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D. D.



LL. D.









SDtje Kitjrrsiioe prraf0,



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by




Udice of


District Court for the Soutlicrn District of







H. A. H. Bi
H. B.

Very Rev.

Henry Alford, D. D., Dean Henry Bailey, B. D., Warden of


of Canterbury.

Augustine's College, Can-


Fellow of


John's College, Cambridge.


Rev. HoRATius Bonar, D. D., Kelso, N. B.

of Promise."

Author of


The Land

[The geographical articles, signed H. B., are written by Dr. Bonar signed H. B., are written by Mr. Bailey.]

those on other subjects,

A. B.

Rev. Alfred Barry, B. D., Principal of Cheltenham College Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Rev.



L. B.

William Latham Bevan, M.

A., Vicar of

Hay, Brecknocklate




Rev. Joseph Williams Blakesley, B. D., Canon of Canterbury Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge.

T. E. B.


liam's College, Isle of





Thomas Edward Brown, M. A., Vice-Principal of King WilMan late Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. Rdbert AVilliam Browne, M. A., Archdeacon of Bath, and

Canon of Wells.

H. B.
T. B.

Right Rev.


Edward Harold Browne, D. William Thomas Bullock, M. A.,

Samuel Clark, M.
A., Vicar of


Lord Bishop of Ely.

Assistant Secretary of the

Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.

S. C.

Bredwardine with Brobury,

Ordinary to the

F. C. C.

Rev. Frederic Queen.

Charles Cook, M.

A., Chaplain in

G. E. L. C. Right Rev.

George Edward Lynch Cotton,

D. D., late Lord Bishop

of Calcutta and JMetropolitan of India.

J. LI.


Rev. John Llewelyn Da vies, M. A., Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

G. E. D.
E. D.



George Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn. Emanuel Deutsch, M. R. A. S British Museum. Rev. William Drake, M. A., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen.

E. P. E.



Paroissien Eddrup, M.

A., Principal of the


ical College, Salisbury.




Right Rev. Charles ter and Bristol.

Rev. Frederick

John Ellicott,

D. D., Lord Bishop of Glouces-


William Farrar, M.
F. R.

row School


A., Assistant Master of HarFellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.

James Fergusson,

F. R. A.


Fellow of the Royal


tute of British Architects.

E. S.

Edward Salusbury Ffoulkes, M.


A., late


of Jesus College.



Right Rev.

William Fitzgerald, D.


Lord Bishop of Killaloe



F. G.


W. G



bly*8 College, Belfast

and " Five Years

C. P.


Author of " Handbook of Syria and Damascus."


Rev. Charles Pripchard, M. A., F. R. S., Hon. Secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society late Fellow of St. John's College, Cam;


G. R.
H. J. R.


George Rawlinson, M.



Professor of Ancient His-

tory, Oxford.

Rev. Henry John Rose, B. D., Rural Dean, and Rector of Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire.




William Selwyn,

D. D., Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen;

A. P.

JNlargaret's Professor of Divinity,


Canon of Ely.


D. D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford Chaplain to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

Arthur Penrhyn Stanley,

C. E. S.

Prof Calvin Ellis 6to\ve, D.


Hartford, Conn.

P. T.

Rev. Joseph Parrish Thompson, D. D.,





Most Rev. William Thomson, D.


Lord Archbishop of York.

S. P. T.

H. B. T.
F. T.

Samuel Prideaux Tregelles. LL. D., Author of " An Introduction to the Textual Criticism of the New Testament," &c. Rev. Henry Baker Tristram, M. A., F. L. S., Master of Greatham


Rev. Joseph Francis Thrupp, M. A., Vicar of Barrington low of Trinity College, Cambridge.

late Fel-

E. T.



T. B.

Twisleton, M.

A., late

Fellow of Balliol College,

E. V.
B. F.

Edmund Venables, M.

A., Boncliurch, Isle of 'Wight.



Brooke Foss Westcott, M.



A., Assistant Master of Harrow Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.


Rev. Christopher


Wordsworth, D. D., Canon of Westminster. William Aldis Wright, M. A., Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge.


8. C. B.










Cambridge, Mass.

T. J.


G. E. D.
G. P. F.
F. G.


Samuel Thomas George George

Colcord Bartlett, D, D., Theol. Sem., Chicago, III. Jefferson Conant, D. D., Brooklyn, N. Y. Edward Day, D. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn.

Park Fisher,

D. D., Yale College,


Haven, Conn.

Prof Frederic Gardiner, D. D., Middletown, Conn.

Rev. Daniel Ra^'nes Goodwin, D. D., Provost of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

D. R. G.


Prof Horatio Balch Hackett, D. D., LL. D., Theological tion, Newton. Mass.








A. H.

Rev. Prof

James Hadley, LL. D., Yale College, New Haven, Conn. Frederick Whitmore Holland, F. R. G. S,, London. Alvah Hovey, D. D., Theological Institution, Newton, Mass.


A. C. K.




this subject


fection of the Divine work, that

presents to our consideration in connection with Biblical literature may be most conveniently ar-

ranged under the following





he should have " help ?nee{ for him," or, as the words more properly mean, " the exact counterpart of himself" a being capable of receiving and reflecting his


and history. The conditions under which

Its origin

thoughts and affections.

could be
tion of





sooner was the formaAdam recognized in

legally effected.

The modes by which it was effected. IV. The social and domestic relations of married

that act the will of the Creator as to man's social condition, and immediately enunciated the important statement, to which his posterity
as the charter of



V. The






marriage in all succeeding ages, " Tlierefore shall a man leave his fathef and his to mother, and shall cleave unto his wife: and they shall be one flesh " (ii. 24). From these words,
coupled with the circumstances attendant on the formation of the first woman, we may evolve the following principles; (1) The unity of man and
wife, as implied in

I. The institution of marriage is founded on the requirements of man's nature, and dates from the It may be said to time of his original creation. have been ordained by God, in as far as man's nature was ordained by Him but its formal appointment was the work of man, and it has ever

and as expressed


her being formed out of man, " (2) tlie words " one flesh

the indissolubleness of the marriage bond, except

on the strongest grounds (comp. Matt. xix. 9); (3) though admitting of the infusion of a I'eligious monogamy, as the original law of marriage, resultelement into it. This view of marriage is exhib- ing from there liaving been but one original couited in the historical account of its origin in the ple,'' as is forcibly expressed in the subsequent refbook of Genesis: the peculiar formation of man's erences to this passage by our Lord (" they Iwain,'' nature is assigned to the Creator, who, seeing it JMatt. xix. 5), and St. Paul (" two shall be one " not good for man to be alone," determined to flesh," 1 Cor. vi. 16); (4) tlie social equality of form an "help meet for him " (ii. 18), and accord- man and wife, as implied in the terms ish and ishingly completed the work by the addition of tlie sliiili,<^ the one being the exact correlative of the female to the male (i. 27). The necessity for this other, as well as in the words " help meet for step appears from the words used in the declaration him;" (5) the subordination of the wife to the of the Divine counsel. Man, as an intellectual and husband, consequent upon her subsequent formaspiritual being, would not have lieen a worthy rep- tion (1 Cor. xi. 8, 9; 1 Tim. ii. 13); and (6) the resentative of the Deity on earth, so long as he respective duties of man and wife, as implied in
lived in solitude, or in

been in


essence a natural and civil institution,

communion only with beings


the words "

lielp n)eet for


either high above

the scale of creation, as angels, or far beneath him, as the beasts of the field. It was absolutely necessary, not only for his


The introduction

of sin into the world modified

to a certain extent the


mutual relations of man and the blame of seduction to sin lay on the

comfort and happiness, but


for the per-

the condition of subordination was turned



responding to." for him," in the the Vulg. simile


"as over against," and so " cor- old Latin term vira would have been better. Luther "meet is more successful with tnann and mannin ; but even LXX. Kar avrov, o/uoios auxo), and in this fails to convej' tne double sense of ishshak as = " woman " and " wife," both of which should be pre. sihi, are inadequate.


renderings, in the A. Y.


The LXX. introduces Svo into the text in Gen. and is followed by the Vulgate.


served, as in the German weib, in order to convey the full force of the original. We may here observe that

^ If ^M and nf^S. We are unable to express the T verbal correspondence of these words in our language. The Vulgate rebiins the etymological identity at the expense of the sense " Virago quoniam de viro." The

iskshnh was the only term in ordinary use




for " wife."

They occasionally used

T "'

we use "

consort,'' for the wives of kings (Ps. z)t



v. 2).


into sTilijection,



band, "he shall a sentence which, regarded as a prediction, has been instance of the father (Gen. xxix. 23, 28; Ex. xxi. It must be .allowed that polygamy,- thus Bfrikingly fulfilled in the position assigned to women 9, 10). in Oriental countries," but which, regarded as a legalized and systematized, justified to a certaii, rule of life, is full)- sustained by the voice of nature extent by the motive, and entered into, not only

was said to her of her hus- children of the mistress*^ (Gen. xvi. 3, xxx. 4, 9); or, again, to cases where it was adojited at the rule over thee " (Gen. iii. 16.)

nd by the teaching of Christianity (1 Cor. xiv. 34; Eph. V. 22, 23; 1 Tim. ii. 12). the evil effects of the fall were soon apparent in tli^ corrupt usages of marriage; the unity of the bond was impaired by polygamy, which appears to have originated iniong the Cainites (Gen. iv. 19); and its purity was deteriorated by the promiscuous intermarriage of the "sons of God " witli the "daufbters of
i. e. of the Setbites with tlie (^aiiu;us, in the days preceding the flood (Gen. vi. 2). [n the post-diluvial age the usaires of marriage were marked with the simplicity tliat characterizes The rule of monoga patriarchal state of society. amy was reestablished by the example of Noah

without offense to, but actually at the suggestion those who, according to our notions, would feel most deeply injured by it, is a very different thing from what pol) gamy would be in our own state of




his sons (Gen.




their wives from their xxiv. 4, xxviii. 2),

The early patriarclis own family (Gen.

Divorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age, it is recorded (Gen. xxi. Of this, airain, we must not judge by our 14). own standard. Wherever marriages are effected by the violent exercise of the pntrht jKtteslas, or without any bond of affection between the parties concerned, ill-assorted matches must be of frequent occurrence, and without the remedy of divorce, in such a state of society, we can understand the truth of the Apostles' remark, that " it is not good

though but one instance of



(Matt. xix. 10).

Hence divorce


and the iie^ ssity for doing this on religious grounds superseded the prohibitions that afterwards held good against such marriages on the score of kindred (Gen. xx. 12; Polygamy Ex. vi. 20; comp. Lev. xviii. 9, 12).
prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxv.
1, 6, xxviii. 9,

xxix. 23,

28; 1 (Jhr. vii. 14), liut to a great extent di\ested of the degradation which in modern times attaches In judging of it we must take to that practice. into regard the following considerations: (1) that
the principle of monogamy was retained, e\-en in the practice of polygamy, I)y the distinction made between the chief or ori<;inal wife and the secondary " wives, or, as the A. V. terms them, " concubines

term which is objectionable, inasmuch as it conveys to us the notion of an illicit and unrecognized position, whereas the secondary wife was regarded l)y the Hebrews as a w'ife, and her rights were secured bylaw;'' (2) that the motive which


polygamy was that alisorbing desire of which is prevalent tbroui;hont eastern countries, and was especially powerful among the Hebrews; and (3) that tlie power of a parent over his child, and of a master over his slave (the poieslas pnliin and (Jomintca of the Itomans), was paramount even in matters of marriage, and led in many cases to phases of polygamy that are

where marriage is the result of arbitrary appointment or of purch.ase: we may instance the Arabians (Hurckhardt's Notes, i. Ill; Lay.ard's Nineveh, 1. 357) and the Egyptians (Lane, i. 235 ff.). From the enactments of the Mosaic law we may infer that divorce waa effected by a mere verbal declaration, as it still is in the countries referred to, and great injustice was thus committed towards the wives. Tlie Mosaic law aimed at mitigating rather than removing evils which were inseparable from the Its enactments were state of society in that day. directed (1) to the discouragement of polygamy; (2) to obviate the inju.stice frequently consequent upon the exercise of the rights of a father or a master; (3) to bring divorce under some restriction; and (4) to enforce purity of life during the The first maintenance of tlie matrimonial bond. of these objects was forwarded by the following enactments the prohibition imposed upon kings
to a great extent in all countries


(Deut. xvii. 17); the prohibition against marrying two sisters together
multiplying'-' wives

(Lev. xviii. 18); the a.ssertion of the matrimonial rights of each wife (Ex. xxi. 10, 11); the slur cast

which has been ever regarded polygamy (Deut. xxiii. 1); and the ritual observances entailed on a The (Lev. xv. 18). otherwise quite unintelligible, as, for i)istance, to man by the duty of marriage the cases where it was adopted by the husband nt second object was attained by the humane regulathe request of liis u-i/v, under the idea that children tions relative to a captive whom a man might wish bom to a slave were in the eye of the law the to marry (Deut. xxi. 10-14), to a purchased wife*

upon the eunuch


as indis|)en.sable to a system of


relation of tho


to the wife



pressed in the Hebrew term bnat (7^2), literally c The language in 1 Chr. ii. 18, " these are her sons," 2 following on the mention of his two wives, admits of Deut. xxi. 13 lorrl, for husband (Ex. xxi. 3, 22 The respectful term used by an intcrprctjition on this ground. xi. 20, etc., etc.). Sam. (I The Talmudist.i practically set a.side this prohibiSarah to Abraham CS^S, " my lord," Gen. xviii. 12

xxi. 15) or " niaid-sert'.int " (Ex. xxi. 7); the latter applying to a purchased wife.

tion, (1) by explaining the word " multiply " of an comp. 1 K. i. 17, 18,*Ps.xlv. 11) furnishes St. Peter inordinate number; and (2) by treating tlie motive for with an illu.stration of tho wife's proper position (1 it, "that his heart turn not away," as a matter of disPet. iii. 6). They considered eighteen the maximum to cretion. The positi-n of the Hebrew concubine may be comit is notebo allowed a king (Sclden, Ux. B/r. i. 8). pared with that of tho concubino of tlie early Christian worthy that tho high-priest himself authorizes bigamy Church, tho sole distinction between her and the wife the case of king Joash (2 t'hr. xxiv. 3). in consi.tting in this, that the marriage was not in accordl>

ance with the rivit law: In the cje of the ("hurch the marriaRo was perfectly valid (IJingham, Am. xi. 6, It is worthy of notice that tho term piile^rsh H).

e Tho regulations in Ex. xxi. 7-11 deserve a detailed notice, as exhibiting the extent to whifh the power of It must be the head of n family might be carried.



