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Ethnicity, Race, and Nationalism

Rogers Brubaker
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009.35:21-42. Downloaded from by Florida International University on 11/23/09. For personal use only.
Department of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles, California 90095; email:

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009. 35:21–42 The Annual Review of Sociology is online at This article’s doi: 10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115916 Copyright c 2009 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved 0360-0572/09/0811-0021$20.00

Key Words
identity, culture, classification

This article traces the contours of a comparative, global, crossdisciplinary, and multiparadigmatic field that construes ethnicity, race, and nationhood as a single integrated family of forms of cultural understanding, social organization, and political contestation. It then reviews a set of diverse yet related efforts to study the way ethnicity, race, and nation work in social, cultural, and political life without treating ethnic groups, races, or nations as substantial entities, or even taking such groups as units of analysis at all.


Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009.35:21-42. Downloaded from by Florida International University on 11/23/09. For personal use only.

The scholarship on ethnicity, race, and nationalism has become unsurveyably vast. Numerous articles in the various social science Annual Reviews have addressed particular themes, problems, and strands of research in this domain.1 Clearly, any review must be ruthlessly selective. I focus on two trends of the past two decades (though both have older roots). The first is the emergence of an integrated interdisciplinary field of study embracing ethnicity, race, and nationalism in all the varied forms they have assumed in different times and places. The second is the development of a set of analytic resources for studying the way ethnicity, race, and nation work in social, cultural, and political life without treating ethnic groups, races, or nations as substantial entities, or even taking such groups as units of analysis at all.

The literature on ethnicity, race, and nations and nationalism was long fragmented and compartmentalized. Ethnicity and ethnopolitics; race, racism, and racial politics; and nationhood and nationalism were largely separate fields of study. The literature was fragmented along disciplinary lines as well: There was relatively little cross-fertilization between work in sociology, anthropology, political science, and history, and still less between these and other disciplines such as archaeology, linguistics, economics, and disciplines in the humanities. Finally, the literature was fragmented along regional lines: There was little sustained comparative work and often little awareness of cross-regional variation in understandings and configurations of ethnicity, race, and nationhood. Much of the literature produced in and on the United States, in


A selective list of only the most wide ranging of these in the last quarter century would include Olzak (1983), Yinger (1985), B. Williams (1989), Foster (1991), Calhoun (1993), Alonso (1994), R. Williams (1994), Harrison (1995), Brubaker & Laitin (1998), Kohl (1998), Nagel (2000), Winant (2000), Friedland (2001), Sanders (2002), and Chandra (2006).

particular, was strikingly parochial (Wacquant 1997, pp. 223–24). This pattern of fragmentation persists in many respects; in some ways, it has even become more pronounced. In part, fragmentation is an unavoidable consequence of the explosion of work on ethnicity, race, and nationalism. Moreover, even as disciplinary compartmentalization has weakened, what might be called paradigmatic compartmentalization has not: discourseanalytic, game-theoretic, institutionalist, political economic, evolutionary psychological, ethnosymbolist, cognitive, network-analytic, and agent-based modeling-oriented work are all, to varying degrees, interdisciplinary undertakings; but apart from a few relatively proximate pairings, there is minimal crossfertilization among these enterprises. And while the institutionalization of African American studies and other ethnic studies programs in the United States has helped overcome disciplinary boundaries, it has reinforced a groupbased compartmentalization. Yet while fragmentation and compartmentalization persist, a growing body of work has reframed the study of ethnicity, race, and nationalism in broader and more integrated terms. This has generated a new field of study that is comparative, global, cross-disciplinary, and multiparadigmatic, and that construes ethnicity, race, and nationhood as a single integrated family of forms of cultural understanding, social organization, and political contestation. This section traces the contours of this new field, addressing each of these characteristics in turn. In the first place, the field is both expressly and implicitly comparative. Following the trail blazed by the pioneering comparative studies of Geertz (1963), Schermerhorn (1970), Degler (1971), Van den Berghe (1978 [1967]), Fredrickson (1981), Banton (1983), Horowitz (1985), Hroch (1985), and others, a growing body of comparative work has taken as its units of analysis not only countries (see inter alia Brubaker 1992, Greenfeld 1992, Lustick 1993, Vujacic 1996, Laitin 1998, Marx 1998, Yashar 1999, Centeno 2002, Wimmer 2002, Ron 2003, Joppke 2005, Kalyvas & Kocher 2007,



and the replacement of colonial empires by putatively national postcolonial states (Geertz 1963. semifree. Curtin 1998). is informed by a broad comparative understanding of differing ways in which race has been understood and institutionalized in the Americas—a useful corrective to the tendency of some earlier work on Brazil to take U. In addition to analyzing these global structural transformations and their consequences. Another body of work has traced the origins and development of ideas of race (Banton 1977. Smith 1986. 2006). Banks 1996. understandings of race as the norm and to ask why “blacks” in Brazil have failed to pursue “their” interests (Loveman 1999a). and cultural space.annualreviews. for a critical reformulation of the notion of modularity. 81) argument about the “modular” manner in which nationalist models were “made available for pirating” has been particularly influential. Eriksen 1993. Chandra 2004. and historical epochs (Smith 1986. world regions. the Atlantic slave trade (Fredrickson 1981. Even those who are not comparativists per se have become increasingly aware of the broad spectrum of variation in the social organization and political expression of ethnicity. cities (Friedland & Hecht 1998. and frame arguments.35:21-42. and nation and of templates of organization and claims-making informed by these understandings. Rex 1986. chapter 5. Wacquant 2008) but also empires. race. free. the rise of the modern capitalist and industrial economy (Gellner 1983). Sociol. chapter 3).S. New institutionalist work has offered a different take on the diffusion of powerfully authoritative models of nation-statehood (Meyer 1987. and civilizations (Armstrong 1982. and national classification. regions. and Nationalism 23 Annu. Giesen 1998. I mean rather that the field is increasingly informed by an understanding of the world as a single integrated social. and ethnolinguistic groups (Horowitz 2001. For personal use only. Gorski 2000. Jenkins 1997. the global circulation of labor. Anderson 1991. Breuilly 1993. see Goswami 2002). 2009.¨ Posner 2007. Wilkinson 2004). the field is • Ethnicity. Anderson’s (1991. chapter 3. including the process of www. and political claims-making are increasingly understood to have been generated by structural and cultural transformations that have been global in scope. provinces. chapter by Florida International University on 11/23/09. economic. Varshney 2002). Smith 2003). Cornell & Hartmann 1998. Rev. political. Brubaker 1996). Hechter 2000). This comparative awareness is evident in the framing of a number of sophisticated overviews or surveys (Rothschild 1981. Diffusion and international cultural modeling have been particularly strong themes in the literature on nationalism. and nation. scholars have traced the global diffusion and local rearticulation of cultural understandings of ethnicity. characterized by Calhoun (1997) as a quintessentially international discourse. p. Race. Breuilly 1993). though it was criticized by Chatterjee (1993) for downplaying the creative contributions of intellectuals to the articulation of distinctive national self-understandings (these contributions have been explored by Herzfeld 1982. King 2002. employing direct rather than indirect rule (Hobsbawm 1990. Structural transformations include the European colonization of the non-European world (van den Berghe 1981. Work on religious nationalism has highlighted the diffusion and adaptation of motifs of chosenness and covenant (Gorski 2000. Alba & Nee 2003). Wimmer & Min 2006). But it is also evident even in the case study literature (Hechter 1975. racial. Verdery 1991. Second. Varying configurations of ethnic. Apart from such expressly comparative work. though regionally differentiated in their effects. Loveman’s (2001) account of race and nation-building in Brazil. By global I do not mean that the field covers all world regions. and coerced. Fenton 1999). ethnoreligious. Ozkirimli & Sofos 2008. race. the rise of the centralized territorial state. and Boyer & Lomnitz 2005. and this awareness has informed the ways in which they construe the field. there is a further sense in which the field is comparative. 1999). Downloaded from arjournals. Tilly 1996.annualreviews. Brubaker et al. social organization. pose questions. 1987). for example. Suny & Kennedy 1999. . or states within federal polities (Beissinger 2002. Verdery 1983. although it does in fact do so. ethnoracial.

