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Pakistan Participatory Poverty Assessment
Balochistan Province Report
This report is dedicated to the memory of Omar Asghar Khan who was an outstanding, courageous and committed champion of the rights and well-being of the poor
and children of nine districts of Balochistan. Ms Dohad also led the two-week training of the fieldteam. provided consistent support. Khalid Mustafa. their experiences with poverty and deprivation. The project was designed by a team consisting of Ms Rashida Dohad. Mr Ali Naqvi assisted her in all aspects of the fieldwork and documentation. In addition Mr Wasif Rizvi supported the documentation process during the fieldwork. time and patience are highly acknowledged.Acknowledgements This report is based on the analysis and assessment carried out by women. Dr David Booth (ODI) provided valuable input in the preparatory phase of the PPA. Mr Lal Jan. The Planning and Development Department. Dr Quratulain Bakhteari. who provided support to the PPA process. 4 . and their aspirations for well-being in an astute and candid manner. He also liased with relevant government functionaries at the provincial. Khan (Aga Khan University) also conducted some of the training sessions. PPA Coordinator. PPA-Balochistan was responsible for overall management of the fieldwork and documentation. and local levels. Mr Omar Asghar Khan. including the fieldwork guide. Ms Kausar S. PPABalochistan took a lead in managing the fieldwork and the field teams. Ms Rashida Aziz provided administrative support to the PPA-Balochistan along with the continued support from IDSP programmatic teams. Khan. Mr Martin Rimmer. They presented. Additional Chief Secretary and Mr Abul Hassan. district. interest. Chief Poverty at the Poverty Section of the Planning Commission. Mr Mohammed Khalid and Dr David Booth. Mr Mumtaz Tanoli (SUNGI Development Foundation) and Mr Kashif Hameed provided technical assistance to the site selection and quantitative data collection processes. Ms Rashida Dohad also led the one-week pilot. Mr Aly Ercelawn. Their contributions. examined. and union council levels. The Institute of Development Studies and Practice (IDSP-Pakistan) served as the coordinating NGO for the PPA in Balochistan. Dr Aslam Khan. Many organisations and individuals are responsible for assisting the process of investigation carried out by the people of Balochistan. and evaluated the realities of their lives. Mr Martin Rimmer. PPA Manager (OPM). men. Ms Kausar S. In particular. Rozan provided training support in relation to the component on gender. and Ms Rashida Dohad. They were assisted by Mr. the Social Welfare Department. and the Provincial Bureau of Statistics in the Government of Balochistan played pivotal roles in implementing the PPA in Balochistan. tehsil. It was responsible for conducting the fieldwork. Particular thanks are due to Dr Aslam Khan. documenting its findings. Mr Ahmed Bakhsh Lehri. Extensive support to the PPA in Balochistan was also provided by the relevant public representatives and government officials at the district. Chief Khushal Pakistan Programme. Process Manager. provided technical and management support to the entire process. and liaising with relevant government officials and departments. Fieldwork Manager.
IDSP Learner Additionally. IDSP Learner Bolan Development Society (CBO). this report is the responsibility solely of the PPA team. Quetta LAFAM (NGO). also participated in some of the fieldwork. The views expressed here should not be attributed to DFID or to any of its staff members. Kalat Social Welfare Department-Quetta. Quetta. PPA-Balochistan Mr Abdul Raheem Kasi Mr Ali Mohamed Baloch Mr Ghulam Rasool Baloch Mr Riaz Ahmed Mangel Mr Mohib Ullah Ms Salma Akhtar Ms Saeeda Manan Ms Amtull Raqeeb Ms Safia Baloch Ms Shazia Ms Shahnaz Mazhar Mr Khalil Kakar Mr Maqbool Baloch Mr Inayat Ullah Ms Rashida Manan Mr Khalil Ronjaha SMART (CBO). Those involved in the PPA project in Pakistan wish to thank the UK Government’s Department for International Development for funding this work. and we would like to thank in particular the contributions of Mr Abdul Hakim Makhdoom. Khuzdar LAFAM (NGO). including 6 women. Chagai Warang (CBO). All field teams worked in difficult conditions with diligence and dedication. Ms Rashida Dohad and Mr Martin Rimmer. Bolan. However. Quetta IDSP Learner. Quetta WANG (CBO). The Federal Bureau of Statistics supported the analysis of the quantitative data. Government of Balochistan Freelance. 5 . were from the Government of Balochistan. Mr Nasir Ansari from the Bureau of Statistics. Quetta Freelance. Loralai CARAVAN (NGO). IDSP Learner Freelance. Loralai. IDSP Learner Freelance. Swat IDSP Learner. freelance consultant from Kachi. Field Team. Government of Balochistan) and Mr Najeeb Ahmed. Mastung Freelance. Ms Zahida Sultana (from the Social Welfare Department. Mr Hammad Ali and Dr Ludo Carraro. Mr Akbar Zaidi and Mr Abdul Rahim prepared the first draft of the report compiling the findings of the PPA in Balochistan.The Balochistan PPA field team of 19 fieldworkers facilitated the fieldwork. Mr Ali Naqvi. IDSP Learner Freelance. including two females. The remaining three fieldworkers. Some 16 fieldworkers. Editorial support was provided by Dr Jeremy Holland. Government of Balochistan collected quantitative data. Mr Simon Brook prepared the final version of the report. Loralai. Lasbela. were drawn from NGOs or worked in their individual capacity.
5.2 The better-off and the well-off 56 56 57 57 6 .6 Issues and methods 1.2 Selection and training of field teams 1.1 Introduction 3.1 Introduction 2.5.7 Selection of sites for the PPA 1.2 Levels of analysis 1.1 Basic research questions 1.3 Standards of living in Pakistan 2.6 Statistical profile of the PPA sites in Balochistan 41 41 41 43 43 53 CHAPTER THREE – PERCEPTIONS OF POVERTY AND RIGHTS 3.6.2 What is a PPA and who is it for? 1.6.1 The poor and the very poor 3.8 Experiences in the field 27 27 28 30 31 31 31 33 33 33 34 34 35 36 37 39 CHAPTER TWO – WHAT DO WE ALREADY KNOW? 2.4 Key social indicators 2.2.1 Introduction 1.4 The PPA and poverty policy 1.3 Methodological principles 1.6.4 PRA tools 1.5 Triangulation 18.104.22.168 Partnership framework at province level 1.Table of Contents Acknowledgements Table of Contents List of Boxes List of Tables List of Figures List of Abbreviations Executive Summary Map of Balochistan showing field sites 3 5 8 8 9 10 11 26 CHAPTER ONE – INCLUDING THE POOR 1.2 Poverty in Pakistan 2.2 Perceptions of poverty and well-being 3.3 Background to the Pakistan PPA 22.214.171.124 An introduction to the field sites 2.3 Fieldwork and reporting 1.5 The PPA process in Balochistan 1.
5 Marine and coastal resources 4.2 Trends affecting the well-being of the poor 126.96.36.199 Political dimension: lack of voice and powerlessness 3.5 Moving into and out of poverty 81 81 83 85 85 88 89 89 CHAPTER SIX – SOCIO-ECONOMIC RELATIONS 6.2 Water 4.4 Livestock 4.3 Seasonal shifts affecting the well-being of the poor 5.1 Introduction 92 6.3.4 Contextual perceptions of poverty 3.1 Land 4.5 Social capital 4.2 Bride price – women as commodities and the violent results 94 6.2 Human shocks 5.4. trees and wildlife 4.4 Social exclusion.5 Crime and conflict 101 7 .4 Shocks affecting the well-being of the poor 5.4 Institutional dimension 3.1 Natural disasters and environmental shocks 188.8.131.52.1 Women.2.3 Economic shocks 5.3.2 The situation of poor women 92 6.1 Economic dimension 3.3.2 Natural capital 4.2.6 Political capital 4.3 The dimensions of poverty 3.4. power and decision-making 93 6.1 Physical infrastructure 4.1 Introduction 4.3.3 Cultural dimension: gender and caste 3.1 Introduction 5. organisation and cohesion 98 6.2.3 Human capital 4.2 Credit 4.3 Forests.3 Power and socio-economic relations 96 6.4.4 Produced capital 4.2.7 Livelihood options of the poor 64 65 65 66 67 67 68 70 71 71 73 74 75 76 CHAPTER FIVE – VULNERABILITY 5.5 Perceptions of rights and entitlements 58 58 59 60 61 61 62 CHAPTER FOUR – ASSETS AND LIVELIHOODS OF THE POOR 4.2.
4.3 The vulnerability context in Balochistan: implications for policymaking 184.108.40.206 Caste.2 Educational institutions 7.6 Safety nets 7.4 Social relations 9.CHAPTER SEVEN – INSTITUTIONS 7. ethnicity and poverty 9.4 Infrastructural institutions 7.8 Security and justice 104 104 106 108 109 109 111 111 CHAPTER EIGHT – LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES AND OUTCOMES 8.1 Introduction 7.7 Civil society institutions and organisations 7.1 Gender and poverty 9.6 Policy summary References Appendix 1 117 118 122 123 123 124 124 125 126 128 129 8 .5 Conflict.1 Introduction 9.3 Health institutions 7.1 Social welfare 9.5 Credit and financial institutions 7. strengthening livelihoods 9.2 Reducing poverty.2 Strategies and outcomes 114 114 CHAPTER NINE – POLICY IMPLICATIONS 9.1 Introduction 8. security and access to justice 9.
2: Ch3 Table 3.1: Box 3.1: The importance of livestock The PRA toolbox Gender in a tribal society Five types of “capital” The importance of livestock Different shocks over the years Drought.1: Table 1.5: Box 5.1: Box 5.4: Box 5.1: Table 3.3: Box 5.1: Table 4.7: Box 6.1: Table 2.2: Selected PPA Districts.List of Boxes Box 1: Box 1. the loss of livestock and falling into poverty Death of a bread-winner From affluence to poverty Drought.2: Ch2 Table 2. Quetta The dimensions of poverty – people are poor when… Natural capital and related issues in Balochistan PPA districts Types of physical capital in the PPA sub-sites 12 15 38 39 43 55 58 61 69 72 9 .1: Box 4.2: Box 5.6: Box 5.2: Ch4 Table 4. agriculture and livestock Moving out of poverty – skills. investment and opportunity Moving out of poverty – migration and remittances The impact of valwar – a male perspective 22 36 60 64 68 86 86 89 90 90 91 91 95 Ch1 Ch3 Ch4 Ch5 Ch6 List of Tables Table 1: Table 2: Ch1 Table 1.1: Box 4. Union Councils and subsites in Balochistan Characteristics of well-being categories Selected Balochistan PPA districts and criteria Selected PPA Union Councils and sub-sites in Balochistan Regional comparison of human development indicators Statistical profile of selected PPA sites in Balochistan province Well-being ranking in Pushtoon Darah.2: Box 5.
2: PPA institutional structure Trend in the headcount (% below the poverty line) Changes in natural resources over time The consequences of drought 29 42 82 87 10 .1: Figure 2.List of Figures Ch1 Ch2 Ch5 Figure 1.1: Figure 5.1: Figure 5.
List of Abbreviations ADBP AJK BHU BRSP CBO DAC DFID FANA FBS FC IDSP LHV NGO NWFP ODI OPM P&D PBS PIHS PPA PRA PRSP SAP TBA UC UNDP WAPDA Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan Azad Jammu and Kashmir Basic Health Unit (government-run) Balochistan Rural Support Programme Community-Based Organisation Development Assistance Committee Department for International Development Federally Administered Northern Areas Federal Bureau of Statistics Frontier Corps Institute for Development Studies and Practices – Pakistan Lady Health Visitor Non-governmental organisation North West Frontier Province Overseas Development Institute Oxford Policy Management Planning and Development Department Provincial Bureau of Statistics Pakistan Integrated Household Survey Participatory Poverty Assessment Participatory Reflection and Action Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper South Asian Partnership Traditional Birth Attendant Union Council United Nations Development Programme Water and Power Development Authority 11 .
and citizens. the security and safety of the field teams was an overriding concern that was taken into account in applying the criteria. at the province. that there was no systematic bias towards more accessible sites. government officials. activities and analysis in two contrasting sub-sites in each of 54 urban and rural research sites (union councils) throughout Pakistan. The combination of statistical information and the “voices” from a PPA provides a good basis for innovative thinking about reducing poverty. The selection process involved three steps. Sites were selected “purposively” in order to provide in-depth case studies that illuminated different agro-ecological and social contexts of poverty and livelihoods. the poorest and a better-off sub-site were selected. among other things. At the area level. the poorest union council was then determined and from within this union council. The PPA in Balochistan is part of a national PPA exercise being carried out by governmental and non-governmental partners. At each level a facilitated and recorded “brainstorming” was organised with the participation of major stakeholders and key informants. In Balochistan. local NGOs. district and union council levels. The PPA methodology The Pakistan PPA involved participatory discussions. It is intended to contribute to public debate and government thinking about poverty-reduction in Balochistan as well as providing an input into the national PPA process. However. The procedure for site selection was intended to ensure. Within each of these selected districts. giving voice to their concerns and in this way counter-balancing the top-down approach of most policy thinking. including representatives at the district and union council levels. It also provides a set of local case studies – rich in contextual detail that emphasises the multidimensionality of poverty and the complexity and dynamics of local coping and adapting strategies – that complements well the information from other poverty related surveys. A PPA has been taking place in Balochistan since mid-2001. nine districts reflecting the agro-ecological diversity and ethnic composition in Balochistan were selected. PPA fieldwork was conducted in nine sites. A PPA starts from the point of view of poor and very poor people. The final districts and sub-sites are shown in Table 1. 12 . each with two contrasting sub-sites.Executive summary Introduction A participatory poverty assessment (PPA) is a process for including poor people’s views in the analysis of poverty and in the design of strategies to reduce it.
willingness and ability to undertake tough fieldwork. Field teams also noted separately their own observations and experiences in these reports. including communication skills and self-awareness. women. for example the very poor. groups of local men and women analysed local poverty issues using Participatory Reflection and Action (PRA) methodologies. the field teams sought views from a range of local people. Selection was based on a set of criteria including experience in participatory methodologies. skills in documentation and fluency in local languages. It enhanced the technical capacities of the fieldworkers in facilitating participatory analysis using PRA. During the fieldwork in each site.Table 1: District Selected PPA Districts. understanding of socio-economic and political issues. their knowledge and their capabilities. representatives of IDSP-Pakistan (lead NGO in Balochistan). Union Councils and sub-sites in Balochistan Union Council Poorest sub-site Better-off sub-site Kallag Teer Taij Lad Ghast Mehram Killa Abdullah Batozai Toesar. Planning and Development Department. The management group worked under the Balochistan Steering Committee headed by the Additional Chief Secretary. minority ethnic groups and the very old. The training focused on developing a shared understanding of the objectives and methods of the PPA. analysis and policy processes. Saddar Haji Abdul Qudoos Dasht Shahbaz Kallag Bazdad Kalag Awal Hashim Jurang China Baratkhel Nikhal Adinzai Pushtoon Darah Joisar Kalmat Kahn Zeelag Mashriqi Zawag Khora Chalgari Arambi Nalai Sar Nawai Bazar Qaisar Colony Katagari Gawadar Awaran Kharan Kachi Killa Abdullah Killa Saifullah Loralai Quetta Panjgur Three teams of five members (two women and three men) were selected to conduct the fieldwork. The members of the field team were drawn from government departments and local NGOs. and the PPA office in Islamabad. The Balochistan PPA process was coordinated by a management group consisting of the Chief Poverty Planning and Development Department. The PPA field teams facilitated this process and also recorded the analysis in activity and site reports that are the main basis of this provincial synthesis report. 13 . especially those who could usually be regarded as marginalised and excluded from research. The training also addressed the behaviour and attitudes of the fieldworkers raising awareness of principles of respecting poor people. In each sub-site. particularly Participatory Reflection and Action (PRA). Analysis from the field was complemented by data from secondary sources to enable a degree of triangulation of research results. A specially designed two-phase training module was organised for PPA fieldworkers.
bechara (with no social support or standing). religion. It was also understood that poverty is not evenly distributed throughout society. 14 . age. tribe/caste. in combination. organisations and institutions are relevant to the area/group? The findings from these three questions were used. These terms give a clear indication that local analysts considered poverty to comprise lack of resources. there were also common criteria used across the Balochistan sub-sites. and what factors have influenced these processes? What resources. age. The participatory analysis conducted in all of the research sites focused on three basic research questions: Who are the poor (within each site) and who are the better off? What have been the principal changes affecting the area/group over different periods of time. While different categories of analysts – in terms of gender. was perceived to be multidimensional. and what other changes would increase the opportunities open to poor people? Perceptions of poverty While much is known about the causes of poverty. family structure and local conditions. The PPA tries to avoid mistakes based on ignorance and the self-interest of the powerful by beginning from the way actual groups of poor people describe their situation and their problems – working outwards from this to the analysis of more complex institutional problems and policy issues. institutions and regulatory frameworks.Research questions A livelihoods framework was used to ‘bridge the gap’ between realities at the grassroots level and the implications for policy makers. lack of support. bebas (powerless). but that well-being depends on gender. and bhooka (hungry). in other words. Poverty. miskin (passive and submissive). socio-economic and gender relationships. to answer a fourth question: What scope is there for improvement in public policies. policies that affect poor people are often driven by prejudices and vested interests and with an indifference to external or structural causes of poverty. Local terms used to describe the poor in Balochistan included gharib (poor). The PPA in Balochistan showed that the perceptions of poverty held by the poor did not focus solely on economic or material concerns (ie income or material resources) but went much further to encompass cultural. lack of dignity and lack of power. khwar (one who get no returns in spite of hard work). tribe/caste or religion – placed different emphasis on different aspects of poverty. social and political identity.
In the rural sub-sites of Balochistan. unemployment. and being unable to afford sufficient food. the number of people or households perceived to be well-off was small. The well-off were also perceived to have power and influence in local decisionmaking institutions and processes. working for daily wages. Households which were previously better-off had become poor. Although these indicators were generally common across the PPA sites and analysts. whilst those without televisions or gas connections were considered to be poor. Additionally. those who did not have landi (a local dried meat) were considered very poor. Widows who had no support. as were the disabled and mentally ill. being unable to afford medical treatment or fuel in winter. In most sites. water and a tractor for cultivation. and people who had borrowed from them. their tenants. The effects of drought were stated to be major contributing factors to declining well-being at both household and community level. landlessness. owning livestock. having few or no male children in a household. having a car. analysts generally described the characteristics of the better-off as including having land. In the urban sub-sites of Quetta. other indicators of poverty included powerlessness. being educated and having a business. Across the PPA sites.Common indicators of poor households and individuals described by the local analysts in Balochistan included being a widow. not having sufficient clothes or shoes. For instance. 15 . and in some sub-sites analysts explained that there were no people who could be categorised as well-off using their locally defined criteria. analysts generally perceived that poverty levels were increasing. owning no livestock. lack of influence in decision-making processes or access to justice. perceptions also differed both within communities (dependant upon gender. being able to afford the education of male children or being able to afford private education. and the poor and the poorest lacked access to basic services such as health and education. Women particularly considered disability and being a second wife to be indicators of poverty. having access to healthcare services. religious and political leaders were considered to be well-off. households having no income earner. Poverty status was also strongly associated with social characteristics. orphans and people in low castes were considered to be very poor. in Pushtoon areas. and poor households had become very poor. and those who could not pay the bride price to get married were also considered to be poor. This power even went as far as having control over the votes of lower castes in the area. beggars. Tribal. ethnicity and social status) and between communities. drug addicts and those whose children were labouring were considered to be very poor.
compiled from well-being analysis across the Balochistan PPA sites Well-being category Better-off Poor Young men / men Women Able to pay Cannot feed guests electricity bills Cannot afford ‘bride Children study in price’ (in Pushtoon government communities) school No women in the More male household so men children in do household work household Large family size Few or no male children One income earner in household Cannot afford utility bills One room house Small job Landless Landholdings No livestock Livestock No television (in Can afford urban areas) education and No electricity or gas healthcare Limited access to services natural resources Good housing Land but no Some skills and irrigation or tractor education (in Loralai) Fishing boat (in Gawadar) Small shop Daily wage labour Business Hawker Overseas Selling firewood migration Women work to Agriculture supplement Livestock household income Migration to urban areas Eat less than two meals per day Credit from shopkeepers Unemployed Has access to Limited access to formal and informal justice informal justice institutions (jirga) Representation in Access to decision-making community based processes institutions (in some sites) Very poor Young women Second wife Low caste (Darzada) Widows with no support Stigmatised Not respected Helpless / unhappy Female children Disabled Orphans Drug addicts Mentally ill In severe debt No access to healthcare Lack decent shoes and clothes Poor or no house No access to education No access to natural resources Well-off Men Religious leader Tribal leader Powerful Influential Educated Respected Sardar Seth Zikri clan (Gawadar District) Social characteristics Assets Large landholdings Has good access to medical care Vehicles Has property Well maintained house Children study in private schools Good education Business 2-3 government workers in household Family member works in foreign country Good business Credit from banks Political and social capital Influential in decision-making processes and institutions Access to rights Access to formal justice institutions Can influence / instruct votes of poor Begging Dependent on charity Reliant on community support Eat chillies with water to mask hunger Take loans from landlords and work as bonded labour Women engage in income earning No voice No power No access to justice No access to government institutions Excluded from social events and institutions Gender-based discrimination Coping and livelihood strategies 16 .Table 2: Characteristics of well-being categories.
automatically predisposed people to increased levels of vulnerability and poverty. brides are purchased from their families. The practice of valwar (bride price) was less common in these households. other women did not support this view. ethnicity and caste amplified the nature of powerlessness. In Gawadar District. Widows who had no support were considered poor. food. so women have no value at all”. or being a woman. which often resulted in the selling of land. did vary between social groups. and the workload of women had increased. and basic services such as education or healthcare than men. socially constructed factors such as gender. women stated that the well-being of women had deteriorated over time: men had become more aggressive to women. “women are just like rotten leaves – as these leaves have no importance. In Pushtoon Darah and Qaisar Colony this was also perceived to happen in households with higher levels of education. Women generally had low status.Socio-economic and gender relations Whilst a lack of power was common to all those in poverty. Analysts perceived conflicting trends in the well-being of women over the decades preceding the PPA. low access to assets and resources. they were often burdened with heavier workloads than young men. Ethnicity was also a factor in determining valwar. However. especially as women were increasingly compelled to earn an income in order to cope with the effects of drought on household livelihoods. women received less respect now than in the past. for instance. Being from a low caste. Poor women analysts perceived that the practice had severe negative consequences on their status and well-being. It also caused indebtedness for the groom. 17 . The status of women. The tradition of ‘bride price’ was perceived by many women to reduce their status to mere commodities. One group of women in Pushtoon Darah perceived that women had improved levels of well-being compared to the past: modern facilities and equipment had eased workloads and violence against women had decreased. Under the custom of valwar (bride price). however. households from the Darzada caste (a low caste) had no rights or respect given to them – they were highly vulnerable and had to obey the demands of influential ‘notables’ in the area. Despite this. low access to justice and low influence. Poor women perceived that a woman from a better-off or rich family had more opportunity to marry according to her will. women’s health status had decreased. Young women particularly suffered lower access to good clothing. livestock or other assets. As one young 18-year-old woman from Kachi District explained the view of her husband: My husband says. In Kharan. Even young daughters were sold to repay debts or given as part of a bride price. with Pushtoon households more likely to engage in the practice than non-Pushtoon households.
In Killa Saifullah District. As a result of valwar. He is powerful because he is the sardar. From a social perspective. so in this way we become a prisoner. a woman was “like a slave and helpless”. (Female analysts. or within the family.Women had no control over the money paid as valwar – instead it was given to male members of her family. In Kachi District. the sardar is the tribal chief and people have complete faith in him. women were in a better position within the marriage – they could even “raise their voice to their husband”. and influence in the community. and did not allow the poor to move out of poverty: tribal leaders had all the power. mobility was restricted and they were unable to seek justice. Local understandings of ‘Rights’ in Balochistan Poor people in Balochistan stated that one of the main reasons for their poverty was that their rights were not being delivered – their rights and 18 . Where this was the case. Stories of torture and violence against women were common. A group of women explained that people would vote whichever way the sardar wanted them to. or bonded labour. The landlord gives us as much as we need. In Kharan. His source of power is his tribal authority within the community. Awal Hashim. Women were often beaten by their husbands and were sometimes even killed. water. the most influential person in a village was the landlord. if a woman did not take valwar then she was taunted and treated without respect – she was perceived as a person of no value. We work for him on low wages until we are able to repay his loan. Religious leaders and local politicians or officials also had significant power within communities. Women suffered cruel treatment from in-laws. people from both within and outside her household would insult her. the police remained largely unaware of these crimes or. Khuwachakzai. and Musazai) within the Batozai tribe. In Kharan District. Kachi District) Tribal structure was also a significant determinant of power. The malik has the most power in the village and resolves disputes over land. Local power relations also played a central role in shaping poor people’s lives. if they were aware of them. resources. Tribal social structure kept women oppressed. However. but because they could not leave the house without permission. analysts explained that women could not go to police stations because men were in charge there and bribery was common. Often landlords provided loans to tenants but the debt was paid back in the form of labour and resulted in extremely inequitable labour relationships. but we are restricted because of this. male analysts stated that the malik (chief) was the head of four sub-tribes (Mazgha Peerzai. Women were fearful of their husbands’ reactions if they told anyone outside the household of their suffering. Some women in Quetta explained that if valwar was not paid. many people worked as tenants. Barakzai. If a woman did try to obtain justice. they were unwilling to deal with them properly. Land was a significant source of power and generally concentrated in the hands of a few individuals.
these changes and trends in the natural resource base were spurred in particular by increasing land fragmentation and environmental 19 . meaning ‘right’. Women. across all the PPA sites in Balochistan. local analysts were articulate. poor people generally suffered less access to their rights than better-off people. either through a failure on the supply side – for instance the provision of school facilities for girls was woefully inadequate – or through demand-side constraints such as the low value placed on female education within many families and communities.entitlements were ignored or suppressed. exercise and protection of rights. shocks and seasonal shifts over which poor people have little or no control can have serious impacts on the livelihoods of poor people. and at times even vociferous. and justice. The vulnerability context in Balochistan A range of trends. despite having clear perceptions of what their rights should be. for instance. The general outcome of this was that poor people had fewer entitlements than the well-off. regardless of social status. Some perceptions of rights were prioritised differently between groups of analysts. In Balochistan. relief and social protection. Moreover. Whilst most analysts expressed that it was their right to voice their opinions and that they should be consulted about decisions that concerned them. In many cases analysts were also aware of why their rights were being suppressed and by whom. Women particularly were denied rights to basic government services. and second. Analysts perceived that the denial of rights occurred both institutionally and under the guise of tradition and culture. Local analysts used the term haq. The source of rights was generally perceived to be the government – and it was generally perceived to be failing in its delivery of poor people’s rights. because poor people were often unable to afford to exercise their basic rights even when they were provided. an equal voice in decision-making processes. women suffered disproportionately from a lack of access to their rights. employment opportunities. analysts perceived that the basic rights to which all people were entitled included access to basic services such as health and education. amongst the majority of poorer households they were even denied the right to make choices regarding their own marriages. Similarly. stated that they had the right to lead a life free from domestic violence and abuse. women were denied their rights to healthcare due to a lack of female medical staff in a context where social norms required women to be treated by women. about their rights. this right was always denied to women. Across the sites. Women were denied equal rights in decision-making at both community and household level – indeed. Across all the PPA sites in Balochistan. However. The ability of poor people to realise their rights was limited in two ways: first because institutions did not support the effective provision.
Causes of these trends included the increasing number of refugees and migrants from other areas of Balochistan. Without water. Drought had also affected agricultural productivity. (Male analyst. had the potential to decrease local vulnerability. and the drought conditions experienced in the years preceding the PPA. orchards and water livestock all showed declining or deteriorating trends. crops. Across the rural sites. Drought and deforestation were also contributing to a fall in livestock numbers as the availability of water and fodder from forests fell. cultivated land. We worry day and night about how to find food for our children. Water is crucial to the production of crops in the arid. the most powerful negative trends to arise were the decline in the availability of. crops became more susceptible to diseases and pests. an urban site. which was also perceived to be declining. and quality of natural resources. fish stocks were also declining. Forests were shrinking at alarming rates in some sites. Household productivity was also affected by land fragmentation. and access of poor people to remaining forest resources was also perceived to be falling. forests. Local people previously received an income from almond orchards but now they did not even have enough almonds for their own consumption. Over the two decades preceding the PPA in Balochistan. and the accompanying need for communities to adapt appropriately to these changing circumstances to protect and sustain their livelihoods. opportunities for agricultural labour declined. desert and barani (rain-fed) PPA sites. although often these positive impacts were outweighed by the impacts of negative trends and shocks. and levels of food security fell. Sudden shocks were caused by the loss of a job or the death of an income earner. and also decreased the level of security and 20 . This was perceived by some analysts to have both increased competition for jobs. In the coastal areas of Balochistan. We adults mix chillies with water and eat that with bread. Seasonal factors included harsh winters and rough seas in summer. Reasons behind this trend were identified as population increases. Panjgur District) In Quetta. the cutting of trees for timber and fuel (both for domestic consumption and selling). The only improving trend described in Balochistan was in vegetable crops. population increase and a decrease in the availability of labouring and job opportunities were important trends. Some changes. Livestock owners were left with no choice but to purchase fodder from the market. coupled with the illegal fishing by the big fishing companises with modern fishing equipment. an increasing trend as landholdings were divided amongst an ever-increasing population with the result that average household landholdings are becoming less able to support a family. such as improved access to markets for fish in Gawadar. access to.degradation. We have got used to it but our children don’t eat this food and become sick.