A. v. " concubino ") nowhere occurs in the The terma ued are either " wife " (Dcut.

premised that the maiden was born of Hebrew parents, was under age at the time of her sale (otherwise hei father would have no power to sell), and that th

7-11), and to a slave who either was married at the time of their purchase, or who, having lince received a wife " at the hands of his master,
(Ejc. xxi.

so great as
it is


put a serious bar to its genera, adoption,* and hence in modern countries where
fully established

the practice


restricted to

was unwilling to be parted from her (Ex. xxi. '2-tj), comparatively few (Niebuhr, Voynge, p. 65; Lane, The same rule holds good with regard to and, lastly, by the law relating to the legal distri- i. 239).
bution of property among the children of the differ- ancient times: the discomforts of polygamy are The third object exhibited in the jealousies between the wives of ent wives (Deut. xxi. 15-17). was effected by rendering divorce a formal proceed- Abraham (Gen. xvi. 6), and of Elkanah (1 Sam. i.

done by word of mouth as heretofore, 6); and the cases cited above rather lead to the but by a " bill of divorcement" (Deut. xxiv. 1), inference that it was confined to the wealthy. which would generally demand time and the inter- Meanwhile it may be noted that the theory of vention of a third party, thus rendering divorce a monogamy was retained and comes prominently less easy process, and furnishing the wife, in the forward in the pictures of domestic bliss portrayed event of its l)eing carried out, with a legal evidence in the poetical writings of this period (Ps. cxxviii. Prov. v. 18, xviii. 22, xix. 14, xxxi. 10-29 Eccl. of lier marriageability: we may also notice that 3 Moses wholly prohibited divorce in case the wife ix. 9). The sanctity of the marriage-bond was had been seduced prior to marriage (Deut. xxii. 29), but too frequently violated, as appears from the or her chastity had been groundlessly impugned frequent allusions to the "strange woman" in the (Deut. xxii. 19). The fourth object forms the sub- book of Proverbs (ii. 16, v. 20, ifec), and in the ject of one of the ten commandments (Ex. xx. 14), denunciations of the prophets against the prevany violation of which was punishable with death alence of adultery (Jer. v. 8; Ez. xviii. 11, xxii (l^ev. XX. 10; Deut. xxii. 22), even in the case of 11). In the post-Babylonian period monogamy appears a betrothed person (Deut. xxii. 23, 21). The practical results of these regulations may to have become more prevalent than at any prehave been very salutary, but on this point we have vious time: indeed we have no instance of polygThe usages amy during this period on record in the Bible, all but small opportunities of judging. themselves, to which we have referred, remained in the marriages noticed being with single wives (Tob. We have instances of i. 9, ii. 11 Susan, vv. 29, 63 Matt, xviii. 25 Luke full force to a late period. the arbitrary exercise of the paternal authority in i. 5; Acts V. 1). During the same period the the cases of Achsah (Judg. i. 12), Ibzan (Judg. xii. theory of monogamy is set forth in Ecclus. xxvi. xiv. 20, xv. 2), and Michal (1 1-27. The practice of polygamy nevertheless still 9), Samson (.Judg. The case of Abishag, and the existed ^ Herod the Great had no less than nine Sara. xvii. 25). language of Adonijah in reference to her (1 K. i. 2, wives at one time (Joseph. Ant. xvii. 1, 3) the Talstill completely at ii. 17), prove that a servant was mudists frequently assume it as a well-known fact
ing, not to be

the disposal of his or her master.

prevailed, as






are expressly informed in reference


Kdiib. 10, 1; Yebam. 1, 1); and the Christian writers, in their comments on 1

Gideon (Judg. viii. 30), Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 2), Saul (2 Sam. xii. 8), David (2 Sam. v. 13), Solomon (1 K. xi. 3), the sons of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 4), Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 8, 9), Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 21), Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 21), aTid .Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 3); and as we may also infer from the number of children in the cases of Jair, Ibzan, and Abdon (Judg. x. 4, xii. 9, 14). It does not, however, follow that it was the general practice of the country: the inconveniences attendant on polygamy in small houses or with scanty incomes are
object of








terms which

no doubt as

to the fact of its prevalence in

The abuse of divorce continued unabated (Joseph. Vlt. 70); and under the AsmonKan dynasty the right was assumed by the wife as against her husljand, an innovation which is attributed to Salome by Josephus {Ant. xv. 7, 10); but which appears to have been prevalent in the Apostolic age, if we may judge from passages where the language implies that the act emanated from
the .Ipostolic age.

the wife (Mark x. 12; 1 Cor.


11), as well as

a In this case we must assume that the wife assigned the purchase was that when arrived at puberty she should become the wife of her master, as was a non-Israelitisli slave otherwise, the wife would, is ImpHed in the difference in the law relating to her as a matter of course, be freed along with her hus (Ex. xxi. 7), and to a slave purchased for ordinary band in tlie year of jubilee. In this case the wife worl^ (Deut. xv. 12-17), as well as in the terra dmi/t, and children would be the absolute property of the " maid-servant," which is elsewhere used convertibly master, and the position of the wife would be analowith "concubine" (Judg. ix. IS comp. viii. 31). With gous to that of the Roman rontubernalis, who was net regard to sucii it is enacted (1) that she is not to " go supposed capable of any connubiitm. The issue of out as the men-servants " (/. e. be freed after six years' such a marriage would remain slaves in accordance gerrice, or in the year of jubilee), oa the understand- with the maxim of the Talmudists, that the child is ing that her master either already has made, or intends liable to its mother's disqualification (Kiddush. 3, to make her his wife (ver. 7) (2) but, if he has no 12). Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, 28) states that in the year such iateutioa, he is not entitled to retain her in the of jubilee the slave, having married during service, event of any other person of the Israelites being will- carried off his wife and children with him this, how ing to purchase her of him for the same purpose {ver. ever, may refer to an Israelite maid-servant. (3) he might, however, assign her to his son, and The Talmudists limited polygamists to four wives. 8} In this case she was to be treated as a daughter and The same number was adopted by Mohammed in the not as a slave (ver. 9) (4) if either he or his son, hav- Koran, and still forms the rule among his follower* ing married her, took another wife, she was still to be (Niebuhr, Voija^e, p. 62). treated as a wife in all respects (ver. 10) c Michaelis {Laws of Mosi's, iii. 5, 95) asserts that and, lastly, i neither of the three contingencies took place, i. e. polygamy ceased entirely after the return from the if he neither married her himself, nor gave her to Captivity Selden, on the other hand, that polygamy flis son, nor had her redeemed, then the maiden was prevailed among the Jews until the time of Honorius to become absolutely free without waiting for the ex- and Arcadius (circ. A. D. 400), when it ttm prohibited piration of the six years or for the year of jubilee by an imperial edict ( U.v. Ebr. i. 9J
; ; ; ;


Tr. 11).



monwealth these prohibitions were

from some of the comments of the early writers on Our Lord and liis Aj)Ostles reestab1 Tim. V. 9. lished the intc^rit)- and sanctity of tiie marriage l>i>nd liy tiie following measures: (1) by the confirmation of the original charter of marriage as the basis on which all regulations were to be framed (Matt. xix. 4, 5); (12) hy the restriction of divorce
to the case of fornication, and the prohihition of re-marriage in all jiersons divorced on improper grounds (.Matt. v. 32, xix. 9; llom. vii. 3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11); and (3) by the enforcement of moral

two kindu,

according as they regulated marriage, (i.) between nn I.snelite and a non-Israelite, and (ii.) between an Israelite and one of his own community.


prohibitions relating


foreigners were

based on that instinctive feeling of exclusiveness, which forms one of the bonds of every social body,

and which prevails

state of society.

witli peculiar




strength in a rude bodies the right

of maiTiage (jus conmibii) becomes in some form or other a constituent element of citizenship, and, purity generally (Heb. xiii. 4, <tc.), and especially even where its nature and limits are not defined by by the formal condenmation of fornication," which legal enactment, it is supported with rigor by the The feeling of aversion appears to have been classed among acts morally force of public opinion. indiflerent (adidcpopa) by a certain party in the against intermarriage with foreigners becomes mere


intense, when distinctions of religious creed super(.Acts xv. 20). Shortly before the Christian era an important vene on those of blood and language; and hence change took place in the views entertained on the we should naturally expect to find it more than question of marriage as alfecting the spiritual and usually strong in the Hebrews, who were endowed Throughout with a peculiar position, and were separated from intellectual parts of n)an"s nature.

as the indis]iensai>le duty of every

surrounding nations by a sharp line of demarcation. man, nor was it The warnings of past history and the examples of gunnised that there existed in it any drawback to the patriarchs came in support of natural feeling: the attainment of the highest degree of holiness. on the one hand, the evil etlects of intermarriage In the interval that elapsed between the Old and with aliens were exhibited in the overwhelming New Testament periods, a spirit of a.sccticism had sinfulness of the generation destroyed by the flood been evolved, prol)ably in antagonism to the foreign (Gen. vi. 2-13): on the other hand, there were the notions with which the Jews were brought into examples of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and close and painful contact. The I'lssenes were the Jacob, marrying from among their own kindred ((ien. XX. 12, xxiv. 3, Ac, xxviii. 2), and in each first to propound any doubts as to the propriety of marriage: some of them avoided it altogether, others of the two latter cases there is a contrast between these carefully-sought unions and those of the renvailed themselves of it under restrictions (Josei)h. Similar views were adopted jected sons Ishmael, who married an Egyptian B. J. ii. 8, 2, 13). by the Therapcuta", and at a later jwriod by tiic ((ien. xxi. 21), and Ksau, whose marriages with
the Old Test;iment jwriod marriage was regarded

Gnostics (Burton's Lectures, i. 214); thence they passed into the Christian Church, forming one of the distinctive tenets of the Kncratites (Hurton, ii. 161), and finally devoloiiing into the system of

Hittite women were "a grief of mind" to his parents ((Jen. xxvi. 34, 35). The marriages of Joseph with an Egyptian (Gen. xli. 45), of Manasseh with a Syrian secondary wife (1 Chr. vii. 14;


])hilosopliical tenets

on which the comp. Gen.



LXX.), and


Moses with a

of marriage was

based are generally


in the first instance (Ex.


jondenmed in Col. ii. lfi-23, and specifically in and afterwards with a Cushite or Ethiopian woman The general propriety of n)arriai;e (Num. xii. 1), were of an exceptional nature, and 1 Tim. iv. 3. is enforced on numerous occasions, and abstinence yet the last was the cause of great dissatisfaction. from it is commended only in cases where it was A far greater objection was entertained against the rendered expe<iient by the calls of duty (Matt. xix. marriane of an Israelitish woman with a man of ^\'ith regard to re-marriage another tribe, as illustrated by the narrative of 12; 1 Cor. vii. 8, 20). for Dinah, the ostensible after the death of one of the parties, the Jews, in Shechem's proposals conmion with other nations, regarded abstinence ground of their rejection being the difierence in from it, particularly in the case of a widow, laud- religious observances, that Shechem and his counable, and a sign of lioliness (Luke ii. 3G, 37; Joseph. trymen were uncircumcised ((ien. xxxiv. 14).

The only distinct prohibition in the Jlosaic law xvii. 13, 4, xviii. G, 6): but it is clear from the example of Joscphus (\'it. 7(i) that refers to the Canaanites, with whom the Israelites were not to marry* on the ground that it would there was no prohibition even in the case of a priest. In the Apostolic Church re-marriage was lead them into idolatry (Ex. xxxiv. Ifi; Heut. vii a result which actually occurred shortly regarded as occasionally undesirable (1 Cor. vii. 40), 3, 4) and as an .ilisolut* disqualification for holy fimc- after their settlement in the IVomised I^and (Judg. But beyond this, the legal disabilities tions, whether in a man or woman (1 Tim. iii. 2, iii. fi, 7). 12, V. 9): at the same time it is recommended in to which the Ammonites and Jloabites were sub- of

jected (IVut. xxiii. 3) acted as a virtual bar to young widows (1 Tim. v. 14). IL The conditions of legal marriage are decided intermarriage with them, tot.dly preventing (according to the interpretation which the Jews themby the prohibitions which the law of any country In the Hebrew com- selves put upon that passage) the marriage of imposes upon its citizens.

o Tlio term TropvtCa If occasionally used in a broad from the cognate terms, chfilhn, chotin, and e/ioteneK, ^nse to include both adultery (.Mutt. t. 82) and iiicc.t for "son-in-law." " ftithcr-ln-law," and "mother-ln(1

Cor. V.


