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Annu.Rev. Anthropol.1998. 27.129-51 Copyright? 1998 by AnnualReviews.All rights reserved
THE COLOR-BLINDSUBJECTOF MYTH; Or, Where To Find Africa in the Nation
R. L. Segato
Departmentof Anthropology,University of Brasilia, 70910-900 Brasilia-DF,Brazil; e-mail: email@example.com KEYWORDS:multiculturalism, ethno-racial Afro-Brazilians, African-Americans, paradigms, Afro-Brazilian religion
ABSTRACT African influence in a nation must be examined within the frameworkof the nation's formation of diversity, ethno-racial paradigm, and particularhistory. Based on the paradigmaticcases of Brazil and the United States, I contend here that racial attitudesand the position and role of African traditions in a nation are interrelated.Discerning racial conceptions, perceptions, and patternsof discriminationin a nationprovides us with strongclues aboutthe place and role assigned to the Africanpresence in that context. Racisms may not differ much in intensity, but they do in the cognitive operationsthey imply, because they are grounded in encoded ethnic knowledge accumulated throughspecific historical experiences.
An examination of Africa in the New World and the influence of its traditions should consider more than just form, content, and diffusion of cultural practices and beliefs. It must also look at location and reception. Where is Africa to be found in the nation? What is its place in the national formation? How was the African element processed in the construction of each national society over time? How have African traditions found their way into history? One cannot speak adequately of Africa in the New World without locating it within the equation of the nation. There is no Africa in the New World without hyphenation signaling its insertion in continental subsections (e.g. Afro-Latin America, African-North America) and specific countries (Afro-Brazil). 129 0084-6570/98/1015-0129$08.00
The idea of a common Africa-i. The first of these discussions can be syntheticallyportrayedas the following: Is the stated ideal of miscegenation in Latin American countries a misleading myth or a legitimate utopia?The second discussion is as follows: Are the transnational political identities that are emerging under the pressuresof globalization representativeof the shapes of alterityoutside the centers commandingthe process of their diffusion? To these two questions. first. Africa-is attractiveand strategic. have much to say about the insertion of the bearersof African culture in each particularnational sethemisphericnotion of ting.e. relevant for us here. An updatedexaminationis needed of two emergent discussions in the literatureon the influence of African traditionsin the New World.and it is truthfulin regardto form. a thirdencompassing concern must be added.entrenchedin their own bordersof alterity. we come out strolling along one avenue or the other.then we have to endorsethe . We may reasonablywonder whetherit is possible to have radicaldiversity of cultures in a full market regime or. and they come aboutas I examine the presence of Africa within the Anglo and Iberiannationalformations. content.130 SEGATO By the same token. These discussions are relevantbecause.perhaps premodernor at least "hybrid"(Canclini 1989). engaged in their traditional. These three broad questions constitute the indispensable framework in which one can think of the location of Africa in the nations of the New World today. anddiffusion when color is backedwith some commoncontent.Depending on what side we place ourselves along the axis of these two questions. if we decide thatthe founding myth of LatinAmericannationsis mere deception.But this idea is misleading and. I referhere to the two issues thathave an impacton the way we come to understand insertion of the Africanpresence in the countriesof this continent. However. inefficient when one is trying to appeal to people still well embeddedin their local niches.The peculiarfeelings thatare at the basis of racismin each case are of deeply ingrainedin the structures relationshipsdeveloped througha particular national history. a transnational.I use Brazil and the United States as paradigmatic examples in my analysis. processes of production of subjectivity. there is no way to speak of the participationof Africa wherever it has flourishedafter slavery without contemplatingthe variety of cognitive operationsof discriminationand exclusion we blend underthe common termracism. partof my contentionhere is thatthis articulationvaries accordingto national framework. to have Africa amid America in a unified regime of economic rules. These feelings.African civilization and blacknessbearupon each other. above all.presentingus with alternative avenues for that understanding.the place of Africa and the place of race in New World nations are mutually suffused in a complex articulationextremely difficult to disentangle. when disclosed.
ethically and theoretically. to the now imputedmyth of miscegenation and its denounced effacement of pluralism.which anchorsminoritypolitics in the field of culture substantivelyconsidered. a handfulof publicationsby North Americanresearchershave appearedthat compare the situation of the African-Americanpopulation in Brazil with thatin the United States. as a dystopia of conviviality. and to claim recognition and respect for them. to insteadremainfaithfulto the idea that there is more thanone modality of productionof an African-relatedsubjectivityand more thanone strategyto defendthe reproduction Africa in the New World. for which the Brazilian model. to disclose these solutions. And I would even say that my difficulties are of greatermagnitude. and politics in the New World.we have to questionour certaintiesconcerning the worth of identitypolitics in a global world.I contend here that only within a well-understood frameworkof national formation as idiosyncratic matrix of diversity is it possible to assess the fate of the Africancontributionin every national context in the New World. if in other cases the moraldilemmahas been how to introducegenderwithin the frameworkof race loyalties (see. Conversely. if we see. race. we are compelled to envisage alternativepolitical roadstoward a society free of discriminationon the basis of race. This latterissue is probably the most decisive with regardto Africa. for example. we may choose not to believe this. . segregationcoming from the top or bottom. Second.to defend variety in human solutions.WHERETO FIND AFRICA IN THE NATION 131 notion that only after establishing segregation as the point zero of racial truth can we initiate a truly antiracistpolitics and provide a legitimate stand for the African presence in these countries. from a Latin Americanperspective.because we live in an age where the frameworkof the nation is looked upon and declarednegligible as a variable in a world euphemisticallyrepresentedas globalized. with all of its derivations. However.I am compelled. here my dilemmais how to introducenation within the African/racialstruggle for rights. it urges a discussion of the contemporarytrend that counterposesthe multiculturalmatrixof the United States. We also have to strive for a new consciousness of the pervading African presence in culture and society instead of a discreteAfrican niche. if we believe that all experience of alteritymust be translatedinto identity politics. As an anthropologist. However. This generationof studies contradictsand rejects the views of a previous generation. Pierce & Williams 1996). we are ready to accept that traditionalways of interacting across the boundariesof race may be given up without a cost. Whicheverchoice we make. of if we take the position thatno Africa is possible within a full market Finally. THE NORTH AMERICAN MYTH OF SEPARATION AND ITS CRITICS In recentyears. to put it succinctly. regime.
