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ISTROS XII, 2005

Colegiul de redacţie:

VICTOR SPINEI – preşedinte de onoare


IONEL CÂNDEA - redactor responsabil
VALERIU SÎRBU - secretar de redacţie
STĂNICĂ PANDREA – membru
CRISTIAN LUCA - membru

SUMAR
I. STUDII

CORNELIU BELDIMAN, Upper Paleolithic of Romania from the


Perspective of Bone and Antler Industry: Projectile Points 11
..................
DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU, Despre periferia sudică a Grupului
Ferigile. Cu specială privire asupra necropolei de la Teiu (judeţul
Argeş) ........……………………………………………………………… 33

AUREL RUSTOIU, Repere arheologice şi istorice privind începutul
colonizării celtice a spaţiului intra-carpatic 45
..........................................
VALERIU SÎRBU, VITALIE BÂRCĂ, Reprezentări figurative pe
falerele dintre munţii Urali, Caucaz şi Balcani (sec. II-I a. Chr.) 65
..........
ALEXANDRA NAUM, Imperiu şi sacerdoţiu în Bizanţ (partea a II- 135
a)…
CLAUDIU NEAGOE, Boierimea în Ţara Românească (secolele
XV-XVI). Consideraţii generale 153
.........................................................
AUREL IACOB, Ştefan Tomşa al II-lea înainte de domnie 163
............
IONEL CÂNDEA, Vechile planuri ale oraşului Brăila (I. Johann von
Vermatti, 1790) ...........................................................................… 189
….

II. ARTICOLE

STĂNICĂ PANDREA, COSTIN CROITORU, Piese arheologice


descoperite în aşezarea de la Brăiliţa, aflate în colecţia Muzeului de
Istorie Galaţi 203
.........................................................................................
MIRELA VERNESCU, Piese litice din perioada de tranziţie şi epoca
bronzului aflate în colecţiile Muzeului Brăilei 211
....................................…
VIOREL STOIAN, Un capac de vas hallstattian de la Sihleanu,
jud. Brăila ..………………………………………………………………… 223
….
ION PĂTRAŞCU, Askoi elenistici descoperiţi la Zimnicea (judeţul
Teleorman) ...................................................................................… 233

IOSIF VASILE FERENCZ, MARIUS MIHAI CIUTĂ, Consideraţii pe
marginea unor materiale descoperite la Şeuşa (com. Ciugud, jud.
Alba)....…………………………………………………………………….. 239
LAURENŢIU URSACHI, CRISTIAN ONEL, FLAVIUS BÂGU,

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Mormânt dublu tumular descoperit pe “Dealul Ţuguieta”, Bârlad,
judeţul Vaslui, aparţinând nomazilor turanici 255
......................................
SILVIU OŢA, KATIUŞA PÂRVAN, O matriţă pentru producerea de
lumânări descoperită la Oraşul de Floci (com. Giurgeni, jud. 259
Ialomiţa)
DOINA AFTENE, Parale otomane descoperite la Măxineni 267
................
III. CONSERVARE-RESTAURARE

MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR, Consideraţii privind restaurarea prin


analogie a unei cahle descoperită la Brăila 283
......................................…
MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR, Conservarea şi restaurarea unui vas
medieval din ceramică descoperit la Brăila .................................… 301
….

IV. PREZENTĂRI, RECENZII

COSTIN CROITORU, Fortificaţii liniare romane în stânga Dunării de


Jos (secolele I-IV p. Chr.) (I), Editura Istros a Muzeului Brăilei,
Galaţi, 2004, 207 pp.+19 planşe, glosar, indici (Dragoş Măndescu) 317
...........…

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DE LA PÉRIPHÉRIE SUD DU GROUPE FERIGILE. AVEC UNE
ATTENTION PARTICULIÈRE PORTÉE SUR LA NÉCROPOLE DE TEIU
(DÈPARTEMENT D’ARGEŞ)

DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU

(Résumé)

L’article valorise une série d’informations et matériels inédits


concernant la nécropole sud su groupe Ferigile – la nécropole de Teiu
(département d’Argeş). Sont décrits les trois tombeaux découverts dans un
sondage de vérification effectué en 1967. Tous les tombeaux étaient
d’incinération, avec les os calcinés déposés dans des fosses sur lesquelles a
été aménagé un petit tertre. Le tombeau 1 contenait trois vases, le tombeau 2
n’avait pas d’inventaire et dans le tombeau 3 ont été découvertes deux pointes
de flèches en fer et un mors. Les matériels archéologiques se sont perdus.
Ultérieurement, ont été trouvés à la surface du sol, dans le périmètre de la
nécropole, aussi d’autres objets provenant de tombeaux détruits par les travaux
agricoles, dont on garde dans le Musée Départemental d’Argeş deux anneaux à
extrémités libres et une épingle à tête en forme de calotte, tous en bronze. La
nécropole de Teiu appartient à l’horizon Ferigile Nord.
Si l’extrémité est de la limite du groupe Ferigile est marquée par deux
découvertes (Budureasca et Năeni) qui présentent caractéristiques propres à
l’horizon final, Ferigile III, la limite sud était assurément atteinte dés l’étape
correspondant à l’horizon Ferigile Nord (la nécropole de Teiu), horizon auquel
appartient aussi la majorité des éléments culturels Ferigile présents à la limite
ouest du groupe (Brebu et Ieşelniţa, probablement aussi Remetea Pogănici). En
même temps, d’autres découvertes faites à la limite sud (Odobeşti, Leşile,
Mozacu) attestent le prolongement des éléments culturels Ferigile dans une
étape tardive, où font sentir leur présence les influences venues de la parte de
la culture gète ancienne, sans pouvoir totalement exclure la possibilité d’un
certaine symbiose entre les deux blocs culturels.

