship as soon as they lost their rulers. On the other hand, the transitional period between the old traditional system and the new western colonial system was a
44

Myanmar Encyclopedia. Volume 4 (Yangon: Sarpay Baikman, 1962), 8081. 45 Than Tun and Soe Lin, Modern Myanmar I,156. 172 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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time of frustration among the people. It was hard for them to cope with a new system which was imposed by the colonial government. The exploitation and oppression of the colonial other and the new elite of the societies were unbearable for the Javanese peasants while the cruelty of colonial armed forces and the economic oppression of the Indians were miserable for the Burmese peasants. Here, we see the crucial role of religious leaders like Hadjis and Kjais in the Javanese Peasant Revolt whereas Saya San and the revolutionary monks in the Burmese Peasant Revolt. Although the Buddhist monks are not allowed to take part in any violence according to Buddhist monastery laws, active participation of the Burmese Buddhist monks were seen in the history of colonial resistance. Spiro noted the political movements of Burmese Buddhist monks in the colonial period. The Yong Monks Association planned and led numerous demonstrations and riots, and the monks even founded a monastic political organization in 1938.46 It is very interesting to see the similarity of using popular religious beliefs by the leaders such as a belief in the millennial expectation with the immanent coming of ratu adil, the Javanese just king, and the appearance of the Mahdi in the Javanese context, while the popular Burmese belief on the coming of Setkyamin, a universal Buddhist king. Another fascinating similarity is the belief in vulnerability and amulets. Javanese as well as Burmese peasants were morally supported by their leaders with keeping amulets in their body for vulnerability so that they did not afraid of the guns of the colonial armed forces. As they conceived that religion and nation could not be separable, these revolts were not only striking for the nation but also for religion. Both Javanese and Burmese peasants believed that they were engaging in the Holy War against the infidel who demeaned their religions; Islam and Buddhism. They were to be thought of as rebels and bandits by the colonial rulers. On
46

Spiro, Buddhism and Society, 385. 173 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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the contrary, they were praised as the patriots and nationalists by the local people. The peasant revolts against the colonial rule, as we have observed, were considered as the armed-resistance against the colonial government caused by the socio-economic and political turbulence of the peasants under colonial administration. On the other hand, religion and religious leaders can be regarded as an impetus of the dynamic anti-colonial movements. The peasants revolts in Java and Burma witness that religion is the essential impetus in the movements of anti-colonialism in the histories of Java and Burma. Bibliography Chain, Tun Aung and Tin Tin Win. Modern Southeast Asia I. Text Book for History Students. Yangon: The University Press, 2005. Geertz, Clifford. Agriculture Involution: The Process of Ecological Change in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963. Kartodirdjo, Sartono. The Peasant Revolt of Banten in 1888. sGravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1966. Lin, Soe. Morden Myanmar II. Text Book for History Students. Yangon: The University Press, 2005. Myanmar Encyclopaedia. Volume 4. Yangon: Sar Pay Baikman, 1962. Ricklefs, M. C. Polarizing Javanese Society: Islamic and Other Visions (c. 1830- 1930). Singapore: NUS Press, 2007. Spiro, Melford E. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and Its Burmese Vicissitudes. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963.
174 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Tarling, Nicholas. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume 2, Part 1: From c. 1800 to the 1930s. UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Thein, Aung. Galon Saya San. Yangon: Myo Myanmar Sar Pay, 2010. Tun, Than and Soe Lin. Modern Myanmar I. Text Book for History Students. Yangon: The University Press, 2005.

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176 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

ISLAM AND THE FALL OF TWO REGIMES: THE OLD AND NEW ORDER
Nyong Eka Teguh Iman Santosa
Muhammadiyah University of Sidoarjo (UMSIDA), East Java

177 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

Nyong Eka Teguh Iman Santosa

Introduction The Old and New Order are both parts of the most important periods which has influenced the life of Indonesian people. Understanding their history adequately will be meaningful to illuminate our present and future days with broader insights and wisdom. We have to realize, however, that historiography of Indonesia particularly relating to both regimes is still on the making. The precedence of authoritarian politics dominating those eras inevitably raises questions on such claims made on certain historical issues. It is why the ethics of memory is relevant to be taken into account in this context. It will remind us to keep critical and open minded toward any history written or told by a certain regime.1 This paper will explore the place of Islam around the fall of two mentioned regimes. It seeks how far Islam had influence within these crucial moments. In a wider sense, it also provides an explanation about the relationship between religion and the state or politics in Indonesia. The discussion will begin with the identification of influential reasons or factors playing in the fall of the two regimes. The Fall of the Old Order The Old Order cannot be separated from the figure of Sukarno, the first President of the Republic of Indonesia. He was born on June 6, 1901 in Surabaya. His father was Raden Sukemi Sosrodiharjo, a descendent of Javanese aristocrat family. His mother was Ida Ayu Nyoman Rai, a daughter of Balinese Brahmin family.2 He was known as a talented intellectual. He was fluent in many foreign and local
1