Gellner (1983). Tsing 2007). race. the field is interdisciplinary. Brubaker & J. Laitin (1998). Thus scholars have analyzed the emergence of transborder forms of nationhood and nationalism (Anderson 1998. Fourth. In recent years. By multiparadigmatic I do not mean simply that ethnicity. the diffusion and institutionalization of notions of human rights and. diasporic forms of ethnicity. race. the development and popularization of new forms of genetic self-understanding. multicultural forms of nationalism and national self-understanding (Brown 2005). sociolinguistics (Gal 1989). But the reconfiguration of ethnicity. In this as in other fields. Yet there are also examples of sustained interdisciplinary collaboration (Friedland & Hecht 1998. Appadurai 1996. p.adaptation and rearticulation of racial and racist idioms in non-Western settings such as East Asia. postethnic (Hollinger 1995). and the diffusion of ideas of indigeneity and of associated models of organization and claimsmaking (Bowen 2000. This is of course true. and nationhood (Clifford 1994. and patterns of political claims-making is more plausible than their supersession. as exemplified in influential work by Deutsch (1953). both of which impose limits on models of unitary and sovereign nation-statehood.annualreviews. Foster & Sharp 2004) future. political science. and nationalism are studied from a wide range of paradigmatic perspectives. And insofar as work is fragmented along paradigmatic lines—insofar as paradigmatic incommensurability leads Annu. Jenkins (1997). Third. in this as in other fields. cognitive neuroscience (Phelps & Thomas 2003). and biomedicine (Epstein 2007). Brubaker 2005). Tololyan 1996. and cultural transformations that have shaped configurations of ethnicity. anthropology. but it is not new. For personal use only. evolutionary psychology ( James & Goetze 2001. the characterization I offer here is therefore more tentative. race. 2003). Rothschild (1981). Glick Schiller 2005. Hobsbawm (1990). multiculturalism. The borderlands between sociology. This has both an institutional and an intellectual aspect. chapter 3. Igoe 2006. Hirschfeld (1996). 2006) and of interdisciplinary work by individual scholars. to be sure. and the “genetic reinscription of race” (El-Haj 2007). experimental economics (Bouckaert & Dhaene 2004). and Wimmer (2002). Recent interdisciplinary work has involved forays into pharmacogenomics (Foster 2003). .35:21-42. more recently. ¨ ¨ race. and the shifting priorities and agendas of foundations and other funding agencies. or postracial (Gilroy 2000. Calhoun (1997). unpublished manuscript). academic programs. and nation as idioms of cultural understanding. Sociol. and research centers. through which cultural intermediaries “endowed foreign cultural repertoires with ¨ indigenous meanings” (Dikotter 1997. research projects. political. political theory. Institutionally. history. economic. reflecting the weakening role of disciplines in organizing intellectual life. and psychology have been well traveled. It is not accidental that so many of the leading scholars in the field have moved easily across disciplinary boundaries. Brubaker et al. Recent transformations include the development of communications and transportation infrastructures that facilitate the establishment and maintenance of transborder ties and thus encourage diasporic and transnational modes of identification and organization. many ostensibly interdisciplinary undertakings involve parallel discipline-bound projects with little cross-disciplinary conversation or cross-fertilization. Kim. 1999. these ongoing structural and cultural transformations point in the direction of a postnational (Soysal 1994. Smith (1986). On some accounts. The global social. Verdery (1983). 2009. Rev. but scholars must increasingly range further afield. Geertz (1963). chapter 8). Downloaded from arjournals. archeology (Kohl 1998). see also R. the range of interdisciplinary work has expanded. there has been a striking growth of interdisciplinary 24 Brubaker journals. Wodak et al. McElreath et al. 6).org by Florida International University on 11/23/09. the field is multiparadigmatic. and nationalism are of course ongoing. the changing intellectual horizons and orientations of scholars. Horowitz (1985). Joppke 2005. This is a more incipient development than the others I have sketched. modes of social organization. Niezen 2000.