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ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL DATA REGARDING THE
BEGINNING OF CELTIC COLONIZATION OF THE INNER
CARPATHIAN AREA

AUREL RUSTOIU

(Abstract)

The chronology of the Celtic discoveries from Transylvania was a


matter of debate for a long period. Some discussions referred to the dating of
the earliest La Tène artefacts. The systematic analysis and publication of the
cemetery at Pişcolt (Dep. Satu Mare) offered a basis for new assessments
regarding the phases of the Celtic settlements from the Tisa Basin and from
Transylvania. Four chronological phases have been identified for the above-
mentioned graveyard (fig. 1):
Phase I – LT B1/B2 (Krämer) – LT B1b-1c (Waldhauser).
Phase II – LT B2 (Krämer) – LT B2a (Waldhauser).
Phase III – LT B2/C1 – LT B2b (Waldhauser).
Phase IV – LT C1a (Waldhauser) - LT C1 (Polenz).
According to I. Németi, the cemetery at Pişcolt began soon after the middle
of the 4th century BC (350/330 BC), while its end date was in the first quarter of
the 2nd century BC. The graves from the first phase are characterised by the
presence of some older artefacts, which belong to the end of the First Iron Age
(LT A), associated with others that are specific to the end of the sub-phase LT
B1 and the beginning of LT B2. These include brooches of type early Dux,
bracelets with Steckverschluss locking, simple rectangular buckles made from
an iron sheet, big knifes of Hallstattian tradition, etc. The Celtic pottery that
characterise the Central European area is often associated with vessels that are
specific to Sanislău – Nir group of Szentes – Vekerzug culture.
Pieces that are almost similar to those from the early phase of the
cemetery at Piscolt, or which are contemporary, were found isolated or in Celtic
graves in Transylvania and Crisana. These are different types of rings (fig. 2/1-
7, 3/1-6, 4/6-7) and brooches (fig. 4/1-4). All these jewellery and garment
accessories are dated to the end of LT B1 and the beginning of LT B2, and form
a distinct phase within La Tène period from the inner Carpathian area. Although
the number of finds is small, they prove mainly trough their funerary
characteristic, the arrival of the first Celtic groups in the region to the east of
Middle Danube (fig. 5). These pieces were found in the northern Great

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Hungarian Plain (between the curve of the Danube and Tisa), in the area of
Carei, southern Crişana (mainly along the Mures, near Arad), in the south-west
and central Transylvania and around Bistriţa, in north-west.
Without the written sources, the moment and conditions of this first
colonization are difficult to identify. However, the analysis of some information
from ancient authors may offer a hypothesis. In 335 BC was the expedition of
Alexander the Great to the Danube against the Tribali, with the area of conflict
somewhere near the mouth of Serbian Morava. In this context, Arrianos (I, 4, 6-
8) and Strabo (VII, 3, 8 – C 301), using information provided by Ptolemaios son
of Lagos, which participated in the expedition, are mentioning the presence in
the Macedonian camp of an embassy ‘of the Celts who live in the Ionic Gulf’.
This fact may suggest that in 335 AD the Celts from the Adriatic Sea ‘explored’
new territories to the east for colonisation. In this case they might have been
interested by the military intentions of the Macedonian king in the nearby area.
Since only Celts near the Adriatic Sea were the Senoni from around Ancona, we
may presume that some of them participated to the eastern expedition. It is not
a coincidence that a bronze helmet of Celtic-Italic type was found in south-
western Transylvania, near Hateg. This type of helmet is well known from Italy,
near Ancona, found in the cemeteries of Senoni (fig. 6).
Other artefacts (fig. 4/8-9) illustrate for the same period connections
with the Alpine region or with the Trans-Danubian one (fig. 7).
Therefore, following the written sources, the first Celtic groups arrived in
Tisa Plain and then in Transylvania around 335 BC. The dating of the earliest
Celtic artefacts from Crişana and around Carei, as well as from Transylvania,
indicate that transition from LT B1 to LT B2 in inner Carpathian area was during
the last third of the 4 th century BC. At this first colonisation of the eastern area of
the Carpathian Basin participated Celts from Italy, most probably Senoni, but
also groups from Trans-Danubian region, as it is proved by the distribution of
the early Celtic artefacts. It is also possible participation of other groups from
the Alpine region.
The arrival of the Celts in Tisa Plain and in Transylvania was done
against the local communities from the area. Thus the Celts replaced the
authority of the leaders of Szentes-Vekerzug culture in the Tisa Plain. In
Transylvania was the same phenomenon. However, some vessels of local
tradition, of the end of the First Iron Age were found in some Celtic graves (fig.
8).
The arrival of the Celts did not affected the whole inner Carpathian
region. The newcomers did not occupy many depressions and this is the case of
Maramureş. Archaeological research identified there some Dacian fortifications
of the 4th and 3rd century BC, like those at Solotvino and Bila Ţerkva, alongside
Tisa in Trans-Carpathian Ukraine (fig. 5).
Up to the end of the 4th century BC, Celtic groups already occupied the
Tisa Plain and the inner Carpathian region. These were then one of the
recruiting bases for the great expeditions across the Balkans from the beginning
of the 3rd century BC.

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FIGURATIVE REPRESENTATIONS ON THE PHALERAE FOUND BETWEEN
THE URAL, THE CAUCAUSUS AND THE BALKAN MOUNTAINS
(2nd – 1st CENTURIES B.C.)