This concept, ethics of memory, was proposed by Edith Wyschogrod [See Mary S. Zurbuchen, Beginning to Remember: The Past in the Indonesian Present (Seattle: Singapore University Press, 2005), 6. 2 M. Ridwan. Lubis, Sukarno & Modernisme Islam (Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2010), 63-64. 178 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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languages. He mastered Dutch, German, English, French, and Japanese as well as Bahasa Indonesia, Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese, and three other Indonesian local languages.3 1. Conflicts among the Elites There are many reasons that might be proposed on why and how Sukarno and his regime fell down. One of them is the irreconcilable conflicts among the elite. It is not only conflicts emerged from the race for political power, but also the dispute on philosophical and ideological orientations in understanding the project of nation-building. The most popular different standpoint among the elite, for example, was the contrasting conception about revolution between Sukarno and Hatta, who resigned as a VicePresident in 1957. For Sukarno, revolution was a journey which should be passed through until all of its ideals have been realized. According to Hatta, a revolution should not take time too long, not more than a few weeks or a few months. Quick afterward it should be checked for gaining a consolidation that will realize the revolutionary results.4 We can also find the similar conflict of interest among the elite between Sukarno and General A.H. Nasution. The different personality and outlook between both figures, Sukarno, a Javanese and a flamboyant figure and Nasution, a Sumatran, a devout Muslim, and anti-communist, had brought them into clashes on a number of occasions. On the role of the army, for instance, Sukarno wanted them as the loyal guardian and supporter of his orders. Meanwhile, Nasution intended to build them becoming stronger and more independent. Even the army stood fully behind the President but they should still have significant influence in his policies and actions.
3

Peter Hasting, The Guide in Profile (p. 7-15) in Sukarnos Guided Indonesia, edited by T.K. Tan (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1967), 8. 4 Ibid., 14-15. 179 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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This friction had tempted Sukarno to undermine Nasutions authority upon the army by promoting him to a new post with an administrative function, Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces in late June 1962.5 The command of the army then was hold by Lieutenant General Achmad Yani who filled the empty post left by Nasution.6 Another issue was related to the form of the governance. It seems that there was no integral conception in the beginning about how and in what way the state should be governed. Surely, the founding fathers had agreed in wrapping Indonesia as a republic. However, republic, unlike monarchy in the time of Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms, Islamic kingdoms, the Dutch, and also the Japanese, was a form of governance which had never known in practice by Indonesians before the independence. Nevertheless, this form was chosen to run their new independent state. Nasir Tamara assumed that they might take the United States who driven out the British and the France who erased the monarchy as the models.7 The period of the Old Order was in fact the time for Indonesians to ensure their selves of the best type of governance that should be taken. We see that after the independence Indonesia had experienced various revolutionary movements whether against external threats or internal frictions. And this political revolution of Indonesia was not complete until 17 August 1950. That Indonesia was then accepted as a new republican state which was not a federal state, nor an Islamic state, nor a Communist state, nor above all a Dutch colony.8 But hereby the problem was not necessarily resolved.
5

Peter Polomka, Indonesia since Sukarno (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1971), 63. 6 Ibid., 72. 7 Nasir Tamara, Indonesia Rising: Islam, Democracy, and the Rise of Indonesia as a Major Power (Singapore: Select Publishing, 2009), 44. 8 M.C. Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1300 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), 233. 180 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Benedict Anderson saw the Republic of Indonesia as a fragile amalgam of militaries, civil bureaucracies, incipient legislatures, and financial resources and liabilities. The survive of parliamentary democracy experimentation until about 1957, according to Anderson, simply because of no other form of regime was possible. The fragility of this amalgam was possible seen through such occurrences. The military hostility broke between ex-Republican and ex-KNIL elements in early 1950s. The state economically was burdened the costs of war and revolutionary rallies along with a $1,130 million debt inherited from the Netherland East Indies (NEI) state. The civil bureaucracies without coherence and discipline of the civil service apparatus also continued to crumble. Consequently, corruption spread and efficacy declined.9 Robert Elson saw that the Indonesian project from its beginning until the fall of the New Order was a deeply tragic failure.10 This country was seen as a project without soul, spirit, and deep sense of identity, purpose, and trajectory. What happened in so far was the struggle among its elite to impose their ideas from above upon the people whom they thought they represented. Unfortunately, their ideas seemed to be contradictory and irreconcilable. Referring to Steven Drakeley, it is actually a striking characteristic of identity politics. They relied mostly upon primordial loyalties whether religious and ethnic affiliations for their respective support bases. They all also, along with their promotion to be representatives of a particular primordial identitys interests, often

R. OG. Benedict Anderson, Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Jakarta & Kuala Lumpur: Equinox Publishing, 2006), 101-103. 10 Robert Elson, The Tragedy of Modern Indonesian History: An Inaugural Professorial Lecture (Griffith: Uniprint of Griffith University, 22 October 1998), 4. 181 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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claimed it as being the only authentic national identity.11 Elson said, In my view, the Indonesia project has been flawed from the very beginning by a refusal or inability of Indonesian leaders to confront and settle their differences.12 This opinion seems too gloomy in seeing Indonesian history, but it has its own significance to highlight the fact that the conflict among elites was the case. 2. The Centralization of Power The centralization of political power in the hand of President Sukarno was another reason for his fall. In the eyes of Peter Polomka, Sukarno was the only man who ever so completely dominate the Indonesian scene. It can be deducted from various titles and honors given to him during his lifetime such as President of the Republic of Indonesia, Mandatory of the Peoples Congress, Great Leader of the Revolution, the Mouthpiece of the Indonesian People, Chairman of the Supreme Operational Command, Great Leader of the Workers, Father of the Farmers, Highest Leader of the National Front, Caretaker of the Message of the Peoples Suffering, Supreme Commander of the Mental Revolution, Supreme Shepherd of the Womans Revolutionary Movement, Savior of the Nation, Lifetime Supreme Leader of the National Association of Football Clubs, Champion of Islam and Freedom, Supreme Scout, Prime Minister, His Most Exalted Excellency, and the Honorable Doctor Engineer Haji Raden Sukarno.13 Polomka portrayed him like Frances Louise XIV and the Javanese kings of old who had become so closely synonymous with the state itself, LEtat cest moi.14 This kind of concentrating power into single ruler commonly lies on such doctrines called

