File Name DDI ‘08 Clark/Martin Adit Chipalkatti

Frontline
1. Turn-integration will result in the rich retaliating against the impure poor
Jerry Frug Professor of Law @ Harvard, May1996 Stanford Law Review, "Surveying Law and Borders," [adit] P Richard Sennett's important book, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life, presents contrasting psychological pictures of homogeneous and heterogeneous communities.13 Sennett associates the desire to live in a homo- geneous suburb or neighborhood-the desire for what he calls a "purified com- munity"-with a psychological style developed in adolescence.14 Adolescents, he says, fear being overwhelmed by life's painful uncertainties and complexi- ties. To overcome this fear, they attempt to create an orderly, coherent, and stable self-image. This sense of self enables them to deal with their anxieties through a strategy of avoidance. Adolescents thus organize their lives to pre- clude exposure to the unknown or the bewildering. For example, they decide on a career before they have any experience that might indicate what the alternatives would be like; they search for an ideal romantic relationship rather than confront the endless conflicts and mysteries of human intimacy; they seek to get "on top of things"-to assert control-in order to escape from the embar- rassment and confusion of being uninformed or surprised about what's going on around them. These instincts to exclude, to purify, and to control, Sennett

contends, generate in adults the efforts to foster the sense of solidarity and cohesion symbolized by homogeneous suburbs. These purified communities reflect a desire for a collective form of identity, a collective defense against the unpredictable, the disorienting, or the painful. The aspiration for such a collective identity is frequently developed before moving to any particular location. It expresses a longing for a fantasy of a community, not the actual experience of interpersonal contact. On the contrary, the image of a purified community enables its residents to avoid dealing with each other. Residents of a purified community need not suffer the disruption and
annoyance of actual engagement with the strangers who live nearby be- cause the "we" feeling allows them to "imagine that they know all about each other, and their knowledge becomes a vision of how they must be the same."'15 Although this common identity is a fabrication, the lie they have formed as their common image is a usable falsehood-a myth-for the group. Its

use is that it makes a coherent image of the community as a whole: people draw a picture of who they are that binds them all together as one being, with a definite set of desires, dislikes, and goals. The image of the community
is purified of all that might convey a feeling of differ- ence, let alone conflict, in who "we" are.16 Like the adolescents' purified sense of individual identity, this collective self-image has concrete consequences. It produces efforts to create a

stable social order that can provide isolation from people considered unusual or devi- ant. It leads people to protect themselves against the unfamiliar and the surpris- ing, not to mention the unpleasant. Indeed, the collective sense of vulnerability to otherness becomes so strong that acts of aggression against outsiders, even violence, can appear life-preserving; the very survival of the community seems to depend on the exclusion of difference, on the control of disorder.
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File Name DDI ‘08 Clark/Martin Adit Chipalkatti

2. Even if transit is cheaper people will only use it if it becomes a superior alternative to personal transportation
Samuel Stanley, director of urban and land use policy for Reason Foundation in Los Angeles, 6/25/08 http://www.planetizen.com/node/33371 [adit] Today, I

would like to suggest that transit’s inability to pierce the hold of automobility on US urban areas is the least of its worries. The real long-term problem faced by transit agencies is that their service—fixed route transportation modes designed to carry large numbers of people in buses or trains—is what economists call an “inferior good.” The term is not intended to be pejorative. It’s a technical one and characterizes an important economic relationship
between income and the demand for a specific product or service. As our income increases, we consume less transit, opting for alternatives, most notably the automobile.

Mobility, on the other hand, is a “normal good”: as our income rises, we want more mobility, in terms of flexibility and speed. (Some might think that we devote a higher share of our budget to transportation as our incomes go up, but historically transportation has tended to average around 9 to 10 percent.) Those transportation modes that provide more mobility will see demand increase. That’s one reason why vehicle miles traveled and air travel have grown so drastically along with our nation’s wealth, while public transport’s share of total travel has fallen. Can transit break out of this economic trap? Possibly, but it will be a long, difficult road. Transit’s long-term viability will depend on its ability to provide a reliable, superior alternative to its competition, not a “second best” alternative that consumers choose when they can’t afford their first choice (e.g., the automobile). If transit
managers want to grow their customer base, let alone gain market share, they will have to provide very high levels of quality and service.

2.The aff cant solve pollution, A. even if they make more buses are not the largest contributor to pollution. B. they don’t remove the old buses which means they still add to the pollution. C. production of cleaner buses still occurs in factories located near poorer communities d. They don’t clean up pollution those areas will always remain polluted e. The pre-existing buses will still exist meaning that the aff doesn’t reduce emissions it just keeps it the same f. Cant solve other types of pollution such as waste/landfill, water pollution, or pollution caused by manufacturing 3. class divisions inevitable--Poorer people wont be able to move into the suburbs because of costly housing. The rich will always live in areas that are unaffordable to the poor perpetuating class divisions.