Some of the most severe environmental shocks that affected people in Balochistan included drought. the coastal PPA site. extreme heat caused health problems making work difficult. During these three months some fishermen migrated to other places to look for work while most people just stayed at home or borrowed money from the seth for their household expenditures. disability or illness of an income earning family member or household head. households and individuals in different ways. decreasing quantities of stored food. could plunge a household into severe poverty. trends and seasonal shifts such as those outlined above. was to reduce the asset base of poor households. produced. Often. In an area such as Balochistan where people remained highly dependent on natural resources. The livelihoods framework uses a range of assets or ‘capitals’ (natural. Death. Assets and livelihood strategies Vulnerability is linked to people’s ability to invest in or draw down on their assets in the face of shocks. This was especially the case for those households with no male children or other source of support for their livelihood. opportunities for wage labour also declined in winter as work on government contracts and in building construction decreased. thus undermining any improvements in well-being that people might have enjoyed and increasing their vulnerability and liability to fall into profound poverty in the future. seasonal changes played a significant role in livelihood management. analysts perceived that the first two months of winter was usually a time when people could relax after having sold all their crops. natural disaster or theft could initiate a vicious circle of asset liquidation and debt from which it was difficult if not impossible to escape. for instance). in different ways. and of some of the coping strategies adopted (selling livestock. the long-term effect of shocks. For all but the wealthiest households. Winter in most rural areas. one shock such as an illness. social and political) that poor people may have 21 . shortages of fodder and firewood. at particular times of the year. Shocks affected men and women.social cohesion as people from other areas and different tribes moved to urban areas. Expenditure outlays and sources of difficulty such as ill-health also tended to be seasonal. in Kachi. In summer. The interaction of these factors meant that many poor households experienced particular stress. Seasonal shifts affected different communities. Even better-off households could fall prey to shocks. and consequent dangers of permanent impoverishment. for instance. In urban Quetta. In the late summer cases of malaria increased and employment opportunities also fell again. and fewer employment opportunities. the old and the young. human. fishermen could not go to sea for three months from June to August because their small boats could not cope with rough seas at this time of year. death of livestock and crop failure. emerged as a period of major stress for local people due to livestock illnesses. In Gawadar. However.
The local participants in the Balochistan sub-sites analysed their access to various assets and the livelihood strategies they were able to adopt in order to cope with or adapt to shocks and changes in their lives. However. In Kalmat. having some land is a reliable source of money in bad times – it can be sold to repay debts or when unexpected expenses arise. even though they owned land. and the effect of this reduction was severe. particularly for marginalised individuals and groups. the largest landholdings belonged to just a few local ‘notables’. the main forms of natural capital were agricultural land and forests. land was more equitably distributed. were more strongly felt by the poorest. Local analysts in Awaran. Local people laid collective/social claims to many natural resources in their areas. the better-off sub-site in Gawadar District. However. The majority of the poor had no land and worked as tenants on other people’s land. access was often difficult and declining. and power. only a small area is irrigated through canals. mangroves and the ocean were important forms of natural capital whilst in Kachi. the natural capital available to poor people in each site. and as a source of well-being. access to. and ownership of. However. Most of Balochistan is arid or barani (rain-fed) irrigated. Land is of central importance both as a productive resource upon which to grow food. the lack of water had resulted in most land being barren and unproductive. Livelihood strategies are only sustainable when they maintain or build up people’s asset base. In the sub-sites of Gawadar. In many PPA sites. and that what remained was also less accessible to the poor. analysts stated that everyone had a piece of land on which they grew crops and animal fodder: there were few if any tenants. Not only were post-primary schools for 22 . perceived that forest resources had both decreased in quantity. keep livestock and build a home. land distribution patterns in Balochistan were generally far from equal. But almost everywhere. In some sites. however. for example. Good quality and easily accessible natural resources were of vital importance to people’s livelihood strategies in Balochistan. Women in Balochistan generally suffered poorer access to education and healthcare facilities compared to men. varied significantly. Many aspects of life had deteriorated significantly. Livestock formed an important part of many livelihood strategies. and the importance they placed upon it. for instance. However. however. Dependence on natural resources remained high despite trends of increasing environmental degradation and decreasing availability.access to in various ways to produce a livelihood. For the poor. despite this. The general impacts of deforestation. who continued to rely heavily on common property resources. Water was widely considered the most important natural resource. The lack of water due to persistent drought conditions had also contributed significantly to a fall in the livestock numbers across the province. it had become increasingly scarce. security.
Box 1: The importance of livestock Mohammad is from Panjgur District.now he has just 10. especially where people had access to higher levels of financial and human capital. women were also increasingly engaged in income earning occupations. The higher levels of access to human and produced capital often necessary to take advantage of good employment and livelihood diversification opportunities were not generally available to the poor in the Balochistan sites. for instance. especially in Pushtoon areas. The ability to engage productively in off-farm livelihoods was strongly influenced by available levels of various forms of capital. The status of women as commodities to be bought and sold was maintained by the practice of paying a bride price. The lack of effective publicly provided social protection mechanisms meant that in the poorest households. they were migrating overseas. Mohammad explained that the drought has made him destitute and now he begs for flour from the other villagers. In times of crisis. For the survival of his livestock he borrowed money and purchased fodder. However. mat weaving and embroidery. In some cases. Men were increasingly migrating to look for work in other areas of Balochistan or Pakistan. all have died. or further into. in many communities. He feels great shame in spreading his hands in front of others. Poor 23 . both formal and informal safety nets have a role to play in providing support to people coping with shocks and stress to prevent them falling into. In some households. There were various informal and formal institutional mechanisms of safety net provision for the poorest households in the sub-sites of Balochistan. publicly provided social protection systems such as zakat and bait-ul-mal were perceived to be ineffective and not administered in a transparent manner – most poor households could not benefit properly from them. opportunities for this were perceived to have fallen in the years preceding the PPA. He used to have 500 sheep and goats before the drought . In some cases. whilst in others. a small bush). and in times of crisis and indebtedness. Due to the drought. However. One result of this was to further reinforce the notion that any investment in female education was wasted. as the women would be sold to another household. The declining availability of good quality natural resources had increased the need for poor people to increasingly look for alternative sources of livelihood. especially in urban areas. people were increasingly forced to diversify into off-farm forms of employment and income. these were still based on natural resources (ie increasing numbers of people engaged in mat-weaving using peesh. He has no other source of livelihood and is selling his remaining livestock. the fact that women were compelled to do this was perceived as a sign of household poverty in many sites. but the livestock perished and now he is in debt. it was not considered as important for girls to receive an education as for boys. poverty. the main safety nets available were informal.girls often lacking but. However.
Low castes were extremely vulnerable and given no respect by others . or an inability to obtain justice. meals and clothes amongst the poor. institutions. However. In urban Pushtoon Darah. basic services. The Frontier 24 . such as the Darzada were generally excluded from mainstream political processes. or distributing sweets. analysts perceived that the responsibility for providing security and justice lay with the government. It was widely observed that when a crime was committed. there was general dissatisfaction with the government institutions mandated to provide security and justice to the people of Balochistan: they were widely regarded as inefficient and corrupt. often based on kinship. However. Most people accepted its decisions because they perceived that all issues were discussed openly and there was no interference from government – only in rare cases were injustices thought to occur. Analysts included people ‘selling’ their daughters to pay back loans. Better-off people sometimes gave alms in the form of livestock. often came at a price. The poor relied on informal local support systems. borrowing from informal sources of credit. more usually. borrowing.households often relied on meagre savings or. Political capital and institutional dynamics Political capital in the Balochistan sub-sites was heavily concentrated in the hands of just a few people. also generally inaccessible to the poor. The jirga emerged as the most significant decision making institution at local level in the Balochistan sites. the police left the criminals and started harassing innocent citizens and demanding money from them. Formal institutions providing credit were. the poorest sub-site in Quetta. even in the tribal jirga system the poor were ignored. Further. minority groups. as examples of the heavy prices. The lack of political capital of the poor and the poorest was very evident and this affected their influence on the decision-making processes that impacted their livelihood strategies. male analysts explained that there were rich people in the city who gave donations to the poor. they faced dire consequences. Across the sites.they were not considered to be equal with others. People from low castes had no rights and if they did not obey the orders of the ‘notables’ in the area. They also said that there were social organisations in the city that help the poor and needy people. The result is that people relied more on informal institutions. and in Killa Saifullah local people felt that while justice was their right. Minority ethnic groups and lower castes suffered from more limited access to assets. options and choices. and having to vote according to the wishes of powerful well-off people. particularly in the areas of social protection and conflict resolution. rights and justice. However. or receiving support from well-off people. Poor people viewed political power as only being enjoyed by better-off and well-off people. could push even better-off households into poverty. It was generally perceived to be both quick and fair. Insecurity. women had no representation on the jirga and no access to justice or their rights. working as bonded labour until debts were repaid. however.
regardless of gender.Corps were also widely criticised in PPA sites close to the border for their corruption and rudeness. As the main provider and guarantor of rights in Balochistan was perceived to be the government. However. education and other basic utilities and services were perceived to be largely failing in the effective delivery of services and inaccessible to the poor. and control over resources and assets Effective policies for managing natural resources are essential to reducing poverty in Balochistan The government should examine strategies to reduce the inequitable distribution of land In addition to equitable land distribution policies. Access to justice was perceived to be difficult for the poor. it was not solely government security and justice institutions that had bad reputations. PPA analysts in Balochistan perceived that government institutions generally were failing to address the needs of the poor. analysts often urged policy makers to consider immediately how to address the causes and manifestations of poverty that have been articulated by poor people in the Balochistan PPA. and PPA fieldworkers’ and report writers’ interpretations of information gathered during the full range of PPA activities. Institutions mandated to provide health. caste or social status Staff absenteeism is a major factor in determining access to and quality of public services and must be addressed The quality of basic services must be monitored and improved The provision of basic infrastructure plays a vital role in increasing access to employment. together with legislation to protect workers from exploitative employment practices 25 . investments in infrastructure. 1. Policy recommendations The Balochistan PPA report concludes with a set of policy recommendations based on the expressed policy priorities of poor local analysts. should not focus exclusively on one type of asset or ‘capital’ Access to affordable education and healthcare must be equal for all. markets and basic services The government should implement policies and strategies that will increase employment opportunities. by the local analysts in Balochistan. and the denial of these rights was believed to contribute significantly to the vulnerability and poverty of local people. quality of. services and institutions should be examined to enable increases in productivity Interventions to support and strengthen livelihoods. but much easier for the better-off and rich. These were generally considered to be basic rights. Increase access to. as discussed above. and reduce poverty. These are summarised below in four broad areas to be considered in the formulation of poverty reduction policies and strategies.
must be increased Perpetrators of crimes must be prosecuted regardless of their social. ethnicity or caste Equality in terms of access to rights – political. Eliminate discrimination based on gender. Ensure equal access to justice regardless of gender or social status Addressing the subjects of crime. and particularly women and minority social groups Gender-based discrimination must be considered in all policy and strategy formulation to ensure that women benefit fully and are not marginalised further The government must ensure that minority groups are not discriminated against in the provision of social services. economic or political status 26 . which results in the commodification of women. and particularly for women.2. employment opportunities. or in the dispensation of justice Both supply side and demand side constraints on the access of women to basic services must be addressed Cultural and traditional discrimination must be addressed through strong and effective policies and strategies backed by the political and judicial will to implement them fully The traditional practice of ‘bride price’. disorder and police / Frontier Corps corruption should be considered a central focus in any political platform or policy initiative claiming to promote development and reduce poverty Access to affordable and fair justice for the poor and marginalised. Reduce vulnerability and provide adequate social protection The government should take a broad view of social protection to include risk reduction. impact mitigation and coping strategies Current formal safety net provision must be improved by increasing funding. transparency and accountability The government should examine other possible mechanisms for providing social protection to the poor and vulnerable 3. must be addressed Strong and enforceable laws must be implemented to eliminate domestic violence against women Inequitable social relationships resulting in forms of bonded labour must be addressed and eliminated 4. social and institutional – is vital to increasing the well-being levels of the poor.
27 .e.Map of Balochistan showing field sites Note: The district of Loralai. Bolan and Jhal Magsi. at the time of the PPA. included Musa Khel and Barkhan. The same applies to District Kachi which is divided into two districts i. These two are now separate districts as shown in the figure.
provincial and district level. Ideally speaking. First. This was followed up by synthesis at district. In 2001 the process began and meetings were held with senior government officials in the Planning and Development Department of the Balochistan Government. This chapter provides a background to the process of the PPA in Balochistan and puts it into the context of the PPA in Pakistan. The training and research methods used in Balochistan were standard to all the provinces. and culminates in better policies and more effective action for poverty reduction. Secondary stakeholders include public opinion and image-makers. A key distinguishing factor is the emphasis successfully placed by second generation PPAs on wide stakeholder participation. provincial. A PPA is not just a new type of study of poverty and its causes. The PPA stakeholder partnership is important at three levels. Some issues were specific to Balochistan and these have been included in this chapter in the ‘experiences in the field’ section. This chapter also provides a background to the PPA in Pakistan and linkages of the PPA to national. and district government levels. researchers and academics. A comparative analysis of PPAs conducted in the 1990s indicated that there was a shift in focus between first and second generation of PPAs. has been defined as an instrument for including poor people’s views in the analysis of poverty. and in the formulation of strategies to reduce it. It aims to achieve four things: better understanding of poverty. the poor. it is important to develop a partnership between the key primary stakeholders.1 Introduction In 1998 the PPA design mission visited Balochistan and introduced the idea of the PPA to the provincial government and a number of NGOs. who experience poverty and other primary stakeholders including 28 . Other primary stakeholders in Pakistan’s PPA include policy makers at the federal. 1. enhanced accountability to poor people. Fieldwork for the PPA was undertaken in late 2001 and early 2002. or PPA. province and national level and documentation. and NGOs. PPA is a process that starts with grass-roots participatory analysis and dialogue. and.CHAPTER ONE – INCLUDING THE POOR 1.2 What is a PPA and who is it for? A participatory poverty assessment. more effective policies and action. The poor are the key primary stakeholders of PPAs. new constituencies for anti-poverty action.
Action plans to take forward the principal findings and recommendations at province and federal level. The third level of partnership is between the primary and secondary stakeholders and seeks to build wide multi-stakeholder participation. and. The first stage included setting up the provincial and national steering committees as well as preparing the fieldwork guide and the training programme. This partnership is critical for achieving the PPA goals of deepening shared understanding of poverty and facilitating individual and collective stakeholder action to reduce it. process and outputs will develop and strengthen a culture of inclusiveness and openness that is required for forging this level of partnership. However. and. open and direct communication. The main outputs from the fieldwork stage of project will be: Four province. NGOs and donors. and one national PPA report. 29 . sharing. A film that will highlight the experiences of the poor. the PPA’s objectives. 1. In the final stage. mutual support.government and NGOs that are attempting to better understand it. The second level of stakeholder partnership is between the government and NGO partners that are included as other primary stakeholders. two area (FANA. and. and feedback on. can be divided into three stages: setting up the institutional framework. which began in early 2001. The outputs of the follow-up stage will include: Dissemination programme: workshops for government. one AJK. The partners must recognise interdependence and promote and demonstrate: mutual trust and respect. all partners must share a common purpose and work together to achieve it. and. A greater number of stakeholders with greater ownership will create a constituency of support for the PPA that will directly impact on its effectiveness. It follows that the PPA process needs to involve a lot more than field research in poor communities. screenings of PPA video. The second stage covered training and pilot testing and fieldwork (three months) in each of Pakistan's provinces and areas. briefings for journalists.3 Background to the Pakistan PPA The Pakistan PPA. Consistent emphasis on wide sharing of. fieldwork. key findings were widely disseminated and followed up at province/area and national levels through a public dissemination programme. The institutional mechanism for implementing the PPA in Pakistan is designed to facilitate the creation and strengthening of this level of partnership. for the partnership to deliver its expected outputs. FATA). follow-up.
implementation. managed the PPA process.1 shows the institutional mechanism that brings the primary public and private stakeholders together. These committees also help coordination as they bring together all relevant institutional partners. through the PPA Office based in Islamabad. and a team of national consultants provided the PPA Office technical and managerial support.1: PPA institutional structure National Steering Committee Provincial Steering Committees Steering Committee of CRPRID* Provincial/Area Management Committees Poverty Alleviation Section Planning Commission Coordinating NGO Other NGO fieldworkers FBS / PBS fieldworkers Government fieldworkers *Centre for Research on Poverty Reduction and Income Distribution At the federal level. the Poverty Section of the Planning Commission. and follow up of the PPA. Oxford Policy Management (OPM). NGO PPA partners. Figure 1. They include representatives of all relevant government ministries/departments (including those at the district levels). Overseas Development Institute (ODI). Broadly. In each 30 . This committee reports to the relevant Provincial/Area Steering Committee. and other specialists. At the provincial/area levels a Provincial/Area management committee was established to manage the PPA process on a day-to-day basis. the following Figure 1.With respect to management of the PPA. the steering committees at the national and provincial/area levels play a key role in coordinating the design. Senior federal and provincial/area government representatives chair these committees.
These committees support information sharing and effective coordination of the implementation of the PPA at the provincial/area and field site levels. Although the PPA was not designed as an instrument to specifically monitor the implementation and outcomes of the Pakistan PRSP it can be extremely useful to this end. At the same time. in the last few years. the multidimensionality of poverty has been highlighted in the 2000/01 World Development Report. few poverty monitoring systems have been successful at including the findings of participatory or qualitative research. In particular. Quantitative methods are not necessarily more rigorous or reliable than qualitative ones (Booth and Lucas. poverty comparisons are made between regions and across time. a coordinating NGO was contracted to oversee and implement the training and fieldwork. However. An alternative is to use the terms contextual and non-contextual. It is also now usual to mention in PRSPs that there is a need for some sort of participatory poverty assessment exercise to deepen the understanding of poverty. there is a need to broaden the PPA agenda from “Who are the poor?” to “What is going wrong with the design and implementation of anti-poverty policies and programmes?” Thus. From this. Booth and Lucas (2001) conclude that despite the fact that the multidimensionality of poverty is frequently cited. Specifically. Contextual information 31 . The coordinating NGO chairs the management committee comprising of representatives of all the organisations (government and NGOs) that are directly involved in the fieldwork for the PPA. coordinated the PPA in Balochistan 1. one general point about the quantitative/qualitative dichotomy with respect to poverty monitoring is worth making. the onus is very much on the managers of PPAs to produce policy-relevant information.4 The PPA and poverty policy Pakistan’s policies to reduce poverty are organised around the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) framework and PRSPs are to be implemented at both federal and provincial level. This may also not be the best way of formulating the distinction between the two approaches. 2001). However. The traditional approach to monitoring poverty has until relatively recently focused on estimating income or expenditure based poverty lines from household survey data. the monitoring of a wider range of variables is very important. As a result of this change in the perception of poverty. the framework for the monitoring of PRSPs requires a commitment to goals in addition to reducing the percentage under the poverty line. The Institute for Development Studies and Practice (IDSP). income poverty remains the central focus of monitoring in many countries. It is hoped that the Pakistan PPA will contribute to this end. Given that income poverty is sometimes not directly related to other measures of well-being (for example nutritional status).province and in AJK/FANA. Before moving on to look at the Balochistan PPA. an NGO. the DAC Poverty Guidelines and a number of Human Development Reports and Poverty Reports from UNDP (Booth and Lucas. 2001). this implies giving priority to a wide range of social indicators related to poverty in addition to income data from household expenditure surveys. in their wide-ranging review of PRSPs.
economic and cultural context. facilitation and documentation skills. This group was responsible for the overall management of the fieldwork in Balochistan. This was reflected in the organisation of the process in Balochistan. and fluency in local languages.5 The PPA process in Balochistan The PPA process in Pakistan is based on close partnership and co-operation between all the participating stakeholders. although familiarity and experience in PRA was a primary criterion. understanding of socioeconomic and political issues. particularly women. 1. A panel consisting of members of the management group interviewed a large number of candidates during a two-day interviewing process. Noncontextual information is untainted by the particular context in which it is collected. were available. Mr Ahmed Bakhsh Lehri. it has an affinity with the tendency to focus on geographical locality as a key element in poverty monitoring. the Government of Balochistan set up a management group consisting of Chief Poverty (Khushal Pakistan Program) (focal point). The management group worked under the Balochistan Steering Committee headed by the Provincial Additional Chief Secretary (Planning and Development Department). In particular. Booth and Lucas go on to argue that stressing the importance of context has proved useful in advocating the value of participatory techniques in poverty assessment and monitoring. and their commitment to poverty reduction. and representatives of IDSP (lead NGO in Balochistan) and the PPA office in Islamabad. Field teams were drawn from local NGOs and government departments (Social Welfare Department and Bureau of Statistics P&D Department).5. An example of this would be that households below the poverty line in a particular country have high dependency ratios.requires interpretation in its social. ability to work in a team. especially in research-oriented projects. Therefore. Selection was based on a set of criteria including experience in participatory methodologies. 32 .2 Selection and training of field teams The selection process formally started in July 2001 with the selection of researchers from within Balochistan. 1. candidates were assessed for their experience in development. PRA is not widely practised in Balochistan and very few trained PRA researchers.5. particularly Participatory Reflection and Action (PRA). Three teams of five members (including two women and three men) were selected to conduct the fieldwork. willingness and ability to undertake tough fieldwork.1 Partnership framework at province level To provide the basic framework of the provincial PPA. Some of the candidates had connections with IDSP so care was taken to ensure that the selection process was impartial. An example would be access to health care being blocked by a local official. 1.
Training stressed the primacy of working in partnership with local communities and providing them with opportunities to apply their knowledge. it has 500 households and a population of around 3000. especially women. and availability of community. including communication skills and self-awareness (to link attitude towards the poor with possible internal prejudices which would need addressing. their knowledge and their capabilities. The two phases of training focused on developing a shared understanding of the objectives and methods of the PPA. The site is surrounded by mountains and has a small population of seasonal 33 . instructions on daily documentation routines. unrealistic expectations would not be raised in participating communities. livestock and labour. and not an exploitative. a seven-day pilot to field test the PPA approach was held from 29th August to 4th September 2001 in Splingi (Mastung). a 12-day in-house training session was held from 5th to 19th August 2001 in Quetta. undue time demands would not be placed on participants. and participatory approaches needed in a person using PRA). and. The training also included documentation of the PRA process. Researchers were also exposed to specific issues of gender. dealing with possible documentation problems (ie no electricity being available). especially designed two-phase training module was organised for PPA fieldworkers. In the first phase. The community has two major tribes Bangulzai and Kurd. In the second phase. Mr Ahmed Bakhsh Lehri. All the candidates were told that the final selection of the teams would be made after the training. some extra candidates were selected and included in the training. The main sources of livelihood for men are agriculture. representation. Splingi is approximately 60 kms from Quetta. Ethical issues in research were discussed with fieldworkers and collective agreement was reached that the following points would be followed when conducting PPA fieldwork to ensure it was an enabling. An intensive. experience and capabilities in the process of analysing their realities – their lives and experiences. and to become conscious of the attributes such as communication and facilitation skills. Union Council Splingi in District Mastung was selected in consultation with the provincial Additional Chief Secretary. taking notes while discussions are going on. The main source of livelihood for women is livestock. sharing information within the team. experience: informed consent would be obtained from all participants. and discussing and synthesising issues. fundamental emphasis was placed on respecting poor people. They enhanced the technical capacities of the fieldworkers in facilitating participatory analysis using PRA. The site selected for the pilot met the criteria of accessibility.In view of the possibility of early attrition in the field-teams. However.
and two contrasting communities (“sub-sites”) within each.6. 1. All the regional PPAs used similar methods in their field sites. as were the role of the note taker. Forests and rangeland are the key natural resources. Emphasis was placed on understanding the importance of triangulation and how to achieve it. and documenting the findings from the perspective of men and women. The PPA team was divided into three groups.3 Fieldwork and reporting Each team worked in three sites (one month per site). Field researchers. After completion of the first phase of the PPA. They also took responsibility for the first step in recording it. On completion of the fieldwork. The facilitation process and the use of PRA tools were discussed. adapting these to the specific characteristics of the province or area.nomads. a synthesis workshop was held in Quetta. They then began the synthesis of this analysis in the form of a site report. The pilot testing was conducted during the summer. Issues. 1. and an effort was made to investigate a common set of basic issues. the research teams met in Quetta for a review workshop. In each site.6 Issues and methods The PPA is intended to contribute to improving the understanding of poverty.5. 1. Field teams were responsible for facilitating the “joint analysis” that is the basis of the PRA approach. The findings were synthesised into the main chapters of the provincial report. facilitation with women. The teams were divided into female and male sub-teams that worked separately with women and men. thus marking the beginning of the preparation of the Balochistan PPA report. the PPA used a “livelihoods framework”. It aims to reach conclusions and recommendations for policy and actions starting from an analysis of poverty and its causes in selected research sites. government representatives and the PPA Manager from Islamabad participated.1 Basic research questions To bridge the gap between the grass-roots realities and the implications for policy makers. all of which were major features of the pilot testing. the writing of activity reports and field notes. The day was allocated for conducting the fieldwork and intense reflections were made during the evenings and at night. in the fieldwork were discussed in detail and strategies to overcome them were defined. the analysis conducted with community members focussed on three basic research questions: 34 . particularly challenges. IDSP staff. each consisting of three men and two women members.
Even though these issues concerned everyone. Many of the concepts and ideas used in the Fieldwork Framework were derived from international thinking about how poor people construct “sustainable livelihoods”. organisations and institutions are relevant to different groups among the poor? The findings from these three questions were used. etc. PRA is recognised as 35 . Second. as a whole.6. even if opinions were sometimes expressed in this way. and how do they construct their livelihoods? What have been the principal changes for the people over different periods of time. However.6.Who are the poor and who are the better off? What assets do the poor have. children. and what factors have influenced these processes? What resources. 1. in combination. socio-economic and gender relationships. the same or similar issues were analysed by each sub-group as they related to its own particular situation and experience. it identified a set of topics relevant to the fieldwork site. to answer a fourth question: What scope is there for improvement in public policies. young and old men. standard tools were used to facilitate local poverty analysis. it was not assumed that there was a single “community view” on the subject. such as age and sex. In other words. Ensuring that this happened was less easy than handling obvious social differences.3 Methodological principles Participatory Reflection and Action (PRA) was the primary approach used for the field research in and around the selected PPA sites. and how policies and institutions affect them. or the “community” or population group that occupies the area.2 Levels of analysis The Fieldwork Framework was used in two ways: First. Reaching the very poor and enabling them to share in the analysis of their realities was an overarching aim of the PPA. 1. institutions and regulatory frameworks. This is reproduced as Appendix 1. In addition. referred to as the Fieldwork Framework. minority groups. efforts were made to enable each of the important sub-groups in the population to contribute to the analysis. views were sought separately from young and old women. the field teams used a more detailed table of themes and issues in English and Urdu. As far as possible. and what other changes would increase the opportunities open to poor people? These were the basic guidelines that were followed in Balochistan. This provided pointers to the field teams on how to reach the poorest people in the area.
to promote a rich and revealing discussion among groups of local people. to enhancing gender sensitisation of fieldworkers. Like every method. Learning together refers to the approach of working in partnership with poor communities. in this context. For example.6. or the ranking or scoring of elements of the community’s natural or institutional environment. too. PRA is recognised to have weaknesses as well as strengths.4 PRA tools As well as an approach informed by certain basic principles. PRA tools include a variety of ways of visualising or representing aspects of local reality. A wide range of PRA techniques were used in the PPA in Balochistan. Small groups of participants engaged in discussions facilitated by a trained field team member who tried not to direct or over-influence the interaction that took place.a robust methodology for generating policy insights from case-study evidence. The elements of consensus and 36 . the fieldworkers were encouraged to be conscious of the influence of local power inequalities on what is said and the degree to which others accept it. The tools were treated not as ends in themselves but as means of generating debate and analysis around a specific issue. Understanding the link between gender discrimination and vulnerability at a conceptual level and developing skills to assess gender sensitisation at a personal and community level were key aspects of the training. 1. bearing in mind the social context in which the interaction is taking place. The teams were assisted in developing their ability to record people’s testimony and summarise the analysis they make of their reality without substantial loss or distortion. unavoidably and not necessarily in a negative way. the preparation of a time-line. Box 1. Triangulation is about taking advantage of multiple methods and sources of information to cross-check every interpretation and deepen understanding. In the PPA training in Balochistan. providing them with opportunities to apply their knowledge. experience and capabilities to analyse their own realities. Focus was given to the discussion by the drawing of a map. In contrast with the questionnaire approach used in censuses and surveys. by community perceptions of what the outsiders’ motives and interests are.1 gives some examples. PRA is a “toolbox” of useful techniques for facilitating joint analysis at the local level. the emphasis is placed on an open-ended enquiry in which local people take the lead. Fieldworkers were made aware. It is based on two essential principles – “learning together” and “triangulation”. particular attention was given to sharpening the sensitivity of fieldworkers to the possible pitfalls they would encounter in the research sites. of the various ways in which the process of joint analysis is shaped. Special attention was given.
and community from within and outside their area. Source: Pretty et al (1995) 1. and the trends evident in relation to. Institutions can include government service providers. This method allows expression of people’s own definitions of poverty or ill-being and also enables them to identify the worse-off and the well-off in their communities.5 Triangulation The need to triangulate. i.e.. Well-being ranking: explores people’s perceptions and criteria of well-being. selected variables. It helps analyse existing services and their performance/coverage and also identifies services that are needed but are not available. These methods can also enable an understanding of the interlinkage between variables. Box 1. The dependence of people’s livelihoods on natural resources and the resultant level of vulnerability can also be analysed through natural resource mapping. modelling and transects: enables a situational analysis of social services and structures.the disagreements.1: The PRA toolbox Social mapping. every finding and its interpretation was emphasised in the training in Balochistan. elicit their criteria and understand their choices regarding a wide range of subjects from resource allocation to choice of employment. Theatre and folksongs: enables deeper analysis and more effective dialogue with a large group on a range of issues. The method also enables an assessment of the nature of the affect. reasons and justifications that contributed to a group discussion formed the raw material for the activity and site reports. linkages and influences affecting local people. historical time lines. inputs-outputs. Triangulation was important to distinguish genuine testimony from messages that are driven by ulterior 37 . Cause-effect. Seasonal calendars. Natural resource mapping: enables an analysis of the state of natural resources and their use. Preference ranking and matrix scoring: enables exploration of people’s perceptions.6. and impact. decades matrix. Network and Venn diagramming: examines institutional relationships. households. and enables them to use these to categorise individuals and households in their community. flow diagrams for systems. and daily activity patterns: enables a temporal analysis of. or cross-check. and impact diagrams: examines cause-effect relationships. whether it is positive or negative.
at the province. In this sense.7 Selection of sites for the PPA In the Pakistan PPA. The selection process involved three steps. It could also help to uncover deeper social processes. where the principle of random selection is used to generate statistically representative results. A tiered approach to the selection of study sites was then used. First. including representatives at the district and union council levels. district and union council levels. As well as permitting some limited triangulation. to provide indepth case studies that illuminate the particular problem that was being investigated.motives or reflect particular interests presented as “community opinions”. government officials. At each level a facilitated and recorded “brainstorming” was organised with the participation of major stakeholders and key informants. namely poverty and the livelihoods of the poor. As a secondary support method. testimony of key informants and evidence from other relevant studies and data sources. or additional layers of reality. geographical and economic contexts.1). Second. therefore. were selected. 38 . This is different from the case of a sample survey. Considerable emphasis was placed. This was reflected in the preparation of several activity reports dealing with each major issue. The number of sites for each province and area was fixed in advance on the basis of the population of the province and other budget and resource constraints. on triangulation of findings. At the province level. However. what the case studies “represent” in terms of the range of circumstances in Balochistan can be confirmed independently of the selection process described below. Efforts were made to ensure that this was the case. tribal. as with surveys. Triangulation was done in two main ways. and enriched by. and citizens. local NGOs. and the diverse ethnic. A matrix was used to identify the agro-ecological zones and the districts having nomadic. nine districts reflecting the main agro-ecological zones. this has enabled the PRA-based site studies to be located statistically within the wider universe of the province. field sites were selected “purposively”. some basic quantitative data on the PPA sites were generated using a specially-designed questionnaire. in the preparation of site reports and in the provincial synthesis. that are initially obscured by the partial testimony of different groups of participants. evidence from fieldworkers’ observations. desert and coastal features (Table 1. process information and interpretations were checked against. different perspectives on an issue were given space for expression by enabling different groups of the community to analyse the same issue. based on some simple criteria that could be applied across the whole country. 1. it is important that the criteria of selection are clear and that their application is reasonably consistent and well recorded. arid.