more precisely. I pick up the partsof Hanchard'sargumentthatbetterreveal my discrepancies with the position he represents. pre-ZimbabweRhodesia. but they also dismiss the idea of a "mulattoescape hatch"(initially formulated by Degler 1971) to suggest miscegenation as a path to social ascension.the critiques of Fernandes1969 in Nogueira 1955."did not develop parallel institutions"of the kind African-North Americans did. for example." where race is a fact that cuts across contextualboundaries. to read the Brazilian scene from the North Americanperspective and experience using the latteras a model (see. in the modalities known in South Africa. Gilliam 1992. "Afro-Brazilians. Hanchard has been engaged in this polemic for a while (1996b.was consideredto bringan alternativeand. have existed in Brazil (Hanchard1994:83).In line with his perspective.the United States is a standardagainstwhich otherAmerican polities arejudged in the matterof race relations. andWinant1994). in the precise sense of a deceptive representation deployed to preservethe false notion of a Brazilianracial democracy (see. In considering quilombos as facts of the past. 1996.then what more deeply felt source of insightthanthe observationsof AfricanAmericansthemselves?" Besides HowardWinant(1994). overtly racialized (instead of unified and disputed) public sphere (1996a) have been forcefully contested in Brazil (Fry 1995a. views about representative racialpolitics in Brazil (1993. Bairros 1996).perhapsthe most His authorof this lattergroupis Michael Hanchard. Andrews 1991. Hanchard1994)." says Hanchard. Dzidzienyo 1971. especially. and the United States. have contributedto the critiqueof miscegenationas a myth. He also suggests thatto look at quilombos(communitiesof descendantsof runawayslaves) or othertraditionalAfrican institutionsas a source of referenceand strengthis a "backward glance" (1994:164ff)-a glance toward a kind of already lost Euridice. especially but not exclusively Brazilian. Hasenbalg 1979. do Valle Silva & Hasenbalg 1992.c). the authorgrossly disregrowing struggleof Brazilianmaroonpopulationsfor gardsthe contemporary their rights to the land (Leite 1991.for example.d. n. If a group of scholars. in thatsense. to have an originalcontribution make (Hellwig 1992). 1997). North American studentshave increasinglytended to focus on a comparisonof the Braziliansituationwith the US situationor. and the Candomblereligious organizationshould not be considered as such (1994:18). Contemto poraryauthorsnot only contest the assumptionsof economic determinismand the preeminenceof class to explainexclusionin Brazil(see. Hanchard regrets that no racially divided Christian churches. To make myself clear. Denying Afro- . Fontaine 1985). Skidmore 1990. Particularlyrevealing in this respect is the review by Anani Dzidzienyo presentedon the back cover of Hellwig's book (1992): "If as it is commonly argued.. with his proposal of a "racialformation.132 SEGATO based on the idea of miscegenation. do Nascimento 1978. Carvalho 1996. among others.b. who decided Orpheus'sdeath in the Greek myth. Winant 1994. 1994) and his proposalof a divided.
state hegemony. what the voices inscribedin it have being saying all along. Hanchardssuggests. as opposed to North American practices. One is also led to suspect that the main propositionof the thesis is the plain transferenceof African-North American slogans. Symbols do not constitutean ornamental. a strategicagendaof private.in its own terms.he demonstratesa complete lack of ethnographicsensitivity for the national scene of his research. As Hanchardsays. therefore.ideological interests that contradictpublic articulationsof either consent or material compliance with dominantactors in a given society" (1994:71. This hidden transcriptdiffers from that of North American blacks. but to look for what is encoded in them and where one could find a plausiblepolitical strategy within them. the move should not be to infuse new meaning in the emblems. While criticizingwhat he sees as the "culturalist" perspectiveof the leaders of the Brazilian black movement-to the detrimentof a real immersion in a "culturalprocess"-Hanchard asserts that "manyof the working poor do not have a 'hiddentranscript. afterwe but.TO IN WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 133 Brazilian religions the status of African institutions. choices. the content of the "culturalprocess" or the "cultureof a deeply political process" he refers to.they convey values. puts a premiumon solidarityand face-to-facesettlementsto the detriment of universal. as rejects. .'thatis to say. accept that a sound Afro-Braziliantranscriptexists. howthe ever. abstractprocedures(Cardosode Oliveira 1997). This belief is well in tune with Hanchard'sdismissal of Afro-Braziliancultural institutionsaltogether. italics added). And one is. Moreover. Hancharddoes not take notice of a lineage of social analystswho have repeatedlyemphasizedthe dualities of the Brazilian normative system. is not to reappropriate culture.One is left speculatingabout what is. and throughan honest act of ethnographic"hearing" dialogue. Soares 1996) and.epiphenomenalsecretion.and objectives to Brazil. they are unable to hear the inspirational voices that resound in them.led to wonderwhy he should so forcefully deny the idiosyncrasies of Brazilian black history and strategies. in this case. politizicing them. Hanchard's view of culturedoes not differmuchfromthe very culturalism he The problemwith the leadersof the Afro-Brazilian movementis not. and a metaphoricallyexpressed philosophy that all too often contradicts. thatthey value Afro-Brazilianculturalsymbols too much but that they value them too little. strategies. In otherwords. da Matta & Hess 1995. reducing the whole problem to the development of the public sphere. to become able to learn. culture has been taken in a mere emblematicfashion in an effort to counteractthe constantappropriation of African symbols by the whole of the Braziliannation and their consequent nullification for a political identity (Hanchard1993:59).to which I referredearlier. The question. rather. which combines modem civil standardswith traditionalpremoder relationalprinciples (da Matta 1988.in a new act of cannibalism. In short. a hidden transcriptis exactly what the black working poor have in Brazil.