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File Name DDI ‘08 Clark/Martin Adit Chipalkatti

3. divisions are rooted in the poor economic condition of the urban city.
Jerry Frug, Professor of Law @ Harvard, May1996 Stanford Law Review, "Surveying Law and Borders," [adit] Like many before them,78 Massey and Denton describe the conditions of these poor black neighborhoods: a concentration of poverty and unemploy- ment, combined with business disinvestment; deterioration and abandonment of residential and commercial buildings; widespread fear caused by an escalating cycle of crime, leading people to avoid going out and thereby creating an envi- ronment that facilitates yet more crime; a stark isolation from outsiders, dra- matically limiting the residents' social, cultural and economic world; the creation of a culture in opposition to standard American values ("[t]o do other- wise would be to 'act white' ,,),79 including Black street speech, family dissolu- tion, a drug culture with its attendant violence, and disengagement from political life.80 These days the reason for these "concentration effects"81 is a hotly debated issue. Massey and Denton attribute the cause to segregation it- self, while others suggest it lies in the structure of job creation in American metropolitan areas, in a "culture of poverty," or in racism.82 Still others stress, as Massey and Denton do not, the diversity of the population in these black neighborhoods and the resilience and creativity that characterize so many who live there-positive aspects of the culture from which outsiders have a lot to learn.83 I do not intend to enter these debates here. It suffices to say, as Mas- sey and Denton point out, that hypersegregation by itself has contributed to undermining the social and economic well being of the residents of America's black ghettos. Moreover, poverty, discrimination, and the conditions of life in these ghettos-whether singly or in combination-have dramatically restricted the opportunity, historically available for residents of other urban ghettos in America, for African Americans to move elsewhere if they want to do so.84 And, Massey and Denton insist, the "evidence suggests that the high degree of segregation blacks experience in urban America is not voluntary."85 Another reason that the identification of poor African Americans as the violent "other" is shameful is that this image is so often invoked by residents of relatively prosperous suburbs to legitimate their fear of the city. But these are the very

people who, by moving to jurisdictions that are treated by the legal system as distinct from either the central city or from neighboring black sub- urbs, have been able to escape paying the city taxes that are designed to im- prove the quality of life in poor African American neighborhoods. 5. The stigma doesn’t exist most violence occurs between race
Jerry Frug, Professor of Law @ Harvard, May1996 Stanford Law Review, "Surveying Law and Borders," [adit] One way to demonstrate the stark contrast between the relative comfort of outsiders who fear the black poor and the conditions in which residents of black ghettos them- selves live is to focus on the issue of violence that the outsiders so often raise. It bears emphasis that the people most victimized by this violence are the resi- dents of the black ghettos themselves. In 80 percent of all violent crimes, the race of both the defendant and victim is the same.86 This is true even for the most serious crime: More than 80 percent of those who commit murder, black or white, have victims of the same racial background.87 Similarly, black resi- dents, both inner city and suburban, are more likely than whites to be victims of household crime, such as burglary or household larceny.88 To be sure, fear of crime is commonly associated with assault and robbery, and robbery is the crime most often committed by strangers and most likely to be interracial.89 Yet even for robbery, 63 percent of cases involve victims and offenders of the same race, compared to 31 percent with white victims and black offenders.90 Of course, fear of crime is not irrational. Even though the crime rate has de- clined in the country as a whole since 1981,91 there is still far too much crime, much of it within city limits.92 But not everyone's fear of crime is equally justified: Teenage black males

have an annual victimization rate for all violent crimes of 113 per thousand persons, while adult white males and females have annual victimization rates for these crimes of eighteen and fifteen per thousand, respectively.93 A fundamental issue is raised by the existence of America's poor African American neighborhoods-and, I should
hasten to add, by the all-too-similar neighborhoods, both within the central city and in suburbs, that house Puerto Ricans, Chicanos, and other Hispanics.94 What should we, as Americans, do about these ghettos and the attendant fear that they generate both for those who live within them and outside of them? A response to this question requires more than a psychological or sociological analysis, although both of these dis- ciplines can certainly contribute to finding an answer to it. The question presents a central, perhaps the central, issue of American politics.

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File Name DDI ‘08 Clark/Martin Adit Chipalkatti

7. Subsidies will reduce costs of production for companies but not costs for municipal governments. They will still have to buy the buses and maintain them which will not be subsidized. 8. Establishes more borders between the middle class and the rich. Unless the aff is able to make the entire population ride buses there will always be segragation

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File Name DDI ‘08 Clark/Martin Adit Chipalkatti

[ ] AT high gas prices 1. Prefer our evidence— a. Its qualified our author is the director of urban and land use policy for an organization in LA. That means he has studied the market and understands the economics of the situation. b. And our evidence is more recent means that it assumes current oil price trends, that their older evidence cant take into account. 2. The middle class will struggle harder to maintain their lifestyle. Means that even if they win some people use the buses, they wont win that enough will for them to have any magnitude.
BlueOregon, 5/26/07, http://peakoil.blogspot.com/2006/05/glenn-jackson-3-gasoline-and-mass.html

Public transit is an alternative in some urban areas, but travel time is longer. And even the middle class in their comfortable suburbs are spending much more of their disposable income commuting to jobs that support their suburban lifestyle. Americans are running harder just to stay in place.

[

] AT Integration

1. The American city is grounded in social boundaries that means buses will follow 2. Extend 1nc arg. people wont integrate the poorer people cant move to suburbs cuz of housing costs.
AT go through areas and pick up poor people-- cities are already divided into good and bad areas so even if you do go through the city the buses wont necessarily always pick up poor people

[

]AT buses spillover1. Bad evidence-Their evidence says that public transportation mimics the private sector not the opposite. And that card is neg. the fact that the rich subrubians don’t want to go into the suburbs means that they wont take the buses unless there is a mandate. 2. Timeframe—the spillover will take years, the technology has to be developed and then modified to fit the private industry, then the new products take time to catch on. Means they cant solve until after my DA

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