VALERIU SÎRBU, VITALIE BÂRCĂ

(Abstract)

The decoration on the phalerae consists of geometric, phytomorphic,


zoomorphic or anthropomorphic motives. Some of them render deities or
mythological scenes. Lastly, it is worth mentioning that, besides their functional
role, the phalerae are also very artistic due to their figurative representations.
In the world of the nomads in the Eurasian steppes, the phalerae were
generally used as harness appliqués, although they were mostly clothes
accessories in the Hellenistic and Roman worlds – but had other uses as well.
As one can notice, the discoveries including Hellenistic phalerae are
concentrated in the area between the Volga and the Danube rivers (Fig. 1, 1a).
Of these, those discovered in the immense area between the Prut River and
Western Siberia belonged to the Sarmatians.
What is for sure is that, in general, the representations on the phalerae,
close to the themes and production techniques of the ancient art, also show
signs of the barbarian naivety and primitivism.
We would like to make clear from the beginning that we will also include
in the discussion the items called “fibulae with anthropomorphic marks” since
this took place only in the Geto-Dacian pace: fibulae were attached to the round
phalerae (Herăstrău), and some types of fibulae have anthropomorphic
representations similar to those on the phalerae (Bălăneşti, Coada Malului,
"Transylvania").
We believe that this symbiosis between two types of items that are
different but have the same use is due to the ideological identity, which led to
iconographic identity. Based on the type of items, the way they are attached,
and on the iconography, we think that the items from the Geto-Dacian world
north of the Danube are not very likely to have been used as harness items.
One should emphasize that the iconographic representations also
appear on ceramic medallions (e.g. Cârlomăneşti) which suggests similar
beliefs that require similar manners of representations, regardless of the support
or type of items.
Diffusion region. In the area between Western Siberia, the Caucasus
Mountains and the Balkans, there are 37 findings (Fig. 1), which amount to 184
items. Of these, 34, containing of 177 items, are from the region between the

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Ural Mountains, Caucasus and the Balkans. All these complexes with phalerae
are usually close to flowing bodies of water that reach the Caspian Sea or the
Black Sea. A particularly high concentration of items is located northeast of the
Black Sea, on the eastern coast of the Sea of Azov, where there are 10 findings.
Of these, 28, with a total of 168 items, also include phalerae with figurative
anthropomorphic and zoomorphic representations (Fig. 2). They number 81
items in these discoveries, and 76 of these are part of the complexes in the
area currently under research (Fig. 2).
Archaeological contexts: 14 findings, with 71 items, are from tombs;
another 20, with 111 items, were in treasures, 8 items are from 2 isolated
findings, and the origin of 4 phalerae is not known. The phalerae with figurative
representations are as follows: in 10 cases, from tombs, in 16 from hoards, and
in 2 cases from isolated findings (Tab. 1).
One also notices the absence of items from settlements, fortresses and
sanctuaries; all the items in the Geto-Dacian group are from isolated hoards.
Materials: 169 silver phalerae, 115 of which were gilded, are from 34
findings and only 11 items are made of gold (Seversk, Vasjurina Gora, Peter the
First’s Siberian collection). The number of bronze items is also very low, with
only 14 items from 3 discoveries (Bubueci, Vasjurina Gora, Velikoploskoe): the
7 bronze phalerae from the tomb in Vasjurina Gora are gold-plated. One can
notice that there are fewer golden items, that most items are made of silver,
gilded for the most part, and that there are not many bronze items either. The
color and shining of the gold, similar to the sun, and its durability impressed the
ancient people, who endowed it with miraculous characteristics, not to mention
it was also a sign of the wealth and high status for those who possessed it.
Cultural environment: a) 30 findings, with 154 items, were found in
Sarmatian tombs and treasures, b) the origin of a discovery with 4 items is
unknown, but they are from the Sarmatian world for sure (the Siberian
Collection of Peter the First), c) 5 findings, with 27 items, are from Geto-Dacian
treasures (Galiče, Jakimovo, Bucharest-Herăstrău, Lupu and Surcea), d) in one
case, they were found in the southern-Thracian area (Stara Zagora – 3 items).
We included the findings from Galice and Jakimovo in the Geto-Dacian area
because the archaeological discoveries from the 2nd –1st centuries B.C. in this
region are similar to those north of the Danube, and the iconography of these is
integrated in what we could call the “Geto-Dacian group” with features unlike
those of the phalerae in the other cultural environments. It is also possible that
some phalerae of the Sarmatian region, mainly those made in the Pontic area
or in Asia Minor, could have arrived here as “diplomatic gifts” offered to the
Sarmatian rulers by Mithridates, when he wanted to make them his allies.
Chronology. All the items that we analyzed fall in the category of 2nd –
1 centuries B.C., but there are noticeable differences between certain
st

chronological steps. Thus, only some part of the discoveries are from the 2 nd
century BC, while most of them, including those from the Geto-Dacian period
are from the period between the end of the 2nd century and the first half of 1st
century BC. (Tab. 1) So far, no discovery can be dated back to the Christian era.
We will only refer to those from the 2nd-1st centuries BC because, on the
one hand, those from the Geto-Dacian group date back to this period and, on