and nationalism (for such skepticism. the emerging field treats race. 902–3). 15–34. 41–51). These authors (with the partial exception of Laitin 1998) do not attempt to subsume these multiple perspectives into a single higher-order theoretical framework. Brubaker et al. pp. pp. pp. 23– 24. Brubaker (2004a. It is based on the recognition (already noted by Weber 1978. pp. pp. and nationalism as belonging to a single integrated domain. The challenge. singly or in combination (as summarized by Banton 1983. however. Wimmer 2008). Following the lead of such scholars as Geertz (1963. a macrohistorical account of state formation. and economic perspectives in his account of the origins and spread of nationalism. pp. chapter 4). 86–96). Wallman (1978. and Horowitz (1985. pp. underscore the heterogeneity of the processes. Winant 2000) on their own as phenomena with their own structures and dynamics.. 21–24. 74–75. ethnicity voluntary. ethnicity coordinate groups. Some scholars continue to argue for the categorical distinctiveness of race and for studying race. ethnicity on differences of culture. “racialized social systems” (Bonilla-Silva 1997. 1999. and game-theoretic modeling of individual choice in his account of processes of identity formation among Russian-speaking minorities in Soviet successor states. Still. is to go beyond a casual eclecticism toward an integrated division of explanatory labor by specifying the nature of the interface between processes governed by differing logics or unfolding on different temporal or spatial scales. and nationalism. 469. 83. 357–62) makes a similar argument about ethnicity and nationalism more generally. they emphasize rather the extensive overlapping and blurring between the two. . Loveman 1999b. a sociolinguistic experiment. Miles & Brown 2003. race to arise from processes of exclusion. ethnicity of internal self-identification. pp. 104. Cornell & Hartmann 1998. at least with respect to the integration of race and ethnicity. pp. see inter alia Calhoun 1997. Laitin (1998) draws on ethnographic portraits. pp. 202–5). race to be rigid. political-institutional. 2009. 8. Wade 1997. race to be a matter of external categorization. pp.35:21-42. one can discern the outlines of such an emerging field. Race. pp. pp. race to involve superand subordinate. ethnicity flexible.g. 9–10. of course.annualreviews. ethnicity. 19–21. Fenton 2003. Finally. 2006. ethnicity from processes of • Ethnicity.scholars committed to different paradigms to talk past one another or simply to ignore each other’s work—then one cannot speak of an integrated multiparadigmatic field. race to have grown out of the European colonial encounter www. Anderson (1991) integrates culturalist. Jenkins 1997. Distinctions between race and ethnicity tend to focus on the following elements. This remains a contested position. sharply distinct from those of ethnicity and nationalism (see also Harrison 1995. p. 394– 95) of the enormous range and heterogeneous causal texture of the phenomena subsumed under the broad rubrics of race. but they do not treat the distinction as a hard and fast one. the work I focus on here construes the field more broadly (Anthias 1992. mechanisms. Some of these scholars do distinguish between race and ethnicity (e. 4–6. p. and macropolitical perspectives in their account of nationalist politics and everyday ethnicity in a Transylvanian town. (2006) seek to integrate microinteractional. Sociol. Rev. pp. p. Miles & Brown 2003. Day & Thompson 2004. 179– by Florida International University on 11/23/09. pp. 27. or “racial formations” (Omi & Winant 1994. meso-institutional. race to be based on differences of phenotype or nature. 106–13). and Bonilla-Silva 1999. Jenkins 1997. Rothschild (1981. pp. 197–98). and dynamics involved in what is often misleadingly labeled “ethnic violence”. race. Sanjek 1996). Downloaded from arjournals. discourse analysis. Eriksen 1993. racism (Mason 1994). Cornell & Hartmann 1998. for example. large-N surveys. 902–3): Race is said to be involuntary. Jenkins 1997. This heterogeneity requires the conjoint use of theoretical resources drawn from a variety of traditions and warrants skepticism about any project of constructing a single unified theory of ethnicity. 80–82. For personal use only. Brubaker & Laitin (1998).annualreviews. and Nationalism 25 Annu. ethnicity. the perspectives or paradigms they seek to integrate retain their individuality and distinctiveness. Brubaker 2004a.

in self-identification. conversely. for example.annualreviews. Distinctions can be drawn on a number of dimensions.with the non-European world. Sociol. but these do not map neatly onto conventional distinctions between race. none of these criteria allows a sharp. pp. ethnicity. 31–34) have observed. 2009. citizenship.35:21-42. way of life. Some “racial” categories have histories largely independent of European colonial ex¨ pansion (Dikotter 1997). following Wacquant (1997). and “ethnic” categories sometimes rigid. 26 Brubaker language. p. “Racial” categories are sometimes flexible. Transmission and socialization: How is category membership acquired. grouped for expository purposes into clusters focused on categorization and membership. Downloaded from arjournals. chapter 7). “Racial” categories may be coordinate. analytical distinctions between race and ethnicity are often weakened by being based on commonsense understandings prevalent at particular times in the United States. 2006. social organization. “ethnic” categories in processes of exclusion. fixedness/fluidity: To what extent and in what contexts are category members readily identifiable? Are the boundaries of category membership clear or blurred? How easily can one change one’s membership? Naturalization: To what degree and in what form are claims made for a putatively natural ground or basis of membership? Hierarchy. For personal use only. pp. external categorization is central to what is ordinarily considered ethnicity in many settings. “ethnic” categories super. As Loveman (1999b. sharpness/fuzziness. and by whom is the category understood to be superordinate or subordinate to. is membership in the category stigmatized? (Brubaker et al. Categorization and membership Criteria and indicia of membership (Horowitz 1975. “Racial” categories may be invoked in struggles for inclusion. dress and adornment. ethnicity. Cornell & Hartmann 1998. “Racial” differences are in some instances based on ancestry. Rev. . phenotypical differences are often implicated in “ethnic” categorization. in what ways. and by whom. 74–82. way of life. ethnicity out of the history of nation-state formation. Social organization Boundaries: Is the category associated with a significant boundary. 894–95) has suggested. chapter 5): Is category membership grounded in categorization by powerful others (or by authoritative institutions). People may voluntarily identify with ostensibly racial categories and resist attempts to downplay them. or even class rather than on phenotype. and how are people socialized as members? 2. 119): What is the relative importance of ancestry. or other factors as defining traits (criteria) or cues (indicia) of membership? And how are the features that are understood as constitutive or indicative of membership construed? What aspects of appearance or phenotype. and nationalism as an undifferentiated domain. and nation. in Annu. The difficulty of distinguishing sharply between race and ethnicity does not mean that one should treat race. and political action: 1. A partial list of significant dimensions of variation would include the following. other categories in the relevant “category set”? Is the category marked or unmarked? To what extent. are selected as significant for membership? External categorization versus internal self-identification ( Jenkins 1997. or both? Are external categorizations and self-identifications congruent or noncongruent? Identifiability. culture. As a number of scholars ( Jenkins 1997. pp. rather than coordinate with. in what ways.and by Florida International University on 11/23/09. however. and stigmatization: To what extent. phenotype. conversely. markedness. 23. clean distinction between phenomena we ordinarily associate with race and ethnicity.