Criteria to assess poverty were then developed by the participants. The selection meetings began with an introduction of the purpose and design of the PPA to the participants. The site selection teams then travelled to the sub-sites where they met local people. well-being ranking was used as an analytical tool in the identification of the poorest union council within each selected district. For the purposes of the PPA. Since union councils are typically too large for PRA exercises. keeping in view the maximum size of community where PRA methods can be effectively applied. and each union council ranked against the set criteria in order to determine the poorest. elected representatives and nazims. the sub-sites were often one village. With the exception of Awaran. two contrasting “sub-sites” were selected. shopkeepers and students were invited to participate in the process of selecting the PPA union council in each district. and lawyers.Table 1. civil society representatives. as being considered clearly better-off. explained the purpose of the PPA and asked for local consent to . In Kharan and Killa Saifullah. and the practicalities of travel within the site. One was identified as the poorest village. A range of 100-300 households was maintained for demarcating the subsite. a further selection was undertaken. Through consultative meetings with administrations. doctors. two union councils were selected. In rural areas. the district headquarters and its surrounding union councils were left out of the selection criteria. In selecting the sub-sites.1: Selected Balochistan PPA districts and criteria Criteria Border proximity Coastal Nomad Desert Barani Urban Tribal Arid Agri 39 District Gawadar Awaran Kharan Kachi Killa Abdullah Killa Saifullah Loralai Quetta Panjgur At the district level. and in order to inject a comparative element into the research. Key officials. these union councils are referred to as “sites”. population centre or area of scattered settlement. attention was given to local variations in settlement patterns. civil society and local people held at the union council level. and the other as a control group – that is.
Saddar Haji Abdul Qudoos Dasht Shahbaz Kallag Bazdad Kalag Awal Hashim Jurang China Baratkhel Nikhal Adinzai Pushtoon Darah Joisar Kalmat Kahn Zeelag Mashriqi Zawag Khora Chalgari Arambi Nalai Sar Nawai Bazaar Qaisar Colony Katagari Gawadar Awaran Kharan Kachi Killa Abdullah Killa Saifullah Loralai Quetta Panjgur During much of the site selection process. and in providing general support throughout the process. Information regarding this prompted the administration to take corrective action and to vaccinate the villagers. in one district. replaced her. The team visited other villages in the union council but did not find enough households since most of the people had migrated to Punjab prior to winter. one sub-site had to be changed because the local people refused to take part in the PPA and did not allow access to the researchers. Table 1. Loralai. the research went smoothly in Balochistan. a key challenge was the fact that the district administration had unilaterally chosen a union council in which to conduct the PPA. The team then went on to find a suitable place for the field team’s accommodation in the area with the union council administration. who participated in the pilot testing. the findings of the PPA were of great help to the district administration.conduct it in their area. In some cases. or that living conditions in the area were inadequate. in Awaran a village had many cases of polio. saying that it was much too far away. For example. they demanded financial or in-kind support in return for their participation. another researcher. Some of the problems encountered included four researchers dropping-out at various stages of the process. in most places the administration cautioned the teams about the site.2: District Selected PPA Union Councils and sub-sites in Balochistan Sub-site B Union Council Sub-site A (better-off) (poorest) Kallag Teer Taij Lad Ghast Mehram Killa Abdullah Batozai Toesar. The administration was extremely helpful in organising the district and union council meetings for site/sub-site selection. its aims and the reasons for a more inclusive site selection process. the teams were able to work effectively in the selected union councils. However. In consultation with the local administration the team then selected another union council near Musa Khel City to complete the research for Loralai district. The teams had to spend much time explaining the PPA. One of the male researchers dropped out after completing the 40 . This was followed by a consultative process to select a site or sub-site. once the selection was made. However.8 Experiences in the field For the most part. One of the female researchers dropped out at the end of the training. In most cases. and so on. that it had security problems. 1.
and a social boycott was imposed in Kharan. Another female researcher dropped out due to examination commitments. The general perception of NGOs was a problem as most people were hesitant to get involved as they were suspicious of the researchers’ motives. They were living in a nearby police station about 5 km from the village. In one area. in some cases the female researchers were initially unable to talk to them. The village had two rival tribes. Involving women in the process was even more difficult. The team working in Loralai had to travel two to three hours daily to reach the village as the villagers refused to give them any living space. 41 . one of the tribes was from a low caste community and the other was an influential tribe. It was said that the field team had been sent by the government to evaluate people’s income so that taxes could be levied upon them. a PPA field team member from NWFP was requested to work in the Pushto speaking sites. The support team visited the other tribe as well and after discussions that part of the village was also included in the research. This ultimately helped with triangulation. It was revealed that the real issue was quite different from the stated objection. she was replaced by a trained researcher from an NGO. he was replaced by another trained researcher. identifying and understanding the power relationships and tribal conflicts within the community. The area where the team was working was of the low caste community.research in one district. After detailed discussions the community elders agreed to extend their support. One female researcher from government dropped out after completing research in one district due to personal reasons. rumours were spread about the research team. quite naturally. The villagers. The travelling was tiring which had repercussions on the quality of the report. One problem was to find people who had the time and willingness to participate in the joint analysis exercises. The support team visited the area and held detailed discussions with the local administration and the community. The teams had to deal with many difficulties during the research process. In one of the districts (Kachi) the law and order situation was particularly bad and villagers asked the research team to live outside the village since they could not guarantee their safety. did not co-operate with the team. Since no other woman was available.
CHAPTER TWO – WHAT DO WE ALREADY KNOW?
Before going on to look at the findings of the Pakistan PPA in the subsequent chapters, in this section, trends in poverty taken from the most recent household data are presented. This is followed by a description of each of the sites in Balochistan where the PPA fieldwork case studies were undertaken. In the final part, a statistical comparison of the selected sites is made using data collected during the fieldwork.
Poverty in Pakistan
Although there is now a wide literature on poverty in Pakistan there are still many gaps in our understanding.1 First, Pakistan is a large and diverse country and generalisations are difficult. The way out of poverty for an unemployed factory worker in Karachi, a landless labourer in the Indus valley, or a livestock farmer in remote rural Balochistan are very different. Second, much of the poverty research in Pakistan has been focussed on measuring trends in the level of poverty over time and between geographic regions. Whilst it is important to measure changes in standards of living, many important aspects of poverty are under-researched. For example, little is known on the way changes in fiscal policy and utility pricing have impacted on the poor. Moreover, almost no work has been undertaken on how the poor themselves experience poverty and what their priorities are for improved policies and programmes. It is this latter gap that the PPA aims to address. Before moving on to look at the findings of the PPA in Balochistan over the following chapters, some of the findings from the quantitative data on poverty are presented in the following sections. Two different types of data are presented: poverty line data that show levels and trends in standards of living; and, social indicators that indicate the overall level of human development in Pakistan. 2.3 Standards of living in Pakistan
A widespread perception in Pakistan is that poverty levels in both urban and rural areas have been rising steadily in recent years. However, a review of recent poverty studies indicates that the picture may be more complicated than that. Over the 1980s, there is evidence that poverty levels in Pakistan fell. The World Bank’s Poverty Assessment (World Bank, 1995) indicates that the national head count index (the percentage below the poverty line) fell from 46 per cent in 1984-85 to 37 per cent in 1987-88 and then to 34 per cent in 1990-91. However, the fall in rural areas was smaller than in urban areas. The authors of the World Bank study conclude that, compared to other developing countries, Pakistan’s progress in reducing poverty during this decade, with the exception of East Asia, was as good as any developing region.
For wide-ranging reviews of the poverty literature in Pakistan see: Banuri et al (eds) (1997), Gazdar (1998), Zaidi (1999a and 1999b) and Rimmer (2000). 42
This trend did not continue into the 1990s. The Federal Bureau of Statistics (FBS) estimate that during the 1990s poverty levelled off and at the end of the decade started to rise (GoP, 2001). A slightly different picture is presented in the recent World Bank Poverty Assessment that covers the 1990s (World Bank, 2002). They indicate that poverty levels fell during the middle of the decade but by the end of the decade were almost the same as the beginning. Their conclusion is that poverty levels remained unchanged throughout the decade. In sum, over the 1990s the data indicates that the success that Pakistan enjoyed during the 1980s was not continued into the 1990s. Although poverty levels did not increase dramatically over the decade, they levelled off, or may have even begun to rise. At the end of the decade, a third of the country’s population remained under the poverty line (see Figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1: Trend in the headcount (percentage below the poverty line)
50 45 40 35 percentage 30 25 20 15 10 5 0
5 8 1 /9 3 /9 4 /9 7 19 96 19 -8 -8 -9 84 87 90 98 92 93 /9 9
year FBS World Bank
Regarding standards of living in Balochistan, the FBS data indicate that over the 1990s the province was one of the poorest areas of Pakistan. For example, in 1992-93, 1993-94, and 1996-97, of the four provinces, Balochistan had the second highest percentage below the poverty line. However it has been difficult to estimate trends in poverty in Balochistan as reliable data is not available. This is because Balochistan occupies a vast area, but the density of population is very low and it makes up only 5 per cent of Pakistan’s population. It is therefore difficult for the survey to be representative as the degree of variation among different communities is very high.
Turning to the characteristics of the poor, the FBS study found a number of characteristics to be closely associated with poverty: A typical poor household is large and includes many children (dependency ratios in poor households are high); Education is the most significant factor that distinguishes the poor from the non-poor (the percentage of literate household heads in non-poor households is 52 per cent compared with 27 per cent in poor households); Poor households often depend on precarious jobs, often as day labourers in agriculture, construction, trade and transport; and, Poverty status in agriculture is closely related to land holding per capita (the non-poor own 0.84 acres of cultivable land per capita whilst the poor own 0.27 acres per capita).
Key social indicators
In addition to the persistence of a high rate of poverty, Pakistan suffers from an additional problem, namely a relatively low level of human development. Improvements in social indicators over the last decade have been slow, despite the implementation of the Social Action Programme. In addition, the levels of key indicators remain poor when compared to comparable countries. For example, looking at other South Asian countries, Pakistan has the highest rate of infant and under-five mortality, the highest rate of female illiteracy, and the lowest percentage of girls enrolled in school (Table 2.1). Table 2.1: Regional comparison of human development indicators
% of 11-15 year old children enrolled in school Adult illiteracy 1999/2000 Mortality rate per 1000 1998/99
Bangladesh India Pakistan
Sri Lanka Source: World Bank (2002)
Male 62 73 63 .
Female 66 58 41 .
Male 48 32 42 6
Female 70 55 73 11
Infant 73 70 83 15
Under 5 96 83 116 19
An introduction to the field sites
The following section provides brief descriptions of the PPA field sites in the Balochistan. Each of the nine locations has a detailed table summarising various features and characteristics of the two sub-sites within each field site.
The population of Kalag are mainly seasonal migrants from a nearby village. they migrate to Kharan when the date-picking season starts. Kharan is one of the largest districts of Pakistan and situated close to the Iranian border and is on the global route for the trade in narcotics. 100 km of which is through a desert with few signed tracks. An interesting feature is that the primary school in this village also moves as the population migrates.District KHARAN: Union Council LAD GHAST is located over 400 km from the district headquarters. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Poorer 1600 – 223 households Primary school (boys) Dispensary Kalag Mashriqi Zawag Better-off Social groups Geographical features Natural resources Key agricultural systems Livelihoods (men) Livelihoods (women) Unusual characteristics Reki Mulla Zai Mohd Hassani Rind Strong tribal identity exists Deserts Plains Forest Water Land Wild bushes Barani Irrigated Wells Labouring Agriculture Livestock Pickling dates Driving Shop keeping Government services Working in forest Overseas labouring Embroidery Close to border Most of population are nomads High school (boys) Primary school (girls) Water supply Electricity Hospital Reki Mulla Zai Mohd Hassani Rind Strong tribal identity exists Deserts Plains Forest Water Land Wild bushes Barani Irrigated Wells Labouring Agriculture Livestock Pickling dates Driving Shop keeping Government services Working in forest Overseas labouring Embroidery Close to border Most of population are nomads 45 .
Mirwari Langove Darzada Mountainous and plain Barani Kareze Agriculture Livestock Drivers Shopkeepers Labouring Embroidery Livestock Forests Land Water Rangelands Mountains Peesh bushes Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems Livelihoods (men) Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics 46 .District AWARAN: Union Council TEER TAIJ is located very near the district headquarters. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Bazdad Poorer 1200 – 150 households Drinking water supply scheme Basic Heath Unit (BHU) Middle school (boys) Bizenjo Badoo Sungar Mountainous and plain Barani Agriculture Livestock Mat making (peesh) Labouring Embroidery Mat making (peesh) Forests Rangelands Mountains Peesh bushes Kahn Zeelag Better-off 2400 – 300 households Hand pumps Shingle road Middle school (boys) Telephone. towards the south-east of Quetta.
Jafar. fertile land. Buzdar. The poorest sub-site was in Union Council Toe Sar. Pash. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Poorer 1010 – 143 households Levies station Shingle road Primary school (boys) Nikhal Nawai Bazaar Better-off 1800 – 114 households Electricity Water Supply Sewerage system District hospital Veterinary facility Boys’ and girls’ schools Boys’ Inter College Police station / Levies station Bank Kudazai. Laharzai. Bail Khail. Muhmanzai. wheat. plains. Hilalzai. Khadozai. Mirdadzai. natural water channels Maize.District LORALAI: Union Councils TOI SAR & SADDAR BAZAAR are located to the north-east of Quetta. Hasan Khail. Nahozai. Bail Khail. Khadozai. Gharsheen Mountainous. Laharzai. Mirdadzai. and the better-off sub-site in Union Council Saddar Bazaar. Muhmanzai. Gharsheen Mountainous. Two union councils were involved in the PPA due to site selection difficulties. Salmazai. plains. Hilalzai. apple. Salmazai. Hasan Khail. Jafar. Essot. sandy soil. pomegranite Rainfed / tubewells for irrigation Tractors / buffaloes for cultivation Livestock Agriculture Wage labour Selling forest wood Transportation Government jobs Selling sheep wool Migration to Punjab / Sindh Overseas migration Handicrafts Mat making Livestock Land cultivation Selling sheep wool Brick baking / cotton picking in Punjab Fertile land Janglat Precious stones Salt / coal mines Eagles Streams / snow / rain Tribal disputes cause people to leave village High incidence of migration Business Shopkeeping Selling sheep wool Migration to Punjab / Sindh Overseas migration Carpet making Selling eagles Stone mason Midwife Government jobs Non-government jobs Tailoring Selling sheep wool Brick baking / cotton picking in Punjab Fertile land Janglat Precious stones Salt / coal mines Eagles Streams / snow / rain Tribal disputes cause people to leave village High incidence of migration 47 . fertile land. Buzdar. Pash. sandy soil. natural water channels Rainfed / tubewells for irrigation Tractors / buffaloes for cultivation Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Livelihoods (men) Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics Kudazai. Essot. Nahozai.
The better-off sub-site included four villages – Khora Chalgari. Jamot.District KACHI: Union Council MEHRAM is located south of Quetta. The land was once fertile but is now barren due to lack of rain. The poorest sub-site comprised three adjacent villages – Awal Hashim. it does not actually pass through the district. Abro. Miwah. Mugheri. Although a major development project in Balochistan is the Kachi Canal. Lakhmir Waris and Lakhmir Mastoi. Soomro and Lehri Mastoi. Mastoi. (The table below shows combined features of all villages) Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Poorest Awal Hashim Khora Chalgari Better-off Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Livelihoods (men) 942 – 224 households (across both sub-sites) Primary school (boys) Primary school (boys) Primary School (girls) Primary School (girls) Civil Dispensary Civil Dispensary Defunct water tanks Defunct water tanks Water reservoirs Water reservoirs Defunct orphan house Defunct orphan house Jamot. Chalgari. Mugheri. Chalgari. Abro. Soomro and Lehri Plain Plain Barani Agriculture Livestock Shop keeping Wage labour Embroidery Poultry rearing Agriculture Forests Rainwater Herbs Migration to other areas (especially Sindh) is common during shortages of drinking water Barani Agriculture Livestock Shop keeping Wage labour Embroidery Poultry rearing Agriculture Forests Rainwater Herbs Migration to other areas (especially Sindh) is common during shortages of drinking water Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics 48 . Klas and Takari.
Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Number of Households Basic infrastructure Poorest 812 – 116 households 116 Shingle road BHU High school (boys) Joisar Khora Chalgari Better-off 809 – 107 households 107 Shingle road BHU High school (boys) Water supply scheme Primary school (girls) Durazai Kashani Mengal Raisi Ghulam Plain Mountainous Barani Tube-well Agriculture Livestock Government employment Labouring in Dubai Embroidery Livestock Range lands Forests Land Acute problems with water purity Hepatitis B is common Social groups Durazai Kashani Ghulam Geographical features Key agriculture system Livelihoods (men) Mountainous and valleys Barani Perennial Mat making from peesh Farming Livestock Labouring Mat making Embroidery Range lands Spring water Peesh bushes Acute problems with water purity Hepatitis B is common Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual Characteristics 49 . but most of the land is dependent on rain. The sites are mountainous and perennial water is used in some places for irrigation.District PANJGUR: Union Council DASHT SHAHBAZ is located in the south of Balochistan.
and Ghabizai (sub-tribes) Mountainous and valleys Tubewells Kareez Barani Irrigated Agriculture Livestock Hotel labouring Hand carts Coal mine labouring Shop keeping Handicrafts Making cotton mattresses Tailoring Rearing poultry Rearing sheep Poor women work to earn money Forest Water Land Wild bushes. and Ghabizai (sub-tribes) Mountainous and valleys Tubewells Barani Irrigated Agriculture Livestock Hotel labouring Hand carts Coal mine labouring Shop keeping Handicrafts Making cotton mattresses Tailoring Poultry rearing and sell eggs Poor women work to earn money Few women also have shops in their houses Forest Water Land Wild bushes. Hameedzai. an important town in the area. is on the main route to Afghanistan. Smoking by young women and children Snuff used by old women Use of abusive language in general conversation Livelihoods (men) Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics 50 . Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Poorest 1536 – 118 households Primary school (boys) Electricity Telephone Defunct water supply scheme Mosque Shingle road. Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Achakzai (main tribe) Kakozai.District KILLA ABDULLAH: Union Council KILLA ABDULLAH is situated to the north-west of Quetta. Jurang Better-off Arambi 1447 – 116 households Middle school (boys) Primary school (boys) Primary school (girls) Madrasa (religious institute for boys) BHU Electricity Defunct VHF Mosque Shingle road Achakzai (main tribe) Kakozai. The district shares a border with Afghanistan and Chaman. Hameedzai.
mainly remains closed No water Zikri (major group) Singur (minority group) Kalmati (minority group) Sea Plains Land Barani Fishing Prawns Handicrafts Making cotton mattresses Tailoring Rearing chicken Mangroves Sea Rangeland Dual nationality Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Livelihoods (men) Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics Forests Land Spring Dual nationality 51 .District GAWADAR: Union Council KALLAG is a large union council and the two sub-sites were over 100 km from each other. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Poorest 700 – 100 households Primary school (boys) Drinking water tank Middle school (girls) Zikri Baloch Plains Mountainous Barani Agriculture Wood selling Fishing Livestock Embroidery Kallag Better-off Kalmat 928 – 106 households BHU Primary school . Many people have dual nationality from Pakistan and Muscat. the site does not have water and a 20-litre water can costs Rs. District Gawadar forms most of Pakistan’s coastline. In the sub-site of Kalmat the water resource situation is very poor.10.
Khuachakzai. Surki Alizai and Anizai Mountains Plains Sandy soil Barani Newly constructed dam which is not yet working due to drought Tubewell owned by outsiders Agriculture Livestock Daily wages and labouring in coal mines (According to female analysts. 2 children and a woman died Natural resources Unusual characteristics 52 .District KILLA SAIFULLAH: Union Council BATOZAI is remarkable in that women were not generally in purdah. no opportunity of labouring work and no other skills) Handicraft (sewing of cloths and embroidery) Labouring in fields Agriculture Livestock Fuel wood collection In the past women made local carpets Forests Barren land Small numbers of livestock Range land Wildlife No boundary system – the whole family lives in one room No purdah system Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Livelihoods (men) Agriculture Livestock Daily wage labour Driving Livelihoods (women) Handicrafts (sewing of cloths and embroidery) Agriculture Livestock Fuel wood collection In the past women made local carpets Forests Barren land Small numbers of livestock Range land Wildlife Young women and small children smoke Old women use snuff and smoke High incidence of hepatitis B and cancer (during the fieldwork 3 men. Barakzai. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure China Barat Khail Poorest 893 – 110 households Masjid Maktab School for boys Primary school (boys) Mosque Levies police station Dispensary Veterinary centre Shingle road Musazai. Mazghaparzai and Pahlawanzai Plains Mountains Barani Spring water Better-off Nali Sar 764 – 115 households Primary school (boys) BHU with accommodation for staff Mosque Hand pump Water supply 3 rainwater reservoirs Mankazai. which is rare in traditional Pushtoon societies. Baizai. men are also begging due to severe drought. Fieldworkers observed that there was no partition within households and the whole family lived in one room.
Kakar. Khilji.QUETTA: Union Council HAJI ABDUL QUDOOS is located in the poorest area of south Quetta. Tareen. the area is prone to drugs and lawlessness. Quetta is the provincial capital of Balochistan. Achakzai. Most of the population of the area are Afghan immigrants. Tareen. Kakar. Noorzai and Suleman Khail Noorzai and Suleman Khail Plain and mountains Plain and mountains None Wage labouring Hand cart labouring Donkey cart labouring Government and private jobs Small scale business Overseas labouring Embroidery Labouring in other people’s houses Underground water Mountains Air High numbers of Afghan refugees None Wage labouring Hand cart labouring Donkey cart labouring Government and private jobs Small scale business Overseas labouring Embroidery Labouring in other people’s houses Underground water Mountains Air High numbers of Afghan refugees Livelihoods (women) Natural resources Unusual characteristics 53 . Achakzai. Sub-site Relative well being status Population (approx) Basic infrastructure Pushtoon Darah Poorest Qaisar Colony Better-off Social groups Geographical features Key agricultural systems / crops Livelihoods (men) 3398 – 1100 households (across both sub-sites) Primary school (boys) Primary school (boys) Electricity Electricity Gas Gas Roads Roads Drinking water supply Drinking water supply Private schools Private schools Poor drainage system Poor drainage system Khilji.
A number of conclusions can be drawn from Table 2.26 per cent). The predicted percentage below the poverty line in the poorest site (50. with regard to urban sites. households receiving a remittance (urban only). These variables included: literacy of the household head. There are some exceptions to this.2. However. rooms per capita.63 acres). rural) and the better-off (the sites in Quetta and Loralai district).7 per cent) is much higher than for urban Balochistan (1. Using a regression model. and indirectly with poverty.74). landholdings in the PPA sites were generally very 54 .93 acres) compared to rural Pakistan as a whole (0. Although all the sites were poor. there was a large variation between the poorest (the site in Killa Abdullah. it is slightly lower than the level for urban Quetta as a whole (55. An analysis of the FBS’s Pakistan Integrated Household Survey data indicated a number of variables that were strongly correlated with consumption poverty. 3. For example. This confirms that the site selection procedure was generally successful in identifying poorer areas. A number of these variables were selected and each household involved in the PPA fieldwork in each selected PPA community was enumerated. when taken alone they will always be poor predictors of poverty. the percentage of households receiving a remittance in the Quetta site (14. households with a telephone connection (urban only). the variables are used together in order to predict the percentage of the population who are poor. comparing them with each other. and. An alternative solution is to take into consideration all these variables together so that their significance can increase because of their positive interaction. 2. household size. Looking at column 1 of Table 2.33 per cent) and for urban Pakistan as a whole (4. The level of literacy of the household head in the Quetta site is also relatively high (50 per cent) compared with urban Balochistan (37.2 per cent in Killa Abdullah) is nearly double that of the richest site (26.2 on the selected sites: 1.2 it can be seen that combining the variables in this way predicts that the site with the highest level of poverty is in Killa Abdullah district. households without a flush toilet (rural only). Even though these variables show a significant correlation with consumption levels. land per capita (rural only).6 Statistical profile of the PPA sites in Balochistan As noted earlier. the PPA teams collected a small amount of statistical information in each PPA site in order that a comparison could be made between the PPA sites.8 per cent). The values of almost all the variables in every site are poorer than the average values for Balochistan and Pakistan as a whole. and between the sites and the province and country as a whole. households with a buffalo (rural only). households with a gas connection (urban only).3 per cent in Quetta). Despite the fact that acres of land per capita in rural Balochistan as a whole is relatively high (0.
55 .26 acres. The exception was the site in Kachi district where land per capita was 2.low.
39 (all) 1.1 100 85.14 0.11 0.5 (all) 6.9 (8) 22 14 8 37 26.2: Household size Households receiving remittances Households without flush toilet Acres of land per person Households with at least 1 buffalo Statistical profile of selected PPA sites in Balochistan province Balochistan sites Poverty ranking Literacy of household head (districts) (urban only) % % % (rural only) (rural only) (rural only) Rooms in house per capita (urban only) % Estimated percentage below the poverty line Households with gas or telephone connection % (rank 1 = poorest) G 6.7 0.7 (3=) 33.6 (u) 60.72 2.3 (9) 50 37.4 7.2 (1) 9 Rural Gawadar Panjgur Killa Saifullah Killa Abdullah Kharan Awaran Kachi Loralai Urban Quetta 33.7 99.74 (all) Balochistan (from PIHS) Pakistan (from PIHS) 45 (all) 86.5 13.6 8.48 0 0.8 (all) 0.8 92.57 0.2 (2) 27.4 (u) 25.6 0.4 (u) 33.20 0.22 0.26 0.33 (urban) 0.3 7.19 0 0 0 0.93 (rural) 78 (rural) 1.9 8.7 (3=) 35.23 0 0 0 T 30.20 0.33 (all) 4.24 0.62 (rural) 0.30 14. 57 .6 0.14 (u) 33.27 0.9 (7) 34.5 (u) 42.23 98.22 99.62 (r) 28 (r) 0.7 7.63 (rural) 1.8 (urban) 0.5 (6) 34.6 (5) 14 24 32 50.Table 2.36 96.65 0.2 (u) NB THE STATISTICS REFER TO THE 9 SITES AND NOT TO THE DISTRICTS AS A WHOLE.2 7.9 8 8.5 100 0.