and women (Ramos 1994. "hybrid" and lively productionof difference-as being at the basis of "anodyne [sic]. but above all become indistinguishablefromthe social value of ethnicity. inspired by its North American twin publication Ebony. inert idea of "diversity"-in opposition to a dialogical and. artificiallyenforced regime of ethnicity in the United States. one can still question the obvious and exemplarycosmetic "bleaching"of the artTelevision. and I refer to this difference below. And Werer Sollors (1986.. ongoing discussions in Brazilian Afro-oriented meetings aboutthe one-year-oldfashion magazine Raca Brasil (Race Brazil). in an alreadyclassical article (1979).which ends up by being reducedto the latter. because despite the apparentloyalty to the race struggle on the part of African-Americansclassified by descent. Homi Bhabhacriticized a dead. African-Americans. ethnic identities have been induced by the influence of transnational agents (Mato 1997) or throughthe interpellationof the national state itself. Otherauthorshave sensed the imposition of"hyperreal"or abstractidentities on Indians. A critique of the essentialist premise in the understandingof ethnicity was laid down by Michael Fischer (1986). In more radical terms. may come to shed light on this issue. The authors made these statementswithout even approachingthe question of whether "whitening" takes place in the United States.marketableidentitiesof ethnics as labeled consumers(Segato 1997a. some voices have manifestedhow a new set of of representations transnational. under the pressuresof the globalizing process led by those same agents (Gros 1997a:55-56. 1994).. and the disputableconsequences of the essentialist injunctionon the subjectwere convincingly argued. [When published.b). 1992. termed"symbolic ethnicity"the reduction of ethnic traitsto an almost merely emblematic function in the modem North American scene. Mohanty 1995). for example. liberal multiculturalism"(Bhabha 1994:34). The politics of multiculturalismhas also been questionedfor puttingforwardcanned. "the culturalcontent of ethnicity . by Kwame Appiah (1990b. the perils of segregationas defensive political strategyhas been describedby GerhardKubik (1994) as "anassignment"proposedby the white to which the black may be uncritically yielding."Sollors 1986:28). authorshave pointed out the somewhat empty. of necessity. ists of Black Entertainment From still a differentset of concerns. 1989) has emphasized how the North American classification of literary lineages in terms of ethnicity not only serves to keep bordersin place but also is quite devoid of content (in the United States. I would like to call attentionto the weaknesses of the separatistmodality of contestation in black politics. 1997b). Peter McLaren (1994) tried to . is largely interchangeable and rarely historically authenticated. HerbertGans.] More recently. And in influentialtexts. before moving to that point. which have been pointed out from several points of view.134 SEGATO though. where the social value of the citizen and that of the consumer do not merely converge. However.
and slogans ought to be shaped out of these specificities.better propitiatedin "bordercultures"where a new mestizo consciousness or bric-abrac subjectivitycould arise. On the one hand. Gilroy 1994:100). not only nationcannot be disregardedas a frameworkfor the productionof particular forms of racism over time (many authorshave alreadypointed this out. local politics.WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 135 TO IN breakthroughstatusquo notions ofmulticulturalismby suggesting a "critical" practice of it. The paradigmatic cases of Brazil and the United States show thatspecific modalities of exclusion and ethnic conceptions are deeply related.and patternsof discriminationin a national context provides us with strong clues aboutthe place and role assigned to the African presence in thatcontext. writers like StuartHall and Paul Gilroy have stressedhybridityas an often silenced qualityof African diasporic culture(Hall 1996a:472. they do in the cognitive operations they imply. which would imply a kind of difference in relationship. as StuartHall has pointed out. perceptions.as I contend.racisms do not differ much in scope or intensity.the tensions and discriminationalong the lines of diversity have to be understoodand dealt with accordingly. Diversity (ethnic or otherwise) is not a fact of naturebut a productionof history. from Harris1974 and Skidmore 1974 to an updateddiscussion in Sansone 1996). as Kwame Appiah (1990a) has shown. discerningracial conceptions. "modified and transformedby the historical specificity of the contexts and environments in which they become active"(Hall 1996b:472). they are groundedon implicit theoretical propositionsof variouskinds and. In addition. on the other. but ratherto emphasize the significance of the specific racial politics and "formationof diversity" (Segato 1997a. Finally. RACISMSAND THE PLACE OF AFRICA IN THE NEW WORLD:THE ETHNO-RACIALPARADIGMFROM TOP TO BOTTOMAND BACK National Constructionsof Race Although today the politics of minorities presents a postnational.globalized trend very much influenced by the historical experience of African-North Americans. as several authorshave argued. the features of racism are. it would not be correct to reduce race to ethnicity (see discussion in Goldberg 1993:78). The mainpoint of my argumenthere. So.on encoded ethnic knowledge accumulatedthroughdiverse historical experiences. Although. Even more importanttoday. . strategies.b) within national contexts as the outcome of particularnationalhistories. however. is not merely to pinpointthe pitfalls of racial politics in the United States. If. 474. David Hollinger proposeda "post-ethnic" multiculturalistsociety where double ethnic loyalties would be possible and a matter of choice (Hollinger 1995:21). where national constructionsof diversity played a crucial role. perhaps.
the other inside. In Brazil. Seen this way. race is not a salient. Also accepted is thatrace in Brazil dependson consent. the nation has a decisive role in shapingits internaldiversity and fractures. the ethnicbases for representingthe nation in Brazil. integratedreality. However. For a varino ety of reasons involving eitherbiological or cultural"contamination. as in the United States. recordedtraitof tradeunion leadersor of the membersof the Movement of Landless Workers. Fromher observationof countriesof Anglo-Saxon colonization (Guyana and the United States). while the Anglo-Saxon white is distinctly white in racial and genealogical terms and racial mixture will inescapably signify exclusion from that category. self-feeding. As BracketteWilliams has shown. but always assumes the form of virulent interpersonal aggression. Williams concludes that racial groups have always been constructedas a function of the unity of the nation and have been expected to behave. as nothingless andnothingmore thanan "ethnic"component. the North American trend is to abolish ambiguity.She has spoken of"the (Williams 1989:436. If we areto analyze. closed. discriminationis never expressedas racismof contingentsand enactedas aggression between belligerent groups. Also.whereas in the United States race is linked to origin (Nogueira 1985). Othercharacteristics place them apartas well. the articulationsand the rhetoricof power within the nation and its internalcleavages in the countriesof Iberiancolonization are not the same. then. the circuit of nation and minority is circular. as Paul Gilroy did for England(1991). we will have to accept that Brazil describes .significant and discursively indicated in any social setting. Forthatreason."dominant element (Williams 1993:154). whereas in the United Statesrace follows the compulsoryrule of descent (Sollors 1986). For example. the Brazilian white is "polluted"and insecure as a bearerof such status(Carvalho1988). and introducingsegmentationby race into those popularfrontswould not only be spuriousbut would also have disastrousconsequences. and within the histories studied by Williams and Allen.two sides of the same coin. in Brazil. Finally.negotiated.whereasin the United States it is an ever-present concern. Sansone 1996. race is not a relevant factorin every situation. color is open to interpretation (Maggie 1991. a twofold. in opposition to the so-believed "non-ethnic. In Brazil. and changeable affiliation is permanentlyleft open.whereas in Brazil the road to ambiguous. These differences are understandable only in relationto the ethnic formation in both nations." Brazilian white is ev::xfully.theirrace conceptions and racisms have been repeatedly reportedas different in the literature.see also Allen process of nationbuildingas race-making" 1995 for the origin of this structurein the racializationof the Irishby the British). undoubtedlywhite.It is generally accepted today that race in Brazil is associated with phenotypical mark.136 SEGATO As far as Brazil and the United States are concerned. Viveiros de CastroCavalcanti 1996:19). a visible dimension of interaction.