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the other hand, they are present only in two cultural environments – the
Sarmatians and the Geto-Dacians, who had tight relations.
Techniques. Since most of the items are made of thin silver sheets,
they were produced by stamping and finished with the scraper and punctuator.
Casting made two of the silver phalerae of Žutovo, as well as those in bronze of
Bubueci (Fig.10/2-3) and Velikoploskoe. The phalerae were attached either with
rivets, or with ears made of silver, bronze, iron or, in one case, gold – Seversk
(Fig. 9/2-3) The exception consists of the items from Bucharest-Herăstrău (Fig.
11/3; 15/3), where fibulae were attached to them.
Shapes and sizes. Although there are big differences between the
diameters of the smallest items, such as three items from Seversk, which range
from 3.7cm (Fig. 9/2-3), and of the largest one, such as the phalerae in Fedulov
(Fig. 5/3) – 31.2cm, most of them have diameters between 7 and 17 cm.
Nevertheless, there is a small group of phalerae with diameters over 20 cm,
such as those from Ahtanizovskaja, Išim, Prohorovka, Volodarka (Fig. 4/4-5)
and the Siberian collection of Peter the First (Fig. 10/1).
Almost all the items are circular, only very few are oval, such as those
in Ahtanizovskaja (Fig. 3/2), Surcea (Fig. 11/1; 15/1), Verhnij (Fig. 8/2) and
Vasjurina Gora. However, when it comes to the profile, although there is a great
deal of variety, they fall into three categories: a) phalerae that are almost flat, b)
concave/skyphate phalerae, with a curved profile and c) conic/semi-sphere, of
the umbo type.
Inventory associations. Since in 14 of the cases, with 71 items, the
phalerae are from tombs, it is obvious that they were associated with a very
varied funerary inventory. Since they are tumuli tombs with a rather rich
inventory, sometimes including military equipment items, defensive or
offensive, one could say that, given the use of phalerae, they belonged to rider-
aristocrats.
The associations in the 20 treasures are also relevant, since the
following items show up: 1) silver conic and semi-spherical items , 2) situlae, 3)
bronze vessels, in one piece or fragmentary, 4) bronze cauldrons, 5) helmets ,
6) spear heads , 7) frontal appliqués, 8) horse bits , 9) harness appliqués, 10)
clothing appliqués, 11) fibulae 12) bracelets. Obviously, these categories of
items are not together in all the complexes of the analyzed area.
The origin of the phalerae can be approached in two ways: a) when did
these items started being used, in general or in the Thracian environment, b)
what were, stricto sensu, the models of those used during the period in
question.
In the Greek-Roman world, the phalerae started being used somewhat
later: we do not have phalerae representations from the classic Greek period,
but they aren’t any from the Roman world of that time either. However, one
should mention that several golden medallions with figurative renderings,
anthropomorphic feminine ones in particular, called “Thessalian”, based on the
probable origin of the production workshops, circulated in the Greek world of 4 th-
2nd centuries BC.
At the northern Black Sea, the phalerae were practically unknown here
in the early Scythian age. As for the golden age of the Thracian-Getic art, it is

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worth mentioning the items in the treasures of Panagjurište and Letnica or the
one in the tomb of Chirnogi.
Ornamentation types. The geometric decoration is present on all the
phalerae from Sarmatian, Geto-Dacian and Thracian environment of 2nd-1st
centuries BC, whereas the vegetal one is encountered only on items from 23
findings. However, these motifs and arrangements are not included in the scope
of our topic and will not be analyzed.
Zoomorphic figurative representations appear on 19 of the discoveries
in the Ural Mountains, Caucasus and Balkans, whereas the anthropomorphic
ones are present in 20 cases (Tab.1). The phalerae in the Sarmatian complexes
of Sidorovska and Išim in Western Siberia, as well as those from the Siberian
Collection of Peter the First, also include zoomorphic and anthropomorphic
representations, but since they are outside our area of interest, they will not be
analyzed at this point.
All the 5 findings from the Dacian-Getic area include anthropomorphic
representations, whereas the zoomorphic ones appear in only 3 cases.
Surely, in most cases, the figurative representations are associated with
geometric or phytomorphical ones.
Possible interpretations. Interpreting the iconography on the phalerae
must take into account all the discovery data (context, association with other
type of items, motifs and decorative combinations etc.) and the whole of the
figurative renderings in a certain cultural environment, for missing some facts
and over-stressing others leads to unrealistic conclusions. In addition, the
analysis must consider all the representations in a finding, since they used to
form a whole.
All in all, the figurative bestiary is not very varied, although it includes
both domesticated (bull, horse, he-goat, dog) and wild (lion, panther, tiger, deer,
wild boar, elephant, vulture/hawk, other birds, porcupine, snake) real animals.
Lions, panthers and vultures/hawks are represented most often. The fictional
animals consist of gryphons (9 findings) and a sphinx (one case). However, an
anthropomorphic character can sometimes have animal attributes suggested by
just a symbol (e.g. feathers).
Also, the animals are rendered either in their entirety, or by means of
just one part: bull head and neck – Uspenskaja (Fig. 8/4), bull head in Stara
Zagora, horse heads and necks in Fedulov (Fig. 5/4) and Taganrog (Fig. 10/7),
based on the pars pro toto principle. Sometimes, we can find composite
animals, made up of real species (chimera = lion + he-goat + snake in
Volodarka) (Fig. 4/4-5).
The range of real species in the Geto-Dacian group is small and almost
always accompanied by human features (horse, dog, feline, snake, hawk).
There is a gryphon at Surcea, but the horse does not appear alone on any item.
The zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figurative representations require
an analysis based on the cultural environment in which they were discovered
since their ideological background is more relevant than the items’ formal
aspects.
The discoveries from the Sarmatian environment have some common
features that we will try to list in short below.