pp. that is. ethnicity. for the complexities entailed by the dynamic. pp. Brubaker 1992. that is. statewide. they are vague vernacular terms whose meaning varies considerably over place and time. for many of them. 2009. Politics Identification and loyalty: To what degree do category members identify with the polity in which they Annu. are sketched here in radically simplified form. permanently reside? To what degree and in what form do they identify with another polity? Social closure: To what extent and in what contexts is category membership implicated in patterns of exclusion or social closure. in particular. and Nationalism 27 . chapter 1. The dimensions of political variation. 73. 925) remarked a century ago. moreover. one would want to specify changes over time.annualreviews. Wimmer 2002. including civil or political rights and other specifically political goods (Weber 1978. ethnicity. or ethnic occupational or entrepreneurial niches? Institutional separation or integration: To what extent do category members have their own network of institutions. representation.˜341–48. thickness: To what extent do members of this category constitute a bounded. chapter˜3. salience. call the “thickness” or “thinness” of an identity)? Territorial concentration or dispersion: To what degree and in what form are members of the category concentrated or dispersed. selfconscious group? How salient (in various contexts) is membership in the category? To what extent is social life and collective action organized around membership in the category (what Cornell & Hartmann 1998. or selfgovernment—are made in the name of the category? Are claims made for an autonomous polity (possibly but not necessarily an independent state) that would serve as the polity of and for that category?2 These multiple dimensions of differentiation do not map neatly onto any conventional distinction between race. interactive unfolding of claims and counterclaims are impossible to present here. it would be important to specify variations among persons belonging to the category. and local scales? Economic differentiation and inequality: To what degree and in what form do we observe patterns of ethnic stratification. Rothschild 1981. nationhood are not precise analytical concepts. And while some of these dimensions covary. 395. and nation. by Florida International University on 11/23/09. 15). in the restriction of access to various material and ideal goods. As Weber (1978. rights. on global. it may be more productive to focus 2 This schematic rendering is of course enormously • Ethnicity. Rather than seek to demarcate precisely their respective spheres. an ethnic division of labor. Sociol. For all of these dimensions. p. Rev. race. For personal use only.Barth’s sense (1969.annualreviews. Downloaded from arjournals. 34) or “institutional completeness” (Breton 1964)? Is the institutional separation imposed or deliberately pursued? Reproduction: To what extent and through what mechanisms are boundaries sustained and reproduced over time (Laitin 1995)? To what extent are category members endogamously self-reproducing across generations? To what degree and through what mechanisms are rules of endogamy enforced? 3. One could discuss at length the complexities associated with any one of these dimensions of variation. does it channel patterns of interaction in consequential ways? Groupness. 52–64)? Organization and mobilization: To what degree and in what form are category members organized and mobilized for collective action? Political claims: What kinds of political claims—for resources. p. many others do not. recognition. Race. pp.35:21-42. resulting in “institutional duplication” (Van den Berghe (1978 [1967]. p.

BEYOND GROUPISM A second recent trend is a set of diverse yet related efforts to go beyond the substantialist or groupist assumptions that continue to inform the study of ethnicity. racially. race. and national categories are at issue. Despite this broad endorsement of constructivist premises. it had little effect on the commonsense groupism with which scholars continued to speak of “social races. and critiques of the idea that humanity is partitioned into distinct. have sought to revive and respecify the primordialist position by explaining the deep roots of essentialist or primordialist thinking in everyday life (Hirschfeld 1996). ethnic. and nation work in social. race. 22ff ) and also because of anxieties about the political consequences of a more consistent constructivism (see. race.” I sketch below several clusters of work that have by Florida International University on 11/23/09. I Annu. 2004a. races. 922–26) as posing such a challenge. see Wimmer 2008). or nations as substantial entities. Despite these and other developments. and nationalism continues to be informed by what Brubaker (1998. the force of his critique has been blunted by translation problems. racial. virtually everyone agrees that they are historically emergent and in some respects mutable. in part because of its conceptual economy and flexibility (Baumann 1996. ethnically. and nationally named populations continue to be construed as entities and cast as actors. p. postmodernist. For personal use only. Downloaded from arjournals. The groupist social ontology that underlies and informs much writing about ethnicity. Such challenges are not. drawing on evolutionary and cognitive psychology. chief protagonists of social conflicts. externally bounded groups. Yet in recent decades. this tendency has proved surprisingly robust. primary inclination to think the social world in a substantialist manner” (Bourdieu & Wacquant 1992. and political life without treating ethnic groups. pp. we are all constructivists now. These clusters of work have in common an aspiration to study the way ethnicity. cultural. even unitary collective actors with common purposes. and fundamental units of social analysis. a growing body of work has developed ways of studying ethnicity. including now familiar critiques of reification and essentialism from feminist. 385–98. But Weber’s contribution was largely ignored until recently. Rev. radically new. moreover. race. or even taking such groups as units of analysis at all (Brubaker 2004a).35:21-42. and to take ethnic and racial groups and nations as basic constituents of social life. One can read Weber’s tantalizingly brief but remarkably rich discussion of race. for example. few if any scholars would argue that ethnic groups or races or nations are fixed or given. see also 1994) has called “groupism”: the tendency to treat various categories of people as if they were internally homogeneous. but the tendency to treat categories as groups is a far more general one. Sociol. 28 Brubaker . 228).annualreviews. What Wimmer (2007) has called the Herderian legacy remains strongly entrenched. Linnekin 1991). For expository convenience. much work on ethnicity. the anthropologist Franz Boas. poststructuralist. to developing ways of studying ethnicity without focusing on bounded groups. for Anglophone readers. stable.3 Grounded in what Bourdieu identified as “our 3 Here. sharply bounded races have been common since the influential work of Weber’s contemporary. This holds even for those who. in differing though sometimes overlapping ways. without worrying too much about where exactly race stops and ethnicity begins (for a recent effort along these lines.on identifying and explaining patterns of variation on these and other dimensions. And while the Boasian critique helped undermine the legitimacy of scientific racism. and nation. ethnicity. race. of course. In this sense. and indeed directly challenge them. Today. and nationalism that do not rest on such substantialist assumptions. This is not simply a matter of not taking groups as fixed or given. and nation (Weber 1978. and nationhood has managed to withstand several decades of constructivist theorizing. and other theorists. 2009. pp.