While different categories of analysts – in terms of gender. lack of dignity and lack of power. ethnic and religious minorities. households and communities are not static but respond to various trends. and their perceptions of their rights and entitlements. But if it is to avoid mistakes based on ignorance or prejudice.CHAPTER THREE – PERCEPTIONS OF POVERTY AND RIGHTS 3. there were also common criteria used across the Balochistan sub-sites. It was also understood that poverty is not evenly distributed throughout society. but that well-being depends on gender. tribe/caste and religion – placed different emphasis on different aspects of poverty. their perceptions of the level of poverty in Balochistan. analysts perceived both poverty and well-being as multidimensional and dynamic phenomena. family structure and local conditions. age. and bhooka (hungry). starting from the most immediate experiences reported by poor people themselves. ill health). Analysts did not define poverty simply as a lack of access to financial or material possessions. and natural capital (eg lack of access to land). miskin (passive and submissive). the various dimensions of their poverty. no political influence. bebas (powerless). age. The PPA process focussed especially on engaging the perceptions of the most marginalised in the participating communities. religion. 3. These terms clearly indicate that poverty comprises lack of resources. lack of support.2 Perceptions of poverty and well-being Across the PPA sub-sites of Balochistan. social (eg lack of respect. and the socio-economically deprived. the analysis of poverty needs to be firmly based on how poor people themselves see their own condition. 58 . discrimination). how they explain its causes and what their priorities are. bechara (with no social support or standings). including women. It is necessary to build up an understanding of what poverty is and what needs to be done to address it in a stepwise fashion. tribe/caste. There was also recognition of the fact that the poverty and well-being of individuals. khwar (one who get no returns in spite of hard work). This chapter provides a starting point by examining the criteria used by people in the different PPA sites in Balochistan to categorise each other. but incorporated various other dimensions of human (eg lack of education. shocks and seasonal variations (see Chapter Five).1 Introduction An understanding of the situation of poor people needs to draw on many different sources and kinds of knowledge. The terms used in Balochistan to describe the poor include gharib (poor).
In Pushtoon areas. he could not cultivate it because the lack of irrigation facilities meant he was dependant on rainwater for his crops to grow – it had not rained for four years in Loralai. In several sites.1 The poor and the very poor Although there were some differences between sites. beggars. The poor and the poorest lacked access to basic services such as health and education. households without an income earner. drug addicts and those whose children were labouring were considered to be very poor. households with just one income earner but many dependants. were all considered to be poor. households with no or few male children. 59 . victims of theft. the number of people or households perceived to be well-off was small.3. or those with an education but without employment. 3. those who did not have landi (a local dried meat) were considered very poor. analysts in the urban sub-sites of Quetta explained that those without televisions or gas connections were poor. and those who cannot afford medical treatment or fuel for the winter. the landless. and in some sub-sites analysts explained that there were no people who could be categorised as well-off using their locally defined criteria. Those without land for cultivation. analysts generally described the characteristics of the better-off as including having land. those without sufficient clothes. being educated and having a business. In Loralai. working for daily wages. being able to afford the education of male children or being able to afford private education. Other indicators of being poor included being able to afford only minor medical expenses. owning livestock. One analyst explained that even though he had 40 acres of land. clothes or shoes. influence in decision-making processes or access to justice. the unemployed. The well-off were also perceived to have power and influence in local decisionmaking institutions and processes. In many cases the dividing line between very poor and poor was thin – some criteria overlapped although small differences were visible. the very poor were generally perceived to be widows. being involved in tribal disputes. not having enough food.2. water and a tractor for cultivation. analysts explained how the poor mix chillies with water to eat so that they do not feel hungry. In the rural sub-sites of Balochistan. having access to healthcare services. The poor were also perceived as those with no power. Those who could not pay the bride price to get married were also considered poor.2. even those with land were considered poor if they did not have access to irrigation or a tractor. or with a disabled income earner. and owning no livestock. In the urban sub-sites of Quetta.2 The better-off and the well-off In most sites. The very poor often did not eat even a single meal a day. Demonstrating the contextual nature of perceptions of poverty. having a car.
PPA participants included more than economic or material dimensions of poverty in their analysis. especially in urban areas or areas affected by drought. and tea. if any family member gets sick then we have to borrow money.1 shows the results of a well-being ranking exercise by poor analysts in the urban sub-site of Pushtoon Darah. (A male analyst. and good clothing. We work from morning to evening as daily wage labourers and earn Rs. We used to have one meal a day but now even that is not available. Awaran District) Maybe God didn’t like us even eating dates. It shows the perceived characteristics of different well-being categories. Awaran) 60 . Quetta Very poor Poor Better-off Well-off Blind One earning person in household Many children but limited income Wage labourer Hawker No Electricity No Gas No money to pay electricity bills One room house Jobless Educated jobless No house Small shop Household has 2-3 government workers One family member works in foreign country Has property Good business Motor Vehicle Well maintained house Children study in private schools Good education Has good medical treatment facility Mad Able to pay electricity bill Own house Small job Some skill Works as a labour in a shop Children study in government school Disabled Sick In severe debt Drug Addict Beggar 3.80 per day and hardly meet the expenses for wheat.1: Well-being ranking in Pushtoon Darah. A lack of income decreases opportunities for investments in human capital (education and healthcare) and reduces the likelihood of food security.Table 3. (A male analyst. Quetta. The level of household income for poor people has a directly proportional relationship with the level of access to food. health and education facilities. Table 3. 3.1 Economic dimension Poor people in Balochistan are generally short of financial resources and economic conditions were perceived to have deteriorated dramatically. sugar.3.3 The dimensions of poverty As can be seen from the perceptions of indicators of poverty and well-being described above. It is the poor who will always suffer and they are dying with their sheep and cattle.
Some people always remain poor because they have received credit from the Seth and it is very difficult for them to clear the loan. or perpetuate. exploitative relationships that keep people in poverty. (A poor analyst. The credit is cleared at the end of the season. (A poor male analyst. Kharan District) This dimension of poverty has wide repercussions upon the ability of the poor to access formal structures and institutions in the areas of health. have no access to institutions. If the rate for the fish is Rs. and credit. Throughout my life I have seen poor people getting worse because they have no power. community and policy making levels. The rich have monopolised these institutions. and who no one likes to listen to. Whatever fish they catch they are obliged to give to the Seth. the Seth only gives them Rs. Fishermen always take credit from the Seth and he fixes the repayment rate as he pleases. Sardar and the government are the same and they are never going to allow poor people to have any power. justice. one man explained how those who obtain credit often end up in a never-ending cycle of debt that is difficult to escape from. and the fishermen do not ask the actual rate of the loans. 400 in the market. The political dimensions of poverty form some of the most widely expressed perceptions on poverty. Powerlessness is a fundamental experience of the poor in all spheres of their social. 3. 60 – 70. cultural and economic life. Only the rich can have power and influence. The unique tribal features and troubled political history of Balochistan have deep social influences on the lives of ordinary people in the province. are considered poor. I have not seen anyone apart from the rich improving their condition. education. They explained that no one cares about 61 . The reality of these perceptions is the state of powerlessness. I am 81 years old.The lack of financial respources also impacts on the workload of women in some Balochistan PPA sites and they have become increasingly involved in income-earning (ie through embroidery) – this has increased the burden upon them. which may lead to.3.2 Political dimension: lack of voice and powerlessness Poverty and vulnerability are intimately tied in with the lack of power to make and influence decisions at household. Loralai District) A group of male analysts in Awaran stated that those who cannot be involved in any decision-making. In Gawadar. Poor people have no access to government institutions although a majority of these institutions are built for the poor. It also increases the likelihood of obtaining loans and credit from informal sources.
But in Kachi there is only embroidery and we do not get much money for this – whatever money women earn is spent on the household. Box 3. Any family without women is considered to be poor. At the household level. There are more job opportunities in Karachi and you can work everywhere. she is not treated. ethnicity. This is her story: I was in school in Karachi but my parents married me off. Caste is also a major factor in determining poverty. Inability to get married is also considered to be a strong indication of poverty. Strong perceptions of poverty are drawn from these conditions of repression. An educated person can be married by her own wish. Being an orphan and the absence of a strong patriarchal figure are widely regarded as a sign of poverty. She originally comes from Karachi. I loved my home in Karachi. gender inequities and lack of women’s participation in decision-making are the most conspicuous elements of vulnerability.these people. but we are unable to do so because we live in a strict Baloch society. and these are mainly blacksmiths’ households. I have been ill for many days but I have not been to a doctor. they have to face dire consequences. Either she recovers on her own or she dies.3. as are people belonging to traditionally marginalised tribes.3 Cultural dimension: gender and caste Key contributing factors to the poverty of the most marginalised and deprived are debilitating cultural influences and practices that exclude people on the basis of gender. Low castes are extremely vulnerable and are given no respect by others . Our family members marry us either with a young child or with an old man. but we cannot do anything because sometimes our parents get bride money. A female analyst from Gawadar explained that some households are considered as darzada (low caste). social status and mobility. caste or religion.they are not considered to be equal with others. These people always remain poor. Whenever a woman becomes sick. 3. Female analysts explained in great detail the effects of powerlessness on their body and reproduction choices. My husband says “women are just like rotten leaves – as these leaves have no importance.1: Gender in a tribal society Razia is an 18-year-old girl living in Kachi. 62 . The influential and elite use them for their own interests – they are the ‘vote bank’ of the elite. People from low castes have no rights and if they do not obey the orders of the ‘notables’ in the area. People call them to work at weddings or deaths. She got married two years ago and now has a young son. so women have no value at all”.
The practice of paying ‘bride price’ (valwar). and gender-based denial of health care is more intense in remote areas because of the transportation costs. 63 . These sites included Pushtoon and Baloch communities. Table 3. and security and justice. These different social and geographical contexts have impacts on the perceptions of poverty. Domestic violence and discrimination are.4 Institutional dimension Poor people across the PPA sites suffer from little or no adequate access to institutions that should provide opportunities to build up their levels of assets and resources.2: politically The dimensions of poverty – people are poor when… People are poor… culturally economically when they… institutionally Have no rights Work for a feudal landlord Have their irrigation water taken away Cannot access any government institutions Are denied access to natural resources (water. deserts and plains. there are differences in the way it contributes to poverty between both ethnic groups and geographical areas in Balochistan. Reasons for this include geographical isolation and the physical lack of institutions within easy reach. however.3. is more prominent in Pushtoon areas. mountainous and semi arid zones.4 Contextual perceptions of poverty The Balochistan PPA was conducted in nine sites in Balochistan. whilst gender is a key factor in determining levels of poverty across the sites. generic concerns all across Balochistan. poor quality of service when institutions are physically available. and exclusion from institutions based on a lack of social / political capital and socially constructed factors such gender / caste / ethnicity. coastal regions. for example. child marriages are more common in Baloch communities. For instance.3. forest) Never get the government funds allocated for them Are repressed by the police and law enforcement agencies Cannot afford a bride price Have women working to earn a livelihood Are widowed and can’t marry again Can’t feed guests Are serving the majority and dominant tribe Are orphans Are culturally isolated Have no women in the family so men do household work Are drug addicts Are worst hit by the drought Cannot have two meals in a day Don’t have clothes and shoes Don’t have any lands Don’t have their own house Don’t have any livestock Don’t have tools to make a living Are unemployed Are in debt Depend on others for their livelihoods Don’t have access any to healthcare Don’t have drinking water Don’t have any access to markets (no roads) Don’t have access to any education Don’t have access to justice Don’t have any veterinary services Don’t have access to government support (microcredit etc) 3. land.
either through a failure on the supply side – for instance the provision of school facilities for girls is woefully inadequate – or through demand-side constraints such as the low value placed on female education within some cultures. decision-making rights are particularly denied to women. Again. Women in particular considered the disabled to be poor. however.5 Perceptions of rights and entitlements The characteristics of the poor in Balochistan described above were many and varied. access to social protection mechanisms. including healthcare and education. The said that they have a right to 64 . Many analysts perceived that whilst some factors contributing to their poverty were beyond much control (eg drought). The local word for ‘rights’ used by analysts throughout the province was haq. being a refugee was considered to be a sign of poverty. facilities are either physically lacking or are not delivering an adequate quality of service to the poor. Government healthcare services were either physically inaccessible or were perceived as not serving the poor. large families were an indicator. in Loralai District a weak tribal identity was considered an indicator of poverty. Analysts considered that this was a denial of their rights. Across the PPA sites. For instance. to safety and to an end of the oppression from government agencies like the police and Frontier Corps.Perceptions of poverty also varied between locations. and those who became second wives were also considered poor. the poor have no direct representation on the jirga. Analysts across the sites considered their fundamental rights to include access to basic services. not having a boat was an indicator of poverty. Illness and the lack of health facilities were seen as being amongst the main causes of poverty. The poor were generally denied an equal voice in decision-making. as with healthcare services. security and access to justice. For instance. a voice in decision-making. employment. and in Quetta. both at community level and within the household. male analysts perceived that they had the right to jobs and employment. 3. Analysts perceived that the denial of rights occurred both institutionally and under the guise of tradition and culture. Women particularly are denied these rights to basic government services. In the coastal district of Gawadar. one of the main reasons for poverty in Balochistan was that people’s rights were not being delivered – their rights and entitlements were ignored or suppressed. Most analysts perceived and expressed that it was their right to voice their opinions and that they should be consulted about decisions which concern them. Women are generally even denied the right to have a say in decisions regarding their own marriage. whilst landlessness was an indicator in Kharan District. whilst in Panjgur District. Different social groups also had varying perceptions of indicators of poverty. Access to education was also generally seen as a right but.
In many cases analysts were also aware of why their rights are being suppressed and by whom. local analysts were articulate. about their rights. and the denial of which results in their poverty. Across all the PPA sites in Balochistan. whether this was through formal systems. which the government should provide. PPA participants perceived that they have the right to government provided relief and social protection. Whilst women analysts felt that people had seen some improvements in their lives in the two decades preceding the PPA. for instance. However. the mobility of women. The perceptions of rights and entitlements of the poor were a close reflection of those rights and entitlements that they felt are being denied them. 65 . This is particularly relevant considering the persistent drought conditions prevalent in Balochistan at the time of the PPA. through informal institutions such as the jirga. the freedom to associate. there was also a great deal of helplessness amongst the poor in Balochistan. They perceived that all people should have equal rights to justice. or more usually. and decisions regarding their own bodies and marriages. Some analysts stated that the government should provide them with drought relief and irrigation channels in order to mitigate the impact of drought. Throughout Balochistan. but this was given much importance by the participants in the PPA. while there was a great deal of political and social consciousness. Many denials of women’s rights are based on cultural factors limiting. women in particular are denied this right in Balochistan. and at times even vociferous. The poor are often denied their right to justice and security. Again. Women who were victims of domestic violence also felt that they had the right to lead lives free from abuse.livelihood and felt that it was the government’s duty to fulfil all responsibilities and rights. Others felt that it was the right of the poor and vulnerable to receive zakat. they also stated that women’s basic rights and entitlements are still being denied.
still less. education. For example. local-knowledge the benefits from a dense pattern of association power or powerlessness Natural capital Produced capital Human capital Social capital Political capital The separation between these assets is. Box 4. Together with local people. Rather than simply provide an inventory of different forms of capital and assets. and building up stocks of. therefore. water. labour and ethnicity. or lack of. and as a way of mapping how they make a living. etc. political assets not only play a role in achieving the objective of building infrastructure but also of securing credit from banks and other formal sources. The asset or types-of-capital framework is useful for the analysis of both chronic poverty and vulnerability. financial nature. 66 . and so on. Not all of the assets on which poor people draw are of an obviously productive and. The following sections.1: Five types of “capital” – – – – – land. “social” and “political” capital. this section shows how access to. so as to generate income. their assets. Similarly. forests.CHAPTER FOUR – ASSETS AND LIVELIHOODS OF THE POOR 4. arbitrary and different assets can be substituted for others. can work as “capital” as well as land and savings. This is particularly important with respect to the patterns of ownership and access to assets. or to smooth out sharp variations in income and consumption on account of natural disasters and economic shocks. Social and political relationships. review a broad range of poor people’s assets under the broad headings of “natural”.1 Introduction The central feature of a livelihoods framework is that people possess different amounts of five types of basic resources or “capital”. health. the gendered aspects of ownership. particularly at individual or household level. and the natural environment. the PPA explored the range of assets that people have at their disposal and the major constraints they face in protecting. “human”. social exchange and reciprocity is often used when poor people are chronically short of financial resources. finding employment. They are also assets – ways of storing and transforming wealth. It draws attention to the range of factors that have typically been found to be important in this way. various assets affects poverty and well-being. “produced”. The analysis of livelihood assets requires the investigation of social relations in a specific local and regional context. the differences between rural and urban areas. These are important in their own right to people’s well-being. to some extent. marine and wild resources physical infrastructure and credit nutrition.
having a bit of land is a reliable source of money in bad times – it can be sold when debt repayments or when unexpected expenses arise. The majority of the people have no land and work as tenants on other people’s land. male analysts suggested that the largest landholdings belong to a few local ‘notables’. Land fragmentation was perceived to be a problem in many sites in Balochistan. and control over. the natural capital available to poor people in each site. agricultural land and forests are the main forms of natural capital. varies significantly. the right to inherit land. keep livestock and build a home. despite this. and what remains is also less accessible to the poor. 4. analysts stated that a tribal leader. For the poor. The reasons behind poor access to. Another 100 or so families own the other half of the land but landholding per household was perceived to be declining due to land fragmentation. Analysts across the sites laid collective/social claims to the natural resources in their areas. perceived that forest resources have both decreased in quantity. and livestock. 67 . water. In some sites. In Panjgur. however. security. for example. In the sub-sites of Gawadar. However. The commonest forms of natural capital listed by analysts across the PPA sites included land. a sub-site of Awaran. forests. In terms of access to natural capital based upon gender or caste. and his family possess most of the agricultural lands. and as a source of well-being.4.1 Land Land is of central importance both as a physical resource upon which to grow food. the clearest example is that women are denied. in practice if not in theory. In Kahn Zeelag. therefore. deforestation and land fragmentation – and socially constructed factors such as caste or gender. and the importance they place upon it. a sub-site of Gawadar.2 Natural capital Most of the Balochistan PPA sites could be classified as ‘rural’ and natural resources are. Analysts in Panjgur stated that the concentration of land into the hands of the few was increasing. the distribution of land in Balochistan is far from equal. mangroves and the ocean are forms of natural capital whilst in Kachi. analysts suggested that access to and ownership of land was more equitably distributed. natural capital include both general negative trends in the overall quantity and quality of natural resources – for instance. Mohammad Abeam. In the coastal site of Gawadar. and power. In Kalmat. However. for instance. the situation is the same: three individuals own half of the land. of vital importance to people’s livelihood strategies. analysts also listed mangroves and other marine resources such as fish and prawn stocks.2. for instance. access is often difficult and declining. Local analysts in Awaran. However. In Awaran.
Drought has also affected the once fertile Pushtoon areas that were well irrigated due to streams – the water levels in the streams have now declined significantly. then our life is like that of a king. Awal Hashim. especially in the Baloch areas such as Loralai. it has become increasingly scarce in recent years. Despite the traditional emphasis placed upon land as a source both of livelihood and power. even though they own land. Kachi district) Water was widely considered the most important natural resource. but this too was brackish. In the winter and in times of drought. It provides drinking water for both humans and livestock. the lack of water has resulted in most land being barren and unproductive. Analysts in Pushtoon Darah. However. the drought conditions that have prevailed throughout Balochistan in the years preceding the PPA have contributed to many analysts ranking water as their most important from of natural capital. In Qaisar Colony too. analysts stated that although almost every household has its own land. But almost everywhere. In sub-site Nikhal Adinzai in Loralai district. however. trees and livestock. In rural areas. drinking water is a problem. In most arid areas the persistence of drought was a common phenomenon. it is all barani and crop and fodder production had declined substantially due to the drought – most land was barren. Most of Balochistan is arid or barani (rain-fed) irrigated. We can produce wheat. female analysts explained that they face many miseries due to the inadequacy of their water supply. lentils and become self-sufficient in food.analysts stated that everyone has a piece of land on which they grow crops and animal fodder: there are few if any tenants. people depend upon a water pool that is filled by rainwater. a sub-site of Quetta. the lack of water not only affects crop production but also has severe impacts on other sources of livelihood such as forests. In Gawadar. Farmers cannot install tubewells because the underground water is brackish and not suitable for the crops. 4. In urban areas too.2. the pool dries up and women have to fetch water from sources located far from the village. explained that the water for around 600 households is supplied through a 3-inch diameter pipe – the pressure is therefore low and houses do not get a reasonable supply of water. This affects poor households the most as the better-off and rich can afford to install pumps and often have 3 or 4 additional.2 Water If there is rain and floodwater comes. 68 . illegal connections. and in the recent past its intensity has increased significantly. (A male analyst. only a small area is irrigated through canals. Most villagers are dependent on spring water for drinking. In some places the drought has devastated and completely transformed the lives of people.
The meat was consumed and other parts of the carcase. In Gawadar. forests and trees contribute significantly to the livelihoods of the poor. These animals are a source of dairy 69 . This is placing immense pressure on the remaining forest resources. 4. Livestock have perished and the owners are left no choice but to purchase fodder from the market. Forest resources. wolves. Another reason suggested for the decline of wildlife in Gawadar sub-sites was the unregulated hunting of animals by outsiders. These were utilised for various purposes: for instance. and especially pregnant women. many trees are dying. The sick. Analysts stated that there is no wildlife in the area now because the forest is almost denuded. she said. are declining for a variety of reasons. were used for the treatment of diseases. The drought has also caused a perceived decline in quality of peesh. goats. due to drought over the last four years. Peesh. since there are no bushes on the mountains people have to buy medicines from the stores. particularly from Turbat and Gawadar. analysts explained that many people earn much of their livelihood by selling firewood. markhors (wild sheep).4. donkeys and camels. cutting trees and selling firewood and timber are very important to livelihoods. trees and wildlife In many rural sites. or covers for charms (taveez). a bush. also provides a significant source of livelihoods for many women in rural Balochistan. Peesh is used to make mats and rope. coats. Now. used to wear the sheep and deerskin. with people having to travel further and further to collect this resource. Analysts in Killa Saifullah described how 30 years ago many different species of wildlife existed in the forests. Although traditionally mainly women were involved in this craft.2. They also use the trees in the construction of their houses and use the leaves as fodder for their livestock. however. These included deer. The degradation of forested areas described above has impacted on the levels of biodiversity and wildlife populations in Balochistan.2. and foxes. such as the gall bladder.3 Forests. hens. the men are also becoming involved as other livelihood opportunities decline. An elderly woman analyst from Panjgur said that in the past people used bushes from the mountains and made medicines from them. jackals. shoes. The combined effect of drought and increased use of peesh has caused a reduction in availability. This has also created a problem for the livestock as the availability of fodder from trees has declined. wild sheep skins were used for prayer mats. Livestock found across all rural areas of the PPA include cattle. However. quilts. With people’s requirements increasing and jobs being scarce.4 Livestock Livestock are important and valuable assets to the poor in terms of both income and food.
2: The importance of livestock Mohammad is from Panjgur district and used to have five hundred sheep and goats before the drought . all have died. According to women analysts in Kharan. 70 . For the survival of his livestock he borrowed money and purchased fodder.2. Large trawlers were also said to come from other parts of Pakistan. Drought has also affected livestock production throughout the province. marine and ocean resources were a significant form of natural capital.products and meat. With the help of the livestock. be sold to repay loans or buy medical treatment. Additionally. He feels great shame in spreading his hands in front of others. mangroves were the main breeding place for prawns. A major factor affecting the sustainability of fishing as a livelihood was the manner in which foreign-owned trawlers were perceived to significantly reduce fish stocks by using large nets. analysts still felt that livestock constituted a valuable asset. with weather conditions affecting both the ability to go out to sea and the quantity of catch. Mohammad explained that the drought has made him destitute and now he begs for flour from the other villagers. Due to the drought. Although many people had lost a lot of animals due to the drought.now he has just ten. and transport goods and materials such as firewood. However. In sub-site Kalmat. 4. income from fishing was also very seasonal. Fishing was also the main source of employment in the village. domesticated animals are also an important source of livelihood because they enable people to collect firewood more easily to sell. but the livestock perished and now he is in debt. particularly Sindh. in times of debt or emergency. Prawn production decreases between February and April due to breeding and income declines during this period. leaving little left for local fishermen. Box 4. He has no other source of livelihood and is selling his remaining livestock.5 Marine and coastal resources In the coastal site of Gawadar. people also plough their land. fishing was the main source of livelihood – male analysts explained that all the people in the village were fishermen and mainly involved in the prawn business. peesh and water. and can also. providing both fodder for livestock and fuelwood. Mangroves were also an important natural resource. The death of livestock is a major shock and has a terrible effect on the asset base and livelihood of the poor.
barani land is barren Forest is only 5 percent of what it used to be 40 years ago Mushrooms for domestic consumption are not available Hives of honeybees are destroyed Security is an issue.Table 4. all others have dried up Wildlife such as deer. people cannot harvest their fields until they make proper personal security arrangements 1/3 of the crop goes to the landlord – in case of its delay. markhor (wild sheep) wolf. are a stress on the city’s natural resources 71 . especially of Afghan immigrants. people are beaten up or forced to leave their village Cutting of forest and drought has resulted in increase in sand storms and soil erosion A type of local spinach has become extinct The quality of rangeland has declined Date trees are not producing their optimal level Drought has effected the production of barley and wheat Drought has destroyed the rangeland Fuel wood is decreasing because of drought Only one stream out of three is flowing. jackal and fox are declining as the forest is cut down and their habitat destroyed Resources are not available to extract precious stones Drought has destroyed orchards Killa Saifullah Loralai Panjgur Quetta The rich have allotted the peesh bushes area in their names and use it against the poor Drought and increase in population have caused decline in natural resources 70 per cent of livestock have perished Drought has caused shortage of water Pollution has increased in the city since there has been no rain Rapid increases in population.1: District Natural capital and related issues in Balochistan PPA districts Forms of Issues and problems natural capital Forests Rangelands Mountains Peesh bushes Marine life Land Forests Spring Mangroves Drought has severely damaged peesh. forests and rangelands Awaran Gawadar Kachi Land Forests Rainwater Herbs Kharan Forest Water Land Wild bushes Forest Water Land Wild bushes Forest Barren land Few livestock Range land Wildlife Forest Precious stones Salt mines Petroleum Wildlife (eagles) Water Coal mines Fertile land Range lands Spring water peesh bushes Forests Lands Underground water Mountains Air Killa Abdullah Foreign boats are catching fish and stocks have declined sharply In summer fetching water is a problem Drought is a major factor contributing to the decline of land productivity and forests Trees are cut for fuel and for selling due to over population Mangroves are decreasing. and with them the prawn stocks Drought has severely hit the area.
However. we do not give much importance to education and prefer that they work and earn some income for us. or even eliminated. are inefficient or not accessible to the poor. Analysts stated that although fishing contributed to their livelihoods.3 Human capital Human capital can be considered as all those characteristics of an individual that allow her or him to make use of other resources in the struggle for a livelihood – those factors that influence the ability to work. The means by which people should be able to improve their human capital in Balochistan are grossly inadequate. 4. there were mixed opinions about whether this applied equally to boys and girls. and health and nutritional status. this often did not happen due to fears that receiving an ‘English’ education will have negative impacts on the cultural and religious values of girls. This means that the women and girls of these villages automatically have their opportunity of acquiring education reduced. On the demand side. they will still never get government employment. Health facilities. one woman analyst stated: Even if our children get an education. villagers were less dependent upon marine resources for their livelihoods. one male analyst commented that not one woman in his village could write her name. where they exist. Although most people saw education as a right and important for increasing opportunities. and in most sites there are no post-primary education facilities for girls. to care for others. Boys are also generally the priority to be sent to school. a sub-site of Quetta. There are two major reasons behind this very low female literacy rate. the ability to lean on certain human assets in times of adversity is an important safety net for many poor families. to solve problems. they were mainly dependent upon farming and livestock. On the supply side is the lack of education facilities for girls. The literacy rate in Balochistan is low. and girls’ education appears to be completely neglected in many places. Whilst education was generally regarded as a right across the Balochistan sites. particularly for women. for example in some sites there are no girls’ primary schools. 72 .In sub-site Kallag. poverty reduces the chances of poor households educating their children as they cannot afford the costs even when facilities are available. Therefore. many of the factors discussed above were also relevant to fishermen in Kallag. In practice it certainly did not. Most obviously human capital incorporates knowledge (usually indicated by educational status but also including local knowledge) and skills. The education provided was often considered to be of poor quality. In addition. explained that although they felt that females should have equal opportunities to men for education. In Kharan District. Female analysts in Pushtoon Darah.