11

Steven Drakeley, The history of Indonesia (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2005), 92. 12 Ibid., 18. 13 Polomka, Indonesia since Sukarno, 58. 14 Ibid., 65-66. 182 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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plenitude potestas and princeps legibus solutes est. The state becomes the property of the sovereign.15 Guided Democracy as a form of Indonesian Government labeled by Sukarno in his latest period of presidency was centralized and authoritarian in nature. Under his leadership, Sukarno tried to maintain all significant power under his control. Daniel S. Lev identifies that Guided Democracy was powerfully centralized in three senses: political elite over society, the Jakarta center over the provinces, and charismatic Soekarno over other players.16 In many cases Sukarno tried to reconcile opposing political bodies and ideologies in certain way which make these differences were seemingly in unity and harmonious. For instance, he did it for two significant opposing political bodies namely the army led by General A.H. Nasution and Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI; the Indonesian Communist Party) led by D.N. Aidit. Ideologically, he also poured his endeavors to put in one cover three different streams under the title of NASAKOM which was an acronym of nationalism (NASionalisme), religion (Agama; particularly Islam), and communism (KOMunisme). Above these pillars he imagined a modern Indonesia will stand up.17 In other cases he was not reluctant to take repressive policies to undermine his opponents. It was well-known that he banned some political parties that opposed his politics. He imprisoned the leaders of these parties together with prominent intellectuals, journalists, and writers who dared to criticize him.18
15

Andrew Vincent, Theories of the State (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 4576. 16 Daniel S. Lev, Reformasi? (p. 11-18) in Good Governance and Conflic Resolution in Indonesia: From Authoritarian Government to Civil Society, edited by Andi Faisal Bakti (Jakarta: IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta & Logos Publishing Co., 2000), 14. 17 Tamara, Indonesia Rising, 69. 18 Ibid., 45. 183 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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3. The Economical Collapse The economical crisis and deprivation faced by the state and the people as indispensable impacts of the tragic failure of political adventure rallied by Sukarno were another possible reason of the fall of the Old Order. Sukarnos Romanticism of revolution had led him to run several ambitious political campaigns like the integration of West Papua and the crush of Malaysia which unfortunately brought to economical bankrupt. In strengthening the army to meet the military threat in Papua, for example, Indonesia had received military equipment from Russia worth about $US200 million in 1958. An additional economic aid about $US250 million was promised to be given in 1960. One year later, a Russian credit of $US400 million came to Indonesia. These sources obviously had lifted up Indonesian confidence in confrontation against the Dutch,19 though in the other hand, it surely increased its national economic burden with high debt as consequence. In December 1965 Indonesia had showed inability to pay its foreign debts. From the total medium and long-term debt of $US2,175 million, more than 60% was due to the Communist bloc countries mainly to the Soviet Union and mostly on account of military aid.20 While the political propaganda for the pride of national identity was done massively, the Indonesian people should accept that their economical life was seemingly neglected. Antonie C.A. Dake describes it as follows: () there was the ramshackle state of the economy taxation was chaotic, the network of roads was the prey of neglect, new buildings frequently stood abandoned because
19

R.C. de Iongh, West Irian Confrontation (p. 102-114) in Sukarnos Guided Indonesia, edited by T.K. Tan (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1967), 109110. 20 H.W. Arndt, Economic Disorder and the Task Ahead (p. 129-140) in Sukarnos Guided Indonesia, edited by T.K. Tan (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1967), 130. 184 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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of the lack of nance, while the telephone network worked either badly or not at all and had to be supplemented in the cities by runners. The ocial exchange rate was forty-ve rupees for one dollar, but in fact one had to fork out 8,500 rupiahs for one dollar. There was roaring ination that for the year 1965 was to amount to 500%. The price of rice was bumped up so sharply that it rose to nine times its previous level. It proved to be impossible to set up a budget for the current year, so it was not surprising that observers drew the conclusion that the Sukarno regime in 1965 was heading for complete collapse.21 4. Counterattacks against the Abortive Coup Attempt The most controversial reason of the fall of Sukarno and his regime was the failing coup detat in September 1965. It is still an academic dispute about who actually settled up the coup. There are many different theories circulating around this issue which is regarded as one of modern history's great mysteries.22 Was the coup initiated by PKI or, on the contrary, aimed against them? Did Sukarno involve in this project? However, Sukarno around this period had close relation with the leftists including political tendency of his regime which maintained official relation with China.23 K.D. Thomas
21