that is. when Gilroy statesthat"phraseslike 'the IslandRace' and 'the Bulldog Breed' vividly convey the mannerin which this nation is representedin terms which are simultaneously biological and cultural"where "the distinction between 'race'and nation"is erased (Gilroy 1991:45). a single outcome from a variety of components. This ethnic paradigmis indeed two-sided: Today it is enforced as a way of controllingfairness in the distributionofjobs and otheropportunities. The representation the nation puts a premium on blood mixture and a convergence of civilizations. he exposes a difference with the Brazilian ethnic paradigm. Wade 1995. from top to bottom. Asian-Americans.a "fableof the threeraces"(da Matta 1984).indigenous Americans. from top to bottom.If separation is the lingua francaof the whole society in the United States. see also Maggie & Gon9alves 1995 for a sophisticateddiscussion of the Brazilian"triangle of the three races"). it was laterreinterpreted underthe light of Horace Kallen's model of culturalpluralism with its analogy of a symphonicorchestra: "Eachinstrument was a distinctive group transplantedfrom the Old World. If. I call the color-blindmyth a unified field of belief. TheNorthAmericanEthnic Paradigm: Reciprocatingthe Gaze Analyzing the genesis of the "ethnicpentagon"that today organizes ethnicity in the United States.in Brazil the ethnicparadigmis based on encompassing the other. For example. EuroAmericans.To acknowledge this difference is not merely doing comparativeethnographybut has importantconsequences when trying to deploy efficacious strategies for contestation. This model prevailedand today takes the shape of an "ethno-racialpentagon" formed by African-Americans.David Hollingerrecountsthatthe image of the melting pot was initially coined by IsraelZangwill to convey the idea of a social amalgam.WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 137 TO IN and institutesitself in its official texts as a nationof mixed blood. He emphasized the integrity and autonomy of each descentdefined group"(Hollinger 1995:92). may find expression.where the "Brazilianrace" is always presentedas of mixture. Nonetheless. whatever the practices that grow under that facade. and the myth here is the color-blind myth of an interrelating people. where everyone in a given society. and Latino-Americans (Hollinger 1995:8). for an updateddiscussion. Various authors have called attentionto the role of miscegenationin the whole of LatinAmerica as a deceptive racial ideology (see. independentof thatperson's position.but it originatedfrom the process of "racemaking"describedby BracketteWilliams: "If the classical race theory of the nineteenth century is . making harmoniousmusic with other groups. the North American ethnic paradigmis based on separationunderthe umbrellaof a common. color-blindmyth of sharedeffort and meritocraticreward. a hegemonic ideology or system of values. relation is the key to access in the Brazilian social environment. inclusion is its strongmotif.
racistmaof terials"(Hollinger 1995:32).. We may be before a case of separationbetween ethos and worldview. and conflicts as whites except for the fact that they remain separate but equal" (Gray 1995:87). (Gray 1995:89). At best. .Yet it was enlightenedantiracismthat led to the manufacturing today'sethno-racialpentagonout of old.no open avenue seems to be left for black dignity within alternativemores. However.. where ethos has been reduced to diacritic.138 SEGATO not directlybehindthe pentagon. but always as reactivebehaviorratherthana positive propositionof withdrawalinto a distinctive life-world. white foundation. the nihilistic attitudecan be interpretedas a practice of resistance (De Genova 1995). evidently. the dominant. as I show later.contestationis formulated. with its properforms of solidarity and satisfaction. This unificationof the ideological field has grown steadily over time. as a set of nationalvalues stampedby its Anglo-Saxon. "It is a separate-but-equal blacks and whites are just alike save for minor differences of habit and perspective ..underthat ethnic paradigm. African Americans face the same experiences.all-pervadingmyth of meritocraticindividual achievement in the United States. So. With the unificationof the ideological field. emblematic signs of separationas an interestgroup no longer relatedto the density of a specific worldview. Destitute from an alternativeworld.in the same languageas discrimination. This situationis. Only blackness is retained as a platform for claiming. emanatingfrom the classes thatcontrolthe state as much as from those oppressedby them. it is not as removed from what happens in Brazil as Hanchardand authorsof his generationbelieve.this structure'sarchitecture its unmistakhas able origins in the most gross and invidious of popularimages of what makes humanbeings differentfromeach other. But. contestationbecomes plain competition for the same ends.seems to have definitely taken over. the main problem with the North American ethnic paradigmis not merely the consistency of the code of oppressionwith the code of contestation but ratherthatall the conflagratingpartsstrive underthe same myth. In this . a paradigmof inclusion runs from the top to bottom of society. but the claims themselves have turnedwhite. Therefore. Withinthe ideological frameof the NorthAmericannation. Corell West (1993:17ff) has describedthe "nihilism"of excluded blacks in North America and has dated its origins to the post-civil rights era. contraryto what the authorstates. we have a separatedsociety but a common set of values whereby today the excluded are no longer protectedby an alternativemyth setting an alternativearrayof ends for life. Commenting on a media production paradigmaticfor understandingthe unification of the ideological field. America. they are left abandonedto a nihilistic outlook (West 1993: 17ff). appealed to the universal themes of mobility and individualism" inclusion. Herman Gray states that "The Cosby Show . In this television world. it is not universal. situations..And. In Brazil.