Most women do embroidery for decoration and for marriages. drivers. A group of female analysts in Kharan explained that men and women jointly work on date trees. access to the facilities that would contribute to better health status and higher levels of human capital are limited for the poor. most notably embroidery. It also includes monetary wealth and credit. The poor in Balochistan face many illnesses and threats to their health. coughs and flu are more common during winter months – whilst others are caused by poor water supplies or sanitation facilities. mechanics. The majority of the rural population are involved in farming and use their local knowledge in this livelihood. and shopkeepers. schools and health facilities. water and sanitation systems. Many Baloch men and women deal with poverty and adversity by honing some of their traditional skills and assets.4 Produced capital In the terms used in this report. and falls from the trees are common. handicraft making is quite a common tradition – almost every woman knows needlework. even though it is hard work. 4. In Awaran. productive equipment and agricultural stores. There are also masons who build the houses. particularly in the absence of significant formal education. However. 4. buildings.Skills and local knowledge also play a vital role in the overall development of any community. is highly regarded because it is a source of income. Analysts in urban Quetta explained that a person’s eyesight often suffers when they are engaged in embroidery work. They said that labouring on date trees. 73 . which some conceptual frameworks treat as a separate category of financial assets. falling to shocking levels in some places and subject to social exclusion in others. However. for instance. 3000 – and this time consuming hard work also affects their health. such as power supplies. as with education. Publicly provided healthcare services are often inaccessible (either physically or through poor quality service) whilst private services are unaffordable. but some poor women sell their embroidery work. Some women have no other economic activities except embroidery. produced capital includes physical infrastructure. This section concentrates on issues of both infrastructure provision and access to credit. knives. Some men also have other technical skills that enable them to diversify their livelihood sources or leave highly vulnerable livelihoods altogether. returns are low – it takes four to five months to prepare one suit for which they receive around Rs. roads. Some of these are seasonal – for instance. and other implements. However. there are blacksmiths who make tools for ploughing. Good health is extremely important in enabling the poor to work effectively and sustain their livelihoods. In Killa Saifullah.1 Physical infrastructure The availability of basic infrastructure is variable across the PPA sites.4. this work can have negative impacts on the health – the hard work makes them ill.
such as a school. dispensary. many were not functioning properly. water supply scheme. Basic Health Unit (BHU). In government hospitals the staff were perceived to not care for the poor and patients were said to 74 . if at all. And even when the physical infrastructure was in place. Water tanks had no water.2). BHUs had no staff or medicine and schools had no teachers and inadequate standards of education. no PPA site had access to all of these basic facilities.Almost every PPA site in Balochistan had some access to different government provided assets. (see Table 4. However. Male analysts also said that they take women to Karachi for child birth and that the expenses of travel and doctors fees are high. they did not function adequately. etc. Table 4. road. and certainly not for the underprivileged and marginalised.2: Types of physical capital in the PPA sub-sites District Gawadar Killa Abdullah Killa Saifullah Panjgur B A B Awaran Kharan Quetta A B Loralai A Kachi B A B Infrastructure Sub-site Basic Heath Unit Dispensary Hospital Primary school (boys) Primary school (girls) Post-primary school (boys) Post-primary school (girls) Private schools Madrassa (religious school) Mosque Electricity Gas Water supply system Water reservoir Sewerage/drainage system Telephone Veterinary facilities Police station Bank A B A A B A B A B + + + + A = Poorest sub-site B = Better-off sub-site = Physically available + = Defunct Consistent stories emerged from all the sites throughout the PPA: while physical assets may have existed.
male analysts explained that people take loans to try and save their orchards from the impacts of drought. usually given in accordance with Islamic laws. access to credit from formal institutions is limited for the poor. get nothing from the BHU. and the poor have limited collateral to offer. analysts explained that their drinking water comes from a pool that is filled by rainwater. In the winter. a sub-site of Gawadar.often have to wait many days to see a doctor.4. However. pregnant or busy with other responsibilities. borrowers or 75 . (A poor male analyst. local shopkeepers and family. insurance companies. Borrowers often end up having to sell land or possessions to make repayments. stating: We. In some cases. Another woman said that government personnel do not come to inspect the school and so standards are not checked. other informal sources of credit were not viewed so favourably – some moneylenders charge high rates of interest that people cannot afford. This supply lasts for several months. A female analyst from Gawadar explained that even though technically there is a school. In Adinzai. micro-credit schemes. they would be able to diversify their livelihoods and reduce their vulnerability to drought.2 Credit Access to timely credit can be critical to the livelihoods of poor people. it remains closed most of the time because the teacher lives in Pasni and is almost always absent. Analysts in Quetta stated that sources of credit include the banks. The school has no building and has been opened in a hut. the water supply in the pool dries up and women have to collect water from sources further away. The staff behaviour is not good and whenever we go there they tell us that medicines are not available and that we should get them from a store. and during times of drought. Only the influential people who have money can benefit from credit. and the water is drunk by both people and livestock. The procedures for obtaining loans from banks are difficult. mats and chairs and the boys go there only occasionally when the teacher is not absent. We who are poor cannot give bribes to obtain credit. Few women have access to donkeys to transport the water so they have to carry it on their heads. Male analysts in Kallag. bribes are demanded by officials to grant the loan. However. There is no furniture. the absence of a basic water supply system in the village forces women to travel far to fetch water and increases the burden upon them significantly. the poor. Loralai district. and interest free. A male analyst from Awaran summed up the situation with regard to healthcare in his district. Other people take loans to cover the costs of every day needs or to pay valwar (“bride price”). In Killa Abdullah. stated that with access to credit. 4. Kallag) Male analysts in Quetta explained that they preferred to obtain small loans from shopkeepers because these were easily accessible. Even when they are ill.
5 Social capital While everyone uses a variety of social relationships in pursuit of positive livelihood outcomes. Non-governmental and community-based organisations (NGOs and CBOs) are limited in presence and activity in the Balochistan sites. BRSP provided loans to this village organisation with which they constructed a water tank and a water reservoir for drinking purposes. and helped the poor by taking sick people to the hospital. or borrowers sell their daughters to the creditors when they cannot repay the loan. as well as more fluid and informal networks and relationships based on trust. many more people used to meet over Eid. In Loralai. an NGO. In other sites poor people relied more on informal forms of social capital. reciprocity. caste. Social resources. These contacts also prevent conflict among families. adult literacy classes. BRSP has also increased awareness amongst people and helped them to form a village organisation named Bahar. The main reasons they 76 . In Kharan. particularly during periods of shock or stress. tribe or religious group. clan. Traditional rituals celebrated during Eid. include memberships of and participation in formalised groups. in complete contrast. One group of men from Pushtoon Darah. male analysts from the Zikri clan explained that they had established an informal CBO called the Kallag Social Welfare which did charity work. and during traditional ceremonies. others perceived levels to have decreased over the years. and had initiated a scheme to build a storage tank for rainwater and an embroidery centre for women. and other assistance to the poor. the poor particularly are forced to be highly reliant on social resources in lieu of access to natural. This group had approached South Asian Partnership (SAP). financial and physical resources. the Welfare Society Mashkel provides services in health. Male analysts explained that the BRSP had supported the poor by constructing a dam and school buildings in the area. However. Whilst some perceived it to be strong and sometimes increasing. another group of men said that in the past. funerals. felt that traditions had a positive effect on keeping the community together. Instead. ran a tuition centre. cohesion and exchange. or ‘capital’. the poorest sub-site in urban Quetta. the poorest sub-site in Gawadar District. and other stages in life kept the villagers together. However. at weddings. education. social resources are often accessed along lines of family. but now this is declining. and vaccinating children. In Kallag. 4. the Balochistan Rural Support Programme (BRSP) is one nongovernment organisation that was perceived to have had a good influence in the area.their relatives are even kidnapped to pressurise them into repaying. analysts disagreed on the levels of social capital in some of the sites.
Usually this was the sardar or the religious leader. region. The little influence that they have is channelled through powerful individuals and often comes at a price – for instance. In Killa Abdullah. A poor man from Loralai said that 20 years before the PPA. People in Kharan said that their sardar solves their problems. In this way. community. this social unity was perceived to be declining due to immense economic pressure and the fact that “everyone has some problem to deal with”. many of those who participated in the PPA felt that their sardar provided justice. In urban Quetta. However. In all the rural PPA sites. however. If a person needed help and had a lot of work on his lands. At all levels – individual. They also argued 77 . relationships and leverage used in influencing decisions made at different levels of the public sphere. nation – powerlessness is both a cause and effect of the other facets of poverty such as lack of natural. authoritative role of the sardar or nawab means that decision-making structures are authoritarian and the poor did not have a voice. then the whole village would help him. They felt that the sardars oppress people for as long as they live and limit possibilities for increasing awareness amongst local people. disputes and clashes in a good way because they have the power and honour given by the tribal system.6 Political capital Political capital can be defined as the resources. Across the Balochistan PPA sites. government officials were perceived to be more influential. the poor had little direct access to decisionmaking processes and institutions. it encompasses the power relations between and within state and society. Analysts also said that if someone was sick the other villagers would look after him – if he had to be taken to hospital transport was arranged. And this way he saved money and developed good friendships among the community. poor people are instructed on which candidate to vote for in elections and have little choice but to obey. However. physical and social capital. However. a tribal tradition called ashar (collective work without wages) existed. analysts explained that there is usually one individual who has most influence in the decision making process. financial. 4. who could not harvest wheat alone. younger analysts were of the opinion that the sardar uses his power and keeps the people unaware and unknowledgeable. analysts also felt that ashar was the main event of co-operation in the community. In the past people used to participate collectively in the harvest without asking for any payment. A person. would invite the people of the community for help and serve food and tea.perceived for this were growing poverty and the fast pace of life. but now due to the drought there is no agriculture so this custom had also declined. was fair and that they were treated adequately. household. The dominating. The custom of ashar where people used to build their houses collectively has declined. which left no time for social visits.
it is probable that most people will rely on agriculture as a basis for their livelihood. including livestock keeping. men and women work together on date trees. Livelihood strategies are only sustainable when they maintain or build up people’s asset base. In barani areas. Analysts felt that it was very difficult to earn a livelihood from agriculture. The livelihoods of the people who participated in the PPA in Balochistan are therefore varied. In the rural sub-sites the poor continue to rely heavily on agriculture-based livelihoods. they also said that a negative point of date labouring is 78 . With rain. Power and decision-making authority are usually held in the hands of a few. tenants receive a share of the produce although the amount varies between one half and two thirds depending on how much expense the landlord shoulders. In Joisar. Those with the least political capital are women. In Bazdad. In Kharan. the productivity of the land is dependent upon sufficient rainfall. working as tenants on the lands of others provides a source of livelihood. If land is plentiful and there is access to water. the degree of political capital to which the poor have access to is extremely limited. 4. In Awal Hashim too. wheat and pulses and earn enough. Agricultural labour provides opportunities for both men and women.that the sardars even encourage the Frontier Corps to oppress the people so that their superiority over people can be ensured and justified. Awaran district.7 Livelihood options of the poor Livelihood options and possibilities depend on the nature of assets available and the ability of people to draw upon these assets. The produce mainly goes to the landlord and they receive just a quarter of the produce. then other strategies will have to be developed. both male and female analysts explained that most people in their village owned their land and when rain comes. If they are unable to draw upon these capitals. Analysts said that labouring on date trees is prioritised in spite of the hard work involved because it gives them more money. they cultivate sorghum. Very little agricultural land was available and cultivable. their livestock have enough fodder to eat and their health status increases. and the majority of farmers had a maximum of two acres of land. Across the PPA sites in Balochistan. they also burn the date wood and use it as timber. This hardly fulfils their basic requirements. However. a sub-site of Panjgur. In Awal Hashim. The persistence of drought over recent years has left many options and sources of livelihood in rural areas closed to the poor. analysts explained that drought had severely affected agricultural livelihoods. Increasingly. For those who do not own land. analysts explained that influential people and the sardar of the area owned the land and water sources and the poor work as tenants on their lands. for many of the poor in Balochistan ‘options’ are declining and many have to do whatever they can just to survive. their crops are plentiful.
that the hard work affects their health and that they feel dizzy by climbing up the trees and can fall down. Every year, five to six people fall off the date trees. Some of them die while some become disabled for the rest of their lives. Women analysts from Kahn Zeelag, Awaran district, indicated that the number of date trees was increasing and people are producing more dates. Livestock is also an important source of livelihood for the poor. Livestock provide income, meat, milk and transportation – camels are used to bring firewood and donkeys to bring peesh. A female analyst from Panjgur said that many people’s livelihoods were dependent mostly on livestock and they had to look for fodder throughout the year. This was very difficult and they remained busy all the time in the struggle to protect their livestock from the effects of drought. Analysts also explained that livestock numbers had decreased significantly so now people do not sell livestock except when they urgently require money. Forest resources also contribute towards livelihoods in rural areas, providing labour opportunities, fuel for domestic consumption and selling, timber, and other raw materials and resources. However, many analysts stated that these resources were declining in availability. The causes of deforestation included over cutting and insufficient time for regeneration, drought and the increasing population. Analysts in Panjgur also stated that rich and influential people had taken over the control of forests and do not allow the others to cut them because they are on their lands. In Kharan some people depended on cutting and selling wood from the jungle, but now the forest department does not allow it. They earn Rs. 100 for two days work, not enough to meet even their daily expenses. Another difficulty they were facing was that they could not take wood to the bazaar because their camels had died due to the drought. Analysts in Gawadar explained that selling firewood is another source of livelihood for many people. During the drought period, dependency on firewood selling doubles because there is no alternative for work and selling wood keeps some income coming in. One male participant said that he had a camel on which he would take wood to Pasni, which would take two days to reach – for this he would earn just Rs.100. Another analyst said he earned Rs. 200 by taking two loads on his camel and this also takes him two days. A major contributor to livelihoods, particularly following the drought persistent in Balochistan, is the use of the peesh bush in order to make mats. Peesh grows in the Baloch areas and is seen almost as a saviour for many families who would have been in far greater poverty had they not had this option. Women in particular play a key role in collecting peesh and in the making of products, sometimes girls are withdrawn from school to assist. Mats and ropes are made from it and sold in the markets of Karachi. Analysts also used these same mats on the roofs of their houses. One patth (a strip 2m by 10 cm) can be made in two hours and sold for Rs.3 to village shopkeepers. Women analysts in Panjgur said that they mainly made mats from peesh and sold them to earn some money. They made only one mat in two or three days,
which was sold for Rs.100. They emphasised that this is hard work and the earnings are low compared to the amount of work put in. The lack of rain was also said to be responsible for the poorer quality of peesh. On the coast, and particularly in Gawadar, fishing forms an important part of people’s livelihood strategies. Analysts explained that fishing requires a lot of hard work and men go early in the morning and come back late at night. Profits and losses depend on the season – in the winter there are more fish while in the summer, fishermen do not go to sea for four months. Male analysts in Kalmat said that fishing is the main source of livelihood: all the people in the village are fishermen and they mainly deal with prawns. However, they do not get sufficient income from this source. Half of a boat’s catch goes to the boat owner and the fishermen distribute the other half among themselves as labour. The fish stocks in the area are perceived to be declining as foreign trawlers and boats from other parts of Pakistan come into the area and use modern, large-scale equipment to catch large hauls of fish. Analysts feared that if these methods continue to be used, fish stocks would decline even further thus depriving local poor fishermen of their livelihood. A group of men from Gawadar stated that they preferred fishing as a form of earning income. Fishing has been their family business since their forefather’s time and they know no other work. They feel that they do not have enough education to get a job elsewhere and, therefore, have no other alternative. With the declining availability of and access to many natural resources, and the declining quality of those resources remaining, many rural poor are increasingly seeking alternatives to complement or replace traditional natural resource based livelihoods. Migration to cities in search of daily wage labour or other employment is one option for the poor. Analysts in Killa Abdullah stated that five years ago very few people used to go to other cities for work. Now, however, as agriculture was not perceived to be an option and livestock have perished, many people have left their villages for the cities. Analysts in Bazdad, a sub-site of Awaran district, explained that the majority of people in their village are wage labours. However, the wages in Awaran are only Rs. 70 per day which is not enough to meet their expenses, so people prefer to go to Turbat and Panjgur where labourers can expect to earn Rs. 3000 per month. Daily wage labour is not a preferred choice as jobs are insecure, the work is often strenuous and the wages generally low. Thirty years ago a worker could earn Rs.10 per day and with this money he could buy flour, sugar and rice. Now a worker earns Rs.80 per day but this hardly fulfils his daily requirements. (A male analyst, Awaran district) Wage labour forms a major part of livelihood strategies for the poor in urban areas. Male analysts in Pushtoon Darah, a sub-site of Quetta, explained that
around half of the population depends on wage labour. Other sources of income for men in the urban sub-sites include driving, shopkeeping and handcart labouring. Analysts also stated that many of these sources of income have seasonal fluctuations: wage labour and driving are very good professions in the summer season in terms of earning satisfactory income. However, income from driving falls in the winter as people move from Quetta to other warmer parts of Pakistan, or travel by bus instead of rickshaw due to the cold. Opportunities in shopkeeping and handcart labouring were perceived to have decreased in the urban sub-sites. One local shopkeeper said that three years ago he used to sell Rs. 2500 worth of products every day, but now this has decreased to just Rs. 300 per day. This has happened due to new shops opening up and inflation. The slowing down of economic and business activity has also affected the demand for daily wage labour, which has fallen markedly. A source of livelihood and income for women across the sites is embroidery. Although women are often paid little in return for a lot of work, female analysts in Kachi considered embroidery to be women’s main source of income. Women in Awal Hashim, a sub-site of Kachi, explained that a dress may take a month to embroider but they usually earn just Rs. 200 - 700 for this, depending on the quality of the work. Handicrafts such as embroidery, making paranda, making trouser strings and making cotton mattresses were also major sources of livelihood for women in Killa Abdullah. Afghan women refugees from Pushtoon Darah stated that most women do embroidery work and receive remuneration, which relieves their financial burden to a certain extent. The Qandhari men (Afghan refugees) also do embroidery work on clothes with the help of sewing machines. However, in other sites such as Joisar and Panjgur, women analysts said that they only make embroidery for themselves and their children. There is no concept of doing embroidery as a form of livelihood because they cannot afford to purchase the materials required for it and do not have access to a market for embroidered clothes. Migration overseas is also an option taken up by some people. In the past many men from Balochistan used to go to the Middle East to work and the requirements for papers and passports were favourable and rather lax. The links with some of the Gulf States were old and traditional, and cheap labour from the Baloch region of Pakistan was always welcomed. Analysts in Quetta perceived that in recent years there has been a substantial decrease in people travelling to these countries due to new strict visa policies. Analysts from Quetta said that in terms of a bright future and earning respect, jobs in foreign countries, trading or government jobs were given a high status. If a person is working in a foreign country or is a trader, he is usually able to earn enough money to start a good business for his children and give them decent education; that is why they are treated with respect amongst the
community. If a household member is working abroad, the condition of that family is considered to be much better off compared to others. They are able to afford motorcycles, blankets, they live in mud houses and the women wear gold too. However, overseas job opportunities were perceived to be declining and labourers receiving lower wages. Due to this the remittances are also decreasing. There are also perceived risks with migrating to overseas for employment – if men go through legal channels, they face the risk of not getting a job and their money is wasted. In sub-sites close to the borders, small-scale cross border trade and smuggling contribute to the livelihoods of some people. However, this source of income is threatened due to dangers from robbers and also from government agencies such as the Frontier Corps and Customs. The Frontier Corps demand large bribes and sometimes refuse to allow the poor to trade – only wealthy people are allowed to continue. Legal small-scale trade has also been affected by high government taxes, which analysts felt should be lowered to encourage and generate business activity. The most preferred source of livelihood in many of the sites was government employment. The perceived advantages of government jobs included employment-for-life, access to medical services, index-linked pay, access to some officials and ‘high-up’ people, possibilities for generating income not really commensurate with one’s job and, usually, guaranteed monthly pay. It is also seen as an honourable profession. However, the respondents from Quetta said that the ease of attaining government employment in this area has touched its lowest level over the last ten years. For those with no other options, begging is resorted to for survival. People are now begging because their animals have died due to the drought and they have neither assets nor alternative employment opportunities. Women analysts in Killa Saifullah explained that young men who can work are labouring in coalmines but old men who cannot do labour are begging in cities. Young male analysts in Killa Saifullah also said that when a creditor demands repayment, people who have to sell their land or other assets to return the loans are left with no other source of income and so are forced to beg in the cities.
CHAPTER FIVE - VULNERABILITY
A range of trends, shocks and seasonal shifts over which people have little or no control affect the livelihoods of the poor. These can affect livelihoods in both positive and negative ways, facilitating improvements in the well-being of the poor or causing even the better-off to slip into poverty. Vulnerability is linked to people’s ability to invest in or draw down on their assets in the face of shocks. The vulnerability of local people to these factors was analysed by the participants in the Balochistan PPA process. Poverty appears to be an almost permanent condition from which very few households in Balochistan are able to break free permanently. This chapter examines how various long-term trends, seasonal variations and sudden shocks contribute to keeping the poor in poverty or causing the better-off to fall into a state of poverty. Some factors may affect livelihood opportunities and cause people to move into and out of poverty within a short period of time, while others may cause those living on the border of poverty but highly vulnerable to fall into a spiral of declining well-being from which it is difficult to escape.
Trends affecting the well-being of the poor
This section examines some of the external changes that appear to have contributed to or undermined the livelihoods of the poor in Balochistan from a long-term perspective. It identifies the main trends perceived by PPA participants and the factors that seem to have influenced these processes in different periods over the last 40 years. In the rural areas of Balochistan, the poor depend heavily upon various forms of natural capital in their livelihood strategies. However, across the PPA sites, analysts commonly perceived trends of declining access to natural resources and increasing environmental degradation. In the coastal areas of Gawadar, analysts explained how fish catches are declining as foreign trawlers use modern equipment to catch large numbers of fish. Boats from other parts of Pakistan also contribute to this over-fishing. Local fishermen are increasingly forced to fish in shallower waters, but even there fish stocks are falling. In rural sites across Balochistan, analysts perceived several significant trends in the environment and natural resources. Forests, for instance, are declining at an alarming rate in some sites, and access of poor people to remaining forest resources was also perceived to be falling. Population increases, the cutting of trees for timber and fuel (both for domestic consumption and selling), and the drought conditions experienced in the years preceding the PPA were all perceived to be contributory factors resulting in deforestation.
Drought has also had an effect on agricultural productivity. which analysts then distributed across the matrix to indicate perceived 84 . desert and barani PPA sites. people used to supply livestock to other provinces – now they are unable to fulfil even local requirements. Local people previously received an income from almond orchards but now they do not even have enough almonds for their own consumption. the better-off sub-site in Killa Saifullah. and levels of food security fall. Now most of the families grind the maize and boil it in water for eating. explained that four years before the PPA. Killa Saifullah district Time period Crops Vegetables Cultivated land Water Forests Livestock Almond orchards OOOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OO OOO OOO OO OOO OOO OOO OOOO OOO OOO OOO OOO OOO O OOO OOO OO OOO OOO OOO 1980-85 OOOO OOO 1985-90 OOOO OOO 1990-95 OO OO OOOOO OOOOO OOO OO OO OOO OO OOO 1995-01 OO OOO OOO O OO OO O OO OOO O OO Analysts from Nalai Sar. opportunities for agricultural labour decline.1) showing their perceptions of the trends in availability of various forms of natural capital over the preceding two decades. crops become more susceptible to diseases and pests. Each form of natural capital (crops. produced the previous matrix (Figure 5. There were crops of wheat and maize all around. A group of women analysts from Killa Saifullah stated that in the past people used to bring fuel wood from forests and every household had livestock. by analysts in Nalai Sar. Without water.1: Changes in natural resources over time. a sub-site in Loralai.Drought and deforestation are also contributing to a fall in livestock numbers as the availability of fodder from forests becomes less and livestock owners are left with no choice but to purchase fodder from the market. land etc) was allocated a total of 20 points. One analyst from Nikhal Adinzai. Figure 5. Water is crucial to the production of crops in the arid. which was also perceived to be declining. They reported that people who had previously owned 300 sheep and goats now have just two or three sheep.
However. income. incidence of diseases. and 85 . production. Across the PPA sites in Balochistan. it was perceived to have occurred in the decade immediately preceding the PPA.availability in each 5-year period. access to public services and work arrangements. Local analysts in Kharan divided their year into four parts: Tomshan (seeding or autumn season). seasons have an impact on livelihoods on the side of production and incomes. the cold. Over the year. land or agriculture. but analysts also stated that the influx of people from other areas and different tribes had decreased the level of peace and tranquillity in the site and the level of social cohesion. Different types of activities in different regions were affected by these factors in different ways. the rain and with longer daylight hours. and consequent dangers of permanent impoverishment. while another 100 or so families own the remainder. Analysts in Panjgur explained that people in the area had previously lived nomadic lifestyles with no permanent residence. Chillag (winter season). Although the trends described above are longer-term changes. 5. some changes occur on a seasonal basis and can cause temporary changes in vulnerability and shifts into and out of poverty. The interaction of these factors means that many poor households experience particular stress. their livelihood sources and income earning opportunities varied with the seasons. and in those that are dependent on the natural resources. Not only was this perceived to have increased the competition for jobs. land fragmentation is an increasing trend as landholdings are divided amongst an ever-increasing population with the result that average household landholdings are becoming less able to support a family. The results of the exercise show clearly how all forms of natural resources have declined over the two decades with the exception of vegetables. and employment. Influential leaders or those who had many livestock were allotted more land in their names. Bharga (spring season). the heat. Expenditure outlays and sources of difficulty such as ill-health also tend to be seasonal. Analysts perceived one of the causes of these trends to be the increasing number of refugees and migrants from other areas of Balochistan. Gradually people started to settle and those who had money began to cultivate barren land and irrigate it with rainwater. Seasonal changes also affect labour opportunities. health. In almost all cases where there was a decline. poor people were exposed and vulnerable to seasonal shifts in prices. patterns of out-migration. In the urban sub-sites of Quetta. at particular times of the year.3 Seasonal shifts affecting the well-being of the poor In an agriculture-based society. Around half the land is in the hands of just a few families. analysts reported an increase in the population and a decrease in the availability of labouring and job opportunities.
doctor’s fees and medicines also increase. a sub-site of Awaran. Summer brings both increased opportunities for work and increased health problems. When the winter begins to end. expenditure on health services. health problems increase due increases in the number of scorpions. With the increase in livestock fodder animals become healthier and give higher yields of milk. Winter in other areas leads to other problems: In urban Quetta. Workloads increase as people prepare the lands for winter. In Jopag (summer season). the forests remain untouched and become abundant again. However. In Bharga (spring season) people have enough food if it rains. firewood is harder to find and more expensive to buy. it is possible to get a good wheat crop. But if there is no rain. as a result. households migrate to other areas. on government contracts and in building construction decrease causing a fall in income. opportunities for wage labour in orchards. water supplies start to decrease and when it eventually runs out completely. when we return the forests provide us with fodder. A group of women analysts in Kachi stated: We have to migrate to other places and leave our homes unattended. peesh and wood. which are our main sources of income. Stored food begins to decrease and less work is done because it is hard to work during the winter months. bring 86 . In rural areas. There is ample grass for the livestock and harvesting of the wheat crop also takes place. During Chillag animals fall sick due to the extreme cold and insufficient food. snakes. analysts explained that difficulties decrease during the spring. flu. local analysts in Kachi perceived that they lead a comparatively relaxed life in the first two months of winter because all their crops have been sold and they have a lot of time to relax. because the rangelands provide enough fodder for their cattle as a result of which they get enough meat. In Kahn Zeelag. However. if rainfall is adequate. Women analysts in Gawadar explained how people are unable to cut firewood from the mountains in winter sue to the weather and have to borrow money from shopkeepers to pay for fuel. But when everyone migrates. few or no crops are produced and this leads to further hard times. milk. and their economic condition begins to weaken gradually. Food expenses decrease. and other milk products such as khurood. and flies that cause diarrhoea in children. female analysts also stated that they sometimes face floods which cause bunds to break. kharees (desi ghee) and curd. This is generally the case across the PPA sites. In this season they do less labour and use less food. household expenditure on gas and electricity increases. Therefore. At the same time.Jopag (summer or harvesting season). in Gawadar. health problems such as fever. food for the children and warm clothes. chest infections and eye problems increase due to the cold and. Across the PPA sites. winter leads to increased demand for firewood. Job opportunities appear because people start constructing houses. They explained that in Tomshan.
and has altered the ecological and natural balance of localities. The main shocks faced by the poor in the PPA areas are natural disasters. 5. which have a high risk of sinking. Although the drought has been persistent over several years. In the late summer cases of malaria increase and employment opportunities also fall again. This makes shocks a very important focus for improvements in public policies that are supposed to provide protection for the vulnerable. the effects such as livestock deaths. the long-term effect of shocks. the old and the young. is to reduce the asset base of poor households. the coastal PPA site.4. fodder. Clearly. Shocks affect men and women. wildlife. Different seasons may have different impacts on livelihood in the PPA sites. it has hastened environmental degradation and affected livestock.1 Natural disasters and environmental shocks Drought over the five years preceding the PPA has severely affected the livelihoods of people living in the PPA sites of Balochistan. Often. water availability. a sub-site of Awaran district. analysts explained that in summer fishermen cannot go to sea for three months from June to August because: the sea is very rough and we only have small boats. making them even more vulnerable and liable to fall into extreme poverty in the future. forest resources. some of which may reduce assets upon which people rely. in different ways. shocks are sudden events that have unexpected negative impacts on livelihoods. sudden illnesses and accidents or deaths in the family.mud for the plaster of their houses and also collect firewood for the winter. 5. In some cases. seasonal changes and shifts play an important role in the lives of the poor of Balochistan. coping mechanisms have been developed by local people over the years. In some cases people have developed coping strategies that mitigate the effects. All these factors are beyond the control of local people. some positive and some negative. people are less able to cope and become increasingly vulnerable. perceived autumn to be a difficult season for their livelihood because diseases and health problems increase and children and elderly people suffer most. Women analysts in Bazdad. and of some of the coping strategies adopted.4 Shocks affecting the well-being of the poor Unlike difficulties caused seasonal shifts and variations. During these three months some fishermen migrate to other places to look for work while most people just stay at home or borrow money from the seth for their household expenditures. disruption of income sources. 87 . grass. The extreme heat causes health problems and makes it difficult to work. agriculture. In other cases. birds. crop failure and water shortages are major shocks to poor people. The drought has had a devastating impact on natural resources. In Gawadar. and in others they have none.
A year after that flood there was chicken pox in the area. I remember when I was 15 years old in 1935 the earthquake that struck Quetta. This has destroyed everything. Analysts in Kharan stated that date production. In the time of Benazir. which damaged our livestock and lands. the loss of livestock and falling into poverty Ghulam Mohammed from Panjgur explained that before the four-year drought he had 150 goats and sheep. and he and his wife along with their three small daughters make mats. People were worried because they didn’t have money for medicine. In 1965 there was war between Pakistan and India. female analysts explained that grazing land for sheep and goats had vanished and most livestock had perished. In Panjgur. When there were droughts or floods the government helped us. In 1995 there was again a flood. in particular. Livestock are an important asset for the poor in Balochistan. Five years later in 1940 there was a flood in our area. One lady respondent stated that 88 . Only his eldest son is continuing in school. It also affected our cattle. Pakistan came into being at that time and the new Government of Pakistan provided doctors and medicine which reduced the problem. The flood stayed for three days. broke our dam and destroyed Rodh. hides and carpets have decreased and a vital source of income has declined. but then there was war again in 1971 and we were worried that a bomb would drop in our area. which has continued until now. I am 81 years old and from Kharan. 2000 per month. Animal by-products that are used to produce rugs.1: Different shocks over the years My name is Mohammed Ismail. especially food items. Across the PPA sites. His other two sons now take the remaining goats for grazing.Box 5. He hopes that his eldest son will pass the matriculation exam and will get a government job so that the family’s financial burden will be eased. which was one of the main sources of income of the poor. But now he has just 10 goats and he has become destitute. has fallen by one-tenth. Then there was drought in 1997. As a result. analysts said that their intake of meat and milk has fallen significantly since their livestock have died. prices started to increase gradually. as he cannot afford to send his other children. However.2: Drought. His livelihood was totally dependent on these animals but had no problems because he used to sell the livestock to produce an income. They earn just Rs. Box 5. The drought has also affected crop production in Balochistan. which spread different diseases and increased our worries. which damaged our lands and crops. children’s health has deteriorated. diseases have increased and. After that there were droughts for some time although sometimes we had good production from our land. which damaged our life. We had not recovered from that flood when in 1977 there was another flood. Then in 1953 there was another flood. In 1972 there was a big flood. At the time our financial condition was fine. which we sold to reconstruct our dam. In these times we were financially secure and had enough livestock.