Nilem KDse.
b tn

must be regarded

In the decree of the Council of Jcruin ita usual and restricted

morringe with a foreigner


It is


used in Ucn. xxxiv. 9 Dcut. vii. 3; Josh, K. iii. 1 K/.r. ix. 14 and nu'ta|iliorically

In 2 Chr. xviii


The same


ronu-s pniiiiincDtly

The act


forwiinl in

the Hebrew by a

term, ch&tan (]i"in),

tliu term chalhn in Ex. used of the iitnidty produrml by the between .Tehoviih and the child.




of circuniclfloB

preelT of the affinity thus produced, a appran

with Moabites, but permitting that of Israelites with Moabite women, sucli as that Tlie prohibition against of Mahlon with Kuth. marriages with the I'^idomites or Egyptians was less stringent, as a male of those nations received the right of marriage on his admission to the fuU citizenship in the third generation of proselytism There were thus tln-ee gi-ades (Deut. xxiii. 7, 8). total in regard to the Canaaniles of prohibition on either side; total on the side of the males in regard to the Ammonites and Moabites; and temporary on the side of the males in regard of the Edomites and Egyptians, marriages with females in the two latter instances being regarded as legal (Selden, ch Jur. Nat. cap. 1-i). Marriages between Israelite women and proselyted foreigners were at




as to endanger their national existence, the practice was severely condemned (Ezr. ix. 2, X. 2), and the law of positive so wholesale a


prohibition originally pronounced only against the

Canaanites was extended to the ]\Ioabites, Ammonites, and Philistines (Neh. xiii. 23-25). Public feeling was thenceforth strongly opposed to foreign marriages, and the union of Manasseh with a

Cuthsean led to such animosity as to produce the great national schism, which had its focus in the temple on Mount Gerizim (Joseph. Ant. xi. 8, 2). no less signal instance of the same feeling is

exhibited in the cases of Joseph {Ant. xii. 4, 6) and Anileus {Ant. xviii. 9, 5), and is noticed by

Tacitus {Hist.


5) as one of the characteristics

of the Jewish nation in his day.

special directions are given


times of rare occurrence, and are noticed in tlie Bible, as though they were of an exceptional nature,

such as that of an Egyptian and an Israelitish woman (Lev. xxiv. 10), of Abigail and Jether the Ishmeelite, contracted probably when Jesse's family was sojourning in Moab (1 Chr. ii. 17), of Sheshan's daugliter and an Egyptian, who was staying in his house (1 Chr. ii. 35), and of a Naphthalite woman and a Tyrian, living in adjacent districts (1 K. vii. 14). In the reverse case, namely, the marriage of Israelites with foreign women, it is, of course, highly probable that the wives became proselytes after their marriage, as instanced in the case of Ruth (i. IG); but this was by no means invariably On the contrary we find that the Egypthe case.
tian wife of

In the N. T. no on this head, but the general precepts of separation between believers and unbelievers (2 Cor. vi. 14, 17) would apply with special force to the case of marriage; and the permission to dissolve mixed marriages, contracted previously to the conversion of one party, at the instance of the unconverted one, cannot but be regarded as implying the impropriety of such
unions subsequently to conversion (1 Cor. vii. 12). The progeny of illegal marriages between Israelites and non-Israelites was described under a peculiar term, m<imzer>> (A. V. "bastard"; Deut.



the etymological meaning of which ia but which clearly involves the notion

of " foreigner," as in Zech. ix. 6, where the LXX. K. xi. i), and the Phoeni- has aWoyiUfTis, " stranjjers." Persons born in cian wife of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 31), retained their this way were excluded from full rights of citizenidolatrous practices and introduced them into their ship until the tenth generation (Deut. xxiii. 2).



Proselytism does not therefore It follows hence that intermarriage with such peradopted countries. appear to have been a sine qua non in the case of a sons was prohibited in tlie same manner as with wife, though it was so in the case of a husband an Ammonite or Moabite (comp. Mishna, Kiddusk the tot;\I silence of the Law as to any such condition captive, whom an Israelite might in regard to a The regulations relative to marriage between ii. wish to marry, must be regarded as evidence of the Israelites and Israelites may be divided into twc the former reverse (Deut. xxi. 10-1-i), nor have the refinements classes: (1) general, and (2) special of Rabbinical writers on that passage succeeded in applying to the whole population, tlie latter to par-

establishing the necessity of proselytism.



ticular cases.

position of Samson's parents to his marriasje with


(Judg. xiv. 3 ) leads to tlie same conclusion. So long as such unions were of merely occasional occurrence no veto was placed upon them

a Philistine


erations of relationship.

general regulations are liased on considThe most important pas-

by public authority:



after the return

from the Babylonish Captivity the Jews contracted marriages with the heathen inhaliitants of Palestine special
o The term hipofyyovvTa (A. V. " unequally yoked with '), has no special refere:ice to marriage its meaning is shown iu the cognate term erepo^vyos (Lev. xix. It is, however, cor19; A. V. "of a diverse kind "). rectly connected in the A. V. with the notion of a ' yoke," as explained by Hesychius, ot /arj av^vyovvTe^, and not with that of a " balance," as Theophylact.

sage relating to these is contained in Lev. xviii. G-18, wliereiu we have in the first place a general prohibition against marriages between a man and the " flesh of his flesh," '' and in the second place




The etymological sense of blood-relationship alone. the term sheer is not decided. By some it is connected " to remain," as by Michaelis (Laws of with shnar, Moses, iii. 7, 2), and in the marginal translation ol the A. V. " remainder " but its ordinary sense of

Coguate words appear in Rabbinical writers,




to spin or








\Vhichever of these two we adopt, the idea of blood-relationship evidently attaches to the term from the cases in which it is used (vv. 12, 1.3, 17 A. v. "near-kinswoman "), as well as from its use in Lev. xx. 19 Num. xxvii. 11. The term basar, literally " flesh " or " body," is also pecu'

flesh " is



addled egg The important point to be (3) to riptn. observed is that the word does not betoken bastanly in our sense of the term, but simply the progeny of a mixed marriage of a Jew and a foreigner. It may be with a special reference to this word that the Jews boasted that they were not born " of fornication " (eK TTopreias, John viii. 41), implying that there was no admixture of foreign blood, or consequently of oreign idolatries, in themselves.

used of blood-relationship (Gen. xxix. 14, xxxvii. 27 Judg ix. 2 2 Sam. v. 1 1 Chr. xi. 1). The two terms, sheer basnr, axe used conjointly in Lev. xxv. 49 The term is as equivalent to mislipachak, " family."
; ;

applicable to relationship by affinity, in as far as it The relationregards the blood-relations of a wife.

ships specitied may be classed under three heads (2) the (1) blood-relationships proper in vv. 7-13 wives of blood-relations in vv. 14-16 ; (3) the blood

d The Hebrew expression 'yW'2. "lStt7 (A. V.

relations cf the wife in vv. 17, 18.


near of kin ")


generally regarded as applying to

The dauphtflr



whether as

t>e?nK pre





mother, stepmother, sister, or half-sister, whether previous relationship: it was necessary, however, in " boni at home or abroad," " grand-daughter, aiiiit, such a that the wife as well as the husband, whether hv eoii.saiiguiiiity on either side, or by should have adopted the .lewisli faith. marriaiie on tiie father's side, daiighter-in-hw, The grounds on which tliese prohibitions were brother's wife, step-daughter, wife's niotlier, step- enacted are reducible to the following three heads: grand-daughter, or wife's sister during tiie lifetime (1) moral propriety; (2) the practices of heathen of the wife.'' An exception is subsequently made nations; and (3) social convenience. 'J'he first of
(Deut. XXV. 5) in favor of marriage with a brotiier's wife in tlie event of his having died childless: to this we shall have occasion to refer at length.
Different degrees of guiltiness attached to the infringement of these prohiiiitions, as implied both
ternis'^ ai)|>lied to the various the punishments affixed to them, the general in-nalty being death (Lev. xx. 11-17),

these grounds comes prominently forward in the expressions by which the various offenses are characterized, as well as in the general prohibition against approaching " the flesh of his flesh." 'j'he

the different




use of such expressions undoubtedly contains an appeal to the Innrw nnliifulis, or that repugnance with which man instinctively shrinks from matri-

but in the case of the aunt and the brother's wife

childlessness (l!i-21), involvuig proliably tiie stain

monial union with one with whom he is connected by the closest ties both of blood and of family

afTection. On this subject we need say no more where there was an issue. than that there is a dift'erence in kind between while in the case of the two sisters no penalty is the affection that binds the members of a family together, and that which lies at the bottom of the stated. The moral effect of the prohibitions extended matrimonial bond, and that the amalgamation of beyond cases of formal marriage to tliose of illicit tiiese aflections cannot take place without a serious intercourse, and gave a deeper dye of guilt to such shock to one or tlie other of the two; hence the conduct as that of Lot's daughters (Gen. xix. 3;i), desirability of drawing a distinct line between the of Reuben in his intercourse with his father's con- |)rovinces of each, by stating definitely where the cubine (Gen. xx.w. 22), and of Absalom in the matrimonial aflection may legitimately take root. same act (2 Sam. xvi. 22); and it rendered such The second motive to laung down these prohibi-

of illegitimacy in cases

crimes tokens of the greatest national disgrace (Ez. tions that the Hebrews mij.'ht be preserved as xxii. 11). The llabbinical writers considered that a peculiar peo]ile, with institutions distinct from the prohibitions were abrogated in the case of those of the l^gyptians and Canaanites (Lev. xviii. proselytes, inasmuch as their chanije of religion 3), as well as of other heathen nations with whom was deemed equivalent to a new natural birth, and they might come in contact. Marriages within tle

consequently involved the severing of


ties of

proscribed degrees prevailed in




eminently the " flesh of a man's flesh," or because it was thought unnecessary to nientiou such a connection.



the Chaldee, Syriai etc.


The Jews

The expression " born at home or abroad " has been generally understood as equivalent to " in cr out by which the sense of the verse is agjiin altered, is of wedlock,'" I. e. the daughter of a father'.s concubine but it may also be regarded us a rc-stjitement of the efTected by attaching the words " in her life-time preceding words, and as nieaiiing " one born to the exclusively to the verb " vex." The objections to this father, or mother, in a former marrijigo " (comp. Keil, are patent (1) it is but reasonable to suppose that Archaol. ii. 55). The distinction between the ca.>!es this clause, like the others, would depend on the prinand (2), if this were denied, it would be cipal verb specified in vv. 9 and 11 is not very evident it probably consists in this, that ver. 9 prohibits the union but rcjisonable to attach it to the nearest {" uncover ''), which of a son of the first marriage with a daughter of the rather than the more remote secondary verb aecond, and ver. 11 that of a son of the second with a would be fatal to the sense of the piis-sage. daughter of the first (Keil). On the other hand, c These terms are (1.) Zhtivmk (H^T A. T. Knobel (Comrn. in toe.) finds the distinction in the words " wife of thy father" (ver. 11), which according " wickedness '"), applied to marriage with mother or to him includes the 7/iot/iir as well as the steiunother, daughter (Lev. xx. 14), with mother-in-law, stepand thus specificnlly states tUc/iiU sister, while ver. 9 daughter, or grand-step-daughter xviii. 17). The term is reserved for the half-sister. is elsewhere applied to gross violations of decency or b The sense of this verse has been much canva.ssed, principle (Lev. xix. 29 .lob xxxi. 11 Ez. xvi. 48, in connection with the question of marriage with a xxii. 11). (2.) Tebel (b2ri ; A. V. " confiision "), 'deceased wife's .Mster. It has been urged that the marginal tnmslation, " one wife to another," is the applied to marriage with a daughter-in-law (licv. xx correct one, and thi.t the prnliibition is really directed 12) it signifies /lolluiion, and is applied to the worst ftgiiinst polygamy. The fdllowiiig considerations, howkind of defilement (Lev. xviii. 23). (3.) Oiesrd ("ICn ; sver, support the rendering of the text. (1.) The writer would hardly use the terms rendered " wife " and A. V. " wicked thing "), applied to marriage with a "sister" in a dilferent sense in ver. 18 from that sister (Lev. xx. 17) its proper meaning appears to be which he assigned to them in the previous verses. disgrace. (4.) KiJr/nh (rT^3 A. V. ''an unclean ; .2.) The usage of the lli^brew language and iudeed of 9?cry language, requires that the expri'ssion " one to thing"), applied to marriage with a brother's wife \nothcr" should be preceded by a i)lural noun. The (lycv. XX. 21): it conveys the notion of i>npurili/.
; : : ; ;

themselves, as shown in the, and in the works of I'hilo, permitted the marriage. (5.) Polygamy was recognized by the Mosaic law, and cannot consequently Another interpretjition, be forbidden in this passage.

cases in

which the expression


^ equivalent
t, 0,

(^HPS -: T



to anotliiT,''

in Kx. xxvi. 3,



9, ^i.