Antonie C.A. Dake, The Sukarno File, 19651967: Chronology of a Defeat (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2006), 3-4. 22 Drakeley, The history of Indonesia, 111. Here is relevant what Caldwell and Utrecht emphasized that the complex situation around the fall of Sukarno should not be reduced in a single narrative [Malcolm Caldwell and Ernst Utrecht, Sejarah Alternatif Indonesia, translated by Saut Pasaribu (Yogyakarta: Djamanbaroe, 2011)]. 23 At that time, Sukarno frequently condemned Communist-phobia which showed his inclination closer to the Communists [See Rex Mortimer, Indonesian Communism under Sukarno: Ideology and Politics, 1959-1965 (Jakarta & Singapore: Equinox Publishing, 2006), 365 and 371]. Even, in his speech, 28 February 1966, he said, In fact I have repeatedly and openly 185 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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said that it is hard to belief that the PKI had instigated a coup in September 1965.24 Benedict Anderson and Ruth McVey had concluded that a credible explanation about this issue was not founded yet. The anti-communist account like the official CIA report released in 1976 also did not mention it.25 Although for both scholars, the coup would clearly not come from the army leadership who lost six generals and nearly Nasution.26 George McT. Kahin in his testament said: I noted that although the coup was not predictable, it had been assumed that the army if given the opportunity would attempt to crush the Communist Party. These remarks were consistent with the views of Anderson, Bunnell and McVey, and, of course, deviated sharply from the official line then being assiduously propagated by Suharto and his adherents.27
declared, yes, I am a Marxist. I even said that Marhaenism is Marxism applied in Indonesia [See Harold Crouch, The Army and Politics in Indonesia (Singapore: Equinox Publishing, 2007), 187]. 24 K.D. Thomas, Political and Economic Instability: the Gestapu and its Aftermath (p. 115-126) in Sukarnos Guided Indonesia, edited by T.K. Tan (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1967), 120. 25 Zepezauer wrote that the failed coup, according to diplomatic documents, was a setup to justify the military deposed Sukarno and replaced him with Suharto. It was counted as one of the greatest hits of CIA around the world [Mark Zepezauer, The CIA's Greatest Hits (Tucson: Odonian Press, tt.), 3031]. 26 Hamish McDonald, Suhartos Indonesia (Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii, 1981), 45. 27 Ben Anderson, Fred Bunnell, and Ruth McVey from Cornel University had launched into a collective effort to learn about the still mysterious coup. The study culminated on 10 January 1966 with their production of a very tentative 161-page analysis, appropriately entitled A Preliminary Analysis of the October 1, 1965 Coup in Indonesia. The analysis was rapidly 186 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Another analysis on this issue comes from John Roosa. According to him, based on declassied U.S. government documents, the (anti-communist) generals in 1965 realized that they could not use an old-fashioned coup dtat against Sukarno because of his popularity among the people. They needed a pretext. The best pretext they hit upon was an unsuccessful coup attempt that could be blamed on the PKI. But, Roosa rejects to regard the PKIs coup attempt as a setup of the generals or a part of its opponents political conspiracy. Not all events seemed to be under control of the US embassy and the army generals. The movement originally came from Aidit with his Special Bureau. This coup was failed because of being poorly organized while the army in the opposing side had already prepared to launch a counterattack.28 The story of the coup began when Sukarno got serious illness early August 1965. According to the army version, D.N. Aidit, the Chairman of PKI, apparently feared the repression of the army against his party in the post-Sukarno period. He seemed to have certain information about the latest condition of Sukarnos health from Chinese doctors who took care of the President at that time.29 In securing his partys agenda, he is forced to set operations for removing the anti-communist army leaders from power.30 It was actually the continuation of four crucial strategies based on his political calculation earlier. PKI worked for expanding its political influence in Indonesia through militant mass mobilization, the

acquiring notoriety as the so-called Cornell Paper [George McT. Kahin, Southeast Asia: A Testament (London & New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 178-179]. 28 John Roosa, Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suhartos Coup dtat in Indonesia (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006), 176-177. 29 See Dake, The Sukarno File, 30. 30 Polomka, Indonesia since Sukarno, 75. 187 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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extraction of every ounce of benefit from Sukarno's benevolence and his confrontation predicament, the "softening up" of the political elite, and the neutralization of the armed forces.31 However, the claim of the coup leaders that this action was simply an internal problems of the army32 gave a deep impression that there was a bitter conflict among the army leaders particularly between the communist proponents and the anti-communists. The rumors related to the so-called Gilchrist letter in March 1965 which indicated secret contacts had been taken by the army generals with the United States and Britain to down fall Sukarno might become a political background during this crucial time. It surely had added tension and mistrust among existing parties in playing their political roles.33 It was noted that there were at least five assassination attempts on Sukarno in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Consequently, it was not surprised if rumors of possible military coup plotted against Sukarno emerged among his proponents particularly the communists. Furthermore, there was increasing repressive actions done by the army, police, and courts which were controlled by Sukarnos political adversaries to block their movement. For instance, there were regularly arrests of the PKIs members especially who involved in the land reform movement and also the ban of leftwing publications in the late 1964.34

31 32

Mortimer, Indonesian Communism, 372. This statement was released by PKI to underline that it did not involved in the (failed) coup attempt. It surely contradicted with the editorial of Harian Rakjat on October 2, 1965 which supported the September 30 Movement and reported the participation of PKI youth and woman in it. It also denounced the involvement of the PKI representatives named to the Revolution Council declared by the coup actors [See ibid., 389]. 33 Ibid., 77. 34 Max Lane, Unfinished Nation: Indonesia Before and After Suharto (London & New York: Verco, 2008), 31. See also Mortimer, 303. 188 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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In this situation, it is almost impossible if Sukarno with his political position did not grasped what was already taking place surrounding him. Though, he himself denied to his death on 21 June 1970 of being involved in the coup.35 Officially, Suharto who succeeded him had concluded through his speech in the Indonesian Congress in 1967 that Sukarno could not be marked as a direct instigator, or the mastermind, or even an important figure in the coup detat, the September 30th Movement.36 The Fall of the New Order The New Order was identical with the figure of Suharto who ruled as the president for almost 32 years. He was the beholder of Surat Perintah Sebelas Maret (Supersemar; Letter of 11 March) in which the president Sukarno gave him the authority to overcome critical conditions after the abortive coup attempt, 30 September 1965.37 According to Anderson, Suhartos New Order was best understood as: () the resurrection of the state and its triumph vis-vis society and nation. The basis for this triumph was laid in the physical annihilation of the PKI and its allies, the suppression of
35 36