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As expected, the discoveries made between the Sea of Azov, the
Caucasus and the Ural Mountains have many similarities with the Oriental art
and the Greek-Oriental style. On the other hand, the manner of rendering the
animals is characteristic to the style of the nomad peoples, influenced by the
civilizations of Asia Minor, Persia and Greece. The art of the steppes refuses to
cage the image and instead goes for fluidity, trying to open the shape to the
vastness surrounding it – and this shows on the objects found at Novouzensk
(Fig. 8/5), Sidorovka and Zutovo (Fig.5/1) - instead of protecting it, as the
sedentary peoples try to do. The bestiary is characteristic to the Asian areas,
due both to the real (elephant, lion, panther etc.) and imaginary animals
(various gryphons, sphinxes), given the influences from the civilizations of Asia
Minor and Persia. For instance, the phalerae of Novouzensk and Sidorovka,
showing intertwined gryphons, are not characteristic of the Hellenistic art,
whereas such scenes are encountered in China. There are no doubts as to the
Greek-Indian origin of the phalerae with the battle elephants, from the Siberian
Collection of Peter the First, since the analogies for these motifs are quite
numerous in the Hellenistic world. One should also mention that a battle
elephant also appears on one of the phalerae in the Sark treasure, which
included Celtic coins, dating back no further than 58-52 BC, but also a Roman
republican coin, from 82 BC. Another interesting thing are the confrontations
between various strong animals (dog, felines, wild boar, deer and gryphon), as
rendered on the phalerae in Starobel’sk (Fig. 9/1a-d) and Tvardica (Fig. 6/3).
One can find certain oriental elements on the gryphon phalera of Surcea
(Fig.11/2), in the representation of the Pegasus wings on the Volodarka phalerae
(Fig. 4/4-5) or even in the representation of the Jancokrak goddess (Fig. 6/4),
where the methods are identical with those of the Achemenid items. We
consider as being oriental elements the multi spiral necklaces at the characters
necks of the Jancokrak (Fig.6/4), Galice (Fig. 13/1) and Surcea phalerae (Fig.
11/1).
The influence of the Hellenistic world is noticeable not only in the actual
way of rendering certain animals (Pegassus, horses heads with Helios etc.) but
also in the themes taken over from the Greek mythology, which points to its
profound influence on the elite of the Sarmatian world, not only in their daily
lives, but also in terms of sacred mentalities.
Although most of the Sarmatian phalerae are from hoards (84 items),
there are quite a few that are from tombs (68 items). In terms of function, the
data suggest that most of the items were attached to horse harnesses. As for
the shape, most of them are conic, and the artistic style is quite similar to the
Oriental art or and the Greek-Oriental or North-Pontic style. The manner of
rendering the animals is characteristic to the animal representations of the
nomad peoples, with visible influences from the civilizations of Asia Minor and
Persia. The bestiary includes species from that region (lions, panthers) or
fictional creatures meant to inspire fear or suggest domination (various types of
gryphons, sphinxes).
Two phalerae of Volodorka, made “in the mirror”, depict the hero
Bellerophon, riding Pegassus, killing Chimaera (composite animal: lion + he-
goat + snake) (Fig. 4/4-5), and a phalera in Seversk shows victory goddess

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Athens riding a lion, and the victory of Dionysus over the giants (Fig. 9/3). Three
phalerae of Ahtanizovskaja show the heads of the Gorgons (Fig. 3), while
another, from Taganrog, show Dionysus accompanied by a panther (Fig. 10/5).
Some phalerae of Fedulov are very interesting. One of them shows
Helios, flanked by two horse heads (Fig. 5/4), another depicts the fight between
goddess Athens and giant Alcyoneus (Fig. 5/5), while on another two items we
see the head of human-lion with a spear in mouth (Fig. 5/3), and a rider appears
on four phalerae (Fig. 5/2). Another interesting item is a phalera in Jančokrak
that shows a winged female character, with a phiala in her right hand and,
probably, a hawk in the left one (Fig. 6/4).
Identifying the representations from the Sarmatian environment has a
high degree of probability, since most of it respects the iconography from the
Hellenistic world, which suggests that most of them were made in centers
situated in that region.
Things are not the same when it comes to the phalerae findings in the
Geto-Dacian world.
As far as our data on the Geto-Dacians go, we can say the following: a)
the written sources do not say if and in what manner they rendered their deities,
b) no figurative representation has the name of a local deity underneath it, c) no
statues, bas-reliefs or figurative offerings were found buried in sanctuaries, d)
we have no sure proof that would allow us to talk of animal worshipping.
All the phalerae are from hoards, but none from sanctuaries and tombs.
Some phalerae had fibulae attached to them (Bucharest-Herăstrău), and some
fibulae bore representations similar to the phalerae (Bălăneşti, Coada Malului,
„Transylvania”).
Probably most of these items were made in the Geto-Dacian
environment, an assumption supported in particular by their technical and
stylistic features. Only the phalera of Jakimovo rendering a man seems to be of
Hellenistic origin. In the end, the essential thing is not so much the ethnic origin
of the one that made it but the cultural side, namely whether the message it
sends and the concrete way it was made reflect the mentalities of the bearer.
The iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian group expresses a
particular cultural background and style of rendering, obviously different from
the Sarmatian, Hellenistic or West-European. The fact that such representations
also appear on ceramic medallions (e.g. Cârlomăneşti) or that they are attached
to the fibulae point to the depth and diffusion of this iconographic motif in the
Geto-Dacian mentality.
It seems obvious that these representations were created from an
internal need, that they reveal specific mentalities and that they served a
purpose of their own.
It is no accident that most of these hoards date from the first half and
the middle of the 1st century BC, when the Geto-Dacian society experiences a
period of development and expansion under the rule of king Burebista. This
explosion of force and political-military force was bound to find a characteristic
outlet in the sacred domain as well.
The fact that such items were not found neither in sanctuaries or around
them, not even buried as offerings, nor in tombs is an archaeological fact.