13, Instead of favoiing, as


Michaelis (/>i'3 o/'flfof., iii. 7, 2)n.serts that these but there ap|H'ars to b tenns have a forensic force no ground for this. The view which the siune authority propounds ( 4) as to the n^a-son for the pro;

generally been supposed, the marginal tninslation. exhibit the iwculiarity above noted. (3.) The consent of the ancient versions is ununimnnH, including the

hibitions, namely, to prevent se<Iurtion under tba promise of niarrlngc among near relations, is singularl; inmlequnto both to the occasion and to the tenns em-

liSX. (yvvaixn in'


airfii), the










and were not unusual The law which regulates



the Hebrews themselves in the pre-Mosaic


instance, marriages with lialf-sisters

the same father were allowed at Atiieiis (Plutarch Cim. p. 4, Thenuslod. p 32), with half-sisters i)j the

same mother at Sparta

(Philo, de

Spec. Ley. p.

779), and with full sisters in E^jpt (Diod. i. 27) and Persia, as illustrated in the well-known in-

stances of

Ptolemy Piiiladelphus




Onan is called upon to marry his brother Er's widow (Gen. xxxviii. 8) The custom was confirmed by the Mosaic law, Androm. p. 174). Among the Hebrews we have which decreed that " if Ijrethren {i. e. sons of the instances of marriage with a half-sister in the case same father) dwell together (either in one family, of Abraham (Gen. xx. 12), with an aunt in the case in one house, or, as the Rabbins explained it, in of Amrara (Ex. vi. 20), and with two sisters at the contiguous properties the first of the three senses same time in the case of Jacob (Gen. xxix. 26). is probably correct), and one of them die and leave Such cases were justifiable previous to the enact- no child (6en, here used in its broad sense, and not ments of Moses: sul)sequently to them we have specifically son ; compare IMatt. xxii. 2.5, fir) ex'^^ no case in the 0. T. of actual marriage within the a-n-fpfia; Mark xii. 19; Luke xx. 28, &TeKuos), the degrees, though the language of i'amar towards wife of the dead shall not man-y without {i. e. out her half-brother Amnon (2 Sam. xiii. 13) implies of the family) unto a stranger (one unconnected by
patriarchal period, where

(Pans. i. 7, 1), and Cambyses in the latter country (Herod, iii. 31). It was even believed that in Bome nations marriages between a son and his mother were not unusual (Ov. Met. x. 331; Eurip.

has been named the> " Levirate," from the Latin levir, "brother-inlaw." The custom is supposed to have originated in that desire of perpetuating a name,'' which pre vails all over the world, but with more than ordinary force in eastern countries, and preeminently among Israelites, who each wished to bear part in the promise made to Abraham that " in his seed should all nations of the earth be blessed " (Gen. XX vi. 4). The first instance of it occurs in the

the possibility of their union with the consent of

their father."


of relationship); her husband's brother shall

The Herods committed some violent go in unto her and take her to him to wife; " not, breaches of the marriage law. Herod the Great however, without having gone through the usual married his half-sister {Ant. xvii. 1, 3); Archelaus preliminaries of a regular marriage. The first-born his brother's widow, who had children (xvii. 13. of this second marriage then succeeded in the name

Herod Antipas
xiv. 3).

his brothers wife (xviii.



of the deceased brother," receiving his




became his

legal heir,

In the Christian Church we have an instance of marriage with a father's wife (1 Cor. V. 1), which St. Paul characterizes as "fornication'' (n-opveia), and visits with the severest condemna-



(according to Josephus, Ant.

2, iv. 17),

23; but compare Ruth property (l)eut. xxv. 5, 6).

oliject to
licly to

and his

marrying his


Should the brother he was pubthe presence of the



third orround of the prohibitions, social

signify his dissent in

convenience, comes forward solely in the case of marriage with two sisters simultaneously, the ertect

authorities of the town, to which the



sponded liy the significant act of loosing his shoe of which would be to "vex" or irritate the first and spitting in his face, or (as the Talmudists explained it) on the ground before him ( Yebam. 12, wife, and produce domestic jars.* A remarkable exception to these prohibitions ex- G) the former signifying the transfer of propisted in favor of marriage with a deceased brother's erty fi:om one person to another/ (as usual among wife, in the event of his having died childless.

root comes the term yihbem (DS''), to contract such a o Various attempts have been made to reconcile this marriage (Gen. xxxviii. 8). language with the Levitical law. The Rabbinical ex<' The reason here assigned is hardly a satisfactory planation was that Tamar's mother was a heathen at one. May it not rather have beeu connected with the the time of her birth, and that the law did not applj' purrhnse system, which would reduce a wife into the Josephas {Ant. vii. 8, 1) regarded it position to such a case. of a chattel or mancipium, and give the suraj3 a mere ruse on the part of Tamar to evade Amnon's vivors a reversionary interest in her ? This view derives importunity: but, if the marriage were out of the some support from the statement in Haxthausen's que.ition, she would hardly have tried .uch a poor Transcai isia, p. 404, that among the Ossetes, who device. Thenius (Comm. in loc.) considers that the have a Levirate law of their own. in the event of none Levitical prohibitions applied only to cases where a of the family marrying the widow, they are entitled disruption of family bonds was likely to result, or to a certain sum from any other husband whom she prhere the motives were of a gross character an argu- may marry. ment which would utterly abrogate the authority of e The position of the issue of a Levirate marriage, this and every other absolute law. as compared with other branches of the family, is 6 The expression Tlt-j V admits of another expla- exhibited in the case of Tamar, whose son by her father-in-law, Judah, became the head of the family, nation, "to pack together,' or combine the two in one and the ' hannel through whom the Messiah was bom marriage, and thus confound the nature of their rela(Gen. xx.^viii. 29 Matt. i. 3). tionship to one another. This is in one respect a / The technical term for this act was khalitzah preferable meaning, inasmuch as it is not clear why two sisters should be more particularly irritated than (n^J'^bn), from k/ialatz (ybfl), " to draw ofif." any two not so related. The usage, however, of the It is of frequent occurrence in the treatise Yebamoth,
; ;

tognate word
/sually given


in 1




favors the sense


and in the Mishna




where minute directions are given as to the manner which the act was to be performed e. g. that the shoe Was to be of leather, or a sandal furnished with

a heel-strap a felt shoe or a sandal without a strap Yebam. i. 1). would not do ( Yebam. 12, 1. 2). The klialilzah waa not valid when the person performing it was deaf and c Thfc Talmudical term for the obligation was yibbUm dumb ( 4), as he could not learn the precise formula (D^2"]), from yaAam (SH"*), " husband's brother " which accompanied the act. The custom is retained lience the title yebamat/i of the treatise in the Mishna by the modem Jews, and is minutely described by From the same Picart {Ceremonies Religieuses, i. 243). It receiy for the regulation of such marriages.
; :

usual term for

the wives of a polygamist (Mishna,


obligation to

I ,

marry one of the widows, he was aiw from the obligation to marry any of them ( 1 to perform his just oljl ligations (Dent. xxv. 7-11: it is also implied that it was only necessary for one iv. 6-1 1 ). Ruth In this case it was permitted to Ijrotlicr to marry one of (he widows, in cases where the next of kin to come forward and to claim both there were several widows left. The marriage was the wife and the inheritance. not to take place within three months of the hu.sThe I. evirate marriaj^e was not peculiar to the band's death (4, 10). The eldest brother ought

the Indians and old Germans, Keil, Archaol. ii. 66), the latter the contempt due to a man who refused

has been found to exist in




son or her husband died first (10, 3), for in the latter case the Ixvirate law would not apply; and attain as to the evidence of the husband's death to be produced in certain cases (caps. Ih, 16). be in certain cases the consolidation of two pro[)From the prohibitions expressed in the Bible, erties in the same family; Imt this does not appear others have been deduced by a jirocess of inferential to have been tiie oliject contemplated.'' reasoning. Thus the Tahnudists added to the The Levirate law ottered numerous opportunities Levitical relationships sevei-al remoter ones, which for the exercise of that spirit of casuistry, lor which they termed stecondary, such as trrandmother and the .Jewish teachei-s are so conspicuous. One such great-grandmother, great-grandchild, etc. the only case is brought forward hy the Sadducees for the points in which they at all touched the Levitical Bake of entangling our Lonl, and turns upon the degrees were, that tliey added (1) the wife of the complications which would ari^;e in the world to father's iiloiiiv brother under the idea that in the
pulsory, as in the case of Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 9). One of the results of the Levirate marriage woidd

Arabia (Hurckhardfs Notts, i. 112; Niebuhr's Voynije, p. Gl), and anioni; the tribes of the Caucasus (llaxthausen's Tninsc'iitcasid, p. 403). The Mosaic law !irin!;s the custom into harmony with the <;eneral proliil>ition asjainst marryint,' a brother's wife by restricting it to cases of childlessness; and it further secures the marriage bond as founded on aftection by relieving the brother of the obligation whenever he was averse to tlie union, instead of making it com-


duty of marria<re; but, on his dea younger brother might also do it (2, The Hiililz'ili was regarded as involving 8. 4, 5). future relationship; so that a man who had received it could not marry tiie widow's relations within the

to perform the


prohibited deijrces (4, 7). .Special rules are laid for cases where a woman married under a

impression as to


or where a mistake took place

husband's death (10, 1), a.s to whether her



to invalidate)

existence of which the Sadducees souglit from the circumstance of the same

woman having
this difiiculty


married to several brothers

xxii. 2-3-30).


h'abbinieal solution


was that the wile would revert to the first husband: our Lord on the other hand subverts the hypoHii'sis on which the ditticulty was
based, namely, that the material conditions of the present life were to be carried on in the world to

come; and thus He asserts the true character of marriage as a temporary and merely human institution.


ditficulties are

suggested, and
the Talmudical

minute regulations


down by

the chief autliority on the suliject being the book of the .Mislma, entitled Yi-baiKoth. I'Yom this we gather the following particulars, as illusIf a man stood within the pro.scribed deiirecs of relationship in reference to his brother's widow, he was exempt from the O|)eration of the law (2, 3), and if he were on this or any other account exempt from the

trating the working of the law.

was only by the same mother's brother's wife, for which they had no authority (Selden, Ux. J\b>'. i. Considerable differences of opinion have 2). arisen as to the extent to which this process of reasoning should be carried, and conflicting laws have been made in dilierent countries, professedly lia.sed on the same original authority. It does not fall within our province to do more than endeavor to point out in what respects and to what extent the Hililical statements iiear upon the subject. In tlie first place we must observe that the design of the legislator apparently was to give an exhaustive list of prohibitions: for he not only gives examples of (Icqrcts of relationship, but he specifies the prohibitions in cases which are strictly jiarallel to each other, e. //., son's daughter and daughter's daughter (Lev. xviii. 10), wile's son's daughter and wife's daughter's daughter (ver. 17): whereas, had he wished only to exhibit the prohibited degree, one of these instances would have been sufficient. In
text the brother described




from the expre.'ssion used by the modern Aniba, iu speaking of a repudiated wife, " She was my slipper: I have cast her off" (Burckbardt, Notes,


breach of morality, but betokened his usurpation of And so, again, Adouijah's the throne (2 Sam. xvi. 22). request for the hand of Abishag was regarded by Solomon a-s almost equivalent to dcmauding the throne (1

in the u.sagcs of the Ijcviratc niarare worthy of uotici'. Among the Osseti'S in Qeorjfia the marriage of the widow takes place if tliere are children, and may he contracted by the father ns well as the hrother of the decciused husband. If the widow has no children, the widow is purclnuscable by another liu.sband, iis already noticed (I{axthau.<en, In Arabia, the right of marriage is pp. 403, 4')4). extended from the brother's widow to the cousin. Neither in this nor in the ease of the brother's widow 18 the marriage compuLsory on the par.t of the woman, though in the fonncr the man can put a veto upon ny other marriage (Burckbardt, AWm, i. 112, 113). Another development of the lH!Virit<: principle may perhaps be noticed in the privilege which the king enjoyed of succeeding to the wivej< aa well as the throne Hence Absjilom'R tf his pr<Mle<-e.-i.sor (2 Sam. xil. 8). public seizure of his father's wives viaa not only a

The variations

K. ii. 22). li The history of Ruth's marriage has led to some Boaz stood to Uuth iu misconception on this point. the position, not of a lA.'vir (for he was only her husband's cousin), but of a Gael, or redeemer in the second degree (A. V. " near kinsman." iii. U) as such, he redeemed the inheritance of Naomi, after the refusal of the n-dei'iner in tlu! nearest degree, in conformity It nppears to have been customary with liCV. xxv. 25. for the redeemer at the sjuiie time to m;irry the heiress, but this custom is not founded on any written law. The writer of the book of Uuth, accoi-ding to Seldeo {Df Siicrrsx. cap. 15), ron/iise.i the laws relating to the Gnrl and the Lenr, as .Tosi-phus (Ant. v. 9, 4) has undoubtedly done but this is an unnece.f.'fary nssunip tion the custom is one that may well have existed in conformity with the sjiiril of the law of tlie I/Bt kat marriage.
: ; :

the second ])bce



appears certain that he did not for the rulers of that coimtry to prohibit marriage in reference to it, not on the ground of any exregard the dejiree as the text of the prohibition for he estal)lishes a different rule in rej^ard to a pressed or implied prohibition in reference lo it in brother's widow and a deceased wife's sister, tliongh particular in the book of Leviticus, but on the the desjree of relationship is in each case strictly general ground that JMoses intended to prohibit The application It cannot, tlierefore, in the face of this marriage among near relations. parallel. no express enactment lie artjued that JMoses designed of such a rule in some is clear enough his countrymen to infer that marriage with a niece one could hesitate for a moment to pronounce mar;



because that with the aunt was, nor yet

riage with a brother's widow, even in cases where

that marriage with a mother's brother's wife was included in the prohibition of that with the father's
brother's wife.