In his classic essay on the relevance of Gramsci for the study of race and ethnicity.a strong labor movement shares the political arenawith the political awarenessof minorities.the full market economy is no longer innocuous for the field of culture. but it would nevertheless lead to important. in the global expansion of the capitalist mode" (1996b:436). ticularisticqualities of labourpower. in conditions of extreme market enshrinement as one can witness in the United States. professions.particularly. thatis to say. An properly analysis of this kind would certainlyraisepainful doubtsaboutthe truecharacter of the achievementsbroughtaboutby the struggleof the 1960s.in addition. And yet. Hall's view may hold true for Britain.underthe totalizing shadow of the market(which is nearly the present situationin the United States). the decline of an African-American traditionalspace. these distinctions have been maintained.However. and indeed developed and refined.it can even prevent this uniformization:"Whatwe actually find is the many ways in which capital can preserve.WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 139 TO IN sense. as well as of the self-destructive drive that has installed itself among poor. any kind of socioculturalar- . building them into its regimes. speakingin ethnic terms. lest the self-destructivenihilism describedby West reaches to the farthestcomers.unavoidable questions regardingthe kind of ideological commitments and compromises that came together with new opportunities.adaptto its fundamental harnessandexploit these partrajectory. Without a thorough examinationof the myth lurking behind the jobs. is directly linked to the expansion of marketrule. where the imperatives of productivityand profit scarcely leave room for a residue of gratuityor gift in human social relationships. where alteritystill has a place and the negative experience of being at the margins of the rule of the markethas not yet fully taken over. capital does not make the socioculturalfield homogeneous. responsibilities. in my own vocabulary-black North Americans is touching.What I mean is that it is no longer clear whether. privileges. of may provide an inhibition to the rationalisticallyconceived 'global' tendencies of capitalist development. It seems reasonableto conclude thatthe loss of a truly alternativeset of mores. nihilism is coeval with the process of inclusion of AfricanNorth Americans in the marketas producersand consumersof growing importance. Stuart Hall forcefully argues against the view that the economic foundationhas a unifying impact on social subjects.His descriptionof the lack of meaning and purpose. In Britain. The ethnic and racial structuration the labourforce. In his view. or even Brazil. the Caribbean. and obligations now embraced by blacks. marginalized-newly peripheralized. he does not analyze the coincidence between the timing of unprecedented access to opportunitiesby a partof the black North Americanpopulation andthe fall into the nihilist attitudeof the ones excluded fromthis process. Unfortunately. no black North Americanactivist is fully entitledto addressBrazilians in the tone adoptedby Hanchardand others. like its genderedcomposition.
And divergent conceptions aboutwhat resourcesare and to what end they serve are betterindicators of ethnic plurality than those who seize resources in society.I think.communicatand remembering"that Paul Gilroy (1994:3) calls the "black Atlantic ing of world"cease to be foundationalfor the constantreproduction an alternative (though constantly negotiating and dialogical) niche of culture and become just an ornamentalresidue of a previous difference in the strongsense. gender. race. it does not imply that blackness. That is. the market does not allow for lesser gods. with its "differentdiscursive currents. my perceptionis that this terrainof true culturaldissent is being progressively banishedfrom the social field and that the United States leads this process. and it allows for an understandingof globalizationas the expansion of the rules of the marketto encompass all aspects of social life and overdeterminenot only locality but also minoritygroups. in this condition.the economic system is in itself a cultural choice.I would say thatfromthe point of view of culture.one does not see where andhow values otherthanthe maximizationof productivityand profit can find a legitimateplace underthe sun. When the "structures feeling. underthis pressure. and exempt from the cultural realm. This situation. What of StuartHall calls "thedifferentiatedterrain" ideology.is new. as it is increasingly seen. producing. should not refermerely to discrepancieswith regardto who accedes to profitbut shouldalso referto whatprofitis andhow it is to be obtained and used. above. will safely secure a territoryof culture.their points of junctureand breakand the relations of power between them"(1996b:434). This situationis so because the economic system is not. Moreover.a group can subsist bearing a different view about the meaning of resources. Only this refinementwould be able to provide for a in radicaldiversity and multiculturalism a strong sense. In otherwords. These signs startbehavingas market emblems linking particular ethnicallymarkedmerchandiseto a population of ethnicallymarkedconsumers-in a more constrainedand less creativerela- . intertwined with other culturalaspects in society. even when its intellectuals and activists disseminatea racialpolitics based on the particular experience of blacks in the United States. just because of the color of their skin. their mode of production.140 SEGATO rangementscan continueflourishingdisencumbered. by itself. Enshrinedand made sacred. and so on) within the capitalist economy does not imply that blacks. From my Latin American-situatedperspective.full marketrule is monopolistic. guaranteesdifferof ence and ethnicity. I cannotenvisage how. Adapting Habermas's expression. outside. And othergods are needed to have a pluralityof culturesin a radical sense.and their destinationin human life. the market economy has thoroughly colonized the life-world and. ruling above any other set of values. a fashionabletribaldiacriticset of signs take over. Hall's insistence on acknowledging heterogeneity (of class. rather. a multiethnicsociety.
in Gramsci'sterms. and it does not constitutea real alternativeto total integrationandthe thorougheradication of marksof difference. as is the case of social movements in the United States today. a difference exists not only when a distinctive style or ethos is presentunderthe form of diacriticalsigns but also when there is some form (even hybrid from the point of view of the culturalmaterialsit incorporates)of alternativeconception with regardto the finality and meaningof social life. in a context like the North American one. This alternativeconception certainly involves priorities otherthan maximizationof profit and productivityand certainlyimplies a degree of dysfunctionalitywith the rule of the market(as Hall points out). despite outwardappearances.Even religion. This is true for a society where hegemony.The radically diverging values that supportthem are inevitably receding."where.has been largely behindthe facades of ornamentaldiacritic:"Inthe United States homogenized of America .. which usually plays the role of warranting diversityin this strongsense of content. My point here is thatundercertainconditionsof extremepressureby the rule of the market.. by means of the action of the overpoweringrhetoricof the myth of individualachievementandunlimitedprofit. Individualdroppingout is the only available road to escape. An example of this is providedby Paul Gilroy (1991:32) when he talks about the "new kinds of solidarityandnew patternsof communication" imprintedby the participationof women in the English coal strike of 1984-1985.Geertzian terms. access to its rights to a largershare in profit and power. diversity. it becomes increasinglyunattainablefor gender and race strugglesto preserve such forms of alternativesolidarity. In strictly anthropological. thatis to say. in the United States? Shall we accept once and for all the equationof Af- . Fromthe perspectiveI am takinghere.theirproduction and usufructhas been overridden. Whereis Africa. Conwhen a minoritygroupfights for or extinuingwith this line of argumentation. We fall back into the trapof some kind of formulationof a "cultureof poverty. then.WHERETO FIND AFRICA IN THE NATION 141 tionship between consumption and citizenship than the one proposed by Nestor Garcia Canclini (1995). a nonintegrated system of values and worldview. ethnic politics within a unified ideological field must of necessity mean competition for the same resources and not the properlypolitical conflict between diverging views on resources. in the strongsense of diverse conceptions aboutresources. a particularform of Bible interpretation served as a rationhas ale for the whole countryas well as for many ethnic groups"(Sollors 1986:39). what mattersis pands not the amountof wealth or power thatbecomes available to it but to what extent it imposes a change on the meaningand destinationof thatprofit or power. is totalizing andwhere.poverty is the only thing left as cultureto the blacks who do not participatein the white myth. This canned ethnicity so characteristicof the United States does not necessarily correspondto an ethnic discourse.