Analysts in Nikhal Adinzai explained that it had not rained for four or five years and their lands were just lying wasted. Another group of women analysts from Lakhmir Mustoi stated that heavy floods destroy crops that have been planted and can also damage houses. throat and eye diseases. and the livelihoods of the people were severely affected. the drought has had negative impacts on the poor. Just as too little water can have devastating consequences for poor people in Balochistan. family pressures debts rise unable to repay debt have to sell assets. But when it did rain. they perceived that a rich person has enough resources to continue to cultivate his land in the case of a natural disaster and can even take steps to avoid damages in the future.in her kitchen garden there is only one sunflower. Crop loss due to pests and diseases can be another major shock to poor farmers and households in Balochistan. or deal with police poverty increases In isolated regions no relief due to lack of roads and/or government lack of interest poverty increases In urban areas too. hotel work) lower income. the result was a huge flood that caused devastation to their agricultural land. 200 per tank. thus increasing their household expenditure. they take loans and these debts keep increasing. Analysts in Kharan stated that insects damage their crops far more frequently and extensively than floods. hides. In case of wheat. Other natural disaster shocks faced by people in Quetta include earthquakes – in 1997 there was a big earthquake in Quetta which caused many lives and properties in the city to be lost. two months before the PPA. With no rain. they lose their income and have no resources to cultivate their land again. lungs. so can too much water. and this has contributed to an increase in skin. carpets which used to come from livestock not available poverty increases Agricultural employment falls alternative employment options migration daily wage earners (unskilled labour. However. Analysts in Quetta stated that the drought has caused severe water shortages and people have to buy water at Rs. To get out of this problem. Figure 5.2: The consequences of drought Mountains become barren due to over-cutting of trees and little rain over-grazing rangelands diminish fodder unavailable livestock suffers meat and milk production falls nutrition quality and quantity falls diseases and ill health increase poverty increases Livestock dies effect on livelihood patterns rugs. pollution levels were also perceived to have increased. the insects damage the plants in the early stages just after seeding and in the later stages when the crop is ready for harvesting. In case of DROUGHT 89 . Analysts in Kachi explained that when drought affects their land and crops.
which results in many women and their children being forced into extended poverty.4. Particular moments in the life-cycle of a household are especially perilous from the perspective of human shocks. Female analysts in Lakhmir Mustoi said that locusts attack mature crops and that pulse crops are more vulnerable to insects and locusts. they also have to take the patient to Karachi and this means spending a lot of money. They are fearful when they sow a crop due to the risk of attacks by diseases or natural calamities such as floods or hail. Analysts across the sites indicated that illhealth and disease represent huge shocks in terms of decreasing the ability to earn an income.watermelon. locust swarms are the most harmful pests that affect their crops. and then people face police extortion and payment of bribes in order to avoid further punishment. a sub-site of Awaran. often the most devastating kind of shock. also indicated that crop damage is a great shock for them. Men in Bazdad. For women especially. Male analysts in Awaran explained that if a person becomes sick they cannot work and earn money. Souz Gul is a weed which grows with the wheat. can plunge a household into profound poverty. particularly an income earner. Being a widow in Balochistan is a particularly vulnerable condition for a woman. 5. However. 90 . as they do not have adequate income. the elderly and very young are particularly vulnerable to illness and disease. As a result our whole harvest was ruined. Due to a lack of health services in their area. they also stated that people are often unable to pay back these debts. tomato and potato plants. the death of their husband or an able-bodied son is a severe shock. destroying them. The death or illness of a family member. we prepared the land and sowed it four times. and increasing expenditure on treatment. They also rely more heavily on others to support them in times of crisis. Shafta is an insect that attacks vegetables and trees. but each time insects spoiled it. Crops become weak and yields are low because of these. A group of men from Kharan said that in their view. For example. Male analysts in Killa Abdullah said that a number of pests. insects damage the seeds after they have been sown or the fruit when it becomes ripe. Healthrelated events are the main causes. diseases and weeds affect their crops. One male analyst from Kharan explained that: In the past. I had to borrow money from someone to buy some food. they have to borrow money. Analysts explained that in order to cover the costs of medical treatment.2 Human shocks This phrase refers to sudden damage to the human capabilities or human capital of a household. Being unable to repay loans can result in their creditors informing the police.
Then one day a snake bit her elder son.4. These movements can be both long-term (eg over a lifetime) or occur much more frequently. The sudden loss of a job. analysts reported that movements into and out of poverty do occur. felt that the going away of their men was bad for them and for their family life. and are forced to migrate looking for work and have to work in coal mines. 5. is therefore an important type of livelihood shock. But after his death my other three sons started to live apart and they are now passing through very hard days My life has become tough. 91 . but they had no transport to take him to hospital. My three sons are not able to support their nieces and me. In the PPA sites. he kept all of my family united. I have no source of income to support myself.5 Moving into and out of poverty Whilst poverty is a prominent. fixture across the Balochistan sub-sites. in particular. if not impossible. funerals). Women. the main source of employment in the area. or an enforced retirement. hotels and as daily wage earners many miles away from home. to escape. In rural Killa Abdullah. weddings. In Killa Abdullah many people used to have small orchards or work in orchards but are now forced into debt in order to survive. Livelihood strategies are frequently undermined by the types of trends and shocks discussed above and rendered unsuitable as mechanisms to cope with seasonal stress periods and life-cycle obligations (eg dowries. She had four sons and they were all living together. one shock – an illness. for example. the drought has resulted in a decline in the availability of agricultural employment. 5. natural disaster or theft. Her son died. This has resulted in social and domestic problems increasing. He had four daughters and they all now live with Rasti. for instance – can initiate a vicious circle of asset liquidation and debt from which it is often difficult. even those considered better-off. For many households. They used to do labouring and supported the whole family: life was satisfactory. it is rare for employment to be secure.3 Economic shocks Employment is an important source of livelihood in both the urban and many rural PPA sites. The daughters of my eldest son demand new clothes and shoes from me on the occasion of Eid but I have no money to fulfil their demands. often dominant.3: The death of a bread-winner Rasti is 70 years old. Men now have to seek employment in alternative professions.Box 5. Rasti explained her situation: When my eldest son was alive. Eid.
He now cuts dried trees and sells firewood at the Pasni market where he earns just Rs. or improved educational opportunities. even vulnerable livelihoods can be strengthened through positive trends and events such as expanding public sector or overseas labour markets. the drought has badly affected his livelihood – his lands are barren due to the lack of rain and most of his livestock have perished. which enabled them to lead an affluent life. the move out of poverty is more permanent. their livestock suffered from disease and died in the drought. the poorest sub-site in Awaran District. At the same time. and social capital than the poor and very poor have access to. however. perceived that the drought has caused many better-off people to fall into poverty: even if the rich own land. Employment overseas.5: Drought. explained that he had a piece of land and some livestock from which he earned his livelihood. There was agreement amongst analysts that this 92 .4: From affluence to poverty Mehraban is the eldest of four brothers in Adinzai. A group of women analysts in Bazdad. however. poverty. In some cases. Box 5. 100. Some had purchased a pick-up and some started other businesses. Mehraban and his brothers feel in a helpless situation. agriculture and livestock Rozi. Since communication and transportation facilities to Karachi have improved. analysts also claimed that an increase in the accessibility of markets had enabled an increase in well-being for those in the fishing trade. fish buyers from Karachi and elsewhere have been coming in more frequently to Gawadar. Now Mehraban and his brothers are earning only enough to buy bread. it cannot be cultivated well due to the lack of water and they can become poor. making advance payments and providing loans to fishermen and boat owners. But as they were illiterate. this option often requires higher levels of human. was perceived to be one way in which individuals and households could move out of poverty. particularly in the Gulf States. and so they became poor again. However. a resident of Gawadar District. their businesses failed and they suffered big losses. however. However.000 from various sources and have to face the consequences if they cannot repay. Four years ago. The persistent drought over the four years preceding the PPA has pushed many people into. One analyst explained that many people had gone to Dubai and when they returned had brought large amounts of money with them. In many cases individuals and households only temporarily achieve higher levels of well-being before falling back into poverty – in some cases. 300. employment in the Gulf only resulted in temporary improvements in well-being.Box 5. They used to have about 200 cattle and many camels. or further into. financial. In Gawadar District. They have borrowed about Rs. however.
They are running a flourishing business and are enjoying the fruit of their labour. When they got there they started doing labouring work. As their village was affected by drought. After a miserable life he is now leading a rather comfortable one. he bought a Toyota pickup for Rs. poor family. Their children are getting education in schools. the poorest sub-site in Loralai District. He repaired one motorcycle and opened a shop when he had earned some money. after a while. the poorest sub-site in Awaran. even during the drought.000 from which he got some income. the stories from Balochistan were of those where more and more people and communities have been pushed into. He has repaid the debt owed by himself and his family. Then. so they became poorer. baking bricks in furnaces. Now he lives a good life.7: Moving out of poverty – migration and remittances In Adinzai. or hardship. Now they have a vehicle and a house in Musakhail Bazaar.6: Moving out of poverty – skills. He used to live in a large. he bought a van in place of the pickup and rented it out from Killa Saifullah to Barat Khail. poverty. 5000 was given to him by his uncle. 93 . perceived that people can move out of poverty if government institutions and basic services such as schools. but it has also resulted in the debt burden of many households increasing and causing higher levels of vulnerability. Jalalai is still living in his native village and his children come to visit him now and then. or further into. There were a handful of individual and specific cases arising from the PPA which indicated that some of the poor have moved permanently out of poverty – but these were few and far between. After sometime. All the family left for Punjab except Jalalai and one of his sons. Rs. His sons and nephews would always ask him to leave the village and go to some other place where they could find opportunities for earning money. For the most part.has resulted in some families prospering.100. Box 5. He has eight brothers and 18 years ago. They regularly send him money and other necessities of life. there is a man of eighty years named Jalalai. agriculture and livestock departments are accessible to them. Haji Saleem is skilled as a mechanic and at the time of his father’s death. investment and opportunity Haji Saleem was a poor man. hospitals. Box 5. his father dies and his land was distributed among them. A group of male analysts in Bazdad. and also paid the instalments on his vehicle. Over the last five years they have gradually become better-off. He then obtained one petrol vehicle and hired it out from city to village. Jalalai did not want to leave his native place but at last he allowed his sons and nephews to go to Punjab to earn money.
social groupings. It appears then.1 Introduction Social and economic relationships are essential to the human condition. as well as comfort and meaning. The results of this analysis varied both across sites and between different groups of analysts. emphasising the different perceptions among men and women. economic interaction and support. However. that in certain areas women felt they were better-off now than in the past. sources of power. grinding wheat by hand. They also stated that “male dominance” has decreased. and between different sites. However they can also be the source of insecurity. whilst in others the quality of life for women had declined. and weaving mats from peesh bushes. for instance perceptions of male attitudes towards women. Either way. power relations within the community. there were contradictory perceptions depending upon the gender of the analysts. women were not respected by men and they were not allowed to make any decisions. The Balochistan PPA provided ample confirmation of these general truths. and the basis for social exclusion are analysed. however. the drought has also placed increasing emphasis in some sites on the productive role of women: for instance. At the same time. loss and danger. 6. the poorest sub-site in Awaran District. They perceived that in the past. but now men restrict their mobility. social interactions and social networks are central to understanding the way people live. Other people are essential to our survival – providing physical assistance. perceived that in the past women were worse off: they had to work hard and spend many hours doing household tasks. fetching water and firewood. Women no longer have to work in the fields as well as in the home because the demand for agricultural labour has fallen. However. In some areas. Female analysts in Bazdad. women are doing more embroidery work for commercial purposes than in the past. Whilst this may 94 .CHAPTER SIX – SOCIO-ECONOMIC RELATIONS 6. and men were more aware now than in the past. the sentiments expressed by the analysts appear contradictory. this does not necessarily mean that if the drought ended. these analysts also perceived that women were healthier in the past (largely because they had healthier food) and that women had more mobility. and within the sites. This chapter explores the situation of women in the PPA sites in Balochistan. women would not have to go back to all the additional tasks they were doing before. In general. In the second part of the chapter.2 The situation of poor women The role and status of women in Balochistan was the subject of analysis by PPA participants across the sites. One reason given for the perceived reduction in workload of women was the persistent drought conditions that have prevailed in Balochistan over the years preceding the PPA.
1 Women. but her decision is less valued. the poorest sub-site in urban Quetta. Water.benefit the household. Lassi (butter milk) was made by hand in the past but now is made using electric machines. The main occupations of women – needlework. Sometimes a close male relative. however poor women felt that rich women had more authority and power to make decisions. even through informal institutions. The only difference is that certain living conditions have changed – in the past there were no modern facilities so life was more difficult. Young women have no decision making power at all. a group of women said that household responsibilities and tasks have not changed in the last 20 years.2. gas and electricity bills have all added to household expenses. women analysts also said that with the advent of modern amenities. analysts felt that electricity has made cooking and heating easier. The decisions of older men take precedence over young males. they have little or no access to justice. 6. Women suffer disproportionately from a lack of access to basic services. is asked to make a decision for his sister. They also had authority in marriages of boys and girls. Women rarely make decisions. other problems have emerged. she has more authority and is part of the decision making process. She does not have complete power and her decisions can be overruled by men but in comparison to other women. the introduction of electricity was perceived to have made life easier for women. their mobility is restricted. In Kharan District there is a special term used for a woman who can take part in the decision making process. and they have no influence in decision-making processes. In Pushtoon Darah. in terms of status or position within the household and community. explained the decision-making authority of older women as follows: In the past. However. for instance. women are generally severely discriminated against in Balochistan. the effects on women may be detrimental – common complaints were that this work leads to eye problems and shoulder pain. Bibi Hoori. In Gul Khan (Killa Abdullah). 95 . if an old woman is in good health then she is asked her opinion. This role has gradually changed. She is called a Roohdar. Women analysts explained that in most cases parents make a decision about marriage. power and decision-making The mixed perceptions discussed above regarding the changes in well-being of women over the years generally refer to types of work undertaken and health status. and is an old woman. the old women had a larger role in decision-making. or a young brother. One 30-year-old female analyst. In some sites. even with regard to their own marriages. Women do the same tasks now as in the past. Now. However. especially education and health. embroidery and sewing – are now done on machines. but in most cases even younger men have more authority and power than older women. Rich women were perceived to have easier lives today than poor women: they can afford domestic servants to work for them.
Quetta) 96 . Women often bear the beatings of their husbands and are sometimes even killed. we would never give our daughters to old and disabled men. it has negative effects on both men and women. if a woman does not take valwar then she is taunted and treated without respect – she is perceived as a person of no value. her mobility is restricted and she is unable to seek justice. The preachers have adopted a unique method – they take valwar and orally grant the land of equal value to daughters. However. men view women as possessions. My husband works in a foreign country and comes once or twice a year. The preacher of the village also takes valwar even though there is no concept of valwar in Islam. From a social perspective. the better-off sub-site in Loralai District.2 Bride price – women as commodities and the violent results The tradition of valwar – literally. the tradition of valwar encourages and perpetuates the view that women are mere commodities and has serious consequences on women’s status within society. Then it is up to the girl if she grants this land to her husband or to her father. Analysts in Nawai Bazaar. He threatens me with a second marriage. however. By doing this. Some women in Quetta explained that if valwar has not been paid. I live with my parents and my five children. A man has to be able to afford to pay the bride price. If valwar has been paid. but she usually gives it to her father.6. as an important part of their culture. At this time he gives me some money – but he also tortures me and beats me up. stated that as a result of the practice of valwar. but because she cannot leave the house without her husband’s or in-laws’ permission. women were in a better position within the marriage – they could even “raise their voice to their husband”. people are tempted to marry their young daughters to old or disabled men. Women have no control over the money paid as valwar – instead the male members of her family spend it however they wish. preachers tell us that they have adopted Islamic methods. Women analysts in Killa Saifullah said that due to the high price of valwar. and a woman is sold into a marriage.2. My family and I cannot stop him from getting married a second time because my parents have taken valwar. are unwilling to deal with them properly. Stories of torture and violence against women were common. They added: If valwar was not practiced. the poorest sub-site in urban Quetta. a woman is “like a slave and helpless” – she has to suffer cruel treatment from her in-laws. In effect. However. if they do hear about them. “bride price” – was mentioned by female analysts in Pushtoon Darah. (A poor woman. She has no decision or choice in her marriage. the police remain largely unaware of these crimes or.
However. Since he is older and a widower. Being unable to afford a bride price is also considered an indicator of poverty. After that he started to work in a coal mine. They perceived that a second wife and her children are cared for more than the first. especially if the second wife is younger than the first. bride pricing is often justified by saying that it is aimed to discourage polygamy and the exploitation of women. Not all households practice valwar – it is more common in Pushtoon households. Households with higher levels of education were less likely to engage in the practice. the better-off sub-site in Quetta.Whilst one group of women in Qaisar Colony. His wife died in 2001 after giving birth to a fifth child. Box 6. He got engaged again and agreed to pay Rs. Ironically. 97 . The pressures to pay bride price puts men into large debt that may take many years to repay.000. Women analysts in Loralai District perceived that the practice of men taking second wives causes many problems. and perceived to be less common in better-off or rich households. The price of the second bride is all but impossible for him to pay. felt that there was more domestic violence in the past. He finally borrowed money and got married in 1997. His only hope is for his other daughter to grow up so he can earn some money by marrying her off at a good price. and staying single or a widower for a man is perceived to be wrong and causes him to suffer from social exclusion. When he reached 30. For the first 15 years of his life he used to be a shepherd. while this may have increased cases. he had to pay a much higher price for a bride. 170.1: The impact of valwar – a male perspective Abdul Khair of Killa Abdullah was born in 1958. he had 17 other family members. as they are often ‘sold’ to repay valwar debts or given as part of bride price itself. The degree of education of both the woman and her parents was also perceived to have an influence on the practice.000 and the hand of his four-year-old daughter as a part of the bride deal. the fact remains that culture and tradition have to a large extent legitimised these unacceptable crimes against women for many years. many analysts noted that there is great societal pressure on every man to find a suitable bride. The negative impacts of bride price are not solely confined to women. In some cases the repercussions affect a couple’s daughters. A household without women is termed as incomplete. men have become more violent. However. 200. women in Kharan District felt that due to the increase in the availability and use of drugs. He is still returning the loan he took for his first marriage. Inability to pay a good price for a suitable bride is one of the strongest indications of poverty. His daily wage is just Rs. He got engaged at the age of 30 and the valwar (bride-price) was agreed at Rs. He stayed engaged for 7 years because he didn’t have the money to pay for the bride. 100 and he has to regularly borrow from the local grocer to make ends meet.
Local people said that the government should not allow these “influential” people to take control of the natural resources because then the poor do not get anything. The stated that: We don’t even have the right to build a house on the barren land.6. a group of analysts explained that most of the land in their village belonged to one family. so in this way we become a prisoner. Often landlords provide loans to tenants but the debt is paid back in the form of labour and resulting in extremely inequitable labour relationships. They said that these people had access to and control over the mountains and to the peesh. As these people have more land. Whilst the rich have more power than the poor. both female and male analysts stated that the most influential person in their village was the landlord. All the land in the village belonged to the landlord. or bonded labour. We work for him on low wages until we are able to repay his loan. and influence in the community. for instance. (Female analysts. and the more land he had the greater his power.3 Power and socio-economic relations Local power relations play a central role in shaping poor people’s lives. 98 . resources. wealth. and does not allow the poor to move out of poverty: tribal leaders have all the power. The landlord gives us as much as we need. but we are restricted because of this. and without their permission the poor could not collect firewood. Of particular importance are gender. The villagers worked as tenants on the land of the landlords. The distribution of political capital (see Section 4. land and tribal identity. In Bazdad. Land was considered the most important source of power across the PPA sites in Balochistan. In Kachi District. class. Where large landholdings are in the hands of the few. they use floodwater to irrigate their land and we have no access to or control over this. and poor men have more power than poor women. rich men have more power than rich women. The landlord had power. Awal Hashim. male analysts said that the majority of people worked as tenants on the land of landlords. In Panjgur District. Male analysts in Awaran also added that certain people had access to natural resources because they had allotted the forests in their names. the poorest sub-site in Awaran District. many people work as tenants. Kachi District) Tribal structures are also a significant determinant of power: analysts in Awaran expressed their view that tribal social structure keeps women oppressed. They also had access to the karez water for drinking and for their livestock.6) in a community is based on several interrelated factors. and he was the main person who solved the disputes in the area.
These individuals are able to use their links with government and political parties. a road. to obtain ‘benefits’ for the local community – however. water. dispensary. and they have complete faith in him. and a water channel. Other individuals in Killa Saifullah are powerful not because of their tribal position but because of their religious status. Barakzai. and Musazai) within the Batozai tribe. His source of power is his tribal authority within the community. analysts said that there was a nawab who did not belong to the community. In Gawadar. but had a lot of influence in the community because he was the nawab of all the Pashtoon tribes. their political capital. In Killa Saifullah District. They also said that an ex. Female analysts said there is one particular person in the village who helps the poor by giving them credit and wheat flour – however. He takes our problems and issues to the government because the government officers listen to him. He is powerful because he is the sardar – he solves all the disputes in the community. a group of male analysts stated that the malik (chief) was the head of four sub-tribes (Mazgha Peerzai. Khuwachakzai. We obey his instructions and if he decides to vote for a certain party or person. a religious sect. the result is that people in turn are expected to obey 99 . he also decides who should stand in the election. Gawadar District) Male analysts also said that the present district nazim has influence in the area and he also belongs to the Zikri clan. was the most powerful person in the village. in Kharan District a group of women analysts said that the sardar is the chief. The malik has the most power in the village and he resolves any disputes over land. In Awaran District. We approach him for our day-to-day problems. and has linkages with the Jamiat-e-ulama-e-Islam. (Female analysts.Member Provincial Assembly (MPA) also had some power because his political party is very strong. He had constructed a boys’ and girls’ school and visited the area regularly. The spiritual leader of the Zikri clan has a lot of respect in the area. and helps the poor both socially and economically. local analysts said the head of the Zikris. The Imam performs all the matrimonial and funeral rites. He has also done a lot of social work such as building a school. and a drinking water storage tank. (An old man. a political party. a road. for instance the maulvi (priest) and the Imam of the village mosque. we do whatever he tells us to do. Awaran District) It is clear that many local analysts perceived that particular individuals are often responsible for certain initiatives or development activities in their villages.However. This nawab also did social work for the poor. and is also an important person – analysts in Gawadar credited him with constructing a boundary wall around the graveyard. and was a popular individual. or within the family. He takes part in decision-making and is approached to solve problems.
Some other individuals with political power have influence in the PPA sub-sites but the most powerful people are landowners and tribal leaders. is the most important source of power in Balochistan. politically and economically excluded by not being allowed to participate in decision-making. organisation and cohesion Social and political exclusion have severe implications on the well-being of people. protection. at the same time. They have no say in any kind of decision-making. tribal affiliations. therefore. They cannot share equally in the benefits of education and health services. other sources include religion. analysts stated that the poor hardly have a voice: they are not consulted on any matter and instead are considered foolish and illiterate. are socially. therefore. The nazims of the area have power within the local government system and are able to initiate development work. but the poor accept it as their fate. and mediation in disputes. and power emanating from local government. Religious persons are seen mainly as spiritual leaders and have a different sort of authority that is confined to marriage and funeral rites. Local analysts across the PPA sites perceived that exclusion based on various factors exists in decision-making and participation in social events and ceremonies. In Awaran. Formal positions of authority in government institutions or bodies are also a source of power in Balochistan. women analysts said that the local representatives of the area – for instance the councillors – had more power due to their political power. as in many of the PPA sites. A group of young male analysts also said that the most influential person in their sub-site was the nazim and naib nazim of the union council.the influential individual. 6. and family matters. Women. In Pushtoon Darah. even to the extent of voting according to his wishes. safety. in particular. They never sit with the poor and ask us about our problems – they impose their decisions and our problems remain unsolved. the nazim of the Tehsil is also an important person – analysts in Kachi District said they have access to their nazim in times of crisis.4 Social exclusion. While land. Whilst many of these relationships may be benefiting the poor in terms of enabling access to government institutions through an individual’s links and contacts. In most cases the poor see their tribal leaders as both autocratic and. as the only source of charity. many others also appear to be highly unequal and. Awaran District) 100 . Analysts were aware that powerful people often exploit them and have complete control over local resources and assets. People from lower castes are also socially excluded on the basis of their social status. the poorest sub-site of Quetta. (A male analyst. The government officers and elite have no information about our problems and priorities. political authority. unlikely to result in the long-term movement of people or communities out of poverty. For instance. nor are they respected or heard.
Now due to rising prices. social status is a cause of discrimination and exclusion. the poorest sub-site in Panjgur District. “the poor have no rights because God has created them as low”. and social protection. the poorest sub-site in urban Quetta. this custom hardly exists anymore. Not only is poverty a cause of social exclusion. This was in comparison to other communities within the area.In Pushtoon Darah. but now this custom has declined. and when someone was sick they contributed financially so that the individual was taken to the hospital. in which goats or money was given to the married couple. the women would spend three days at the home of the deceased to pray. In Joisar. A group of women analysts in Kallag. castes or tribes than between groups. a group of local analysts stated that the rich consider their poor relatives and neighbours to be of a low status and so they never join together for social events. because a lot of people have migrated. only the rich are consulted and therefore infrastructural development only takes place in the villages of the rich. In Kalmat. The women of this particular community felt that their social cohesion was getting stronger because they were a minority community. In the past the custom of bajjar existed. and the birth of a child. but social exclusion also has a strong impact on well-being and prevents poor people moving out of poverty by blocking possible opportunities. Informal systems of safety nets. a group of women said they would meet during Eid. and the people are poorer. there is less time for social events. the poorest sub-site in Gawadar District. deaths. They recalled that in the past everyone in the village would meet for a wedding. and if a death occurred in a family. They said that the rich even taunt them by saying. The Zikri women felt that as a community they were united. Even within families. sickness. said that the women of the village got together at times of marriage. The poor are also hesitant to call the rich to their social events because they are poor – they are afraid of humiliation and think the rich will refuse to attend anyway. Informal systems are considered more effective and easily accessible to the poor. Social capital is an important asset of poor people. There are often higher levels of social capital and cohesion within clans. and would pray together. Analysts explained that the ‘elite’ keep them deprived of rights and benefits. During this time the women of the community also sent food and money to the family. of social cohesion. They were of the Zikri clan. are more important to the poor than formal government institutions. 101 . the better-off sub-site in Gawadar. a group of male analysts explained that because the poor are excluded from the decision making process of development schemes in the area. In Quetta. poor analysts felt that not only are they deprived of their rights because they are considered low caste. but they are also excluded from village social events.
They had established an informal community based organisation (CBO) at the village level called Kallag Social Welfare. (An old woman. One male member of the organisation stated: We began this CBO so that our voices can be heard – the poor and uneducated people have no respect in the formal institutions. analysts perceived social cohesion to be declining. A group of men in Kharan District stated that during a marriage the bride’s family used to give camels and date trees to the groom’s family. In the past people used to live together. adult literacy classes. In the past when a person got ill. happy and sad. and there was harmony on all occasions. an old man from Awaran said that social cohesion was declining. The reason is that the poor are getting poorer. and helped the poor by taking sick people to the hospital. When there were disputes within the community. a group of men of the Zikri clan said they were minorities. and the deceased person’s family was helped during this crisis. However. In times of disputes the villagers got together and approached the government collectively. He said that in the past when someone was sick all the villagers would go to his house and ask about his welfare. In other PPA sites in Balochistan. Wealthy people used to help their poor relatives in such cases. ran a tuition centre. (Male analyst. and cannot afford to spend on these occasions. These male analysts agreed with the women that social cohesion was getting stronger. the biradari would try to resolve the conflict.In Kallag. The custom of ashar (working together) where people used to build their houses collectively has also declined. Everyone participated equally and would not make others feel as though they did not belong to the same tribe. and therefore there was a lot of unity. and did not reflect the wider society. but that they all belonged to the Zikri community. Loralai) In the past our social relations were strong but now they have become very weak. and vaccinating children. 102 . Death and grief were shared with everyone. But now people just neglect these things and when they want any aid or assistance they just ask help from each other. A group of men in Kalmat said that there were many formal organisations in the community. This did charity work. and social cohesion among them. they realised that this was only within their immediate Zikri community. everyone would visit him. Kharan District) Similarly. In the past people used to help each other in an emergency or lend a hand in any difficulty and people would cooperate with each other in the sowing and harvesting of crops.