the Mosaic law would permit

in the present


as absolutely illegal

For, though no

explicit statement

day: inasmuch as the peculiar obligation of the has been abolished. As little


as to the legality of these

to apply to




rule of interpretation

casually given to us in the

we hesitate to extend the prohibition from the paternal to the maternal uncle's widow, now

them also. In the that the peculiar differences between relationships assumed that there were on the fiither's and the mother's side are abohshed. some tangible and even strong grounds for the dis- With regard to the vexed question of the decea.sed
must be held

third place,

nuist be

the degrees of equal distance; wife's sister we refrain from expressing an opinion, then becomes a matter of importance to as- inasmuch as the case is still in lite ; under the rule certain whether these grounds are of perpetual of interpretation we have already laid down, the such a marriage is not only not force, or arise out of a peculiar state of society or case stands thus legislation; if the latter, then it seems justifiable prohibited, but actually permitted by the letter of the Mosaic Law ; but it remains to lie argued to suppose that on the alteration of that state we may recur to the spirit rather tlian the letter of (1) whether the permission was granted under the enactment, and may infer prohibitions which, peculiar circumstances; (2) whether those or strictly though not existing in the Levitical law, may yet parallel circumstances exist in the present day and be regarded as liased upon it. (3) whether, if they do not exist, the general tenor The eases to which these remarks would most of the JMosaic prohibitions would, or would not, pointedly apply are marriage with a deceased wife's justify a community in extending the prohil)ition sister, a niece, whether by lilood or b}' marriage, to such a relationship on the authority of the LeWith regard to vitical law. In what has been said on this jxiint, and a maternal uncle's widow. the first and third of these, we may observe that it must be borne in mind that we are viewing the the Hebrews regarded the relationship existing be- question simply in its relation to the Levitical law: tween the wife and her husband's family, as of a with the other arguments /)co and com bearing on closer nature than that between the husband and it, we have at present nothing to do. A\'ith regard To what extent this difference to the marriage with the niece, we have some diffihis wife's family. was supposed to hold good we have no means of culty in suggesting any sufficient ground on which judging; but as illustrations of the difference we it was permitted by the Mosaic law. The Rabmay note (1) that the husband's brother stood in binical explanation, that the distinction between the special relation of lecir to his brother's wife, the aunt and the niece was based ujjon the respectus and was subject to the law of Levirate marriage in parenlehe, which would not permit the aunt to be consequence: (2) that the nearest relation on the reduced from her natural seniority, but at the same husband's side, wliether brother, nephew, or cousin, time would not object to the elevation of the niece, stood in the s]iecial relation of ffoii/, or avenger of cannot be regarded as satisfactory; for, though it lilood to his widow; and (-3) that an heiress was explains to a certain extent the difference between restricted to a marriage with a relation on her the two, it places the prohibition of marriage with father's side. As no corresponding obligations the aunt, and consequently the permission of that existed in reference to the wile's or the mother's with the niece, on a wrong basis; for in Lev. xx. family, it follows almost as a matter of course that 19 consanguinity, and not I'eapictus parentiLe, is the degree of relationship must have been regarded stated as the ground of the prohibition. The Jews as different in the two cases, and that prohibitions appear to have availed themselves of the privilege might on this account be applied to the one, from without scruple in the Bible itself, indeed, we which the other was exempt. \Yhen, however, we have but one instance, and that not an undoubted transplant the Levitical regulations from the He- one, in the case of Othniel, who was probably the brew to any other connnon wealth, we are fully war- brother of Caleb (.Josh. xv. 17), and, if so, then the ranted in taking into account the temporary and uncle of Achsah his wife. Several such marriages local conditions of relationship in each, and in ex- are noticed by Josephus, as in the case of .Joseph, tending the prohibitions to cases where alterations the nephew of Onias {Ant. xii. 4, 6), Herod the in the or legal condition have taken place. Great {Ant. xvii. 1, 3), and Herod Philip {Ant. The question to be fairly argued, then, is not simply xviii. 5, 1). But on whatever ground they were whether marriage within a certain degree is or is formerly permitted, there can be no question as to not permitted by the Levitical law, but whether, the propriety of prohibiting them in the present day. allowing for the altered state of society, muUit'ts 2. Among the special prohibitions we have to mutnndis, it appears in conformity with the general notice the following. (1.) The high-priest was forspirit of that law. The ideas of different nations bidden to marry any except a virgin selected from -IS to relationship differ widely ; and, should it his own people, i. e. an Israelite (Lev. xxi. 13, li). happen that in the social system of a certain coun- He was thus exempt from the action of the Levirat< try a relationship is, as a matter of fact, regarded law. (2.) The priests were less restricted in their vs an intimate one, then it is clearly permissible choice"; they were only prohibited from marrying
tinctions noted in



From Ez. xliv. 22 it appears that the law relative the marriage of priests was afterwards made more


origin or the

they could marry only m.aidens of Israelittsh widows of priests




and divorced women (I>ev. xxi. 7). (3.) dividual. The assertion that a woman divorced on Heiresses were i)roIiit)ited from marrying out of improper and trivial grounds is made to conmiit tiieir own trilc," with the view of kec|)in!:j the jx)s- adultery, dues not therefore hear upon the question Bessions of the several tribes intact (Num. xxxvi. of a person divorced by judicial authority: no such 5-9; coinp. Tob. vii. 10). (4.) Persons defective cxse as our I^rd supposes can now take place; at in physical powers were not to interman-y with all events it would take place only in connection Israelites by virtue of the ret;ul:itions in Dent, with the question of what form ade<iuate grounds xxiii. 1. (5.) In the Christian Church, bisiiops for divorce. The early Church divided in its and deacons were prohibited from liavini; more opinion on this subject (liingliam, Anl. xxii. 2, than one wife (1 Tim. iii. 2, 12), a prohibition of 12). [DivoKCK, Amer. ed.] an anibiu;uous nature, ina.snuich as it may refer With regard to age, no restriction is pronounced l^arly marriage is s|)oken of with (1) to ix)ly;;aTny in the ordinary sense of the term, in the Hible. as explained by Theotloret (in toe), and most of approval in several p.assages (I'rov. ii. 17, v. 18; Is. the Fathei-s; (2) to marriage after the decease of Ixii. 6), and in reducing this general statement to the first wife; or (3) to marriage after divorce the more definite one of years, we must take into during the lifetime of the first wife. The prol)able account the very early age at which persons arrive sense is second marriage of any kind whatever, at |)ul>erty in orieutjil countries. In modem Kgypt including all the three cases alluded to, but with marriage takes place in general before the bride a s|)ecial reference to the two liust, which were has attained the a<re of 1(J, frequently when she allowable in the case of the laity, while the first is 12 or 13, and occxsionally when she is only 10 was equally forbidden to all. The early Church (Lane, i. 208). The Talmudists forbade marriage generally regarded second marriage as a di.sfpialifi- in the case of a man luider 13 years and a day. cation for the ministry, tliough on this point there and in the case of a woman under 12 years and a was not absolute unanimity (see Hingham, Ant. iv. day (Huxtoif, Symigof/. cap. 7, p. 143). The (fi.) A similar prohibition applied to usual age appears to have been higher, about 18 5, 1-3). those who were candidates for admission into the years. ecclesiastical order of widows, whatever that order Certain days were fixed for the ceremonies of may have leen (1 Tim. v. '.)): in this case the betrothal and marriage the fourth day for virgins, words " wife of one man " can be applie<I but to and tlie fifth for widows (Mishna, Kitub. 1, 1). two cases, (n) to re-marriage after the decease of The more modern .lews similarly appoint different the husband, or (li) after divorce That divorce days for virgins and widows, Wednesday and Friday was obtaine<l sometimes at the instance of the wife, for the former, Thursday for the latter (Ficart, i. is implied in Mark x. 12, and 1 Cor. vii. 11, and is 240). III. The customs of the Hebrews and of oriental alluded to by several classical writei-s (see Whitby, in Inc.). Hut St. I'aul probably refers to the gen- nations generally, in regard to the preliminaries of eral question of re-marriaire. With regard to marriage as well as the ceremonies attending the (7.) the general question of the re- marriage of divorce<l rite itself, differ in many respects from those with persons, there is some difficulty in a.scertaining the which we are familiar. In the first place, the sense of Scripture. According to the iMn.saic Law, choice of the bride devolved not on the bridegroom a wife divorceil at the instance of the husband himself, but on his relations or on a friend deputed Thus Abran)i<:ht marry whom she liked: but if her second by the brideiirooin for this purjjose. husband died or divorced her she could not revert ham .sends Kliezer to find a suit:ible bride for his to her first husband, on the ground that, as far as .son Lsaac, and the narrative of his mission affords he was concerned, she was "defiled" (I)eut. xxiv. one of the most charming pictures of patriarchal 2-4); we may infer from the statement of tlie life (Gen. xxiv.); Ilagar chooses a wife for Ishmael ground, that there was no obje<-ti()n to the re-mar- (Gen. xxi. 21); Lsaac directs .Jacob in his choice riage of the orii^inal parties, if the divorced wife (Gen. xxviii. 1); and .Indah selects a wife for Er ((Jen. had remained unmarried in the interval. If the xxxviii. 6). It does not follow that the bridegroom's wife wxs divorced on the gromid of adultery, her wishes were not consulted in this arrangenient; on re-marriage was impossil)le, inasmuch as the pun- the contrary, the parents made pro|K>sais at the inishment for such a crime was death. In the N. T. stigation of their sons in the instances of Shechem there are no direct precepts on the subject of the (<ien. xxxiv. 4, 8) and Samson (''udg. xiv. 1-10). re-marriage of divorced persons. All the remarks A marriage contracted without the |)arent8' interl)eiiring upon the point had a primary reference to ference was likely to turn out, as in Msau's case, an entirely ditli-rent subject, namely, the abuse of "a grief of mind " to them (tien. xxvi. 35, xxvii.

I'or instance, our Lord's declarations in Matt. V. 32, xix. !), ap|)lying as they expressly do to the case of a wife divorced on other grounds than that of mifaithfulness, and again St. I'aul s, in 1 Cor. vii. 11, pre-snp[K)sing a contingency which he himself had prohibited as being improper, caimot he reuardcfl as directed to the general question of re-marriage. In applying these p.i.ssages to our own circumstances, due re},'ard must Imj had to the peculiar nature of the .Icwish divorce, which as not, as with us, a judicial ])ri)i'ec<ling based on evidence and pronouncefi by authority, but the trbitrary, and sometimes capricious act of an in-


As a general rule the ]iro[x)sal originated with the family of the bridegroom: occasionally, when there was a dift'erence of rank, this nde was reversed, and the bride was offered by her father, as by .lethro to Moses (l-x. ii. 21). by Caleb to Othniel (.iosh. xv. 17), and by Saul to I'avid The imaginary of women (1 Sam. xviii. 27). soliciting husbands (Is. iv. 1) was designed to conpicture of the ravages of war, vey to the mind a by which the creater part of tiic males had fallen. 'Ilie consent of the maiden was soiuetimes asked ((!en. xxiv. 58); but this ap|)ears to have been sulK)rdinate to the previous consent of the father

and the adult

of thlR regulation to the Atheninn law re^porting tho rm'irAijpoi haji been already nnticMl Id the article on Ueik.

brr>thers ((ien. xxiv. 51, xxxiv. 11).

o The


Occasionally the whole business of selecting the wife was left in the hands of a friend, and henoe
the cane might arise which

sujiposed by the


aiudists ( 2, 6, 7), thai a man might not DC aware to which of two sisters he was betrothed. So in Egj'pt at the present day the choice of a wife


" never so mnch


Thus Shechem


dowry and gift" (Gen.

xxxiv. 12), the former for


Btyled a khdt'bth

sometimes entrusted to a professional woman bride: and it is seldom tliat the


It has been the bride, the latter for the relations. supposed indeed that the mohar was a price paid down to the father for the sale of Ids daughter.