but thatit is not fully engulfed by its myths-it continuesto comply with its own traditionalvalues. Postcolonial writing also sometimes implies that the peripheryis the only space (geographical. This myth will not be an encapsulated. we have to find alternativemythical spaces. while people forget to reflect on the very natureof profit and satisfaction?Is this not the shipwreck of Africa. But it is importantto recognize the existence of an other space.solipsistic politics myth. In Brazil. left over by the Americanmyth?To find an alternative. with alternative sets of values. I contendthat in Brazil.an inscriptionof ethnic history and aspirations. there still is a culturalother. This other culturebecomes interpreted a cultureof poverty.142 SEGATO rica with poverty?Is there nothing left as African outside of materialdeprivation? Is there anything at all in between this and its assigned reversal of a of minority-within-a-minority achievers in white terms? Is politics to be reduced to a mere strugglefor a sharein the profit. unrelatedto the marketeconomy. which alludes to those in the populationwho live at the marginsand underthe shadow of the marketeconomy as a peripheryin relationto it. radical alterity-in these nonfundamentalist. the simultaneousengulfing and peripheralization the radically other world of is a growing reality. as in otherLatinAmerican countries.cultural. a negotiating.ideological) available for otherness. Thereforethroughthe process of globalization. an otherpopulation exists. It is also truethatas long as thereremainautonomousenclaves not fully engulfed by the inexorablelogic of the market. as exclusively defined by lack and default. conversationalplatform. the markethas not colonized life to the extent it has in the United States. and culturally-of the technologically developed world.to find a trueterritory of culture. those fully engaged in a quest for modernitycan be said to be a periphery-economically. The Brazilian Ethnic Paradigm: Repatriating the Gaze A similar analysis of the Brazilian case will shed light on what I have said so far.hybridby the interlocutionary inclusions processed throughhistory. socially. andproducefrom it a carefullyarticulated alternativerhetoric:a of radicaldifference. and thatthe Afro-Americanworld continuesto be truly diverse and diverging and continues to speak of a lively Africa. an encoded inscription of white history in ethnic terms. This situation does not mean that this other population is closed upon itself. with incompatible conceptions of resources and exotic no- .Besides the problemthatis usually called exclusion or social apartheid. because none of the working myths are. but a living one: a myth in relationship. only when seen from the perspective of the economic centers. it is possible to say that while in some parts of Brazil. By the same token.and also a commentaryon the other.therewill be alternative myths. where materialindigence may be the case but also culturaldensity and symbolic wealth of an other kind.nonessentialist terms-still exists.
as Hanchardwould have it. This inability shouldnot be understoodas an indicationof weakness. when he sees belief in spirits and the experience of possession as the most extensive and agglutinatingpracticeof the Braziliansocial scene as a whole. these enclaves guaranteethe nonperipheral kind of alteritywhose space is receding in the United States. under the form of therapeuticservices. in turn. or rationallyarticulated) penetrationin all levels of Brazilian society depends. the philosophy containedin this codex resists racialization because it perceives itself as bigger than race and aspires to universality. informal. Evidence of this impregnationwas gatheredby Yvonne Maggie (1992) in the courts of Rio de Janeiro. this codex operates as a stable reservoirof meaning from which flows a capillary.gratuity. In this sense. consistent. the philosophy andpolitics espoused by this other codex cannotbe racializedandtransformed into a racialpolitics. aesthetic inspiration.b). affecting the society at large. and fragmentaryimpregnationof the whole of society. Segato 1997a). and the forms of conviviality they enforce spreadfar. as I have contendedelsewhere (Segato 1995a. . after the marketeconomy and its own inexorable precepts took over the black enclaves and made recede positive "dysfunctional"forms of traditionalsolidarity.from the trials for witchcraftbetween 1912 and 1945.Also.on the existence of enclaves of orthodoxypreservedby the most conservative temple houses. in its own metaphoriclanguage. but as a consequence of strength.WHERETO FIND AFRICA IN THE NATION 143 tions of what to do with them andhow to reach satisfaction. It is always visible and at hand for everyone. This researchshowed thatjudges and defendantsshareda common set of beliefs. At certain corers of society. but it is there.and gift. This codex tells us. The Afro-Brazilianreligions are one such set of conceptions and constitute a very importantniche of culturepreservationand creativity. However. its presence becomes diffuse and tenuous. It contains a stable repertoireof images thatmake up a truly alternative myth. or even as a symbolic repertoire to locally process the materialsof otherreligions (I referhereparticularly to popular Catholicism and the varieties of Pentecostalisms proliferatingin Brazil. well beyond the niches of orthodoxywhere the work of elaborationandpreservationof this codex takes place.not only aboutreligion but also about the relationships between blacks and the white state (Segato 1995a. It also holds the recordof theirperceptionof thatnationalsetting and theirplace in it. A similar idea is supportedby Gilberto Velho (1992).These conceptions are often seen by modernizingagents as simply dysfunctionalbeliefs. This loose (in the sense of not really organic.b). These enclaves do not dominate the cultural scene of the country but are among the referencesthat secure its heterogeneityin the field of culture.Paradoxical as it may seem.These traditions have inscribed a monumentalAfrican codex containingthe accumulatedethnic experience and strategiesof African descendantsas partof a nation.as a source of answers about the meaning of the most varied circumstancesof life.