Polomka, Indonesia since Sukarno, 77. McDonald, Suhartos Indonesia, 46. Col. Abdul Latief claimed that he had warned Suharto who hold the command of Kostrad two days before they took action on September 30, 1965. He also confessed that Suharto had given his own support for them. But on the morning after the murders, Suharto denounced his involvement and acted swiftly and assertively to force the conspirators troops to surrender. Latief felt that he was betrayed by Suharto [Kevin ORourke, Reformasi: The Struggle for Power in PostSoeharto Indonesia (Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2002), 5]; See also Damien Kingsbury, Power Politics and the Indonesian Military (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 57. 37 Interestingly, Harold Crouch saw Supersemar as a disguised coup done by Suharto to unseat Sukarno [Crouch, 189]; and McDonald, 54. 189 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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popular movements, sweeping purges of the state apparatus, and the removal of President Sukarno as an effective political force.38 In explaining the fall of this regime, as similar to the fall of Sukarnos Old Order, there are some reasons that could be presented here.39 1. The Centralization of Power Long before the establishment of Indonesia as an independence nation state, a social hierarchy has become one important characteristic of local communities throughout the archipelago.40 Herewith political patronage became an important concept to understand this type of societies where the relationship between elites and people was mostly defined in the form of patronclient model.41 This tendency was obviously tied with the two governments of post-independence Indonesia, the Old and New Order. According to Andi Faisal Bakti, it was actually perpetual from the traditions of the Dutch. Both regimes believed that only a Javanese leadership could and was able to manage and serve the political will and life of the entire population. It is believed that only through the military power that system stability and security could be guaranteed. Under dictatorial leadership Indonesia could be governed. In addition, both Sukarno and Suharto also tried to make
38

All of these were achieved between October 1965 and April 1966 under decisive military command of Major General Suharto [Anderson, 109]. 39 See Richard Robison and Vedi R. Hadiz, Reorganising Power in Indonesia: The politics of Oligarchy in an Age of Markets (London & New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004), 164-166. 40 Thung Ju Lan, Ethnicity and the Civil Rights Movement in Indonesia (p. 215-233) in Civil Society in Southeast Asia, edited by Lee Hock Guan (Singapore: ISEAS & Nias Press, 2004), 221. 41 See James C. Scott, Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia in The American Political Science Review, Vol. 66, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), pp. 91-113. 190 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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their political doctrines sacral by fostering some myths and taboos to support it.42 Fortunately, in the case of the New Order, the people are not blind. The demands for good governance are growing rapidly and it has resulted in the rise of the new era named Reformasi. The centralization of power without question existed under Suhartos New Order. However, according to Edward Aspinall, the New Order was an authoritarian regime which played a limited pluralism, the combination of repression and toleration. So, there was still some space for independent political action even there was no place for a legally sanctioned opposition that openly raced for political contestation.43 These spaces in a certain sense, as found in the meaning of keterbukaan (openness) around 1980s of the New Order, enabled opposition groups to exercise their agenda.44 Elaborating Juan Linz typology, Aspinall identifies four main variants of opposition existing and actively working under the New Order either covertly or openly: mobilizational opposition, semiopposition, alegal opposition, and proto-opposition. Mobilizational opposition explicitly expressed a desire to replace the regime with another system and to mobilize a support base to achieve this aim. Semiopposition, by contrast, was willing to participate in power without fundamentally challenging the regime. The three major mass-based aliran or political streams (excluding the communist left) namely modernist Islam, traditionalist Islam, and Sukarnoist
42

Andi Faisal Bakti, Good Governance and Conflict Resolution in Indonesia: From Authoritarian Government to Civil Society (p. 3-9) in Good Governance and Conflic Resolution in Indonesia: From Authoritarian Government to Civil Society, edited by Andi Faisal Bakti (Jakarta: IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta & Logos Publishing Co., 2000), 5. 43 Edward Aspinall, Opposing Suharto: Compromise, Resistance, and Regime Change in Indonesia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), 2-5. 44 Vince Boudreau, Resisting Dictatorship: Repression and Protest in Southeast Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 215. 191 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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nationalism were most common falling under this kind of expression. Alegal opposition existed between the two extremes of semi- and mobilizational opposition. Without being strictly illegal, it tended to make more fundamental criticisms of the regime than did the semiopponents. It commonly manifested in the form of dissident views. The fourth category was civil society organizations or protoopposition. Being relative independence from state structures, it pursued strictly limited and partial aims. Its opposition was characterized by incrementalism rather than confrontation.45 Aspinall argues that the regime in the beginning might be a collective enterprise, grounded in the military-civilian alliance of 196566, and it took Suharto the better part of the 1970s to establish his unquestioned dominance (...) As time passed, the personalist and sultanistic features of the regime became more and more obvious. As Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, one former minister, described that Suharto dropped his old habit of listening to people and just ranted at them.46 The increasingly sultanistic character of the regime in a certain extent affected how it fell. The palaces venality greatly