Such a custom undoubtedly prevails in certain parts of the East at the present day, but it does not appear to have been the case with free women in The selection of tlie bride was followed by the espousal, wliich was not altogether like our " en- patriarchal times for the daughters of Laban make gagement," but was a formal proceeding, under- it a matter of complaint that their father had taken by a friend or legal representative on the bargained for tlie services of Jacob in exchange for " (Gen. part of the bridegroom, and by the parents on tlie their hands, just as if they were " strangers part of the bride; it was confirmed by oaths, and xxxi. 15); and the permission to sell a daughter Thus was restricted to the case of a " servant " or accompanied with presents to the bride. lUiezer, on behalf of Isaac, propitiates the favor secondary wife (Ex. xxi. 7): nor does David, when of Rebekah by presenting her in anticipation with complaining of the non-completion of Saul's bargain a massive golden nose-ring and two bracelets he with him, use the expression " I bout/Itt for," but then proceeds to treat with the parents, and, having " I espoused to me for an hundred foreskins of the


the features of



before the

marriage has taken phvce (Lane,



obtained their consent, he brings forth the more and formal presents, "jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment," for the bride, and presents of less value for the mother and brothers

Philistines" (2





expressions in

bought her to me," and in Kuth iv. 10, " Kuth have I purchased to be my wife," certainly appear to favor the opposite view; it (Gen. xxiv. 22, 53). These presents were described should be observed, however, that in the former by different terms, that to the bride by mohar passage great doubt exists as to the correctness of (A. V. "dowry"), and that to the relations by the translation c and that in the latter the case



a The term mohar ("inj2) occurs only thrice in

the Bible (Gen. xxxiv. 12 Ex. xxii. 17 1 Sam. xviii. From the second of the tbree passages, compared 25). with Deut. xxii. 29, it has been inferred that the sum was in all cases paid to the father but this inference is unfounded, because the sum to be paid according to that passage was not the proper mohar, but a sum "according to," t. e. equivalent to the moAar, and this, not as a price for the bride, but as a penalty for the offense committed. The origin of the term, and cone(iuently its specific sense, is uncertain. Gesenius {Thes. p. 773) has evolved the sen.e of " purchase;

The point now


at issue


stated too strongly in the

by saying, " it has been supposed that the mohar was a price paid down to the father for the sale of his daughter." The customary present to the father, in
return for the gift of his daughter in marriage, originating in such a custom, continued to be expressed by this word, though only an honorary acknowledgment of the favor shown by him in bestowing his daughter's hand. This view of the case disposes, substantially, But it may br of the objections urged in the text. added, that the statement there made of the groun* of complaint, on the part of Laban's daughters, is an unnecessary and forced construction of the language Laban's right to require Jacob's in ch. xxxi. 15. service, in return for giving them in marriage, was not questioned by Jacob, nor, so far as appears, by them. (See Gen. xxix. 15, 18, 20.) The natural con struotion of their complaint is, that they are treated, in all respects, as aliens, and not as of his own flesh and blood. Similar to this, in effect, is Jacob's complaint in ch. xx.xi.42, " Surely thou wouldst now have sent me away empty." In the of David and Saul
expressly declined by the latter (1 Sam and in place of it, he accepts the proofs that a hundred Philistines have been slain, " to be



by connecting it with "ID^, "to t'




has also been connected with


Tn^, - T

" to


a present hastily pro'/ need tor the bride when her consent was obtained and again with





morrow," as though


were the

gift pre-

sented to the bride on the mornini( after the wedding, like the German Morgen-gabe (Saalschiitz, ArchdoL. ii.




has well said

* Gussett {Commentarii Ling. Hebr. ed. 2d, p. 875) " Significationes dotandi et accelerandi
coinciderint in

xviii. 25)


verbum. quidque com- avenged of the king's enemies." Evidently, this requirement was made by the king on his own behalf, and in place of the usual present to the father. For term and its specific sense," neglects to notice Flirst's this reason, as well as on the general ground above phonetic combinations, and the Arabic usage, by which stated, that the mohar had become only an honorary he very naturally connects the different senses of present to the father, David could say (2 Sam. iii 14< " I espoused," etc., instead of " I bought." "inX2 with the ground meaning to flow ; namely, to T. J. C. flow onward, to hasten on, and to flow away to, in 6 ITHtt. the sense of passing over from one to another in exThe importance of presents at :he time change, and " hence to take in exchange (through a of betrothal appears from the application of the term gift, "nriSj) a wife, i. e. to inarry, Ex. xxii. 15." He aras (Ci7"^S), literally, " to make a present," in thr,



habeant, vix dixeris." The writer of the preceding paragraph, in speaking of '' the origin of the


"inXS, " a


a marriage

gift or price, paid

special sense of " to betroth."


to the parents of the wife."

In Ex. xxu.
tase supposed,

15, 16 (A. V. 16. 17) the offender, in the


The term used (iT^S) bas a general sense

" to

The meaning of the verse a^ required to pay the usual purchase- make an agreement." money to the parent, the latter being allowed to give pears *o be this the Prophet had previously mat be daughter in marriage or not, at his own option. ried x >vife, named Gomer, who had turned out un* According to the purchase-money of virgins " means faithful to him. He had separated from her but he the sum usually paid for a virgin received in marriage. was ordered to renew his intimacy with her, and preThe expression, " he shall pay money," in its imme- vious to doing this he places her on her probadiate connection with the preceding clause, " if her tion, setting her apart for a time, and for her main %ither utterly refuse \o give her unto him," certainly tenance agreeing to give her fifteen pieces of Lii^er, IJ nplie8 that it shall be paid to the "father." addition to a certain amount of food.




xxiv. 55), to a full year for virgins

not be coiicIusi\e, as Kutli niljTht well be conskIere<l as iiicliifled in tlie |)urcliase of her property. It wonlii uniloulitoiiiy be expected tluit the mohnr sliouki l)e proportioned to the position of tiitbride, and that a jjoor man could not on that account afford to marry a rich wife (1 Sam. xviii. Occasionally tlie bride received a dowry '2'-i). from her fatlier, as instanced in tiic cases of Caleb's

and a month






bride-elect lived with her friends,




cation between herself and her future husband was carried on through the medium of a friend deputed
for the

purpose, termed the ' friend of the bride(.lolin


groom "


She was now


and Pharaoh's (1 Iv. ix. IG) dau;;h" settlement," in the modern sense of the term, e. a written document sccurinji; property to the wife, did not come into use until the jiost(Judg.



regarded as the wife of her future husltand for it was a maxim of the Jewish law that betrothal w.a3 of equal force witii maiTiasie (Phil. De spec, ley


Babylonian period: tiie only instance we have of one is in Tob. vii. 14, where it is described as an " instrument " {(rvyypixtpi))- I'hc 'ralnnulists styled It a kt!ubiih,'> and have laid down ndnute directions

sum secured, in a treatise iMishna expressly on that subject, from which we extract the followinrj ])articulars. The peculiarity of the .lewish k-cliilidli cimsisted in this,
as to the disposal of the of

Hence faithlessness on her part puiiwith death (Dent. xxii. 2-], 24), the husIjand havini;, however, the option of " putting her aw.ay " (.Matt. i. 19) l)y giving her a bill of divorcement, in case he did not wish to proceed to such an extreme punishment (Deut. sxiv. 1). False accusations on this ground were punished by a




severe fine and the forfeiture of the riglit of divorce



was a

definite sinn. varying not aecordini;

(Deut. xxii. 13-19). The betrothed woman could not part with her jiroperty after betrothal, except in cert;vin cases {Kiluh. 8, 1): and, in short, the
fully entered into liy with us by marriage. In this respect we may compare the practice of the Athenians, who regarded the formal betrothal as indispensable to the validity of a marriage contract {Diet, of Ant. The customs of the Nestorians afford p. 598). several points of similarity in respect both to the mode of effecting the betrothal and the importance attached to it (Grant's Nvslorhms, pp. 197, 198).
I'etrothal, as

circumstances of the parties, but according; <^ whether she be a spinster, a widow, or a divorced woman'' (1, 2): and further, that the dowry could not be claimecl until the termination of the marriage l)y the death of the husband or by divorce (5, 1), thou<;h advances mi^iit be made to tlie wife previously (!), 8). Subsequently to betrothal a woman lost all power over her pro])erty, and it became vested in the husband, unless he had previously to marriage reto the

bond of matrimony was as

to the state of the bride,

We now


to the




in this

nounced his ri;;ht to it '8, 1 !), 1). Stipulations were entered into for the increase of the hetuhuh, when the liride had a handsome allowance ((i, i). The act of betrothal was celelirated by a feast (1, 5), and among the more modern .lews it is the custom in some jiaiis for the bridcL'room to place a ring on the bride's tini^ei' (I'icart, i. '2-'i9) a custom which also prevailed among the i;(.mans (Did. Some writers have endeavored of Ant. p. 004).

the most ol)servable point

relii;ious It is probable, indeed,

that there were no


connected with \t.J


some formal

of the espousal with

an oath took place, as implied in some allusions to marriage (Kz. xvi. 8; M;d. ii. 14), particularly in the expression, "the covenant

of her

God "



17), as apjdied to the

riage V)ond, and that a blessini;

to prove that the rin<;s


XXXV. 22; Is. is not the slightest evidence of


noticed in the (). T. {V.x. 21) were nuptial rinys, but there


(Gen. xxiv. f!0; Hutli iv. (Tob. vii. 13).

marwas pronounced by the 11, 12) sometimes Hut the essence of the


ring was

marriage ceremony consisted in the removal of the bride from her father's house to that of the bride-

as a groom or his father.ff The bridei;room jirepared himself for the occatoken of fidelity {(Jen. xli. 42), and of adoption Accordinir to Selden sion by putting on a festive dress, and especially by into a family (Luke XV. 22). it w.os oriiiinally <;iven as an eriuivaleiit for dowry- placing on his head the handsome turban described money (Uxor F.hriiic. ii. 14). IJetwien the be- by the terin ixev (Is. Ixi. 10: A. V. "ornaments"), trothal and the marriage an interval elupsed, vary- and a nuptial crown or garland'' (Cant. iii. 11): he ing from a few days in the patriarchal age (Gen. was redolent of myrrh and frankincense and " all



the Hebrews

which the

a The technical term of the Talmuilist for the dowry wife brought to her husband, answcrini; to

ttJ^P, " to
- 't'





a treatise in the

Mishna so

entitled, in

which various questions of cas-

the dos of the



S^ jT13.

uistry of slight interest to us are discussed.




The term was

on the wife donatio proptir

It is

ilso specifioiilly applied to the


in the

Hebrew language

worthy of observation that there is no term to express the ceremony of

by the husband, answering


to the Ijatiu


The substantive chaliinnah



practice of the


Kgyptians illustrates

this: for with

them the dowry, though



occurs but once, and then in connection with the day The wdrd '' wedding "' does not occui (Cant. iii. 11). at all in the .\. V. of the Old Testament.

the wealth of the suitor, is still gnulA cert.'iiii uuted acrording to the stjito of the bride. portion only of the dowry is paid down, the being Aiiiniig the muderii 211). leld in reserve (Ijiiic, lewM also the anionnt of the dowry varies with the
fers nrcordiiip; to

Hebrew expression "


a There seems indeed to be a literal truth in ttie to take " a wife (Num. xii. 1 1


of the bride, according to a fixed scale




ii. 21); for the ceremony appears to have mainly Among the modern Arab* consisted in the taking. the funne eustom prevails, the capture and reiiinval of


the dowry, according to the Mosaic law, iii>|N'ars to have Imm-ii fifty shekels (Ex. xxil. 17, ompired with Dent. xxii. 21). The technical fenn used by the Talmudi.sto for

amount of

the briile being elfeeted with a considerable show ot violeneo (llurekhardt's iV.i//.<, i. 108). Ii The bridegr<iom'.s crown was made of various materials (gold or silver, rose.s, myrtle, or olive), according
Tll to his circuniHtanccs (8elden, f.r. E'lr. ii. 15). use of the crown at marriages was familiar both to (hf


vfixa kidilUtlt'in




Greeks and Ilomans {Did.

o/" /(/.,



The powders of the merchant " (Cant. iii. 6). bride prepared herself for the ceremony by taking a preceding the wedding. bath, 1,'enerally on the day This was prob.ibly in ancienc as in modern times a formal proceeding, accompanied with considerable pomp (Picart, i. 2-10; Lane, i. 217). The notices of it in the Bible are so few as to have escaped general observation (Kuth iii. 3; Ez. .x.xiii. 40; Epli. V. 26, 27); but the passai^es cited establish the antiquity of the custom, and tbe expressions in the last ("having purified her by the laver of water," "not having spot") have evident reference to it. A similar custom prevailed among the Greeks {Did.

(Gen. xxxi. 27; Jer.


Mace. ix. 39), and accompanied by persons bearing flam beaux (2 Esdr. x. 2 Matt. xxv. 7 compare Jer, XXV. 10; Rev. xviii. 23, "the light of a candle") Having reached the house of the bride, who with her maidens anxiously expected his arrival (Matt. xxv. 0), he conducted the whole party back to his own or his fxther's/ house, with every demonstra34, xvi. 9;

tion of gladness








back they were joined

by a party of maidens, friends of the bride and bridegroom, who were in

waiting to catch the procession as

pas.sed (Matt,

of Ant.








xxv. 6; comp. Trench on Parables., p. 244 note). The inhabitants of the place pressed out into th

streets to watch the procession (Cant. iii. 11). At the house a feast'* was prepared, to whicli all the covered not only the face but the whole person friends and neighbors were invited (Gen. xxix. 22, (Gen. x."civ. 65; comp. xxxviii. 14, 15). This was Matt. xxii. 1-10; Luke xiv. 8; John ii. 2), and the regarded as the symbol of her submission to her festivities were protracted for seven, or even fourhusliand, and hence in 1 Cor. xi. 10, the veil is teen d.ays (Judg. xiv. 12; Tob. viii. 19). The apparently described under the term i^ouaia, " au- guests were provided by the host with fitting robes thority." She also wore a peculiar girdle, named (Matt. xxii. 11; comp. Trench, Parables, p. 2-30),

feature of the bride's attire was the isd'ipl/,'' or " veil " a light robe of ample dimensions, which

the "attire" (A. V.), which no bride 32); and her head was crowned with a chaplet, which was again so distinctive of the bride, that the Hebrew term caUitli,<^ "bride,"

and the
xiv. 12)

could forget

(.Jer. ii.

feast was enlivened with riddles (Judg. and other amusements. The bridegroom

it. If the bride were a virgin, she wore her hair flowing {Kttub. 2, 1). Her robes were white (Kev. xix. 8), and sometimes embroidered with gold thread (Ps. xlv. 13, 14), and

originated from

entered into direct communication with the bride, and the joy of the friend was " fulfilled " .at hearing the voice of the bridegroom (John iii. 29)


conversing with her, \vhich he I'egarded as a satisfactory testimony of the success of his share in the work. In the case of a virgin, parched corn

covered with perfumes (Ps. xlv. 8): she was further decked out with jewels (Is. xlix. 18, Ixi. 10; Itev.
xxi. 2).