a number of recent works eschew them in favor of process-focused definitions of ethnicity (Cohen 1978. these into two larger clusters. p. Barth was reacting against the static objectivism of then prevailing approaches to ethnicity. 973f ). Ethnic boundaries emerged. pp. pp. and the channeling of certain actions in line with such distinctions.annualreviews. other cultural markers are simply not relevant to ethnicity. Although such group-focused definitions remain very common. p. An early and enduringly influential work that promoted this shift was Barth’s (1969) introduction to the collection Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. and nation. . Brubaker by Florida International University on 11/23/09. p. p. race (Omi & Winant 1994. Such boundaries could not be discerned from any inventory of cultural traits [not least because the distributions of different cultural traits—language. only a few—and not necessarily those most salient to an outsider—are selected by actors as diacritical markers. pp. Cohen 1978. Smith 1991. signaled an important shift toward an expressly dynamic and processual understanding of ethnicity. Thompson famously said about class. the second on cognitive perspectives. 1. Malesevic 2006. p. Wimmer 2008. American Anthropological Association 1998. with the existence of bounded ethnic groups and thereby contributes. Boxill 2001. etc. Cornell & Hartmann • Ethnicity.” as he put it— Barth urged analysts to attend to the dynamics of ethnic boundaries. Wacquant 1997. This paper. 4–5. For personal use only. 55. race. This marks a shift from attempts to specify what an ethnic or racial group or nation is to attempts to specify how ethnicity. or nationalism with the question “what is an ethnic (or racial) group?” (Schermerhorn 1970. or nationhood or nationalism (Verdery 1993. 21). objectively observable patterns of shared culture. pp. 13–14. way of life. Downloaded from arjournals. Out of the large universe of potentially relevant cultural differentiae. 376) notes that this can prevent us from grasping ethnicity as something that “happens. Observing that “we tend to seek the embodiment of ethnicity in overly corporate forms. signs or emblems of ethnic difference. 20– 21) have observed. boundaries could persist despite the flow of personnel across them. Sanjek 1996. It has long been conventional to introduce discussions of ethnicity. race. the first focusing on dynamic and processual perspectives. against his own intentions. 187. can impede a more fully dynamic and processual understanding of ethnicity. 19. Instead of focusing on shared culture—on the “cultural stuff. however. 24) or “what is a nation?” (Stalin 1942 [1913]. p. 11. customs.annualreviews. 386–87.35:21-42. Barth equates the drawing of ascriptive distinctions. A focus on bounded groups. along with Barth’s (1966) more general “transactional” model of social life. and nation work. 21. Moreover. 229. 12. p. to the reification of groups. Sociol. 53ff. p. broadly understood. Race. Rev. 1). pp. rather.” Vincent (1974. Jenkins 1997. p. p. with its spatial connotations. One indicator of this involves a seemingly small yet significant change in definitional practices. these and other authors have suggested. can work in the same direction ( Jenkins 1997. pp.P. As some critics (Handelman 1977. 14. as “a fluency which evades analysis if we attempt to stop it dead at any given moment and www. in and through categorical we-they distinctions drawn by actors themselves and through the channeling of interaction through sets of prescriptions and proscriptions about who can interact with whom in what sorts of social relationships. Renan 1996). and Nationalism 29 Annu.—need not coincide (Moerman 1965)]. pp. Brubaker 2004b). The very metaphor of boundary. which sought to ground ethnicity in stable. 386–87. Gellner 1983. substantial cultural heterogeneity was perfectly compatible with ethnic commonality. 2009. p. race.” as E. A Dynamic and Processual Understanding A first family of tendencies has involved a shift toward a more dynamic and processual understanding of ethnicity. Calhoun 1997. But this way of putting preliminary definitional questions presupposes the existence of a bounded entity and invites us to think about that entity in substantialist terms. conversely. Ethnic boundaries could be maintained in the absence of major cultural distinctions. pp. Jenkins 1997.

schemas. to “endow nations and ethnic communities with more static ‘solidity’ than closer investigation at any point in time might warrant. racial. 9). salience. and cultural transformations. symbols. or national groupness. ethnic association. antipathy. organizational routines. Even Anderson (1991. and private interactions.anatomize its structure” (Thompson 1963. Though long-term structural or cultural patterns and processes may of course significantly shape such violence. It varies not only across putative groups. Anderson 1991). commonsense knowledge. pp. racial. Horowitz 2001). p. 426–27). chapters 10 and 11. racial. the specific dynamics of violence involve the circulation of rumors. homogeneous entities. ethnic network. for example. Scholars have long recognized that the strength.” Recent work has given more attention to dynamic processes unfolding over much shorter spans of time. institutional forms. Sociol. For personal use only. and ethnicity community. there has been a more general interest in the dynamics of relatively rapid changes in degrees of ethnic. nations are treated as static. Three lines of work can be distinguished. . were resolutely macroanalytic. gang assaults. content. and national identifications are variable across time. Rev. substantial entities. other forms of ethnic. Downloaded from arjournals. and persons (an early statement is found in Weber by Florida International University on 11/23/09. pp. 2006. in and through bounded groups. once formed in the crucible of modernity. terrorist attacks. communities no less real or powerful for being “imagined.” notes that the focus on groups obscures “the organization and expression of ethnicity among persons more loosely joined. they do not suffice to explain it. not a constant. but in and through categories. 2009. Yans 2006) is a variable.” To capture this variation in the “degree of [organizational] incorporation” of ethnicity. or even conflict (Brubaker & Laitin 1998. 358–64) suggests that ethnicity works not only. 3). 20. racial. see also Jenkins 1997. elite and vernacular discourse. genocides. p. as he readily concedes. bounded. as static. Smith 1986. and consequences of ethnic. while recognizing that ethnicity is sometimes embodied and expressed in “highly organized and integrated group formations. it cannot be presupposed.35:21-42. and various hybrid forms (Horowitz 2001. political. Handelman (1977. triggering events. and nationalist violence—including violent protests. p. p. but they are only one modality. he too treats nations. tracing the long-term emergence and spread of nations and nationalism (Gellner 1983. “Groupness” (Brubaker 1996. lynchings. contexts. pp. ethnic fights. Bounded and solidary groups are one important modality of ethnicity (and of social organization more generally). marginalization. In part this is a matter of the shifting scale and scope of inquiry.” And while Gellner (1983) delights in subverting nationalist ontology. One has been inspired by Schelling’s (1978) “tipping” and critical mass models and by his broader interest in theorizing forms of interdependent action in which the probability of one person’s doing something depends on the number or proportion of others doing it. p. 141) takes for granted the powerful attachment and “often profoundly self-sacrificing love” inspired by nations. The specific dynamics of violence are not reducible to those that govern ethnic. Fierman 2005. or even especially. this reflects a keen interest in ethnic. A longue dur´ e e 30 Brubaker perspective and broad canvas require Smith (1986. public ceremonies. pp. Brubaker (2004a. In the case of riots. but once formed. and nationalist violence. for example. Apart from the specific interest in violence. but within them. 924–25). In part. racial. 19). borrowing the term from Tilly 1978. feuds. pp. pp. 17–28)—have their own specific dynamics as well. In this “developmentalist” temporal register (Brubaker 1996. 3– 4. the long-term formation of nations involves profound socioeconomic. 2004a. Brubaker et al. The major works that defined the axes of debate on nationalism in the 1970s and 1980s. 62ff.annualreviews. and the volatile and disinhibiting dynamics of crowds (Tambiah 1996. Handelman distinguishes ethnic category. p. But only recently has this variability become a central focus of concern. or nationalist stratification. 188). pogroms. and in which the threshold number or proportion varies across Annu.