12
Since under no image is the name of a deity, and the similarities with
the Hellenistic-Roman iconography are irrelevant, it is difficult to interpret them
in a way or another.
On the other hand, the fact that these treasures were buried, and
sometimes the items were destroyed (e.g. Lupu) stands proof beyond any doubt
that they were sacred, for it would be difficult to accept that one gave up on
such valuable things without a deep cultural reason. There are no longer serious
reasons to back up the explanation that they were hidden because of tough
times.
The rider motif is widespread in the Geto-Dacian world as, from the 4th
century to the 1st century AD, it is present on the phalerae in Surcea, Lupu and
Galice as well.
Since no image shows human confrontation, battle scenes, and the
riders do not seem bellicose, one should reflect on the extent to which they
could be representing a war deity.
The Surcea rider, accompanied by dog and hawk (Fig. 11/1; 15/1),
seems to be rendering a hunting scene, as in an initiating trial, as well as one of
the preferred pastimes of the aristocracy. The attitudes of the riders in Lupu
(Fig. 12/3-4; 14/5,7) and Galice (Fig. 13/2; 16/2) suggest solemn moments and
high ranks, so they might be deities, but other variants cannot be ruled out.
Given the type and iconography of the phalerae in the Geto-Dacian
environment, as well as the composition of some findings, among which those
of Lupu and Galice are the most revealing, we agree with the scholars who
assume that the inventory in such treasures consists of sets worn by high
ranking religious figures of basilei on solemn occasions.
The fibulae with anthropomorphic shield or the phalerae with attached
fibulae were obviously used in association with clothing items.
The number, shape and decoration of the items in the Galice hoard
suggest it may have made up the ornamentation on horse harnesses. It has
been discovered by chance in 1918, and only 14 phalerae from it were
preserved, two of which displaying figurative decoration.
As for the Jakimovo hoard, the two phalerae may have been previously
attached to the bottom of conic cups, as shown by a cup rendering a rider, from
the same treasure.
The stylistic features and representations on the phalerae in Stara
Zagora (Fig. 13/5-6) can hardly be considered a product of Thracian mentality,
but are rather associated with Oriental iconography and the items found in
Western Europe.
One of the phalerae from Stara Zagora shows Hercules killing a lion,
surrounded by gryphons and felines, meant to inspire fear (Fig. 13/5). The lion
fight scene also appears on a phalera in Panagjursite, from the second half of
the 4th century BC. Another phalera in Stara Zagora renders in its central
medallion a feline attaching a he-goat, and the scene is surrounded by
gryphons, felines and a bull head (Fig. 13/6).
Two phalerae in the Medal Cabinet of the National Library in Paris,
similar in style with those found in Stara Zagora, could also be from the Greek-
Oriental region.

13
The discovery of 15 items in Western Europe (13 in Sark, an island in
north-western France), and one in Oberaden and Helden (Germany) starts to
sketch a new group of phalerae, displaying many stylistic and iconographic
similarities with the Greek-Oriental ones and those from Asia Minor and Persia
Not only are we dealing with a bestiary of real (elephants, lions,
panthers) and fiction animals (gryphons or composite animals) from Asia Minor
and Persia, but the rendering method is oriental as well. Only one phalera from
Helden shows a human character, namely Hercules killing the lion.
In Western Europe, the phalerae or the artisan that made them were
probably in contact with the Sarmatians and the Germanic groups (proto-
German, to be more precise), or as a result of the politics of Mithridates
Eupator.
The method for attaching/fastening the phalerae to the horse harnesses
or clothing items can be seen in some ancient representations, sometimes even
on the phalerae.
For example, for Asia Minor and Persia, the manner of attaching the
phalerae to the horse harness can be observed on the representations in Dura
Europos or Halčajan (Fig. 17/3)
In the Geto-Dacian world, the manner of attaching the phalerae can
probably be observed on the barrel-shaped vessel rendering a rider (Fig. 16/5)
and on the ceramic pattern from Răcătău. As for clothes, it is visible on a
phalera in Jakimovo, on a man’s right shoulder (Fig. 13/4; 16/4).
Finally, the phalerae with this kind of decoration are also present on one
of the riders’ horses rendered on the relief from the late Hellenistic period in the
Halčajan palace (Fig.17/3). It is worth recalling that the motif suggesting a
moving wheel or the solar disc with curved beams is considered in the Parthian
art as a sure Achemenid influence.
The analysis of the discoveries shows that, besides some common
features, the differences between the phalerae with figurative representations
from the Sarmatian and the Geto-Dacian cultural areas are much more
relevant. Certainly, the features more related to the iconography are much more
expressive, but those concerning the actual data of the discoveries and the
items are obvious as well.
Thus, whereas the phalerae from the Sarmatian environment are
equally from hoards and tombs, date back to the entire 2nd-1st centuries BC
(some even from the end of 3rd century BC), and were mainly used for horse
harnesses, the Geto-Dacian items are from hoards alone, date back to the first
half and middle of 1st century BC and were used mainly for clothes.
As for the representations, namely the imaginary, there are fundamental
differences.
Namely, in the Sarmatian phalerae (Fig. 3-10), one can recognize not
just the themes from the Greek-Oriental, but also the style of rendering the
characters. The nomad influences are particularly visible in the manner of
rendering the animals – the preference for dynamism and fluidity. The profound
influence of the Hellenistic world shows mostly in the rendering of the heads of
Gorgons, perhaps in hope of petrifying the enemies, the presence of goddesses
Athens and Nike, of gods Helios and Dionysus, of hero Bellerophon killing the

14
Chimera etc. The oriental world is particularly present in the real animals in this
region (lions, panthers, elephants) or in those from the imaginary of these
peoples (gryphons, sphinxes).
However, when it comes to the Geto-Dacians (Fig. 11-15), the
characteristics of the locals, both in terms of ideology and of rendering the
iconographic themes comes through much stronger, a result of the traditions of
Thracian toreutics. The themes of the rider in solemn positions (Lupu, Galice),
of the hunt as a trial for achieving high status (Surcea), of the confrontation
between the hawk and the snake (Lupu), of the winged characters as “masters
of animals” (Lupu, Jakimovo), of bust rendering (Herăstrău, Galice, Jakimovo)
are often seen in the Thracian toreutics of the 5th-3rd centuries BC. All these are
solid evidence for assuming that most of the phalerae were made in the Geto-
Dacian region.
Thus, the differences between Sarmatian and Geto-Dacian mentalities,
rooted in the history, traditions and occupations of each people, are highly visible
in this category of items as well.

LA NOBILTÀ DELLA VALACCHIA (SECC. XV-XVI).