The expansive potential of Afro-Brazilianculture and the ability of its brokersare evidenced by the highly elaboratealtarsof the newly formed cult-houses of Montevideo and Buenos Aires. Its recent expansion toward new. as subject to its logic. of racializationand hinderingthe participation the bearersof the Africantradition in Brazil in any politics based on an ethnic divide. as I said. the clue to understanding survivaland gradualexpansion of the whole system.pan-Africansubstratum musthave begun constitutingitself inside the slave ships duringthejourney fromAfrica to America an and continuedin the New World. . where 20 years ago there were none.well-being. though informallyin most cases. therapeutic knowledge. with regardto theirracialcomposition. Black is also an exportingforce. but on commonality in belief and on philosophical community. All whites are seen. white territoriesin Argentina. embracing the white. shows the strengthof an "African ancestry"not based on commonalityof blood.of threehistoricalprocesses that are characteristicof the Brazilian formation. In this recreationof Africa in Brazil.universalelement of Afro-Braziliancultureis inscribed in the religious codex as a precept for inclusiveness.mysteriouslyfaded away (Andrews 1980).144 SEGATO Significantly. Spain. and Portugalproves this aspirationwell founded (Segato of 1991. it perceives itself as encompassing. The introduction Afro-Brazilianreligious lineages into a counlike Argentina. Italy. startingearly in life and long ago in history with the socialization of white childrenby black nurses.on the partof Afro-Brazilians. and civilizing potential. structuring Africanenvironmentin Brazil along the lines of artificiallyarchitectedreligious nations. art. Uruguay. As a prestigiouspriest told me recently. also. the percluding ception of the formationof Brazilian society throughmassive miscegenation. Ourase [power] lies somewhere else. the partof Brazil thatmore forcefully expandedinto the so-perceivedwhite countries of the south in the past few years is the black part.thatis to say. that The firstis the syncretic. preventing. 1996)." This inclusive determinationcould be read as a text expressing the perception. of The thirdspeaks of the deep mingling and interpenetration the Europeanenvironment of the landownersby Afro-Brazilianculture-mingling that took place and continues to take place in the intimacy of so-called white households. knowingly or unknowingly. through retradewith the south. sooner or later. philosophy. The encompassing.African Brazil is seen by many there as a source of religion. in North Americanterms. in the paraphernalia lated to the cults. as generallyacceptedby histotry rians.whereAfricanpresencehad. Indeed. The second historical process speaks of the thoroughly Brazilianpopulation. "thatwould be overtly political.inmixed breedingthatforms the basis of contemporary the elites. openness to individualsof any origin was and continuesto be the the rule and.
as evidence of the strengthand scope of the African presence in Brazil. 474) but has. if he had an emotionallysatisfying relationwith an adultin his family of origin.. biological. Annie is black. has describedas the inherentdialogy and hybridityof black culture(1996b:472. sharethis encompassing."So.but because it intendsto talk for all and it representsitself as an alltradition-its messages areassumedto be as releembracingandagglutinating vant for an AfricanBrazilianas they are for a Chineseperson. this believe.growth. at stakehere arenot these multiplemergingsbut theirperception andtranscription an encodedknowledge. the state was forcedto. However. David's mother. in his forceful criticism of essentialisms [including even the "strategicessentialism"proposed by GayatriSpivak(1990:12)]. the ethical state has failed to raise "the greatmass of the populationto a particularculturalandmorallevel (or type) which corresponds the needs of the to forces for development. I into the pillar of its very strength. it hadbeen with Annie.in whateversense. in this particularcase. North American male discovered in therapy a black caretakerwho playedthe role of a motherfigurein his childhood:"Davidcameto realizethat... middleclass.in an articleininto the "darkside of self. codex is capableof survival. For David to consider that in some sense he might think of himself as something other than white." reportson a North Americanclinical case vestigating thatcan be consideredvery close to the Brazilianexperience.turningtheminto a fundamental piece of theirphilosophy.This codex is universalnot because it denies its Africanness(as in the antiessentialist positionalso mappedby Gilroy)orbecause it is hybridanddialogicalas a product(as Hall andGilroy say of diasporicblack culture). is a thought that contradictsstrong-we claims at their . If we are to apply the Gramscianview that there are ethical. and expansionin the most adversecircumstances. quotedby Hall 1996b:429). andculturalmergingsthattook place in history. CharlesLemert. Lemertwonders:"IfAnnie was David's mother. and culturalaspects of hegemony. Annie was.In its specificity. perhaps even black. in what sense is David white?"To conclude:"Thisis a question aboutwhich our culturedoes not permitus to talk. transformed codex in no case presents the essentialist "mystical Africentrism"or "antiassimilationistunintelligibility"that Paul Gilroy (1994:100) criticizes as a traitof some hard-lineblack music styles but hammersprecisely on the opposite key: its universality.ethicalfunctionwith black enclaves thatactivelyproduceandexpandAfricanculturethroughthe nationand beyond.Because of this the characteristic. in effect. at least.In this sense. we conclude that in Brazil. Perhapswe have here a peculiaraspect of what StuartHall.WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 145 TO IN The popularvoices that speak in the Afro-Braziliancodex take notice of these threeprocesses and transformto their advantagethe ethnic.David is white. and hence to the interests of the ruling productive class" (Gramsci1971:258. moral.A white.
and the possibility of a permanentambiguity will remain open. it will be mandatoryto opt for a clear and exclusive identity affiliation. either within a strong-we position (identified with whiteness and universality) or a weak-we position (identified with an ethnic mark).a "narrative conversion"(Sollors 1986:31). In this way. it allows for ambivalence ity simultaneously. Moreover. substantivedefinition of selfhood and identity.can be located as a reservoirof meaning for all. blacks do not imitatethe movementof the white self into a concretionbut simply underminethe pretensionof purity in ethnic identity. lately. it never slips into an Africentricposition because of its radicallypluralisticoutlook. And this dilemmais exactly where the divide lies with the Brazilianenvironment. as Hall and Gilroy point out. regardless of origin-is created by religious genealogies (open to everyone to througha ritualvow) and the universalvalue attributed the orixas to speak abouthumanpersonalityandpredictbehavior. a sense of communityand solidarity-available to all.The Africancodex in Braziltells the white of this darkside (literallyand metaphorically)of the white's self by appointing it the tutelage of an Africandeity. the self will have to proof duce. Of course. That is.Supportedby these two pillars." with its "moralerror"(Appiah 1990a:12) and its fallaciously restrictive "familism. setting itself free from the trapthis essentialismposes to a black sense of self-a trapthat confines it within a rigid. which. the philosophy of the Afro-Brazilianreligious codex can be said to avoid the pitfalls of what Kwame Appiah calls "intrinsicracism.In Brazil this option is not mandatoryor even meaningful. The "dark. Precisely. challenging the blood principleand all racial determinations(Segato 1995b).typical of the monological dominantstyle of Westerncivilization. and multiple affiliations and places a premiumon transits. an essentialist position either. At the same time. The problem is that within the North American culturalclimate." African self will constantlyand explicitly aspireto particularity universaland The model is not mechanical. by offering it engagementin an Africanreligious genealogy. The universalisticpretensionis matchedhere by a greatdyof namism in the proliferationand appropriation materials for the symbolic Therefore.Brazilian and diasporic. the main questionremainswhetherblack and white traditions . However. Easternreligions. incorporatingelements from other religious traditions such as Catholicism.146 SEGATO foundation"(Lemert 1994:110). this philosophy counterposesa truealternativeto white racistessentialism. the cultural materials are hybrid and malleable themselves. essentialist. the premiumis placed on openness. by encompassingit within the Africantradition. Finally.even thoughin Brazil any strongsense of self of the white is impeachedby the Africancodex. sooner or later.with regardto its contents. and even." In Brazil. the codex does not represent repertoire. its originality lies in its militant propositionof an idea of a universalAfrica. native Indian beliefs. thoughever changing.