A second. ethnoreligious. Race. 2007. cf. proposes a multilevel process model to capture how institutional environments. and Zubrzycki’s (2006. rapid changes in the ethnic or racial composition of neighborhoods and that an integrated neighborhood can quickly become highly segregated even in the absence of any widespread preference for segregation. as are caste. 96–99. 21–29. 8–9) analysis of the Russian campaign against suspect minorities during the First World War. p. ethnic mobilization (Srbljinovic et al. Brubaker’s call for an “eventful” perspective on nationhood and nationalism (1996.4 Although work in this tradition has emphasized individual choice of identifications (as does Waters’s 1990 study of the “ethnic options” of thirdand fourth-generation “white ethnics” in the United States). in turn increase the perceived pressures on others for such display or alignment. this may not reflect individuals’ intrinsic preferences at all. pp. Cohen 1978. Kuran (1998) shows how a “reputational cascade”—triggered by some exogenous event and sustained through a chain reaction—can lead quickly to high levels of “ethnification”. the macrohistorical dynamics of nation-formation (Cederman 2002). In this self-sustaining model. may be crosscutting as well. Chandra 2008). national. 24–25. 395). 2006. chapter 2) has adapted Schelling’s tipping model to theorize “identity cascades” through which rapid shifts may occur from one ethnic.annualreviews. adaptive agents. 4 As Chandra (2005) has observed. Vincent 1974. de Swaan shows how “stampedes” may occur. also inspired in part by Schelling.” the utility of which actually increases as the number of speakers by Florida International University on 11/23/09. and blurring— as well as variation in the outcomes of those Annu. inspired by Sewell (1996). crossing. 2009. Without using a tipping model per se. variability over time. others cross-cutting. 11ff ) study of nationalist mobilization in the late Soviet context. 387–89. or linguistic equilibrium to another. see Macy & Willer 2002). pp. some of them “nested” (Cohen 1978. and ethnolinguistic identifications in India. has been concerned with the dynamics of transformative events. Lohr’s (2003. Downloaded from arjournals. Agent-based models attempt to show how complex patterns can emerge from the self-organizing. ethnic and nonethnic. contraction. and networks of political alliances shape variation in strategies of ethnic boundary-making—expansion. has led a number of scholars to highlight contextual or situational variability in the salience. 2003). broadly understood. pp. pp. de Swaan (1998) has examined the dynamics of language shift. Laitin (1998. Rothschild 1981. or in addition to. • Ethnicity. more recent line of work. uses simulation and agent-based modeling to capture the dynamic aspects of neighborhood segregation (Fossett 2006). involving either the cumulative desertion (and eventual extinction) of a language. various ethnic identifications. individuals’ attempts to accommodate perceived pressures for ethnic display or alignment. but rather their concern to protect their reputations by signaling their ethnic affiliation in a dynamic environment in which increasing numbers of others are doing so. and Nationalism 31 . Wimmer (2008). hierarchical reordering. p. pp. 217–18) study of the controversy over the installation of crosses at Auschwitz.annualreviews. inter alia. Okamura 1981. Handelman 1977. or a self-reinforcing movement toward a particular language. for example.35:21-42. Sensitivity to the teeming multiplicity of available identifications. it is not only ethnic and nonethnic identifications that may be cross-cutting. Schelling shows that such models can help explain. 361) has been taken up by Beissinger’s (2002. path-dependent actions of locally situated. pp. undertaken so as to avoid being stigmatized as ethnically disloyal. A third line of work. Other work has focused on variability across context rather than. pp. the distribution of power. Sociol. www. who are capable of learning from their experience (for a sociological overview. and content of ethnic identifications (Moerman 1965. 19–21. Treating language as a “hypercollective good. Brubaker et al. For personal use only.individuals in a population. scope. it is at the same time sensitive to constraints deriving from structural features of wider settings that can limit the scope or significance of that choice. and collective identities generally (Lustick 2000).

etc. 896–97. construing situations. Hogg & Abrams 1988). 2004. but with culturally specific ways in which persons. context. and the deep-seated tendency to naturalize social categories (Hirschfeld 1996. and nation as basic “principles of vision and division” of the social world. race. Brubaker 1996. pp. is concerned not only with ways of seeing and thinking determined by universal features of our cognitive architecture.35:21-42.annualreviews. 214). categorization. Martin 2001. Smith 1986. It is concerned with ethnicity. strategies and in the political salience. D’Andrade 1995. stereotypes (Devine 1989. and discourses make sense of experience and interpret the social world. Work in these fields—on categorization (Rosch 1978. p. for example. Casson 1983. 13–14). 177–79. and nationalism (reviewed in Brubaker et al. 2009. Loveman 1999b. chapter 6. chapter 3). institutions. Fearon & Laitin 2000. pp. p. race. Strauss & Quinn 1997. But the cognitive turn. race. To be sure. rhetorical. in particular by his emphasis (adapted from speech act theory) on the performative aspects of political entrepreneurship (Bourdieu 1991. and representing them as always already there. Sociol. embodied in persons and embedded in institutionalized routines and practices. The Cognitive Turn A second family of tendencies involves a broad cognitive turn in the study of ethnicity. p.. political entrepreneurs can “contribute to producing what they apparently describe or designate” (1991. This work differs from the nation-building literature of the postwar decades in emphasizing the discursive. and cultural aspects of group-making (Foster 1995. and nationalism. These include ways of identifying oneself and others. telling stories. social closure. A final cluster of research has addressed deliberate projects of group-making (Brubaker & Laitin 1998. psychology. 433– by Florida International University on 11/23/09. framing complaints. or situations as ethnically marked or meaningful. More generally. 2007. Categorization and classification in these 32 Brubaker . schemas (Rumelhart 1980. Much of this work has drawn on the “invention of tradition” perspective of Hobsbawm & Ranger (1983). Tajfel & Turner 1986. Lakoff 1987. 220). as I understand it here. Much work in this broader tradition has focused on categorization and classification. organizations. and historical stability of ethnic boundaries. in ethnic rather than other terms. imputing interests. 232). ethnicity. not in experimental or laboratory settings. D’Andrade (1995). pp. explaining behavior. and targeted constituents. Bourdieu shows that the existence of groups is one of the key stakes in the chronic symbolic struggles over representations of the social world. By invoking groups. And they include basic schemas and takenfor-granted background knowledge. or neuroscience tells us about how the mind or brain works to store and process information. 2004. Gil-White 2001)—does indeed have important implications for the study of ethnicity. (Brubaker et al. and nationhood are not things in the world. Hale 2004). see DiMaggio & Powell (1991).5 From a cognitive perspective. and invoking groups is not sufficient to call them into being (on the limits to construction and invention. Hamilton & Sherman 1994). cultural differentiation. 18. Downloaded from arjournals. actions. formal and informal.Annu. see. but in the official practices of states and other organizations on the one hand. chapter 4. but perspectives on the world 5 This is part of a broader cognitive turn in the social sciences. Part III). A cognitive approach to ethnicity does not depend narrowly on what cognitive anthropology. Bourdieu suggests. through which people recognize and experience objects. race. for overviews. places. Suny & Martin 2001). and identification. Zerubavel (1997). Markus & Zajonc 1985. and in the ebb and flow of everyday social experience on the other. Rev. DiMaggio (1997). Groupmaking projects are variable in their success across time. Brubaker 2004a. not all invented traditions take root. 45). pp. see also Levine 1999. Another resource for accounts of group-making is Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic power. persons. They include systems of classification. in Bourdieu’s terms (1991. For personal use only.