the fixed hour arrived,

was distributed among the guests (Keiub. 2, 1), the significance of which is not apparent; the cuswhich was tom bears some resemblance to the distribution of
the mttstaceuiii
(.luv. vi.

generally late in the evening, the bridegroom set



the guests at

by his groomsmen, termed in E[ebrew mer(i''im'' (A. V. "companions; Judg. xiv. 11), and in Greek viol rov vvjjl^uivos (A. V. " children of the bride-chamber " Matt. ix. 15), preceded by a band of musicians or singers
forth from his house, attended

Roman wedding. The modern .lews have a custom of shattering glasses or vessels, by dashing them to the ground (Picart, i. 240). The last act

in the ceremonial


was the conducting of the bride the bridal chamber, cheder^ (Judg. xv. 1; Joel


would be small hand-lamps. Without them none a Pl'^jyU. See article on Dress. The use of the could join the procession (Trench's Parabhs, p. 257 was not peculiar to the Hebrews. It was cus- note). tomary among the Greeks and Romans and among / The bride was said to " go to " (bS S'l2) the the latter it gave rise to the expression ntiho, literally

" to veil," and hence to our word " nuptial." It Is Btill used by the Jews (Picart, i. 241). The modern Egyptians envelope the bride in an ample shawl, which perhaps more than anything else resembles the Hebrew tzaiph (Lane, i. 220).



difference of opinion exists as

house of her husband ( xv. 18 Juilg. i. 14) an e.xpression which is worthy of notice, iuasmucli as It has not been rightly understood in Dan. xi. 6, where " they that brought her " is an expression for kiisband. The bringing home of the bride was regarded in the later days of the Roman empire as one of the most important parts of the marriage ceremony (Bingham,
; ;

to this term.




was an important Anl.


xxii. 4, 7).

article of the bride's dress


rise to the

among the Romans, and expression solvere zonam.



the joyous sounds used on these occasions


the term halal



applied in the sense of


rying in Ps. Ixxviii. 63; A. V. " their maidens wer gilded. The use of it was interdicted after the destruc- not given to marriage,'' literally, " were not praised," tion of the second Temple, as a token of humiliation as in the margin. This sense appears preferable to (Selden, Ux. Ebr. ii. 15). that of the LXX., ov< e-rrivd-qtrav, which is adopted by Gesenius {Thes. p. 596). The noise in tbe streets, rf Winer {Rwb. a. v. " Hochzeit ") Q"'17ntt. attendant on an oriental wedding, is exoesoive, and Wentifies-the " children of the bridechamber " with the enables us to understand the allusions in Jeremiah ihoshhenim (a"^33tt?'ltt7) of the Talmudists. But to the " voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the

n- 3.


crown was

either of gold or

former were the attendants on the bridegroom h The feast was regarded as so essential a part of two persons selected the marriage ceremony, that -noieiv ydfiov acquired on the day of the marriage to represent the interests the specific meaning " to celebrate the man-iage-feast Cf bride and bridegroom, apparently with a speciaJ (Gen. xxix. 22 Esth. ii. 18 Tob. viii. i^ 1 Mace. ix. view to any possible litigation that might subsequently Luke xiv. 8), 37, X. 58. LXX. Matt. xxii. 4, xxv. 10 trise on the subject noticed in Deut. xxii. 15-21 (Selden, and sometimes to celebrate any ftast (Esth. ix. 22)
llone, while the shnshbenhn were
; ; ;

Ux. Ebr.




Compare the SaSes runi^i/cat of the Greeks (Aristoph. the lamps described in Matt. xxv. 7 1317).




14, xxiv. 16, C5, xxix. 11;

unmarried woman might meet and converse with still completely \eiled, so that the deception prac- men, even strangers, in a public place (Gen. xxiv. ticed on Jacob ((jen. xxix. 25) was very |)ossil)le. 24, 45-47, xxix. 'J-12; 1 Sam. ix. 11): she might If proof could be subsequently adduced that the be found alone in the country without any reflecbride had not preserve<i her maiden purity, tlie tion on her character (Deut. xxii. 2.5-27): or she case was investi;;atd; and, if she was convicted. might appear in a court of justice (Num. xxvii. 2).
^\'onlen not unfrequently held

where a canopy, named ckuppcJi " wan prepared (I's. xix. 5; Joel ii. IG). The bride was





imjiortant oflices;

some were prophetesses, as iSiiriani, Deborah, Huldah. Noadiah, and Anna: of others advice Wiw sought in emergencies (2 Sam. xiv. 2, xx. lG-22).

took their part in matters of jmblic interest

XV. 20;



xviii. 6,

7); in short,





much freedom in our own country.



as the

If such was her general position, it is certain that the wife must have exercised an important influence in her own home. She appears to have

taken her part in family affairs, and even to have eiijoyed a considerable amount of independence. I'or instance, she entertains guests at her own desire (2 K. iv. 8) in the absence of her husband (Judg. iv. 18), and sometimes even in defiance of his wishes (1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c.): she disjxises of her diild by a vow without any reference to her husband (1 Sam. i. 24): she consults with him as to the marriage of her children ((.Jen. xxvii. 46): her suggestions as to any domestic arrangements meet with due attention (2 K. iv. 9): and occasionally she criticizes the conduct of her husband in terms of great severity (1 Sam. xxv. 25 ; 2 Sam.


Uimp suspended at a modern Egyptian wedding.


relations of husband and wife appear to have been characterized by affection and tenderness. He



was stoned to death before her father's house (Deut. xxii. 13-21). \ newly married man was exempt from military service, or from any public business whicli mij^lit draw him away from his home, for the space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5): a similar privilege was (granted to him who was betrothed (Deut. XX. 7). llitlierto we have described

usages of mar-

riage as well as tiiey can be ascertained from the

Bible itself. Tlie Talmudists specify three modes by wliich marriage might be effected, namely, money, marriage-contract, and consummation {Kiildttsh. i. 1). The first was l)y the presentation of a gum of money, or its erpiivalent, in the presence of witnesses, accompanied i>y a nnitual declaration of betrothal. The second was by a tn-tllen. instead

of a verbal agreement,


with or without a

money. Tiie third, thougli valid in point of law, was discouraged to tlie greatest extent, as


the "friend" of his 20; Hos. iii. 1), and his love for her is frequently noticed (Gen. xxiv. 67, xxix. 18). Un the other hand, the wife was the consolation of the husband in time of trouble (Gen. xxiv. 67). and her grief at his loss presenterl a picture of the most abject woe (Joel i. 8). No stronger testimony, however, can be afforded as to the ardent affection of husband and wife, than that which we derive from the general tenor of the book of Canticles. At the same time we cannot but think that the exceptions to this state of affairs were more numerous than is consistent with our ideas of matrimonial happiness. One of the evils inseparable from jxilygamy is the discomfort arising from the jealousies and quarrels of the several wives, as instanced in the households of Abraliam and KIkanah (Gen. xxi. 11; 1 Sam. i. 6). The purchase of wives, and the small amount of liberty allowed to daughters in the choice of husbanfis, must inevitably have led

occasionally described as

wife (Jer.

being contrary to the laws of morality (Selden, to unhappy unions. The allusions to the mi.sery Ux. Kin: ii. 1, 2). of a contentious and brawling wife in the I'roverbs IV. In considering the so<Mal and domestic con- (xix. l.'t, xxi. 9, 19, xxvii. 15) convey the impresditions of married life among the Hebrews, we must sion that the infliction was of frequent occurrence in the first tal<e into account the position in Hebrew households, and in the I^Iishiia (Ketub.
Bsgigned to

women generally in their social scale. 7, 6) the fact of a woman being noisy is laid gechision of the /inraii and the habits conse- down as an adequate ground for divorce. In the quent u|)oii it were utterly unknown in early times, N. T. the mutual relations of husliand and wife and the condition of the oriental woman, as pic- are a subject of freipient exhortation (Kpli. v. 22^J3; tured to us in the Hible, contrasts most favorably Col. iii. 18, 19; Tit. ii. 4, 5; 1 I'et. iii. 1-7): it is with that of her niodrrn representative. There is certainly a noticeable coincidence that these exhorabundant evidence that women, whether married Uitions should be found exclusively in the epistles or unmarried, went about with their faces unveiled addressed to Asiatics, nor Ls it ini|)robable that they


Tl;e term ocMirs In the



Tho term wim

axplained by Homo of the Jewi.<ih roni 5), oacDtatom to have been a bower of rooes and niyrtltw.

also applied to the canopy under which the nuptial benediction wnji pronounred, or to th m)ie spread over the lieadH of the liride uud bride

ip-ooui (Selden, U. 1).

Keie more particularly needed for tneni than for Kuropeans. The duties of the wife in the Hebrew household were nuiltifarious in addition to the cjeneral superintendence of the domestic arrangements, such as cooking, from which even women of rank were not exempted (Gen. xviii. G; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and the distribution of food at meal-times (Prov. xxxi. 15), the manufacture of the clothing and the various textures required in an eastern establishment de:

" devils," Lev.
xvii. 7),


Molech (Lev. xx. 5), wizards (Lev. XX. 6), an ephod (Judg. viii. 27), Baalim (Judg. viii. 33), and even the heart and eyes (Num.

the last of these objects being such as wholly to exclude the idea of actual adultery. The image is drawn out more at length by Ezekiel
XV. 39)
(xxiii.), who compares tlie kingdoms of Samaria and Judah to the harlots Aholah and Aholibah; and again by Hosea (i.-iii.), whose marriage with an adulterous wife, his separation from her, and

volved upon her (Frov xx.d. 13, 21, 22), and if she were a model of activity and skill, she produced a surplus of fine linen shirts and girdles, which she sold, and so, like a well-freighted merchant-ship, brought in wealth t(- her husband from afar (Frov. The poetical description of a good xxxi. 14, 24). housewife drawn in the last chapter of the Proverbs is both filled up and in some measure illustrated by the following minute description of a wife's duties towards her husband, as laid down in the Mishna: '' She nnist grind corn, and l)ake, and

subsequent reunion with her, were designed to be a

visible lesson to the Israelites of their dealings witli



direct comparison with marriage is confined

to the prophetic writings, unless W4 regard the Canticles as an allegorical work. [CanThe actual relation between Jehovah TICLKS.] and his people is generally the point of comparison (Is. liv. 5, Ixii. i; Jer. iii. 14; Hos. ii. 19; Mai. ii. 11); but sometimes the graces consequent thereon in the O. T.

are described inider the image of bridal attire (Is. wash, and cook, and suckle his child, make his bed, xlix. 18, Ixi. 10), and the joy of Jehovah in his and work in wool. If she brought her husband Church under that of the joy of a bridegroom (Is. one bondwoman, she need not grind, bake, or wash: Ixii. 5). if In the N". T. the image of the bridegroom is if two, she need not cook nor suckle his child three, she need not make his bed nor work in wool: transferred from Jehovah to Christ (Matt. ix. 15; John iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church if four, she may sit in her chair of state" {Ketith. Whatever money she earned by her labor (2 Cor. xi. 2; Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 17), and 5, 5). The qualifi- the comparison thus established is converted by St. belonged to her husband {ib. 6, 1 ). cation not only of working, but of working at home Paul into an illustration of the position and mutual The is preferable to duties of man and wife (Eph. v. 2-3-32). (Tit. ii. 5, where oiKovpyovs o'lKovpovs), was insisted on in the wife, and to spin suddenness of the Messiah's appearing, particularly in the street was regarded as a violation of Jewish at the last day, and the necessity of watchfulness, are inculcated in the parable of the Ten Virgins, customs {Ketub. 7, 6). The legal rights of the wife are noticed in Ex. the imagery of which is borrowed from the customs The xxi. 10, under the three heads of food, raiment, and of the marriage ceremony (Matt. xxv. 1-13). These were Father prepares the marriage feast for his Son, the duty of marriage or conjugal right.

defined with great precision by the Jewish doctors for thus only could one of the most cruel effects of

polygamy be
rights of the
lord of the

averted, namely, the sacrifice of the


in favor of the




modern hiirem selects for his special The regulations of the Talmudists attention. founded on Ex. xxi. 10 may be found in the Mishna

joys that result from the union being thus represented (Matt. xxii. 1-14, xxv. 10; Rev. xix. 9 comp. i\Iatt. viii. 11), while the qualifications requisite for admission into that union are prefigured by the The breach marriage garment (Matt. xxii. 11).

of the union or


as before, described as fornication


in reference to the mystical



(Rev. xvii.

1, 2, 5).

V. The


and typical allusions to mar-

riage have exclusive reference to one subject, namely,

to exhibit the spiritual relationship between

The chief authorities on this subject are Selden's Uxor Ebrnicd. ; Michaelis' Conimenlnries ; the
particularly the books Yebnmolh, Ketuboih,

God Mishna,

and his people. The earliest form, in which the image is implied, is in the expression " to go a whoring," and " whoredom," as descriptive of the rupture of that relationship by acts of idolatry. These expressions have by some writers been taken in their primary and literal sense, as pointing to But this dethe licentious practices of idolaters. stroys the whole point of the comparison, and is



Buxtorf s




the writers on

special points



notice Benary, rie Hebr. Levirc'u, Berlin, 1835; Kedslob's Levinifsehe, Leipzig, 13t3G; and Kurtz's he des Hosea, Dorpat, 1859.