45

Ibid., 6-9. Hefner identifies two social entities which are fundamental in developing society namely social capital and civil society. Civil society may refer to civil networks covering the clubs, religious organizations, business groups, labor unions, human rights groups, and other associations organized and engaged on the basis of voluntarism and mutuality, independent of the state. By social capital he means accumulative cultural endowments including material goods and institutions that facilitate the performance of certain social tasks effectively [Robert W. Hefner, Civil Islam: Muslim and Democratization in Indonesia (Princeton & Oxford: Princeton Universiy Press, 2000), 22]; See also Lee Hock Guan, Introduction: Civil Society in Southeast Asia (p. 1-26) in Civil Society in Southeast Asia, edited by Lee Hock Guan (Singapore: ISEAS & Nias Press, 2004), 2-7. 46 Aspinall, Opposing Suharto, 204-205. 192 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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extinguished regimes legitimacy and fueled the eruption of transition.47 2. The Economical Crisis Indonesia, during the New Order era, according to Richard Robinson, can be seen theoretically as a technocratic state, a bureaucratic polity, a comprador state, and state qua state. He summarized that the operation of the state in Indonesia is actually a complex business which involves many factors within. Viewed from a triangular model, there was an interrelation among the operation of the state, society, and economy. The role of capital and capitalists, who controlled the political and economical sources, becomes so decisive in this term.48 Eric Hiariej argues that the financial crisis therefore originated in the nature of New Order state capitalism and the rise of Suharto and his cronies. From the beginning, this state was marked by the allocation of patronage and corruption to nurture the capital-owning class. These subjective state-capital relations came under attack when the currency crisis started to affect the real economy. 49 Indonesia obviously was enjoying a tremendous economic growth in 1990s. But, it was a common sense among businessman that Indonesian economy at that time working altogether with prominent features of the KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism) economy such as kickbacks, bribes and gifted shareholdings. These costly practices were taken to ensure that particularly large-scale projects could be done. Typically, the beneficiaries were members of

47 48

Ibid., 208. Richard Robison, Indonesia: The Rise of Capital (North Sydney: Allen & Unwin Pty Ltd., 1986). 49 Eric Hiariej, The Historical Materialism and the Politics of the Fall of Suharto (Master Thesis) (Canberra: The Autralian National University, 2005), 168. 193 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Suhartos family or Cendana,50 referring to the name of the street where Suhartos house standing. ORourke notes: The boom was sustained by a combination of abundant resources, a long track record of steady economic growth and Indonesias irresistible allure to foreign financiers who were awash in capital. But the key ingredient that sealed Indonesias fate was a conspicuous lack of prudential regulation. In fact, Indonesias regulatory superstructure didnt just turn a blind eye to corruption: it actively took part in propagating the KKN economysystematically and at virtually all levels of government.51 Later on, this increasing economy was proved to have a crucial problems. For maintaining their businesses, around 800 Indonesian companies had in fact borrowed offshore. The others had borrowed dollar loans from local banks which mostly exceeded their dollar assets. These credits were estimated $80 billion which roughly four times greater than BIs gross reserves and many times greater than its liquid reserves.52 It was truly vulnerable to serious troublesome in the currency crisis. And this was the case. Indonesia had to face economically a backlash from a boom to a doom. The nal collapse of the economy occurred when the rupiah plunged to the rate seventeen thousand to dollar on 22 January

50

ORourke, Reformasi, 31-32. KKN is an acronym of Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism). In comparison with clientelistic democracy, see also: Herbert Kitschelt and Steven I. Wilkinson, Citizenpolitician Linkages: An Introduction in Patrons, Clients, and Policies: Patterns of Democratic Accountability and Political Competition, edited by Herbert Kitschelt and Steven I. Wilkinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 3. 51 Ibid., 37. 52 Ibid., 40-41. 194 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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1998.53 It hits both the middle classes and the poor with multiplying bankruptcies, soaring prices of consumer goods, and resulting jobless more than a million workers. Suhartos response to the crisis, with giving tactical concessions to the markets by agreeing to the demands of the IMF, could not stop the increasingly apocalyptic predictions of violence. This situation was susceptible to be used as a mean to threaten the regime in the demand of more rapid political change.54 3. The Crisis of Legitimacy Suhartos claim to political power actually relied on his ability to maintain stability and economic growth. The economic crisis followed by social and political unrests deeply undermined his legitimacy.55 The economical crisis obviously had stormed one pillar of those New Orders political strengths. While, on the other hand, the social and political stability got a challenge from increasingly opposition struggles and also friction among the elites. Hiariej saw that the crisis of legitimacy was the determinant factor which ended this regime.56 Signing the rise of dissatisfaction among the people toward the regime, mass protests grew rapidly in many towns and cities in Indonesia. In this moment, the first and best figure among all the elite who played a significant role in pushing mass movement to achieve a real political change was Amien Rais, the chairman of Muhammadiyah. Almost immediately after the MPR session, he toured campuses to urge students to continue their struggle. By mid53

It was three days after Suharto tapped Habibie for the vice-presidency [See: ORourke, 64]. 54 Aspinall, Opposing Suharto, 211-212. 55 See Adam Schwarz, Introduction: The Politics of Post-Suharto Indonesia (p. 1-15) in The Politics of Post-Suharto, edited by Adam Schwarz and Jonathan Paris (New York: Council of Foreign Relations Press, 1999), 4-5. 56 Hiariej, The Historical Materialism, 181. 195 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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April 1998, he began to call definitely of people power. He said, If democratic means to bring about change have reached a dead-end, there is no other way except a mass movement.57 Indonesia, prior to the resignation of Suharto, was then flooded by mass demonstrations which involved students and non-students. The Trisakti killings on May 12 and subsequent riots had intensified political unrest around the country. Pressure on Suharto to resign increased greatly among opposition elites as well as student activists. To organize opposition, on May 14, Majelis Amanat Rakyat (the Peoples Mandate Council, or MAR) was announced by Amien Rais. On May 15, Forum Kerja Indonesia (Indonesian Working Forum) was set up including Nahdlatul Ulama (NU; Renaissance of Islamic Scholars), Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI; Indonesian Democratic Party) gures, and MAR members. On student side, on May 18, a delegation of student senate leaders moved to the DPR demanding an extraordinary session of the MPR. The next morning, DPR building was already occupied by thousands of students dressed in their university jackets. May 20 actually had long been planned as a national day of action, but because of the military warning Amien Rais canceled a planned million-person rally at Monas (the National Monument) in Jakarta.58 Even it did not stop over half a million