or qualify membership status. chapter 2. Work on state categorization practices. Research on informal. to hold others accountable for their actions or stances. The most notorious cases are the official schemes of racial classification and identification employed by Nazi Germany (Burleigh & Wipperman 1991) and South Africa (Bowker & Star • Ethnicity. Rev. India (de Zwart 2000). chapter 7) show how people invoke ethnic categories in everyday interaction to account for actions. Colonial and postcolonial societies have been particularly rich sites for such studies (Hirschman 1986. Censuses. but complex and variable categorization practices have been documented in many other settings (see e. Brubaker 1996. 168. however. A common thread in studies of everyday classification is the recognition that ordinary actors usually have considerable room for maneuver in how they use even highly institutionalized and powerfully sanctioned categories (Sanjek 1981. impose enduring. Brubaker et al. e Another cluster of research has addressed controversies about the use of race as a category in biomedical research (Hacking 2005. were implicated in the Rwandan genocide (Fussell 2001. 69). 1991) and Bourdieu’s (1991. and Nationalism 33 Annu. in principle at least. 151–59). influenced by Foucault’s account of governmentality (Burchell et al. Brubaker et al. chapter 6). racial. group-making power of the state. Blum & Gu´ rin-Pace 2008). Dirks 2001). Other forms of state categorization. Nagel 1995. specified in formal identity documents. Loveman 2001. stances. Leach 1954. Moerman 1965. 2006. Sociol. and nationhood (see e. Cohn 1987.. Day 1998). racial. Official ethnic identities. 10). 29–30). 7. Conversely.35:21-42. pp. or opinions.g. Jackson & Maddox 1993. drawing inspiration from ethnomethodology and conversation analysis (Sacks 1995. 1997. race. and the United States (Ford 1994. p. and national ways of experiencing and interpreting the world does not depend on the explicit invocation of ethnic. has shown how official practices of naming. Another cluster of by Florida International University on 11/23/09. Anderson 1991 [1983]. chapter 10. classify people anonymously and fleetingly. Brubaker et al. chapters 7. chapter 6.annualreviews. Boxill 2001. Research has addressed not only these notorious cases but the controversies. see Simon 2008. Jackson 1999. pp. and ironies involved in the use of ethnic. p. Starr 1987. racial. 10). official categories can contribute to “making up people” (Hacking 1986) or “nominating into existence” new kinds of persons (Goldberg 1997. 2004. www. Many studies in these and other settings have focused on censuses and other official statistics. showing how they have helped to construct and constitute the groups they ostensibly describe (Petersen 1987. treats ethnicity as a skilled practical accomplishment. or national categories. everyday classification and categorization practices demonstrates great complexity and variability in the categories actually used.. chapters 6. and national categories in preferential treatment programs in the Soviet Union (Slezkine 1994.g. Martin 2001). legally consequential identities on people ( Jenkins 1997. Jenkins 1997. Levine 1987. mark. Appadurai 1996. a policy of not classifying or counting by ethnicity or race can impede group formation (on the recent French controversy over this. and to police. and classifying and otherwise “seeing like a state” (Scott 1998) have transformed the selfunderstandings. 2006. For example. Barth 1969. pp. Dom´nguez 1986. counting. Especially when they are linked through public policy to tangible benefits. ı 2006. Levine 1999. complexities. social organization. as something that happens when ethnic categories are made relevant to participants in the course of a particular interactional trajectory (Moerman 1974.formal and informal settings are increasingly seen as not only central to but as constitutive of ethnicity. Kertzer & Arel 2002. American Anthropological Association 1998. Part III) notion of the symbolic. Race. For personal use only. Verdery 1993. Sanjek 1981). Downloaded from arjournals. The reproduction of ethnic. and political claims of the populations thus classified. 207–8). Kunstadter 1979. . (2006. Brubaker et al. An extreme example is the very large number of race and color categories used in Brazil (Harris 1970.annualreviews. Skrentny 1996). Schegloff 2007). Sanjek 1971). 2009. Longman 2001). Wacquant 1997. chapter 5. Epstein 2007.

and identifications. and classifying other people. ethnic. however. Gelman & Wellman 1991. Kurzban et al. even primordialist ways of thinking in everyday life. This last is the cognitive counterpart to the elusive but important notion of “resonance” in the social movement literature on framing. intended here in a broad sense. embodied schemas of understanding and appreciation. this does not mean that they are universally active or salient. of construing sameness and difference. Edensor 2002. p. 2009. Extending experimental findings regarding a general disposition toward essentialist modes of thinking (Medin & Ortony 1989. or national terms. DiMaggio 1997). Sociol. . classifications. If racial. The processes. They are ways— both institutionalized and informal—of recognizing. ethnic. For personal use only.and fouryear-olds. Cognitive perspectives suggest that one way to study the varying salience of ethnicity is to study not only the content of ethnic schemas and representations but also the distribution of such representations within a population.35:21-42. ethnic. Hirschfeld (1996) argues that humans have a special-purpose cognitive device for partitioning the social world into what he calls “intrinsic kinds” based on “shared essences. categorizations. (2001) argue.Billig’s (1995. cognitive perspectives address the social and mental processes that sustain the interpretation of the social world in racial. Fox & Miller-Idriss 2008) has shown how national ways of understanding the world are encoded in mundane environments and reproduced through everyday activities. interpretations.” Hirschfeld emphasizes 34 Brubaker the presence worldwide of a similar deep classificatory logic underlying what are on the surface strikingly different systems of racial. that racial encoding is a contingent byproduct of more fundamental cognitive processes evolved to detect coalitional affiliations and alliances. frames for articulating social comparisons and explanations. Hirschfeld (1996) and Gil-White (2001) posit a deep-seated cognitive disposition to perceive human beings as members of “natural kinds” with inherited and immutable “essences. Instead of conceptualizing the social world in substantialist terms as a composite of racial.annualreviews. Cognitive perspectives. ethnicity. mechanisms. and national classification. Downloaded from arjournals. 20) calls “folk sociology. and identifying one’s interests. identifying. Rothbart & Taylor 1992). and national categories are “easy to think” (Hirschfeld 1996. and nationality exist and are reproduced from day to day in and through such perceptions. ethnicity. and national groups. provide resources for avoiding analytical groupism while helping to explain the tenacious hold of by Florida International University on 11/23/09.” for example through the “homeland deixis” through which the routine. x). preconscious. Annu.” This provides the cognitive foundations for what Hirschfeld (1996. their accessibility or ease of activation. and of “coding” and making sense of their actions. Rev. Bentley’s (1987) interpretation of ethnic affinity and difference in terms of Bourdieu’s notion of habitus focuses on tacit. in short. chapter 5) analysis of “banal nationalism” points to the many unobtrusive ways in which nationhood is continually “flagged. p. CONCLUSION The field of inquiry sketched above is not sharply bounded. A growing literature on popular culture and other aspects of everyday life (Eley & Suny 1996b. and nation are ways of making sense of the world. What cognitive perspectives suggest. and filters that govern what is noticed or unnoticed. They are templates for representing and organizing social knowledge. Race. and the relative ease with which they “slot” into or “interlock” with other key cultural representations (Sperber 1985. ethnic. is that race. interpreting one’s problems and predicaments.” which he characterizes as the “commonsense partitive logic or social ontology that picks out the ‘natural’ kinds of people that exist in the world. representations. They are ways of understanding and identifying oneself. their relative salience once activated.” Drawing on experiments with three. unmarked use of words like “we” in the media and in political discourse serves to place us firmly in a national context.