CONSIDERAZIONI GENERALI

CLAUDIU NEAGOE
(Riassunto)

L’autore analizza, traendola da vari documenti, cronache e memorie dell’epoca,


la terminologia che nella Valacchia del Quattro–Cinquecento indicava in modo
specifico la nobiltà. Si tratta solo di una premessa ad una ricerca più ampia
incentrata sull’evoluzione attraverso i secoli dello status sociale della nobiltà
valacca e dei suoi rapporti con l’autorità centrale. Le relazioni tra il principe e i
boiardi, instauratesi per le iniziative di natura politica o fiscale che l’autorità
centrale promuoveva, hanno contraddistinto con i loro alti e bassi, fra tensione
e concordia, la storia politico-sociale dei Principati Romeni per l’intero periodo
della storia medioevale e premoderna. L’articolo traccia un breve quadro di
questi rapporti, caratterizzati dal divario tra la nobiltà rurale e quella al servizio
del principe che, sempre più, svolge un ruolo determinante a causa delle
cariche di cui usufruisce nella pubblica amministrazione. L’appartenenza
all’entourage del principe e la presenza a corte diviene progressivamente per i
boiardi una causa di promozione sociale. Questo stato di cose incrementa
nettamente il distacco tra la nobiltà che assume impegni nell’amministrazione
centrale, o quella che esercita cariche nell’amministrazione locale, e la nobiltà
comune, sempre più caratterizzata da un lento declino e dall’impoverimento,
dovuto, soprattutto, alla politica fiscale promossa dai principi, per riempire le
casse dello Stato e per far fronte alle richieste dell’Impero Ottomano, di cui
erano vassalli.

15
STEFANO TOMŞA II PRIMA DELL’AVVENTO AL
PRINCIPATO DI MOLDAVIA

AUREL IACOB

(Riassunto)

L’articolo segue puntualmente la vita e la carriera di Stefano Tomşa II, principe


di Moldavia (1611-1616, 1621-1623), prima della designazione al trono,
all’epoca in cui il principato danubiano era vassallo dell’Impero Ottomano. Nato
all’incirca fra il 1554 e 1555 a Oteşti, una piccola località nella provincia di
Putna, Stefano Tomşa II fu uno dei figli di Stefano Tomşa I, l’effimero principe di
Moldavia che guidò la rivolta di gran parte della nobiltà moldava contro il
principe regnante Jacobo Eraclid Despota (1561-1563). Stefano Tomşa II fu
probabilmente educato nella scuola della parrocchia di Rădăşeni, un piccolo
villaggio della Moldavia Settentrionale, nella regione di Suceava, quindi, ancora
molto giovane, si dedicò alla carriera militare entrando nell’esercito di Stefano
Báthory, re di Polonia (1575-1586) e principe di Transilvania. In seguito passò
come mercenario nelle truppe del re di Francia, Enrico IV, impegnato nella
Guerra dei Pirenei contro il vicino Regno di Spagna. In circostanze ancora
oscure, Stefano Tomşa II giunse a Costantinopoli dove, probabilmente, in virtù
dell’esperienza militare acquisita in Occidente, fu assunto come ufficiale sul
fronte iraniano, dove, ormai da anni, imperversava una cruente guerra fra gli
Ottomani e Persiani. Grazie al suo impegno militare al servizio della Porta,
Stefano Tomşa II ebbe la possibilità di riaffermare con successo i suoi diritti sul
principato di Moldavia. Così, approfittando della decisione delle autorità
ottomane di rimuovere dal principato Costantino Movilă, ritenuto troppo incline
a servire gli interessi politici e strategici della Polonia, Stefano si fece designare
principe di Moldavia nel 1611, come colui che era la persona più adatta ad
instaurare l’ordine all’interno del principato e a contrastare con fermezza le
velleità egemoniche della vicina Polonia.

16
THE ANCIENT PLANS OF BRAILA CITY (I)

IONEL CÂNDEA

(Summary)

The ancient plans of Braila City, together with the archaeological


sources and the documentation of a narrative or iconographic nature could
convey a lot of information.
The study tackling all of them, during the period 1790-1898 must start
with the plan made by Johann von Vermatti for the 1787-1791 war fought
among the Turks, Russians and Austrians (1790).
The 1790 plan, as well as other two sketches of the Citadel-zone
(probably from 1810), ultimately reveal the importance of Braila’s fortification
although they were made in an estimative way and consequently have to be
examined with much caution.

ASKOI OF HELLENISTIC PROVENANCE DISCOVERED AT ZIMNICEA


(TELEORMAN COUNTY)

ION PÎTRAŞCU
(Abstract)

This paper present eight askoi of Hellenistic provenance discovered at


Zimnicea (Teleorman county). This pieces are dated in the middle and the
second half of the 3rd century B.C.

DES CONSIDERATIONS À TRAVERS DES MATERIAUX


DECOUVERTS À ŞEUŞA ( CIUGUD DEP.D’ALBA)

IOSIF VASILE FERENCZ, MARIUS MIHAI CIUTĂ

(Résumé)

I. Les Preliminaires
Le dėbut de La Tène dans le sud-ouest de la Transylvanie est situé
dans la deux-ème moitiė du IVe siecle a.Chr. Ce moment est marqué par
l’arriveė des celtes et il est argumentė par les vestiges archėolgiques2. Ils ont
conhabitės avec les autochtones pour environ deux siecles et leur prėsence est

17
documentėe par toute une sėrie les necropoles. Les habitats de cet horizon
chronologique sont caracterises par l’association de la ceramique celtique3.
Un tel site a été decouvert à Şeuşa dep.d’Alba, au point “La Cărarea
Morii” (Pl.I, II,1)4.
En 1998, dans la section appellėe generiquement S3 ont ete decouverts
quelques fragments ceramiques provenants d’un vase ceramique au main ﴾Pl.
V﴿. La forme et les particularites techniques du vase sont differement par
rapport à la ceramique celtique ou à la ceramique autochtone.
Les analogies se trouvent à l‘est des Carpates dans le milieu bastarne.
Meme une telle piece est representėe par une soupiere decouvertee dans la
tombe 36 du Boroseşti6.
Dans la meme section SIII a ete trouvė un fragment ceramique
provenant de l`ecuelle ceramique au main avec l`analogues dans le milieu
bastarnique10.