57

Aspinall, Opposing Suharto, 230; Suhartos dominant control upon the ruling elite and the state apparatus which was common in sultanistic regimes, had blocked the hope of a regime-initiated transition. Consequently, the only alternative of regime change should be initiated by the society. With condition of most opposition groups which played semiopposition strategy were not prepared for it, they could not avoid to be catapulted to the forefront of a more or less chaotic way of political transition [See ibid., 209]. 58 According to Amien Rais, who contacted and ascertained him that the military had been prepared to fill grounds of the Monas with blood in comparable to Beijings Tiananmen Square crackdown was Maj. Gen. Kivlan 196 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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students and others to launch protest in Yogyakarta, Bandung, and other places.59 One day later, the New Order did come to an end. On Thursday morning, at 8.30, Soeharto left his residence for the first time in days. Accompanied by Tutut, his daughter, he arrived at the presidential palace and strode directly into the plush Jepara Room. Waiting in an adjoining stateroom were a host of ministers, generals and parliamentarians. The president was forthright and unemotional: Ladies and gentlemen, I will use Paragraph 8 of the 1945 Constitution and declare that I am resigning from my post as the president of Indonesia. He then moved next door to the Credentials Room, filled with journalists, photographers and camera crews. Consequently, having taken into account the input from parliament and its constituent factions, I have decided to announce my resignation as the president of the Republic of Indonesia effective from the moment I read this statement on Thursday 21 May 1998 ...To the people of Indonesia, I express thanks and ask forgiveness for any mistakes or shortcomings that may have occurred.60 The Place of Islam To identify the place of Islam in the fall of two regimes, the Old and New Order, I think we should realize its nature particularly in the context of Indonesian politics. Firstly, Islam is an integral part of Indonesian history. Since its political uphold in the archipelago, Islam existed in any political struggles or resistances occurring from the colonial times to the present. Secondly, Islam is not a uniform entity.
Zein, one of Prabowos chief lieutenants in Kostrad [See ORourke, Reformasi, 132]. 59 Aspinall, Opposing Suharto, 232-233. 60 ORourke, Reformasi, 134. 197 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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There is a polyinterpretability within Islam. It means that Islam is one religion but its expressions and interpretations are many.61 Prior to the 1945 Indonesia independence, for example, Indonesian Muslims were splitted into three parties in addressing what ideology should be taken for the basis of the state: fundamentalists, reformists, and accomodationists.62 Thirdly, Islam has a sense of adaptability toward the ever changing circumstances. The involvement of Muslim elites and students in the overthrow of Suharto in May 1998 may gave an illustration on how Islam could be exercised to articulate its values in new demands of democratic political context.63 All these realms of Islam can help us to understand the phenomena of political Islam which vary in much cases on Indonesian political scene. 1. The Emasculation of Political Islam The Old and New Order targeted Islamic groups as part of their political strategy. It is easy to understand because of some segments of those groups might have resisted the regimes political agenda. To overcome this potential threat, the ruling regime needed to ensure that political Islam would not harm their interests. The emasculation of political Islam was then a sensible option. Under Sukarnos Old Order, some approaches had been taken to deal with political Islam. The first was the crush of political Islam movements militarily. It was done by Sukarno to banish some rebellions campaigning of the idea of Islamic state particularly Darul

61

Bahtiar Effendy, Islam and the State in Indonesia (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003), 6; See also: Hefner, Civil Islam, 7. 62 This dichotomy was made by Allan A. Samson [Hefner, Civil Islam, 47]. 63 See Robert W. Hefner, Islam and Nation in the Post-Suharto Era (p. 4072) in The Politics of Post-Suharto, edited by Adam Schwarz and Jonathan Paris (New York: Council of Foreign Relations Press, 1999), 45. 198 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Islams (DI; the House of Islam) revolt.64 The second was the banning of political Islams party. He set up this approach to isolate the influence of political Islam who opposed him. Here, Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia (Masyumi; Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims) in which modernist Muslims harbored their political aspirations became the victim along with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PSI; the Indonesian Socialist Party). The third, in contrast to what he have done toward modernists political vehicle, he invited NU, representing traditionalist Muslims, to support his regime altogether with the army and PKI under the synthesizer flag of NASAKOM. Under the New Order, Islam had experienced similar destiny even in a slight different fashion. Suharto used also tactics to emasculate political Islam in his period. After working hand in hand with Islamic groups to eliminate PKIs elements in 1966-1967, firstly, he still orchestrated issues of radical Islam to domesticate the threat of political Islam. The case of Komando Jihad and Tanjung Priok were some of prominent examples jointly with Daerah Operasi Militer (DOM; the Area of Military Operations) in Aceh.65 Secondly, he intervened into the process of selecting leaders within Islamic political parties such as Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi; the Indonesian Muslims Party) to ensure the effective emasculation of political Islam.66 Thirdly, by such reasons, he engineered to simplify the political party system by urging existing political parties to merge based on ideological similarities. It resulted in the establishment of three political parties: Golongan Karya (Golkar; Functional Groups), Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP; United Party of Development),
64