Hist. Press Armstrong JA. Cambridge. endogamy and exogamy.annualreviews. The field has profited in recent decades not only by becoming a more comparative. 1977. 9–38. Cambridge. paradoxically. Southeast Asia. and ethnicity. Minn. Press Alonso AM. Stud. London/New York: Routledge Banton M. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Jaeeun Kim for her helpful suggestions on an earlier draft. 1966. Anderson B. Rev. 1982. LITERATURE CITED Alba R. Rev. London: R. London: Verso Anthias F. Press Banton M. pp. Racial Theories. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. UK: Cambridge Univ. marked and unmarked categories. Sociol. 1987. MA: Harvard Univ. 29:24–55 www. race. and nationalism. Inst. 1991. and symbolic struggles over the basic principles of vision and division of the social world are all very general social phenomena. Statement on ‘Race. Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State. identification. Anthropol. and Nationalism 35 . Ethnicity: Anthropological Constructions. time and substance: state formation. we-they distinctions.’ May 17. 1969. ed. and structures on which inquiry has focused are for the most part not specific to ethnicity. categorization. C. Ethnicity and practice. Minneapolis: Univ.35:21-42. race. institutional duplication. Comp. Downloaded from arjournals. DISCLOSURE STATEMENT The author is not aware of any affiliations. Sociology 26(3):421–38 Appadurai A. Press Bentley GC. Cambridge. boundary maintenance and boundary crossing. memberships. cascades. territorial concentration and dispersion. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. The Idea of Race. Remaking the American Mainstream: Assimilation and Contemporary Immigration. Models of Social Organization. social closure. Soc. Connecting ‘race’ and ethnic phenomena. assimilation and differentiation. 2nd ed. funding. Press Beissinger MR. tendencies to naturalize and essentialize. http://www. For personal use only. and nationalism. A key strength of the field. London: George Allen & Unwin Baumann G. In Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference. Annu. Contesting Culture: Discourses of Identity in Multi-Ethnic London. Chapel Hill: Univ.Annu. 1994. 1996. London: Verso. Nee V. London: Tavistock Banton M. nationalism. 1987. 2009. 2003. 1983. 1992. Introduction. imagined communities. Assoc. The politics of space. Race. Barth F. F Barth. 23:379–405 Am. by Florida International University on 11/23/09.” This engagement with wider developments in the social sciences is likely to be even more important in the future. and the World. 1998. bounded. 1996. is not insisting too much on its distinct. race. Classification. Cambridge. London/New York: Cambridge Univ. interdisciplinary. Press Barth F. uneven development. • Ethnicity. 2002. N. Racial and Ethnic Competition. Nations Before Nationalism. Press Banks M. UK: Cambridge Univ. and autonomous “fieldness. and multiparadigmatic enterprise and by overcoming internal boundaries between the study of 1998. but also by bridging external boundaries and becoming more closely integrated with other fields of social scientific inquiry. the significance of which goes far beyond ethnicity. The Spectre of Comparisons: Nationalism. or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review. Anthropol.htm Anderson B. 1996.annualreviews. UK: Cambridge Univ. and nationalism. group-making projects. invented traditions.aaanet.

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Annual Review of Sociology Contents Frontispiece Herbert J.35:21-42. Rev. Gans p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1 Theory and Methods Ethnicity. For personal use only. Predictors. Greenstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p87 Genetics and Social Inquiry Jeremy Freese and Sara Shostak p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 107 Social Processes Race Mixture: Boundary Crossing in Comparative Perspective Edward E. and Implications in the Contemporary United States Teresa Toguchi Swartz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 191 Volume 35. and Consequences Shannon N. Sue p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 129 The Sociology of Emotional Labor Amy S. Telles and Christina A. Race. v . Variations. Wharton p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 147 Societal Responses toTerrorist Attacks Seymour Spilerman and Guy Stecklov p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 167 Intergenerational Family Relations in Adulthood: Patterns. and Nationalism Rogers Brubaker p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p21 Interdisciplinarity: A Critical Assessment Jerry A.annualreviews. Davis and Theodore N. Downloaded from arjournals. 2009 by Florida International University on 11/23/09. Gans p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p xiv Prefatory Chapters Working in Six Research Areas: A Multi-Field Sociological Career Herbert J. Jacobs and Scott Frickel p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p43 Nonparametric Methods for Modeling Nonlinearity in Regression Analysis Robert Andersen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p67 Gender Ideology: Components. 2009. Sociol.

Rev. Pickett p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493 Educational Assortative Marriage in Comparative Perspective Hans-Peter Blossfeld p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 513 vi Contents . Walder p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 393 Differentiation and Stratification New Directions in Life Course Research Karl Ulrich Mayer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 413 Is America Fragmenting? Claude S. Wilkinson and Kate E. Silbey p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 341 Political and Economic Sociology Paradoxes of China’s Economic Boom Martin King Whyte p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 371 Political Sociology and Social Movements Andrew G. Goyette. Downloaded from arjournals. Broschak p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 321 Taming Prometheus: Talk About Safety and Culture Susan S.annualreviews. Fischer and Greggor Mattson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 435 Switching Social Contexts: The Effects of Housing Mobility and School Choice Programs on Youth Outcomes Stefanie DeLuca and Elizabeth Dayton p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 457 Income Inequality and Social Dysfunction Richard G. and ChangHwan Kim p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 255 Men.35:21-42. Kimberly A. Formal Organizations American Trade Unions and Data Limitations: A New Agenda for Labor Studies Caleb Southworth and Judith Stepan-Norris p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 297 Outsourcing and the Changing Nature of Work Alison Davis-Blake and Joseph by Florida International University on 11/23/09. 2009. Sociol.Institutions and Culture Sociology of Sex Work Ronald Weitzer p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213 The Sociology of War and the Military Meyer Kestnbaum p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 235 Socioeconomic Attainments of Asian Americans Arthur Sakamoto. Masculinity. and Manhood Acts Douglas Schrock and Michael Schwalbe p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 277 Annu. For personal use only.

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