Corruption and bribery are also rampant and no official work can be conducted without bribes. The most dangerous aspect of this is that the drug traffickers offer free drugs to young men in the area. which had led to more crime and conflict. They added that drug addiction and trafficking had also increased. Similarly. aged 80. murders. and murder had all increased and had led to a greater level of insecurity in their lives. society had changed and social cohesion has increased. He said that if a person does not go to the mosque. In China Barat Khail. women analysts said that crime had increased over the preceding 10 years. kidnapping incidents increased in the 1990’s and have become a common problem. If someone died then everyone in the village would come for condolences. robberies. It appears that while some analysts perceived that social cohesion has increased over time. Killa Abdullah District) The incidence of crime and conflict has increased in the preceding 20 – 30 years. Drugs are smuggled from Afghanistan into Quetta. He felt that. There was no uniformity among men and women either.5 Crime and conflict We the poor do not get any justice. no alternative source of livelihood. (A shepherd. 103 . Loralai District) However in the urban sub-site of Loralai another man felt differently. A group of men in Pushtoon Darah said that the main crimes in their area are thefts. but now they only come to the funerals of the rich. Male analysts said that they were afraid to leave their village after dark. He felt that now in towns people live closer to one another even if they belong to different tribes. so we become thieves and dacoits. Both male and female analysts across the PPA sites said that theft. and kidnapping. They also felt that conflict had risen among people in the community because people had become poorer. perceptions appeared to be based on personal opinions and individual experiences. and local “influential” people are involved in this trade. (An influential male analyst. and wanted the government to enforce strict laws against drug trafficking. and if he is sick then they visit him. others felt that it had declined. 6. This increase in crime was attributed to unemployment and growing poverty.Twenty years ago people used to meet in the evenings. The police are also aware of the drug business but do not control it because they are getting part of the profits. An old man from Panjgur also felt that social cohesion had improved in the present times. and the current drought had led to more social conflict. In the past the villages were scattered and there was little contact between people. to get them addicted and promote their trade. They look after each other and take care of each other’s needs. kidnappings. the poorest sub-site in District Killa Saifullah. others ask about him. Unemployment. Analysts explained that the police even allowed criminals to escape from prison by taking bribes.
and between different tribes. This has led to increasing feelings of insecurity amongst the poor in many PPA sites. hostilities have increased enormously between tribes. led to further conflict within the community. Now. In 1986 there were Pashtoon and Muhajir clashes in Karachi. One analyst said that in the past when there was conflict amongst tribes or families it would be solved through negotiations and mutual consultation of the community members. A woman analyst also felt that land disputes and fights over the distribution of water were the main causes of conflict. the largest ethnic groups in the city: At least 12 people were killed during those clashes. He felt that land disputes are one of the main reasons for this level of hostility and tribal conflict. These clashes caused a lot of tension in the whole area and the city remained closed for many days. population increases. Analysts gave many examples of livestock being stolen. Across the PPA sites. and we risk being killed. and motorcycles have been stolen at gunpoint. and less social cohesion between families. There are strikes and protests held at different times. In urban Quetta. There was a curfew in the city for many days and our livelihood was disrupted. When we go anywhere on foot or motorcycle we are at a great risk because sometimes our motorcycle and jewellery are robbed. houses being robbed. Quetta) Analysts stated that Quetta is a big city and is very politically and socially sensitive.Conflict was perceived to be of three types: within the family. Kharan District) 104 . people being kidnapped and murders. An old man in the poorest sub-site of Loralai District remarked that. and hundreds of Pashtoon families moved to Quetta for security reasons. and daily wage labour and businesses had suffered. (Male analyst. In 1991 there were further clashes between the Baloch and Pashtoon tribes. falling incomes. however. When we sleep our goods are unsafe because of the high crime rate. during the ten years preceding the PPA. male analysts said that in 1985 there was a clash between the Hazara community and the police. Many are forced to take loans to survive. Male analysts in Killa Saifullah felt that 15 years ago there was less conflict within the family. Hundreds of people have died in conflicts and his whole village was forced to migrate. and these incidents affect people’s livelihoods. within the community. Many shops were burnt. This affected them as they lived near the Hazara community. (Women analysts. he perceived that every person insists that they can solve their problems by themselves and accepting another person’s opinion is considered a weakness. Our cattle. and tribal conflict was often based on land distribution between tribes. crimes such as theft and robbery were perceived to have increased.
In Killa Abdullah. because this is an easy way to get rich quickly. The use and storage of unlicensed arms. dacoity. An underlying cause for these problems was poverty. 105 . They said that a poor person cannot go to the police station to lodge an FIR without bribing the officers. so he buys weapons. Analysts also perceived that influential people are involved in crimes and therefore. the robbing of cars and motorbikes at gunpoint are common incidents and have increased with the influx of weapons and the situation in Afghanistan. a group of men said that corruption and bribes were the cause of all crimes and conflict in the community. the men said. A poor person has to protect himself. he is unemployed so he deals in drugs. many crimes are unlikely to solved due to the corruption of the police.Analysts stated that people now use weapons such as Kalashnikovs in their disputes. and gambling have all increased. Theft. drug trafficking.
local analysts identified institutions from all of these sectors as significant in their lives and livelihoods. Whilst critical of current provision of education. They said that the Muallam should impart religious education. well-being. furniture. and in both the public and private spheres. Analysts perceived that having good teachers in a school would ensure good quality education. In this chapter.1 Introduction Institutions include both structures (eg organisations. across the PPA sites. governmental institutions play a central (if often unsatisfactory) role and these are discussed first. shaping livelihood strategies and outcomes. Muallam (religious teacher) and good teachers. levels of government) and processes (policies. However. 106 . quality and accessibility of educational facilities and services. from individual to international. Institutions. Within government. institutions are organised by their function in terms of local people’s livelihoods – ie the good or service that the institution provides. registered community organisation with agreedupon rules) and informal (eg uncodified norms. institutions can be formal (eg codified laws. returns to livelihood strategies. and private sector (or commercial) institutions. non-governmental institutions (or civil society). analysts were highly critical of the quantity. which will increase the love of Islam in the younger generations.2 Educational institutions The government is the main provider of education in the Balochistan sites. civil society and the private sector. analysts also had clear ideas of what an ideal school should have and provide. loose networks of ‘batchmates’ within government). Institutions operate at all levels. policies and legislation play a vital role in determining poverty and well-being.CHAPTER SEVEN – INSTITUTIONS 7. government health strategy. There are governmental institutions. citizenship. with details of any civil society or private sector institutions following. accessibility and quality. Of central importance is the extent to which institutions hinder or facilitate different people’s efforts to secure livelihoods. creating an environment which determines the livelihood patterns of people in a particular local context. and. free books and pencils for students. sense of inclusion. Institutions can affect: access to capital and livelihood strategies. 7. In most cases. terms of exchange between different types of capital. laws. social norms). In Balochistan. There is also a school for girls established with the help of an NGO in Joisar. Analysts in the sub-sites of Kachi explained that an ideal school should have buildings with doors and windows (the school at Kallag has no doors and windows). although institutions differ in terms of importance.
In many instances where staff absenteeism was a problem. Analysts in Awaran said that when parents complain to education officers. Kahn Zeelag. Analysts perceived that their children learn nothing at home or at school due to which their future is hopeless. Only one site. They explained that one day the Sub-Divisional Educational Officer came for an inspection of the school and found the teacher absent but no action was taken against him.2). The quality and commitment of both teaching and education management staff was criticised widely across the sites. analysts stated that action against absent teachers is rare. had any post-primary education facilities for girls (see Table 4. At such times. and silate available free to the children. takhti. a teacher is only present two-three days per month. the students have lost interest in education and pass their time playing video games. Children demand these from their parents but poor households are unable to afford them – so the children just stay at home. the poorest sub-site of Panjgur. in Kahn Zeelag. and no primary school for girls. Although educational opportunities are low for children across the PPA sites. (Women analysts. and furniture. Awaran District) Many analysts. analysts stated that the education authorities and officials rarely visited the schools to monitor the performance and quality of the teachers. sit idle and then go back home.Across the PPA sites. female analysts stated that in the school there were no books. stated that the population of their union council is about 60. Even when visits were made. Analysts went on to explain that due to a lack of basic facilities in the school. analysts said that teachers are usually absent and the students just go to school. We will send our girls to school if there is a female teacher appointed in the school. the situation is particularly bad for girls. We can’t send our girls to a boys’ school. the teachers are not punctual. Even the primary school that does exist is incomplete and lacking electricity. they are just told that the teacher is appointed by the nazim or has connections with a certain political party. In Awaran. particularly women. In Kachi too. expressed the desire to provide an education for their female children. while the other was only present for a few days each month.000 for which there is only one government primary school for boys. the poorest sub-site in Quetta. water. They said that one of the main causes of increasing crime is a lack of education in their area. a group of women explained how a school had been opened by an NGO about three years prior to the PPA – two teachers had been appointed but one had not been to work for the preceding year. becoming involved in drugs and becoming “vagabonds”. Male analysts in Pushtoon Darah. the parents try to send them back to school but the teachers also do not take any interest in the children or the school. but preferred separate facilities for boys 107 . and in Joisar. Some women said that a few children do go to school but the quality of education is not good and often during the school time they come back home. Gawadar. in Gawadar. there were inadequate numbers of accessible schools for children.
explained that if they get sick and go to the BHU. In Awaran too. Analysts said that the easy 108 . both sub-sites of Panjgur. the demand for female education was not uniform across the sites. the better-off sub-site in Kharan District. analysts said that the BHU was just an empty building and the staff remain absent. Staff are often absent and medicines. Joisar. and our difficulties decrease as they could also earn an income. if they are available.3 Health institutions The provision of accessible healthcare facilities in the PPA sites of Balochistan is inadequate. even in this site. Women analysts from Mashriqi Zawag. We want our girls to be educated so that they have a better life in society and help their families by working. Analysts across the sub-sites explained that the situation was the same in their areas. In Soomari. there is a BHU building but it has no doors. Analysts perceived that medicines are available only one week in every three months. Male analysts in Joisar and Katagari. because of which girls are unable to continue education after the 5th class. they also stated that: Our culture does not allow us to send daughters to school. The result is that although BHUs are present in both sub-sites. However. too expensive for the poor. whilst a majority of the analysts were interested in educating their girls most are deprived of education because there are no separate educational facilities for girls. In those sub-sites that do. People in many sub-sites have to travel outside their area to obtain even basic medical treatment and care. Many sub-sites do not even have a Basic Health Unit (BHU) or dispensary. one male analyst explained that a few people from the area had managed to get a teacher for the girls’ school and paid the teacher themselves. Their girls are getting a good education and are now teaching in government schools. windows or. there are no medicines available. and secondly. Even if he is present. (A group of women. However. (A group of women analysts. However. 7. a doctor is not usually present. our girls would be educated like you (field team). staff. people have to go to Panjgur even for a minor health problem. Panjgur District) If we had a girls’ school. the quality of service is often poor. An exception perhaps is in Killa Abdullah where analysts said that 17 girl students are currently studying in the boys’ primary school. we have low educational standards because of which we do not like sending our girls to school. most importantly. explained that there was no post-primary level school for girls in their village. Killa Saifullah District) In Kachi District.and girls.
Yesterday I went to the mid-wife and requested her to come but she asked me to first give her Rs. the female doctor at Panjgur hospital treats them badly and shows them no respect. women usually die even before reaching the hospital. 500 and I was very disappointed at her behaviour. as illness is a major cause of their vulnerability and does not allow them to get out of poverty. As with the provision of education. There is a dire need for a permanent and competent lady doctor and Lady Health Visitor. With no. however. The poor quality of roads also makes traveling long distances for medical treatment difficult. She refers complicated cases to female doctors in the city. the better-off sub-site of Loralai.availability of health services was essential to the poor. Even in nearby towns. Last night my daughter-in-law gave birth to a baby girl. women in the Balochistan sub-sites suffer disproportionately from a lack of proper healthcare due to the cultural context of the area. Female analysts in Killa Abdullah said that a local midwife attends to delivery cases. I did not have Rs. This increases the costs considerably. people are forced to seek medical treatment elsewhere. Analysts in Awaran District said that there are numerous health problems for women especially during pregnancy but due to the absence of a lady doctor and trained midwives men take their women to Karachi – this increases the costs substantially. I just waited and prayed to God. (A woman. especially as there are often problems arranging transportation. Loralai District) 109 . Women analysts in Nawai Bazaar. Female analysts in Gawadar perceived that women face more difficulties than men because they suffer from more diseases and there is no female doctor available. Analysts in Soomari said that the ill have to go all the way to Karachi as there are no facilities even in the Awaran RHC. This often means that the poor have either to sell assets or borrow money to be able to afford medical care. However. Traditional birth assistants (TBAs) are available in some areas but are not able to deal with complicated cases. health services are often still unsatisfactory. 500. or unsatisfactory. poor analysts also complained that the treatment they received from professional medical staff was also often unsatisfactory. health services available locally. explained that: Being a tribal society. Nawai Bazaar. Now I am thankful to God that everything went well. Whenever complications occur during childbirth. Analysts in Panjgur stated that because they are poor. a majority of the women cannot go to a male doctor. She is able to effectively handle normal cases but does not have the capacity to deal with complicated cases.
the poorest subsite on Loralai District. The adequate provision of these forms of infrastructure can have positive benefits. If we do not pay Rs. explained that sometimes the staff of medical facilities are also dishonest. 1000 for one case. However. (Female analysts. water supply. and both male and female doctors. analysts were generally critical of the institutions responsible for the provision and maintenance of these forms of 110 . They would sell the medicines of the hospital to the poor patients and take extra money from them. They appealed to the government to change its policy and provide a dispensary in each village where the number of households is more than 50. but she too is neither very competent nor honest. She is very rude and considers us to be worse than animals. Male and female analysts in Adinzai.4 Infrastructural institutions The responsibility for constructing and maintaining basic infrastructure (including roads. Nawai Bazaar) Analysts had clear ideas of the basic standard of medical facilities they required from the government. Killa Abdullah) Women analysts in Nawai Bazaar. Analysts in Awaran. Now there is another LHV. 1000. They were not honest.We are poor and so the female doctor at Panjgur hospital does not even talk to us properly. On the other hand her behaviour is impeccable when she talks to well-dressed women. which has resulted in a reduction in the amount of time women have to spend grinding wheat by hand. across the sub-sites. (Female analysts. also said that the government policy of providing a dispensary every ten kilometres is not sufficient in a tribal society where women are not allowed to go for treatment in other villages. for example. indicated that the introduction of electricity had brought many positive changes including the establishment of a flourmill. electricity and public buildings) lies with various provincial level government bodies. (Female analyst. a trained midwife. Panjgur District) The midwives take Rs. sanitation. Moreover being a mountainous area it is very difficult to transport a patient even five kilometres because transportation facilities are not available. people can be treated. the better-off sub-site in Loralai District. improving health status. An ideal BHU should have all types of medicine available. A water supply scheme had also resulted in the provision of easily available clean water to households. she won’t come the next time. and reducing workloads. for instance in terms of increasing accessibility to services. Staff should always be present so that in emergencies. Previously two sisters from the Punjab province were working in the hospital as Lady Health Visitors (LHVs). operation instruments. 7.
and when they try to complain. they have to the deposit legal documents of their lands. 7. Even when people do not use these facilities extensively. the bank officers still demand bribes for sanctioning the loan. Only the rich and better-off can receive credit from the banks. corrupt. Corruption and bribery were mentioned in the case of the Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA). Awaran District) Some of the informal sources of credit that the poor are forced to turn to in the absence of adequate access to formal institutions can also have serious negative impacts on the poor.produced capital. analysts perceived that formal sources were not accessible to the poor and very poor. they face huge difficulties. Male analysts in Panjgur explained that the poor have no access to formal credit providing institutions because they have no collateral and the procedures are too complicated. their connections to tubewells are disconnected. Analysts in Killa Abdullah said that people can only get loans at the time when they have land or their relatives have land as collateral. Analysts in Khora Chalgari explained that the procedure for obtaining a loan from the Agricultural Development Bank of Pakistan (ADBP) is very complicated: first of all. Poor people obtain credit from informal sources – family. They were regarded as both inefficient and. they are insulted. they still receive large bills each month. However. (Local analysts. A group of analysts in Quetta said that incorrect electricity and gas bills are major problems for poor people because they cannot pay such huge bills. or sometimes even murdered. landlords and money-lenders. Male analysts in Killa Abdullah said that WAPDA sends incorrect bills to them. The bank staff do not even talk to us after they have looked at our clothes and shoes. shopkeepers. sometimes. They only give loans to the rich people. The poor also criticised the high rates of interest that they perceived the banks to charge. kidnapped. analysts stated that both formal and informal institutions exist and provide credit. then they go to the Qanoongo and Tehsildar and give them money to stamp their land documents. it is clear that there would be substantial gains from a system that protects poor people from the shocks 111 . Analysts stated that people had complained to the government but no action had been taken.5 Credit and financial institutions Across the PPA sites. When they try to address this overcharging with the service provider. then they have to approach an influential person to ensure that they get credit. in almost all cases. If they are unable to repay their loans. After all this. 7.6 Safety nets In view of the discussion in Chapter Five. For instance the water supply scheme in Awaran described above is only functional for six months per year.
analysts perceived that 100 people were in dire need of zakat but in the three years preceding the PPA. it does not reach the poor – analysts in Killa Abdullah said that wheat seeds had been provided for distribution among those affected by drought. widows and orphans. publiclyprovided safety nets such as zakat and bait-ul-mal. Demonstrating the degree to which social and political capital determine who receives zakat. 2000. fodder had also been provided but was taken by the malik and other elite and influential people. for instance provision of drought relief and seeds. Analysts in Awaran District explained that the procedure for zakat is very difficult. 1000 as a bribe in the office to receive the zakat. the poor have to spend Rs. In principle. Zakat and bait-ul-mal were the only formal social protection institutions mentioned by local analysts in Balochistan. When aid is sent. the PPA demonstrated that in fact. Zakat received much condemnation as an institution designed to help the poor in times of crisis. there should be arrangements for identifying and providing some basic protection to the most vulnerable social categories. Only those people who are influential and have links with people are able to receive something. although a few participants perceived that zakat was easily available and useful because it did not need to be returned. just 3 had received zakat. They stated that if the amount of zakat is Rs. such arrangements exist. the PPA suggests that they are largely ineffective and inadequate. Female analysts in Kachi also 112 . the general view of local PPA analysts was that zakat was both inefficient and corrupt. A group of women analysts in Khora Chalgari. but now after his death they are unable to get zakat. when there was a local elite (Raees) alive they used to get more zakat. In Kahn Zeelag. A male analyst from Kachi explained that government officers come. and even wasted our money by taking trips down to his office. A group of male analysts from Kachi said that they had heard that zakat is given to the poor. At least. In practice. embezzlement of zakat funds is common in all areas.and other crises that can plunge them into extreme poverty. The poor rely on informal local support systems. write down people’s names and ask how many livestock have died – but they never come back and people just wait in the hope. zakat went into the pocket of the zakat chairman. but the poor did not receive it because they did not know it had been sent. Other forms of aid and support from the government. one analyst in Panjgur stated: We have given applications to the zakat chairman. However. were also criticised by analysts as being inefficient and corrupt. In Killa Abdullah. but it all leads to nothing. In times of crisis. However. the better-off sub-site of Kachi District perceived that 5-10 years before the PPA. often based on kinship. but they have never seen a practical example of zakat in their area. analysts perceived that zakat was distributed amongst the poor in other communities but that in their area. it is clear that the poor are unable to rely on formal.
male analysts expressed that a local organisation. we admitted poor children in school. Access to justice was perceived to be difficult for the 113 . although the coverage appears uneven. the Welfare Society Mashkel. Whenever people have a problem.8 Security and justice Insecurity. The aid given by the Edhi Centre is provided when urgently needed and it provides a lot of facilities to the poor such as ambulances and food services. took action against absence of teachers. in urban Quetta. meals and clothes amongst the poor. Across the sites. analysts perceived that the responsibility for providing security and justice lay with the government – however. A group or women also said that due this social organisation roads have also been constructed. In Pushtoon Darah. has provided services in health. education. can push even better-off households into poverty. water or gas occur in the area. other sites have had less success with civil society organisations: analysts in Kachi said that there was an organisation formed by the Balochistan Rural Support Programme (BRSP) for the construction of a water tank. They also said that there are social organisations in the city that help the poor and needy people. 7. In urban Pushtoon Darah. has had a positive impact in the area. Kharan District) Another organisation in Kharan is the Kallag Social Welfare Association. they contact the representatives of the local organisation and they arrange a solution. and assisted people in removing sand. again. or an inability to obtain justice. Anjuman e Nowjawanan Pushtoon Darah. They also sometimes give alms in the form of livestock.stated that relatively better-off people give money or wheat to the needy. It has also mobilised resistance to drug abuse. and took care of the staff. They said they had no formal or informal institutions in their area.7 Civil society institutions and organisations Some civil society organisations exist in the PPA sub-sites. but that it is now defunct due to the non-functioning of BRSP. When problems regarding electricity. ID cards and sports. gave books to poor children. the poorest sub-site in Quetta. 7. there was general dissatisfaction with the government institutions responsible. Due to the authority of Naeem and other people under him. We took steps to remove sand from schools. (Young male analysts. a watchman was appointed in the area and incidents of theft have been reduced. the organisation approaches the appropriate institution to try to resolve the problem. young male analysts stated that their welfare society. However. male analysts explained that there are rich people in the city who give donations to the poor. In Kharan. Other analysts in Quetta said that a local social organisation headed by Naeem Khilji had a positive influence in their area. or distributing sweets.
If there are any disputes or problems. I could not fight him because I am a poor man. Women analysts in Pushtoon Darah stated that whenever there is a dispute in the area. and very expensive too. I filed a case against him. They neither demand bribery nor money for the solution of disputes and their justice is also quick. a group of female analysts stated that the institutions providing justice and security were not satisfactory. but much easier for the better-off and rich. wrote an appeal and still the decision was given in his favour. The police harass people even though they have not committed any crime and demand bribes for everything. the poorest sub-site in urban Quetta. poor people rely heavily on informal or semiformal institutions to provide justice and security. However. other analysts in Killa Saifullah felt that while justice was their right. the police leave the criminals and start harassing innocent citizens and demanding money from them. Given the general dissatisfaction with the efficiency and transparency of justice institutions in Balochistan. Analysts in Gawadar stated that most people do not even bother going to the court for their rights because they know that justice is hard to acquire. Whenever a crime is committed. the poorest sub-site of Awaran District. One analyst explained one example where two persons had a dispute over land with another person who was well-off. 114 . and that people generally accept the decisions because they perceive that all issues are discussed openly and there is no interference from government – only in rare cases were injustices thought to occur. (A poor male analyst. Gawadar District) In Pushtoon Darah. 20.000 to the judge or the lawyers. An influential person occupied my land. people contact the local influential tribal leaders because they are able to solve the problems and their justice is very satisfactory. Many local analysts perceived that the jirga delivered fair and quick justice. they are bound to win the case. A group of women in Killa Abdullah stated that the only source of justice in their village is the jirga. time and energy. Analysts in Bazdad. even in the tribal jirga system the poor are ignored. The jirga passed a decision in favour of the rich person because: The people from the jirga have their own interests: they can get something from a well-off person but not from someone poor like me. They said that there is corruption in the legal institutions and if people give Rs. explained that the poor have no access to justice because it requires money and only the rich can afford it. Other analysts pointed out that women have no representation on the jirga and have no access to justice or their rights. Other analysts in Quetta stated that police oppression is one of the main threats in their lives.poor. people are reluctant to go to the police station and judicial institutions because they suspect that these institutions will not provide them justice even if they spend unlimited resources.
critical security conditions and poor performance of the local police prompted a local representative. In Qaisar Colony. Men in Kharan explained that even though the border with Iran was now more open for people to cross and engage in some trade. there were some exceptions.In the PPA sites situated in border areas. the law and order situation has improved. it would seem that the police and justice institutions have a long way to go before the poor have confidence in their ability to provide quick and fair justice. perceived that the blame for increasing crime in the area lay with the community because they do not cooperate with the police. a police department employee. the better-off sub-site in Quetta. While local analysts in the PPA sites held generally negative perceptions of formal government institutions providing security and justice. the Frontier Corps (FC) also received much criticism. He said that because it is a tribal area. However. given distrust and dissatisfaction expressed by most local analysts across the PPA sites. One analyst in Kharan. the tribes to which the dacoits belong give them protection – if communities cooperated with the police. he felt that crime would be reduced. The FC are regarded as being rude and insulting to women – they generally have a bad reputation amongst local analysts. Because of this. the FC demand bribes and have links with influential people so the possibilities for poor people to benefit are reduced. to contact higher police authorities and ask them to increase patrolling in the area. Naeem Khilji. 115 .
and the strategies used by poor people to cope with them. the poor face socio-economic and institutional constraints resulting from the way markets. death. Many of these external influences are outside of people’s control. policies and processes influence their use of assets to develop livelihood strategies. These strategies can be either positive or negative depending on the availability of assets and the influence of policies and institutions. To achieve the objective of sustainable livelihoods it is important to promote choices. Analysts perceived these to include drought. However.2 Strategies and outcomes In the rural PPA sites in Balochistan. is widely perceived as corrupt. poor people are vulnerable or subject to various shocks. and increasing environmental degradation. institutions. Their findings are reported in detail in Chapter Four. the dependence on natural capital has traditionally been very high. the more limited the assets available to the poor. increasingly high levels of environmental degradation and recent persistent drought conditions are 116 . unemployment and reduced job opportunities. Choices and opportunities are influenced and determined by the level of access to and control over a variety of livelihood assets. In addition. as well as policies. illness. However. a formal safety net. the more their options are reduced and the more vulnerable they are.1 Introduction Central to the sustainable livelihoods framework are five types of assets or capitals (human. Poor people adopt various strategies using their assets to deal with these external influences. access of the poor to assets or capitals is limited or restricted. In many cases across all the PPA sites in Balochistan. In Balochistan. political and productive) and the ability of poor people to draw upon these in order to build a livelihood. natural. and the police and justice systems are also inaccessible to the poor. The PPA process in Balochistan has enabled poor people to examine the assets which they have access to.CHAPTER EIGHT – LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES AND OUTCOMES 8. In Balochistan. Even those institutions that do exist are often not responding effectively to the needs of the poor. Some of the strategies identified by local analysts are described in the following section. opportunities and diversity. households and groups to shocks. Equally critical to the livelihoods approach is the nature and extent to which these assets interact with markets. together with an analysis of the livelihood outcomes they result in. trends and seasonal shifts. either through inefficiency or through corruption. analysts identified a key constraint as the lack of institutions responding to the needs of the poor. seasonal changes and trends. social. or are denied access to. the vulnerability of individuals. processes and structures. 8. Zakat.
and in other areas where these skills were traditionally used for household consumption only. for instance. migration overseas was an option often leading to a more secure move out of poverty. the increasing number of households relying on peesh (a bush) for the production of mats may ultimately reduce the availability. 117 . off-farm employment is increasingly a strategy adopted by men in Balochistan. they may also reduce the asset base of the poor in the longer-term and increase future vulnerability levels. In some areas where only women were traditionally involved in these activities. Seeking off-farm employment often means migrating to other areas where employment is more available. However. either within Balochistan or further away. Local skills and knowledge of embroidery and mat making. markets are being sought in which to earn an income through selling products. These strategies are more successful where produced capital – for instance. Both produced and human capital are important in alternative livelihood strategies sought by men in Balochistan.causing traditional livelihoods to become unproductive and/or unsustainable. In some cases. the women who become involved in this activity not only have an additional burden placed upon their already heavy workload. However. especially during drought conditions. opportunities were perceived to be decreasing in the Gulf States where people had worked before. We get home once in a year and it is too hard on us. many of the people who were dependent on agriculture now work in hotels. For those with more access to financial capital. Men from Awaran moved to Turbat and Gawadar in search of labouring jobs as availability in these areas was perceived to have increased. but may also suffer health problems thus lowering their levels of human capital. Selling firewood from the mountains may provide an alternative for some people but forest resources are also declining due to over-cutting and drought. although these may offer an alternative to agriculture or livestock production in the short-term. In Killa Abdullah. former agriculturists are now working in coalmines. The tremendous pressure on natural resources means that poor people increasingly have to rely on other forms of capital. With drought affecting labour requirements in agriculture. And while male analysts (contrary to female analysts’ views) perceived embroidery to be more profitable than other alternatives. men are becoming involved. The lack of rain has caused crops to fail and livestock to die. For example. men from Soomari in Gawadar are also being compelled to move from their barren lands which have become unproductive due to the drought to nearer the coast so that they can take up daily wage labour in the fishing industry and on boats. roads – enables increased access to markets. 1500 to 2000. In hotel labouring we work hard but get very little. are increasingly being utilised as a source of livelihood. We work from six o’clock in morning to 12 o’clock night and get between Rs. However. Most young people who were labouring in the fields or cultivating their own lands are plying handcarts.
the poor are forced to sell their assets – in some cases even daughters are sold to pay off debts. Poor households have to obtain loans from shopkeepers and from the better-off in their villages. Access to justice provided by the formal state institutions such as the police and judiciary was found to be inequitable. Finally. some analysts suggested that social cohesion. Both formal and informal institutions play a vital role in creating an enabling environment for people to sustain and enhance their livelihoods strategies and opportunities. However. corrupt and inaccessible by the poor. It is not always possible for the poor to adopt alternative livelihood strategies. the poor turn to professional moneylenders. or capital. In many cases they do not have the skills (human capital) or they may not have sufficient produced capital in their area. PPA analysts in Balochistan generally perceived that government institutions were failing to address the needs of the poor. analysts disagreed with this view and stated that social cohesion has diminished due to the difficulties people are facing. In the face of these difficulties. particularly in the areas of social protection and conflict resolution. Even when there are alternative private options available.However. 118 . Formal credit providing institutions are inaccessible to the poor – they are unaffordable and corrupt. Drought-stricken rural Balochistan currently offers very few alternatives for poor people. Government institutions that are mandated to provide services in health and education – vital to increasing levels of human capital – are failing to do so effectively. In many cases people just cope as best they can – the opportunities to devise long-term sustainable livelihood strategies are limited. is increasing in their areas: people help each other when in difficulty by contributing money or work collectively in the construction of houses and in the harvesting of crops. publicly provided social protection systems such as zakat and bait-ul-mal were ineffective and non-transparently administered – most poor households do not benefit from them. the poor cannot afford them. being able to diversify into other livelihood activities or move to other areas requires access to financial capital and/or education and training – often lacked by the poor. When these options are not available. When the debt increases to proportions that are just not repayable. The result of this failure of state institutions is that people rely more on informal institutions.