Whiteness in Brazil is impregnatedby blackness. My analysis takes us. they are in an extremelyfragile position under this flexible. as a sign of safe.is never fully achieved. racist hatredis the outcome of the horrorcaused by this very privatesecret carriedby families: the twilight memoryof the black great-grandmother. racismdenominates a differentcognitive operation. In Brazil.a structureleaning more on a psychological and status-basedpremodem (patriarchal)organization than on a categorical.it has to be repelled. a markof Africa in the skin. also supportingthe idea of a Brazil. with the modernizationof the economic forms of exploitation and the transformationof the traditionalslaveowning household (the casa grande) into the modem wealthy mansion(the sobrado). interpersonalbasis and never as a confrontationof one communityagainstanother."in Brazil. Racism in Brazil is a purge that startsfrom the inside of the white being. as in the United States. Their apprehensionof the various mergings with the black componenthas important consequences. which is so characteristic US racist behavior.In Brazil. uncontestedstatus. Ricardo Benzaquem de Araujo (1994:133) also asserts that in Gilberto Freyre's account.founded on dif- . in his terms.ethnic. violently rethe pressed oedipal love for the black wet nurse. the more excludingthey became. These complexities would call for a politics able to touch the Achilles' heel of such a structure.to the extent thatit can be maintainedthatwhite racismin Brazil is not.It is the outcome of an I/thou.IN WHERE FINDAFRICA THENATION 147 TO exist or if thereareonly people of differentorigins participating variedtradiin tions. undoubtedly."that is to say. the outcome of a barrierthat separatesand excludes "we" from "them. diffuse resistance. never certain(Carvalho 1988). concealed somewhere. a discriminationof two mutuallyexclusive cultural. contractualone. turning into a more conventional type of aristocraticdomination.intimacy.modem. of intimate interracialrelationshipthat was there and continues to be lurkingin the backgroundof"white" self-formation. a fear (and a certainty)of being contaminatedsomewhere.It has to do with intimacyandrelatedness. The ultimate meaning of this thesis was identifiedwith an attackon modernityand modernizing forces (Needell 1995).wherebya greatproximity. "theless patriarchal they grew.close to GilbertoFreyre's classic thesis of 1933.not with ethnic distance and fear of aliens.and even identity with the black "other"has to be exorcised-hence the extreme virulence and passion it sometimes involves-always on an individual. fully contaminated by the Africanpresence-a white Brazil thathides a black spot. "Whiteness. With regardto the white elites. and social territorieswith its political and economic implications. a Brazil where black and white do not estrange each other to the extent they do in the United States. The cultureI have dealtwith seems to be clear in statingthatit represents a corpusof knowledge originally createdby Africans andAfrican descendants in the New World but that has been adamantto include in its lineages people from any ancestry.
I point out the existence of a virulent racist attitude and feeling in Brazil against people of black color while suggesting the examinationof the complexities and ambivalencesof the subject of such feelings and attitudes. The scope and pervasiveness of African culture in Brazil.andmy contentionis thatthe cognitive.two differences are the most relevantfor the scope of my argument.My focus is on a critiqueof the kind of mental and affective processes thatareat stake. in the sense that the whole of the populationeats from it (Fry 1982)." Therefore. But my ultimate goal takes me far from Freyre's in that I intend this whole comparativeexercise to contributeto the formulationof an adequatepolitics to fight racism in Brazil. Accordingly. In the former.in open confrontation. The second difference between my thesis and that of Freyreand the neo-Freyriansis that I contend that the people identified with the black enclaves of the Afro-Brazilianreligious orthodoxy are themselves claiming that their cultureencompasses white culture. is an entirelymodem attitude.the entrancehere into a full modernitybecomes relatedto a particular kind of race relationsthat follows the apartheidpattern.the result of a strong African pres- . where two social groupswith clear borderscompete for resourcesof variouskinds. the Brazilian traditionalarrangement race relafor tions appears opposite the "moder" North American landscape.a correlateof the modem laws that enforce equality and freedom for all. power is exerted amid promiscuity and intimacy ("excess" in Benzaquem de Araujo's vocabulary). Racism. However. I do not see this characteristicas a benign. thus changingthe ideological sign of this statement. In the Freyrianmodel. Therefore. traditionalsystem. according to are my interpretation.If an equivalentof the soul food of blacks in the southernUnited Statesis absentin Brazil. this is not the outcome of a and process of expropriation cannibalizationof black symbols by Braziliansociety at large but is. several substantialdifferences exist between my contentionhere and what could be perceived as neo-Freyrism. These relationships are based on different assumptions and work according to differentsystems of rules.in the latter. psychological operationsat work in Brazil are of a differentkind and embedded in a differentstructureof relationshipsthanthose in the United States. as known in hierarchicalrelationBrazil. and mainly. conceding traiton the partof the landowningelite but as a revindicationof black discourse by itself and for itself. in my study of Afro-Brazilian religions I found that the agents of black culturethemselves raise this point.148 SEGATO ference but also. althoughI seem to confirm Freyre's idea of Brazil being thoroughlyimpregnatedby black presence. inscribedin the Afro-Brazilianreligious codex. in this sense. Any good strategyresults only from awarenessof this differenceandthereforedemandsan adequateexaminationof the peculiarprocesses that lie behind the Brazilianform of racism.The premoder.First. was and continuesto be markedby interpersonal ships. on separation. much to the contrary.
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