Douglas E. Ramage, Politics in Indonesia: Democracy, Islam and the Ideology of Tolerance (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 8. 65 See Donald J. Porter, Managing Politics and Islam in Indonesia (London & New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002), 134; and Ramage, Politics in Indonesia, 12. 66 Ibid., 41. 199 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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and PDI.67 Fourthly, after a success in previous policy, he stepped further to harmonize those political parties into single basis (asas tunggal) namely Pancasila.68 Fifthly, Suharto in his later period of presidency seemed to play a wider accommodative approach toward political Islam. It manifested in his willingness to support and involve in ICMI.69 2. The Politics of Balancing Power It was a formidable task to maintain a country of so many different races, religions, cultures and traditions in unity. To survive, in political point of view, it is a need of the ruling regime to secure its power from chaotic rivalries among the different. This was what the two Orders aimed at by employing the politics of balancing power in addressing political adversaries. They benefitted much from segmentations within Muslims in this context. Lee Khoon Choy, the former of Singapore ambassador for Indonesia, analyzes that the failure of Suharto was just similar to what Sukarno had done before. Both presidents tried to play an act of balancing among existing forces, but they finally failed. When Suharto realized that the army was no longer automatically supporting him,70 he moved closer to Muslims in enhancing his legitimacy. The most vivid example was his appointment for Habibie
67

See Andreas Ufen, Political parties and democratization in Indonesia (p. 153-175) in Democratization in Post-Suharto Indonesia, edited by Marco Bnte and Andreas Ufen (London & New York: Routledge, 2009), 156; and Stefan Eklf, Power and Political Culture in Suhartos Indonesia: The Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and Decline of the New Order (198698) (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2003), 55. 68 See Eklf, Power and Political Culture, 293; Porter, Managing Politics, 46; and Ramage, Politics in Indonesia, 18. 69 See Ramage, Politics in Indonesia, 49. 70 See Angel Rabasa and John Haseman, The Militart and Democracy in Indonesia: Challenges, Politics, and Power (Santa Monica: RAND, 2002), 37. 200 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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as his vice president. This step obviously irritated the will of the army who saw Habibie as a danger because of his position at that time as head of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI; the Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Association) and his support for the democratization and the reduction of the militarys influence in Indonesian politics. It is quite similar to what had happened with Sukarno. When he found there was no enough support from the army, he started efforts to obtain balancing power from PKI. However, according to Choy, some Javanese leaders saw the failure actually did not relied on the irreconciliability of the existing political powers, but because of one of them tried to impose its interests on the others by using force.71 3. The Necessity of Political Islam Indonesians political experiences under the two regimes affirm that political Islam was always becoming a necessity in any political calculations. It was not merely because of its number of adherents who consisted of the majority among Indonesian people, but historically Islam had appeared to be a significant political entity with its potential and actual power to influence political constellations in Indonesia. Both regimes vividly never fully abandoned Islam behind their political policies. They seemed to be aware of the risk of this stake. In managing the political equilibrium, Islam was one element which could not be neglected beside the other national elements. In fact, they fell down when the political reality pulled out political Islam from the side of both rulers.72 It was why, for instance, even in the last minutes of his days Suharto kept trying to get any refuge from leaders of political Islam.

71

Lee Khoon Choy, A Fragile Nation: The Indonesian Crisis (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd., 1999), 26-30. 72 See Porter, Managing Politics, 210. 201 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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By saying the necessity of political Islam it does not mean that the fall of the two regimes was caused solely by political Islam. It was actually like any other historical events characterized as a discursive reality where many factors playing within. Considering M.C. Ricklefs,73 I fully admit that Indonesia was built on various efforts with various sources of ideology. When the national identity which encompassed local ethnic identities was still hardly to be found, we capture how religions such as Islam, Protestant, Catholic, and other beliefs contributing in developing ideas for independence struggle as well as secular nationalism, socialism, and communism. In short, I must recognize religion not as the only factor that ideologically determines the nation building of Indonesia. Though, religion has ability to energize fighting spirits among members of certain organization or movement and to mobilize people massively. Under the Old and New Order, Islam had been treated as a political source to support political changes or conversely to preserve a status quo. For example, Sukarno had politicized Islam to strengthen his political power through NASAKOM while in other time it was used to campaign against him and PKI. Hereby Islam might appear as the symbol of resistance and opposition against the ruling regime. But, it might also perform as the vanguard of the ruling regime through cooperation or even cooptation. The nature of these political relations was not permanent. It was always in the flux of political dynamic. Such Islamic group was possible to take the former position with the regime in the beginning, but it was not impossible that the political agent would choose a reversal position in the later period. For instance, the political stances showed by two variants of political Islam traditionalists and modernists in the case of the 1996 PDI crisis.74

73 74

Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia, 212. See: Aspinall, Opposing Suharto, 193-198; and 219. 202 | En Arche, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2011)

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Conclusion The fall of two regimes the Old and New Order was a result of political rivalry among competing powers. Both authoritarian regimes ended when their domination by which they maintained the order and balance of political powers crumbled. In Sukarnos Old Order the fall was exacerbated by some factors particularly irreconcilable conflicts among the elites, the centralization of political power, the economic collapse, and the counterattack against the abortive coup attempt in 1965 which affected the demise of communists political power. While the end of Suhartos New Order was accelerated mainly by its centralization of power, the economic catastrophe, and the crisis of legitimacy which stimulated mass demonstrations and violence. Within those political turbulences, Islam as political power always existed and played its role whether to safeguard a ruling regime or to support political transition. Considering political experiences of the Old and New Order, I conclude that Islam in Indonesian political context is a necessity. As long as this religion remains to have the majority adherents among Indonesian people, Islam will become inavoidable aspect to maintain political power in Indonesia. Neglecting Islam or failing in balancing power equilibrium among existing parties is too risky and may open the gate of political disaster. We should learn it from the fall of both regimes, the Old and New Order.

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NOTES FOR AUTHORS

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