NGOs. in combination. socio-economic and gender relationships. and what other changes would increase the opportunities open to poor people? For each of the first three questions. institutions and regulatory frameworks. It is in this spirit that this chapter discusses the policy implications of the PPA. It works by building new constituencies for anti-poverty action and promoting greater accountability of decision makers to poor people. and what factors have influenced these processes? What resources. and how do they construct their livelihoods? What have been the principal changes for people over different periods of time. The PPA approach does not assume that only one kind of knowledge is important in designing policies to reduce poverty. intended to lead from a better understanding of poverty and its causes to more effective policies and actions. the results are particularly relevant to the efforts currently under way to develop a wideranging dialogue about poverty reduction strategies for Pakistan and Balochistan. organisations and institutions are relevant to different groups among the poor? The findings from these three questions were used. including provincial government.1 Introduction As emphasised at the beginning of this report. However. a PPA is not just a new type of research study. The chapter is offered as a contribution to a process of collective reflection on the action-implications of the PPA findings. It is a process. this chapter identifies the main thrust of the fieldwork findings and considers how to answer the fourth and final question.CHAPTER NINE – POLICY IMPLICATIONS 9. officials in the districts and local people in the selected PPA sites. to answer a fourth question: What scope is there for improvement in public policies. The PPA in Balochistan was therefore organised as a partnership involving numerous stakeholders at different levels. The basic research questions that the PPA sought to address were summarised in Chapter One as: Who are the poor and who are the better off? What assets do the poor have. All areas of public policy and private and non-governmental effort are open to consideration in the light of the PPA results. However. there is no substitute for starting from the perspective that poor people themselves have on their situation. Different kinds of data and forms of analysis have complementary strengths and weaknesses. This is important to compensate for the prejudices of those who believe they already know what 119 .
In particular. For example. marginalise and abuse them need to be heard by policy-makers. especially in rural areas of Balochistan. Although the poor. with important policy implications. The views and experiences of people categorised as low caste should also be given full and equal consideration during policy-making processes. they certainly feel that government has not provided adequate relief. people feel that the government is capable of doing more: the state and its institutions are perceived as their hope for the future and people have high expectations. Women’s perceptions of denial of rights within social institutions (ie community. This is both a fundamental cause of poverty and an effect of poverty. 9. safety nets. They are equally articulate about actions that need to be taken in order to address their situation. justice. and of their rights. minority groups and women. They are dynamic and rely on a range of different activities and resources that change according to changing conditions. and government service providers) that exclude. This places a great responsibility on policy makers within government to produce strong and effective policies and strategies that will contribute to long-term and sustainable poverty reduction. Policy analysis has to take into account the experience of different social groups among the poor. The resources and assets available to and used by the poor may complement or even substitute for one another. strengthening livelihoods The livelihood strategies adopted by poor people are complex. The implication for policy makers is that interventions to support and strengthen livelihoods and reduce poverty should not focus exclusively on one type of asset or ‘capital’. rely heavily on natural capital. access to and control over natural assets and resources are extremely unequal. and the jirga. Perhaps the most significant implication for policy makers to come out of the PPA process is the degree to which analysts perceive that government failure contributes to the persistence of poverty. The poor have a comprehensive understanding and knowledge regarding the causes and nature of their poverty. or support and opportunities for the poor to move out of poverty on a long-term basis. in the Panjgur subsites. is also failing to provide adequate representation to low castes. Influential people allocated forest and barren agricultural land to themselves as previously nomadic populations started increasingly to settle in one place. although widely recognised as an important decision-making and justice providing institution. many of which are being denied. zakat is failing to provide adequate social welfare to the poor. household.poor people need or that aggregate statistics are a sufficient tool for policy making. The concentration of landholding not only reduces the assets with which poor 120 . At the same time there were widespread concerns about institutions outside of government. just a few individuals own half of the total land area.2 Reducing poverty. While the analysts in Balochistan did not hold government responsible for creating poverty. Despite this.
PPA participants expressed their support for land distribution policies. if it is going to become more productive despite the drought. The government should examine how to control over-fishing in order to conserve adequate fish stocks so that the livelihood strategies of small-scale fishermen in Balochistan are protected. The water would also help produce fodder for our cattle. For instance. Even when physical infrastructure is in place. public policy implementation needs to be improved in order to enable poor people to build up their levels of human capital through 121 . Debt bondage and insecurity of employment or tenancy enable landlords to maintain the dependency of poor people upon them and limit opportunities for development and sustainable poverty reduction. Strategies which ensure that any investments in these areas do not predominantly benefit the better-off or rich rather than poor farmers should also be examined. The PPA revealed highly inadequate levels of provision of physical infrastructure. farmers will have increased interest. services remain unavailable or of extremely low quality. but also creates opportunities for the exploitation and control of poor people. explaining that if the government distributes land ownership rights to the landless. affordable credit. alone it will do little to increase rural livelihood security in the face of persistent drought conditions prevailing in Balochistan. we will have jobs in our own village and we will not need to migrate to other areas. motivation and opportunities to engage in productive agriculture and increase income. if effective. The government should examine how appropriate these provisions would be in terms of strengthening the agricultural productivity and livelihood security for poor farmers. tubewells. and assistance with mechanical cultivation equipment. However. If canal water was provided to us the lands would become more fertile. therefore. enable people to increase their levels of human and other capitals. health care and education across the PPA sites. These are assets and services that would. provision of seed. Analysts in rural areas also expressed the need for investments in veterinary services (including affordable vaccinations against livestock diseases). As a result their milk and meat production would increase and. Access and entitlements to public assets and state-provided services are highly skewed. barren agricultural land requires investments in irrigation facilities and infrastructure. together with the establishment of institutions to ensure fair delivery of water. although land distribution is an important step to reducing exploitative social relationships and increasing the resource base of the poor. and increase the contribution of their assets to their livelihood security. foreign trawlers and boats from other parts of Pakistan are contributing to declining fish stocks. In particular. In coastal sites. our nutritional requirements will be met in a satisfactory way.people can develop livelihood strategies. Access of the poor to other forms of capital – especially productive and human – will also need to be increased if poor people are to reduce their reliance on a limited range of assets.
The important implication for policy-makers here is that not only is it important to increase access to and affordability of education facilities. unaffordable costs. 122 . functioning healthcare facilities exist. and cultural norms that result in low importance being placed on the education of women need to be reduced. affordable. was generally perceived to be low. and are providing good quality services regardless of location.access to high quality basic services. gender or social status. However. Good health also contributes to higher levels of human capital. Access to education facilities. social status or gender. Whilst the need for more school facilities was expressed across the sites. Education was seen as a right by analysts across the PPA sites. for instance staff absenteeism. Where instances of formal institutional bias or neglect in the implementation of policy emerge. The sociocultural norms that underpin many institutions can change through political will and strategic intervention. should be the aim of policy-makers. can be subject to greater legislative and judicial intervention by the state. such as domestic violence or school withdrawals. Many of the informal institutional dynamics that underpin sets of entitlements are informal and susceptible only to long-term change through policy intervention. Analysts in Kharan explained that functioning health services at the village level would reduce many of their difficulties and decrease the need to go to Karachi. Government schools were also considered to be providing low quality education. Access was also often determined by gender. Committed and better-trained teachers must be employed within the education service in order to ensure that the quality of education is improved and factors that might lower quality. local analysis shows clearly that entitlements to publicly provided services are highly determined by social institutions that skew provision and exclude on the basis of gender and caste. Education needs to be affordable to all. in many cases. but the quality of education must also be raised. the provision of government health services and facilities. especially for girls. Ensuring that accessible. policy makers need to ensure that education is easily accessible to all. and the quality of service was generally low. however. however. are minimised. In seeking to redress inequities in entitlements the political directorate needs to reflect on legislative and policy design implications of rights fulfilment. these need to be addressed directly by those public officials who have a responsibility to ensure delivery of certain rights. with women being unable to be treated by male medical staff even when staff were available and working. thus reducing unnecessary and. regardless of location. Specific practices. For the benefits of education to contribute to increased levels of human capital amongst the poor and women. As with education services. policy makers also need to give attention to ensuring that demand-side constraints on education for girls and the poor are addressed.
I am jobless and if I get a loan I can set-up a small shop and also sell fish in the villages. tenants are forced to work as bonded labour until their debt is paid off. and that the costs are affordable to the poor. moneylenders and landlords. credit obtained from moneylenders and landlords often comes at a heavy price that is incompatible with reducing poverty – the poor are instructed which candidate to vote for.Women analysts also expressed a need for increased reproductive healthcare facilities. The provision and maintenance of good quality road infrastructure would also help improve accessibility of poor people in isolated locations to basic services and facilities. We are far away and isolated from the main city so government services do not reach us. However. However. A major factor contributing to community level poverty in the Balochistan PPA sites was physical isolation. and examine how the government can encourage job creation within both the state and private sectors. but we are not amongst them. whilst the provision of utilities such as electricity and gas can be beneficial. There are certain people who are benefiting from the government and whose standard of life is improving. These forms of conditions will continue to cause poverty unless alternative options for affordable credit are provided. thus helping to increase the diversity of livelihood options available to the poor. Electricity was commonly perceived as contributing to alternative livelihood opportunities and increasing well-being. It would also increase accessibility to markets and employment opportunities. Policy makers should consider the effect of policies on employment opportunities. suggested that the government should encourage cottage industries in the area: 123 . shopkeepers. Analysts in Kachi stated that the provision of electricity generates business activity and enables increased ‘connection’ with other areas. A group of the men mostly comprising of local representatives and educated people in Qaisar Colony. measures must be in place to ensure that the institutions providing these are efficient and not corrupt. the better-off sub-site in Quetta. Poor people are compelled to rely upon informal sources including family. Unemployment was perceived to be a major problem for the poor. and households are even compelled to ‘sell’ their daughters to pay off debts. Access to formal credit-providing institutions is extremely limited for the poor in Balochistan. Consideration should also be given to legislation aimed at ensuring decent employment conditions that provide the poor with protection against exploitation. Policy makers should examine how to provide affordable and fair credit to the poor through formal institutions. for instance in education and healthcare. Analysts also perceived that the provision of other forms of produced capital would significantly improve their ability to establish sustainable livelihood strategies.
However. Social protection policies and safety nets play an important role in protecting the poorest and most vulnerable by helping them to cope with shocks and negative impacts on their livelihoods. generating both income and employment.This will benefit our area in two ways – unemployed people will get jobs and local raw materials will be used in better ways to give benefits to the people. While some poverty is chronic and reproduces itself across the generations. A major policy implication here is that effective policies for managing natural resources and preventing natural disasters must be included in any poverty reduction strategy. people and households also fall into poverty as a result of their vulnerability context. in order to reduce poverty in a sustainable manner. The provision of social protection is a fundamental component of any poverty reduction strategy. Risk reduction strategies can be either informal mechanisms at individual. mitigate the potential impact of shocks and create an enabling environment to adapt and strengthen livelihoods. impact mitigation. water. publicly provided mechanisms. For example. events and policy actions that result in the destruction or degradation of natural resources have major impacts on poor people. Simply aiding people to cope with the impact of a shock once it has occurred is not sufficient. given the degradation of natural resources experienced across Balochistan. However. severe illness is a damaging shock in both rural and urban areas – risk reduction strategies could include preventative health interventions to reduce 124 . for instance precious stones in Loralai which one analyst suggested could be excavated and sold.3 The vulnerability context in Balochistan: implications for policy-making However. livestock and marine resources. or formal. forests. household or community level. Other analysts also recommended increasing use of currently under-utilised natural resources. This implies a focus in policy making on three complementary areas: risk reduction. simply increasing access to and control over resources is unlikely to be sufficient on its own. together with an emphasis on reducing the negative impacts that policies may have on the vulnerability of the poor. trends and cycles that influence their ability to use their assets strategically in pursuit of livelihoods. The poor are critically dependent on land. a large majority of the population depend on agriculture and natural resources for their livelihoods. government policy makers need to consider the long-term impacts of natural resources use and ensure that the benefits reach poor local communities rather than outside interests. 9. In the rural Balochistan PPA sites. Policies that directly address these events are required. and coping with impacts. social protection policies and strategies should not deal solely with the symptoms of poverty – they must also reduce the actual risk or probability of shocks. the external shocks. Therefore.
and also free rations for those affected by drought. The accessibility of the public provided services and institutions discussed above is also affected significantly by social relations. There was a common perception amongst poor analysts that funds for these safety nets were routinely embezzled. Alternative and additional safety net schemes also need to be examined.the probability illness. accountable and efficient disbursement of social protection funds. Analysts in Pushtoon Darah also expressed the need for assistance with housing and rent costs. Local analysts in many PPA sites explained that their views were ignored. Analysts in Panjgur said that the government should provide food items such as wheat flour and sugar at subsidised rates to the poor.3. This is a major cause of impoverishment for many poor people in Balochistan today. 9. The government must examine policies and strategies that will ensure the transparent.1 Social welfare Formal. Unemployment is also a major shock. It was perceived that this would be a great relief for the poor. and support for training to increase levels of human capital.4 Social relations The ability of the poor to improve their livelihood potential and move permanently out of poverty is strongly determined by social relationships. it was also suggested that government assistance should be provided directly to the poor so that it does not have to pass through the hands of local influential and powerful people. especially where household livelihoods are based on wage earning. together with the continuance of oppressive gender rules that degrade women all contribute to maintaining higher levels of poverty within certain social groups. Inequitable social institutions therefore need to be addressed in any effective poverty reduction strategies. 9. policy makers should recognise a major finding of the PPA – the fact that poor people get very little assistance in coping with the impacts of major shocks and disasters on their livelihoods. Local power relationships and the scope for political change. publicly provided strategies to reduce the risk of unemployment include sound macro-economic and labour market policies. Analysts stated that this would reduce the potential for corruption and embezzlement by the rich. institutionalised forms of social protection such as zakat and bait-ulmal that currently exist in Balochistan were widely perceived by analysts to be failing the poor. However. Policy makers should examine methods of ensuring the correct distribution of aid from social welfare and protection programmes. Policy makers should examine how to create political space in which the currently 125 . Formal. or distributed to family and friends of the zakat committees. Although there is a need to move social protection policies away from the traditional focus of providing support with coping with impacts to include risk reduction and impact mitigation.
The general exclusion of low castes from mainstream village life and decision-making is a very important area requiring policy consideration at various levels. Women face lower levels of access to resources and rights compared to men. It is unacceptable in both civil and Islamic law that women and girls are threatened by and subject to harassment. that they are considered commodities to be bought and sold. women are denied access to proper healthcare because they are women. Legislation. 9.4. Rich men have more rights than rich women. then cultural institutions such as valwar must be addressed through strong and effective policies and strategies backed by the political and judicial will to implement them fully. 9. for instance Darzada. any policies or strategies designed to address supply-side constraints in the provision of effective public services must be accompanied by policies to address cultural or demand-side constraints on access. However. Perpetrators of these crimes must be punished regardless of their social. The promotion of gender equity in the traditional societies of Balochistan requires both attitudinal changes and a greater degree of awareness of the importance of women’s rights within these cultures. should be banned.1 Gender and poverty Across all sites. ethnicity and poverty Low caste groups. which effectively reduces the status of women to that of commodities. If gender-based poverty. whichever perceived category of well-being they belong to. economic or political status. employment opportunities. they are denied access to justice and their voice in decision-making is restricted. Girls are denied access to education because they are girls. and women and girls are the most vulnerable members of households. 126 . and the provision of greater development opportunities for them by government and other agencies. Women’s mobility is restricted. or in the dispensation of justice.marginalised and unheard can have a voice with which to challenge and transform these institutions. policies and strategies should be examined that engage service delivery agencies to ensure that minority groups are not discriminated against in the provision of social services. abuse and violence. even in decisions of whom they will marry. violence and denial of rights are to be reduced. Women are clearly considered to be less equal than men in Balochistan.4. are also discriminated against in terms of access to resources and rights. A particular policy implication coming out of the analysis is that the practice of valwar (bride price). gender is the basis for much discrimination and poverty. and that they do not have access to justice or their rights. poor men have more rights than poor women. The manner in which traditional gender-based biases and discrimination affect the access of women and girls to publicly provided services and institutions should be of fundamental concern to policy-makers.2 Caste.
However. Analysts expressed their dissatisfaction with the expense and time taken in the formal justice system and generally preferred informal institutions such as the jirga. Women and low castes are excluded from these institutions. In Kharan. the police and Frontier Corps demand bribes from the poor. Poor people have no access to government institutions. but often comes at a price. Reform and strengthening of both formal and informal systems is needed if they are to effectively discharge their functions. Addressing this issue should clearly be considered a central plank in any political platform or policy initiative claiming to promote development and reduce poverty in Balochistan. insecurity and increased vulnerability. Corruption is a disproportionate burden on the poor. security and access to justice Insecurity is in many ways the most basic poverty problem – without security. some analysts were positive about the fact that the present government is taking bold steps against criminals and also against corruption. this affected people’s livelihoods as employment and businesses suffered when conflicts occurred. long-term sustainable development is difficult to achieve. Policy makers should examine strategies to reduce social. Loralai District) Equitable access to formal justice systems is extremely limited for the poor and marginalised of Balochistan. poor-friendly. influence and gender. tribal and ethnic tensions that lead to conflict. and able to dispense quick. The bold steps appreciated by analysts in Kharan should be examined so that appropriate lessons can be learnt for other areas. In urban Quetta. At the same time. wealth. Although a majority of these institutions are built for the poor. local analysts stressed the need to develop capacity of the jirga and other traditional 127 . The implication for policy-makers is that corruption must be addressed if government services and institutions are to contribute effectively to enabling people to move out of poverty. Analysts expressed a need for the government to examine and introduce reforms that will ensure that the police and judicial institutions are responsive.Tribal conflicts were perceived to be increasing in frequency. utility bills are fraudulently increased by officials. (A poor analyst. the government should increase police patrolling and make police officers responsible to local representatives.5 Conflict. and access to government institutions is determined by relationships with more powerful individuals. affordable and fair justice. Analysts in Quetta stated that in order to counter the critical situation of law and order in their area. 9. In Balochistan. the rich have monopolised these institutions. even these informal institutions are perceived to have problems with their representativeness: the composition is largely determined by caste.
and how the denial of rights was responsible for much of their poverty. “We have expectations that the present government will initiate activities for the betterment of the poor people”. and control over resources and assets Effective policies for managing natural resources are essential to reducing poverty in Balochistan The government should examine strategies to reduce inequitable distribution of land In addition to equitable land distribution policies. quality of. investments in infrastructure. services and institutions should be examined to enable increases in productivity Interventions to support and strengthen livelihoods. 1.institutions. impact mitigation and coping strategies Current formal safety net provision must be improved by increasing funding. The policy points and implications raised or re-emphasised in this chapter are summarised below along four broad lines that will contribute to a route out of poverty and fulfillment of perceived basic rights. 9. should not focus exclusively on one type of asset or ‘capital’ Access to affordable education and healthcare must be equal for all. who was denying people rights and why. caste or social status Staff absenteeism is a major factor in determining access to and quality of public services and must be addressed The quality of basic services must be monitored and improved The provision of basic infrastructure plays a vital role in increasing access to employment. The PPA participants across Balochistan were clear regarding their rights. transparency and accountability The government should examine other possible mechanisms for providing social protection to the poor and vulnerable 128 . markets and basic services The government should implement policies and strategies that will increase employment opportunities. Increase access to. and empower them further so that they were better able to make judicious and knowledgeable decisions on local conflicts. Reduce vulnerability and provide adequate social protection The government should take a broad view of social protection to include risk reduction.6 Policy summary A group of analysts in Quetta stated. together with legislation to protect workers from exploitative employment practices 2. and reduce poverty. regardless of gender.
ethnicity or caste Gender-based discrimination must be considered in all policy and strategy formulation to ensure that women benefit fully and are not marginalised further The government must ensure that minority groups are not discriminated against in the provision of social services. which results in the commodification of women. and particularly for women. must be increased Perpetrators of crimes must be prosecuted regardless of their social. employment opportunities. Ensure equal access to justice regardless of gender or social status Addressing the subjects of crime. economic. Eliminate discrimination based on gender.3. disorder and police / Frontier Corps corruption should be considered a central focus in any political platform or policy initiative claiming to promote development and reduce poverty Access to affordable and fair justice for the poor and marginalised. or political status 129 . or in the dispensation of justice Both supply side and demand side constraints on the access of women to basic services must be addressed Cultural and traditional discrimination must be addressed through strong and effective policies and strategies backed by the political and judicial will to implement them fully The traditional practice of ‘bride price’. must be addressed Strong and enforceable laws must be implemented to eliminate domestic violence against women Inequitable social relationships resulting in forms of bonded labour must be addressed and eliminated 4.
R. 41. Oxford : Oxford University Press. Washington: World Bank. Gazdar. World Bank (1995) “Pakistan Poverty Assessment”. No. S. Lucas (2001) “Desk Study of Good Practice in the Development of PRSP indicators and monitoring systems”.A. report commissioned by DFID for the Strategic Partnership with Africa. T. Khan & M. Vol XXXIV. London: DFID. Islamabad: Federal Bureau of Statistics PPA team (2001) “Pakistan PPA Fieldwork Guide”. Rimmer. Islamabad: Planning Commission. (1999a) “An annotated bibliography of poverty in Pakistan”.. Mahmood (eds) (1997) Just development: beyond adjustment with a human face. Booth. London: IIED. (1998) “Review of Pakistan poverty data”. D. World Bank (2002) “Pakistan Poverty Assessment”. Washington: World Bank Zaidi. (1999b) “Is poverty now a permanent phenomenon in Pakistan?”. mimeo. 130 . Zaidi. in UNDP (1999a).References: Banuri. Manila: Asian Development Bank. H. A. Economic and Political Weekly. mimeo. S. London: Department for International Development. M (2000) “Reducing poverty in Pakistan: priorities for the Asian Development Bank”. GoP (2001) “Poverty in the 1990s”. S. & H. Pretty et al (1995) Participatory Learning and Action – a trainers’ guide.
and/or communities? What are the characteristics of a household (in order of importance?) that lead people to say that it is either poor or not so poor? What are categories in between very poor and very rich that are recognised by local people? How are the households in the community distributed among these categories at the moment? Has this distribution changed over the last one year. Who are the poor? Perceptions of poverty What are the local terms for poverty and well-being? Is there a separate word for vulnerability? Are these terms used about individuals. what weight should be given to each? Should anti-poverty policy be concerned about reducing gender inequality? If yes. families. 10 years? If yes. why and how? 131 . 5 years.Appendix 1: Overview of basic research questions and field methods THEMES & ISSUES POLICY PROBE METHODS 1. old/young)? Should government and NGO programmes be mainly about reducing chronic poverty or about shortterm safety nets? If both. why and how? Is the government right to adopt a multidimensional concept of poverty? How do different groups of participants see the distribution of well-being within the household (male/female.
Livelihoods What are the main elements in people’s livelihood strategies in this area? What assets do they have? Natural capital (including common pool resources) Produced capital (including physical infrastructure and credit) Human capital (nutrition. what are these changes. education. how? (Probe for examples) Becoming or ceasing to be poor Do communities/groups stay poor or rich. Have government and government and NGOs in helping non-government households cope with these shocks? programmes reduced the risk of vulnerability to shocks? If yes. why have they occurred. or do they move back and forth between these conditions? 132 . and what is the impact of these changes on people’s lives Are government and NGO programmes responsive to people’s livelihood issues? If yes. how? Have government or non-government policies and programmes contributed to any of these changes? (Probe for examples) Which sources of livelihood are preferred? And why? What are periods of stress in livelihoods? What are the main type of shocks that different groups of people face? Are some kinds of livelihoods more Can particular prone to risk and shocks? vulnerable groups be identified? How do households cope with these shocks? What is the role of communities. local knowledge) Social capital (the benefits of a dense pattern of association – nb ask about membership of organisations and institutions) Political capital (power or powerlessness) How do they use these assets in combination in a livelihood strategy? Are there any significant changes in livelihood sources over the past 20-year and 10-year periods? If yes. health.
If they move back and forth. legal. why is this? What would be a typical story of how a community/group/individual has succeeded in getting ahead? What needs to change for the poor to have better opportunities to move out of poverty? How could these conditions be reproduced? Perception of rights and entitlements What is the local word for a right and to what things is it applied? Is it applied in the same way to everyone or in different ways to different groups? What is perceived to be individual rights and entitlement? Do these rights vary between different groups? What is the perceived source of this right? (social. and have access to justice? How are such minimum standards maintained and who should be responsible (the community or the state?) What do people know about their legal entitlements 133 . groups etc) always remain poor. to be educated. why does this happen? What could be done to stop communities/groups falling into temporary poverty? What would be the gains from doing this? What could be done to assist communities/groups to move from poorer to better-off categories? How could these circumstances be avoided? What would be a typical story of how a community/group/individual has fallen into poverty? Does vulnerability have any effect on the way people pursue their livelihoods in better times? If some people (households. or other means) Do people feel that everyone has a right to a certain standard of living? Are these terms ever applied to publicly provided services? What minimum service standards could reasonably be claimed as rights? Do people have rights to be healthy.
national and international). affected differently? What factors/actions are responsible? Is anything known about environmental policies? What could the authorities do to improve this situation? Why has this happened? Who is responsible? How do people think the law governs these matters? 3. sanitation.Do people have rights of access and ownership over natural and built resources? Do women have the same rights as men in these regards? What can women do when they feel discriminated against? What policies or programmes help reduce/enhance discrimination against women? 2. water. changed? Markets for: labour (local. or different ethnic groups. gas. institutions. NGO or private programmes responsible for upgrading infrastructure? How are these working? How can they be improved? Institutions 134 . how has that affected people’s lives? Is life felt to be more secure or less? What are the main threats or improvements? How have markets. housing. Main changes affecting poverty and well-being Has the natural resource base got better or worse (timescale)? If changed. irrigation) Are there public. Relevant resources and infrastructure. roads. and produce) Are men and women affected differently by any of these changes? Are the young and old. electricity. and socio-economic relationships Resources and infrastructure What natural resources are relevant to different groups within the community and how are they prioritised? Do people make better or worse use of the resources they have than members of neighbouring communities? Is the community/group well served by public or private infrastructure (water. and access to markets. land.
etc. what are they. from whom (individuals and institutions) is it expected? How are problems needing help from outside prioritised? For different groups. why not? Are there any recommendations for further improvements? What are the perceived government and non-government safety nets for the vulnerable? How are they ranked in terms of preference? What public and private health care facilities are available in the community? Which is the most important basic health provider (government and nongovernment) for different groups in the community? What is an ideal government basic health unit? Are government programmes mentioned? If so. do they reach the poor. what institutions do people turn to? How are they ranked in terms of preference? Are government and non-government institutions/programmes addressing the problems? Is anyone addressing the problems that women or the poor rank highest? Are these concerns reflected in the priorities of community leaders? Is needed external support available? If not. what are the most important formal/informal government/non-government institutions within or outside the community that influence people’s lives positively and negatively? How do different groups rate the effectiveness of these institutions? Which institutions do people think they have some control or influence over? During a financial crisis (losing a job. crop failure). 135 . tertiary.What problems do different groups within the community face and how are they prioritised? Do different groups express different problems and priorities within the community (gender/age/well-being status/minority groups)? Which of these problems do people think they can solve themselves and which do they think they need support from outside? If outside support is needed. family illness. and do the vulnerable consider them to be effective? How can health care facilities be improved at different levels: primary. how are they seen and how could they be improved? Are there any safety nets provided by government or NGO programmes? If yes.
etc. ethnicity.Which is the most important reproductive health provider (government and non-government) for different groups in the community? What public and private education facilities are available in the community? Which is the most important primary education provider (government and non-government) for different groups in the community? Why? What is an ideal government primary school? How do people rate the quality of health and education services? What are the differences between public and private health and education services? What institutions provide credit? How do different groups in the community rank them in order of effectiveness? What other services are provided/not provided in the area (agriculture. how can they be improved? How can the quality of the facilities be improved? How important are private service providers for the poor? Are there any government or NGO programmes that provide similar services? How do they compare? Do credit providers reach the poor? What incentives do service providers face? If they have any discretion in allocating scarce goods or services. livestock. how do they decide who gets what? Who ought to provide security and justice in the area? Socio-economic and gender relationships Are women better or worse off today compared to the past? In what ways? Are women of different groups (differentiated by class. irrigation) Who provides security in the area? And justice? Are the services satisfactory? If not. Why have these changes occurred? What are the impacts of these changes? What areas still need to be addressed by government? 136 .) better or worse off today compared to the past? In what ways? Are there any changes in the roles men and women (of different groups) have traditionally played over the past two or three decades. age. religion.
why and how? Is the community well organised compared with its neighbours? If yes. what are these. bonded labour)? Are some people or groups left out of society or excluded from community life or decision making (social exclusion)? If yes. do they collectively serve as a social network in the community? What kind of transfers and support systems work within these social networks? Are there any elements/events/traditions that promote a bonding in the community as a whole and provide a sense of solidarity? (social cohesion) In what forms and actions is social cohesion expressed? Is there more or less social cohesion than in the past? If there are changes. who is left out.Who wields real power in the area? How do ordinary benefit/not benefit from this? Is land an important source of power? What is the pattern of land ownership in the community? Are there any types of socio-economic relationships that make it difficult to move out of poverty (child labour. why and how are they organized? (Probe for examples) Does it have many organisations that people can decide to join or not join (social capital)? What is the relationship of these organizations? Are they linked? If yes. how and why have they occurred? Is there more or less crime than in the past? Is there conflict between groups in the community? Should government policy be concerned with the redistribution of land (land reform)? What are the policy implications here? What can be done to address social exclusion? How can social networks be strengthened in a way that they help the poor? How can government support and not undermine these networks? Is the maintenance of law and order an issue for the poor? 137 .