II. Des considerations chronologiques


La presence de la ceramique bastarnique dans un site situė dans la
vallee du Mures n`est pas un cas singulier. Une telle situation presque identique
est à Moresti15. Les decouvertes de ces artefacts permettent une interpretation
des aspects chronologiques de la fin de La Tene C dans l`Europe centrale et de
la transition dans l’etape suivante.

III. Des considerations geomorfologiques


Le relief de la Transylvanie a favorise les domiciles des populations
des toutes les époques historiques et aussi leur circulation vers et a l`exterieur
de cet areal.

IV. Des considerations historiques


La presence de la ceramique bastarnique decouvertée a Moreşti a été
expliquée par un essai des bastarnes de penetrer dans la Dacie
intracarpatique53. La decouverte des pieces du Şeuşa donne une autre
hypothese. La situation de cet habitat dans la vallée du Mureş loin des zones ou
ont habitué des bastarnes permette l`interrogation s`il ne s`agit pas d`une
situation historique consemnée dans les sources antiques.
Ces decouvertes sont interpretées ou lieu avec des évenements qui ont
suivi de la mission des annees 184-182 a. Chr. Envoye à bastarnes par le roi
Filip de Ve. L`itineraire est jaloné par des materiaux specifiques decouvertes
dans les deux habitats situés dans la vallée du Mureş.
Probalement qu`ils ont eu la permission de l`aristocratie locale.
Ulterieur peut-être le refus de cette permission a determiné les confrontations
avec les daces dirigés par Oroles (après Trogus Pompeius)58.
Ainsi nous devons remarquer la ceramique decouvertée dans les deux
sites en conexion aux materiaux celtiques et daces.

V. Conclusions
La decouverte de la ceramique bastarne a Moresti et a Şeuşa
represente un repère chronologique vis-a-vis de l`affirmation que les deux sites

18
ont été habités dans le premier quart de IIeme siecle a. Chr. Ainsi nous pouvons
conclusioner que la disparition des celtes de l`interieur de l`Arc Carpatique a eu
lieu a travers de IIeme quart de IIeme siecle av. Chr.63 Le moment marque en
meme temps le debut de la souphase C2 et d`une transformations sociales et
politiques.
En meme temps nous devons remarquer la posibilite du deplacement
des bastarnes vers la zone du Danube a travers la Transylvanie. Les arguments
de cette hypothese sont representés par l`existence des routes qui lient l`est de
Carpates et le zone du Danube a travers de Transylvanie. Nous devons
remarquer la distance plus petite de cette variante de la route par rapport à la
route à travers du Dobrogea (Pl.IV).

MORMÂNT DUBLU TUMULAR DESCOPERIT PE


“DEALUL ŢUGUIETA”, BÂRLAD, JUDEŢUL VASLUI,
APARŢINÂND NOMAZILOR TURANICI.

LAURENŢIU URSACHI, CRISTIAN ONEL, FLAVIUS BÂGU

(Résumé)

En septembre 2003 ans, à l’occasion des travails de terrassement dans


la rue Vasile Voiculescu no. 13 située sur le „Colline Ţuguiata”, Bârlad
(département de Vaslui) a été decouvert un tombeau double tumulaire qui
appartenait aux petchéneques.
Il contenait deux squelettes humains, des vestiges ostéologiques, une
pointe de lance, un mors et un vas avec des signes alphabétiformes (Xe – XIe
siècles).

19
THE CONSIDERATION OF RESTAURATION USING THE
ANALOGY OF A GLAZED STORE TILE
DESCOVERED IN BRAILA

MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR
(Summary)

This work presents the conservation and restauration of a glazed store


tile using more fragments (store tile ones) which have the same constructive
type (green an yellow), descovered it the same arheological place. With their
analogy (of the fragmented ornamental motif – two-headed eagle), one could
reconstruct a glazed store tile which covered all the conservation and
restauration processes.
In the end, there was obtained a piece of historical importance for the
end of the 17th century, the beginning of the next one (also being a local
pottery).
Nowadays this piece is at the main exhibition in Braila Museum.

THE CONSERVATION AND RESTAURATION OF A MEDIEVAL CERAMIC


POT DISCOVERED IN BRAILA

MAGHIŢA NECHIFOR
(Summary)

This work presents the conservation and restauration of a medieval


pot-plate, 14th century, discovered in Braila. This pot-plate is scientifically
restored with modern materials and methods. The specialist has found the most
adequate conservation and restauration methods for stopping the degradadtion
process and its reconstruction, thus recovering its historical and aristical value.
The method involved the following technological process : the curative
conservation – the washing of the fragments for desalinization; the cleaning
and the removal of the earth, s marks; the pickling of the carbonates, deposition;
the acid, s neutralization and the enamel, s consolidation. For all these
operation have been used reversibile and compatible substances and
adhesives. The operation of restauration involved in itself the following
tehnological process : the assembling of pottery fragments; the moulding of the
binder; the finishing of the binder; the reconstruction of the ornamental motif;
the cromatic integration; the final conservation and the marking of the
objects.
All of these operation have been realised with adequate materials;
gypsum, adhesives, able from pellicles materials, water colours (tempera), all of
them being reversible and compatible. The working stages the materials, the
adhesives, the substanmces used, the working techniques and the object , s
history are widely exposed.

20
In the end, these fragments have got an outline and a shape,
materializing themselves in a pot-plate which has become an essential exhibit
in our museum.

21