L. B.

another name in the A. V., The name Acts xvii. 22, for Areopagus, ver. 19. opposed to the plain language of Scripture: for is the same in Greek (6 "Apeios Trdyos), and should The variation seems to (1) Israel is described as the false wife" "playing be the same in English. the harlot" (Is. i. 21; Jer. iii. 1, 6, 8); (2) Je- be without design, or certainly without any dishovah is the injured husband, who therefore tinction of meaning; for the translators remark iu divorces her (Ps. Ixxiii. 27; Jer. ii. 20; Hos. iv. the margin against both passages that Areopagus The older 12, ix. 1); and (3) the other party in the adultery was " the highest court in Athens." specified, sometimes generally, as idols or false versions of Tyndale, Cramner, and the Genevan ren'is gods (Deut. xxxi. 16; Judg. ii. 17; 1 Chr. v. 2.5; der "Mars strete" in both places, while WyclifFe Ez. XX. 30, xxiii. 30), and sometimes particularly. writes " Areopage." Against the view that Paul AS in the case of the worship of goats (A. V. was arraigned and tried before the court,," as well


tion, is

a The term zan&h (713^), in its ordinary applica- where it means "commerce," and Nah. iii. 4, wher* almost without exception applied to the act of it is equivalent to " crafty policy," just as in 2 E. ix 'he woman. We may here notice the only ex>;eption8 to 22 the parallel word is " witchcrafts." b The modern Greeks in their disposition to rbe ordinary sense of this term, namely, Is. xxiii. 17,

MARS' HILL 1808 u on the ti)pop;rriphy of the subject., see Akkopagus.

proposed here to give some acromit of the itself, which Paul delivered on this hill, and which h;>s given to it a celebrity " above all Greek, above all Koinaii fame."' Scholars vie with each other in their commendaIn its su<;2;estiveness, depth tion of this discourse.

ings of food and drink (ver. 25); thirdly, that Hi is the Creator of all mankind, notwithstanding
their separation into so



many nations, and their wide on the earth (ver. 26); and fourthly, that he has placed men, as individuals and nations, in such relations of dependence on Himself as

of thouijht, co'^ent reasoninss, eloquence, and

markable adaptatio!! to all the coni;ruities and place," although not tlie longest it is
question the

it easy for them to see that He is their Creator and Disposer; and that it is their duty to seek and of time serve Him (vv. 27, 28). The ground has thus been beyond won for a direct ajiplication of the truth to his




all tlie

recorded speeches of the




this point of the discourse, as

we may

" a model well suppose, stretching forth his hand towards the sight, he exclaims: 'MVe cf Paul before this assembly,"' says Neander, " is a ought not, therefore, to suppose that the Deity is living proof of his aiwstolic wisdom and eloquence. like unto gold, or silver, or stone, sculptured by the We perceive here how the Apostle, according to his art and device of man " (ver. 29). Nor is this all.
great Apostle.

De Wette pronounces

of the apologetic style of discourse."


The address gorgeous images within


expression, could


also a

heathen to the

That which men ought not

.any longer do.

to do, they

may not


heathen, that he might win the heathen to a recep" The skill," says Hemsen, tion of the gospel."

with which he was able to

liring the truth


to the Athenians, deserves admiration.


find in

this discourse of Paul nothing of an ill-timed zeal, nothing like declamatory pomp. It is distinguished for clearness, brevity, coherence, and simplicity of representation." Some object that the speech has been overpraised because I'aul was not Hut in truth enabled to bring it to a formal close. our astonishment is not that he was interrupted at length when he came to announce to them the Christian doctrine of a resurrection of the body, but that he held their .attention so long while he

was owing to the forliearance of (Iod that the heathen been left hitlierfo to disown tlie true God, and transfer to idols the woi-ship which belongs to Him. He had borne with them as if he had not seen their willful ignor.ance, and would not call them to account for it; but now, with a knowledge of the gospel, they were required to repent of their iflolatry and forsake it (ver. W), because a day of righteous retribution awaited them, of which they liad assurance in the resurrection of Christ from the dead (ver.

Here their clamors interrupted him; but it is not difficult to conjecture what was left unsaid. exposed their errors and convicted them of the Tlie recorded examples of his preaching show that he would have held up to them more distinctly the absurdity and sinfulness of their conduct. The following is an outlitie of the general course character of Christ as the Saviour of men, and have The .\postle begins by declaring that urged them to call on his name and be .saved. It of thought. the Athenians were more than ordinarily religious, is impossible to say just in what sense the Apostle and commends tliem ibr that trait of character. adduced the resurrection of Christ as proof of a He had read on one of their altars an inscription'' general judgment. His resurrection from the dead lie recognizes in tliat ac- confirmed the truth of all his claims, a))d one of to "an unknown (iod." knowledgment the heart's testimony among the these was tliat He was to be the judge of men
His resurrection also estabheathen themselves, that all men feel the limitations (.John v. 28, 2!)). of their religious knowledge and their need of a lished the possil)ility of such a resurrection of all was saying to them in men as was implied in the Ajwstle's doctrine, that It more jKirfect revelation. effect: " You are correct in acknowledging a divine all men are to be raised from the dead and slanil The Ajxistle existence lieyond any which the ordinary rites of before the judgment-seat of Christ. your worship recognize; there is such an existence. may have had these and similar connections of the You are correct in confessing that this Heing is fact in his mind; but whether he had develojied unknown to you you have no just conception of them so far, when he was silenced, that the Athenians \Yith tliis introduc- perceived them all or any of them, is uncertain. liis nature and perfections." " ^^'llom therefore It was enough to excite their scorn to hear of a tion he piusses to his theme. The .Apostle's refnot knowing, je worship, this one I announce unto single instance of resurrection. vou." He thus projioses to guide tlieir religious erence in his last words to a great day of assize fo" instincts and aspirations to their proper object, t. e. all mankind would no doubt recall to the hearefrf to teach them what (iod is, his nature and attrib- the judicial character of the place where they were utes, and men's relations to Him, in opposition to as.sembled, but it was too essential a part of his their false views and practices as idolaters (ver. 23). train of thought to have been accidentally sugIn jiursuance of this purpose he announces to them, gested by the place. AVe are to recognize the predominant anti-polyfirst, that God is the Creator of the outward, material universe, and therefore not to be confounded theistic aim of the discourse in the prominence which with idols (ver. 241- secondly, He is indepen- Paul here gives to his doctrine with respect to the dent of his creatures, possessed of all sufficiency common parentage of the race, while at the in Himself, and in no need of costly gifts or offer- same time he thereby rebuked the Athenians for


the ancient names of their history now call their highest nppcllnto court the '\peo<; n-ayos (Areopagus). It consists of a irpoefpo?, or I'liii'f .Iiistiro, and several


ou account of

this remiirlcable fitness to tlie oo

or Associates,






H. casion. The Apostle's use of {cia-ifiat/iofcar^povf at ttie '' opening of the speech, Dean Howson very justly pointa

Athens. a The speech If but respondences [Ikr Aprisl. Ptiiilii.i, p. lr,7 f) adnilti their existence, argues from them that the cpocch must be firtiki^

out as one of the proofs of his tart and vcrs4itility. (See genuine must exhibit these cor- l^cliim on the C/iaradrr of Sf.Pniil, p. 45, i. 194, not Kcv. T. Kenrirk'.-i vindicjition of th with a straiiRo iKTVorsity Baur a, Anier. cil.)


rcndprlntr of the A. V.
lx>nd. 1804)

{Bihtirai Essatjs. pp. 10-l'w


shows only that the word admits of that U.


It will



other nations, especially of If all are the chiklren of a common tlie .lews. parent, then the idea of a mnltiplicity of gods from whom the various nations have derived their origin, or whose protection they specially enjoy, must be

contempt of


be seen from the foregoing sketch that it has been proposed, not without some justification, to arrange the contents of the discourse under the three heads of tJieolut/y, anthropology, and Chrtstolni/ii. At all events it will be seen, by casting the

unity of the race is eye back, that we have here all the parts of a perfect with that of the unity of the, namely, the exordium, the proposition But if all nations have the same or theme, the proof or exposition, and the applicadivine existence. It is a beautiful specimen of the manner in Creator, it would at once occur that nothing can tion. be more absurd tiian the feeling of superiority and which a powerful and well-trained mind, practiced contempt with which one affects to look down upon in public speaking, conforms spontaneously to the As the Apostle had to encounter the rules of the severest logic. One can readily beanother. prejudice which was entertained against him as a lieve, looking at this feature of the discourse, that it foreitjner and a .lew, his course of remark was was pronounced by the man who wrote the epistles doubly pertinent, if adapted at the same time to to the liomans and Galatians, where we see the remove this tiudrance to a candid reception of his same mental characteristics so strongly reflected. As we must suppose, on any view of the case, tba^ 0168 sag:.


doctrine of the

closely interwoven

Mars' Hill, on the south


and west from the



the general scheme of thought, the 7iexus of the The monuments of idolatry on which he looked argument, has been preserved, it does not affect have disappeared. The gorgeous image of Minerva our critical judgment whether we maintain that which towered aloft on the Acropolis, has been the discourse has been reported in full, or that a broken to pieces, and scattered to the winds. The synopsis only has been given. temples at that time there so magnificent and full It might have seemed to the credit of Chrisof idols,* remain only as splendid ruins, literally Churches and tianity if Luke had represented the preaching of inhabited by the owls and the bats. Paul as signally effective here at Athens, the centre chapels dedicated to Christian worship appear on of Grecian arts and refinement: on the contrary, he every side, surmounted with the sign of that cross, records no such triumphs." The philosophers who which was " to the .Jews a stunil)ling-block, and to

heard him mocked: the people at large derided him

as " a babbler."'


the close of that day on which


These and such results may indeed fall is est hopes. that short of the highest spiritual effects of Christianity; which makes " a thousand years with God as one but they show nevertheless the mighty change which day, and one tlay as a thousand years." place has taken place in the religious ideas and civilization ourselves again on the rock where Paul stood, and of pagan Greece, and liear witness to the power of
no purpose.

Paul delivered the had spoken almost

not yet.


might seem as



the Greeks foolishness." This cross itself has become the national emljlem, and gilds the future of these descendants of Paul's hearers with its bright-

But the end

Our proper

rule for jud(;ing here


look around us, and



a spectacle preeye.

St. Paul's

sents itself from that which

met the Apostle's

One must

seemingly ineffective speech on Jlars' Hill. read the discourse on the spot, amid the

a * i; is wortliy of notice, that although Paul spent the next two years at Corinth, so near Athens that the Acr>poHs of the one city may be seen from the other, he did not during that time turn his steps again to Athens. On his third missionary tour, he came once more into this part of Greece, and on the way passed

Athens twice at
city. b


and yet he did not

revisit that


* Zeune (ad Vi-^. p. 63S a) points out the mistranslation of KaTeiSoiKov by '' given to idolatry," inIt conceals from the reiidei stead of "full of idols." a striking mark of Luke's accuracy. No ancient citj ik. was so famous for its images as Athens.





and associations which bring the past and MoAicreap: [Vat. FA.] Ale.x. MaATjo-ea^: J/nrpresent as It were into visible contact with each Sana), one of the .seven princes of Persia, "wis* other, in order to understand and feel the impres- men wliicli knew the times," which saw the king's face and sat first in the kin<;dom (Esth. i. 14). sion of the contrast in its full extent. For a According to Josephus they had the oflBce of interPaul spoke of course in the open air.
description of the scene untler the Aix)stle's eye at
preters of the laws {Ant. xi. 0, 1).

the time, see Wordsworth's Vieivs of Greece, Plctoritl, Descnptirv, and Historicnl, p. 85, also his Atluns and A/llca, ch. xi. Robinson's liil/l. Ii<'seiirc/ies, i. 10 f. (where the bearing of Mars' Hill

which does not

{Mapda: Martlia).

appeiir in the

This name, O. T., bclongg to thfl

Aramaic, and

the feminine form of

We first meet with it towards the close of from the Acropolis should be west, instead of north). Lord. Tor a view of the Acropolis restored, as seen from the 2d century B. c. Marius, the 1 toman dictator, the Areopagus, see Conybeare and Howson's fJ/e was attended by a Syrian or Jewish prophetess Sticr treats at Martha durins the Nuniidian war and in his camnntl Letters of St. Paul, i. 442.
of the

S"^^ T





letic.iUy, in

lieden der Aposlel,


paign against the ("imliri (Plutarcli, Af'irnis, xvii.). Of the Martha of the X. T. there is comparatively


events at Atiiens form an interesting sketch

to be said.




or conjecture<l

Howson's Sccias from the Life of St. Paid, as to the history of the family of which she was a The facts ch. vi. (Lond. 180G), and reprint by the American men)ber may be seen under LAZ.vnrs. Tract Society (1808). Bentley's famous Sermons on recorded in Luke x. and .John xi. indicate a charAtheism and Deism (fii-st of the .series of Hoyle Lec- acter devout after the cusfoniary Jewish type of and accepting tures, lGy2) connect themselves almost historically devotion, sharing in Messianic hopes
with this atldress. Seven of the eight texts on which he founds the sermons are taken from Paul's Athenian speech. The topics on which the Apostle touched as the preacher enumerates tlicni are " such as the existence, the spirituality, and all-snthciency of God; the creation of the world; the origination of mankind from one common stock, according to the
divine I'rovidence in overnations and people; the new doctrine of repentance by the preaching of the gospel; the resurrection of the dead; and the appointed day of
history of Moses; the



an universid judgment" (see his Works, iii. 33 f., We find here the germs of the best Lond. 1838). arguments employed in later times in controversies Another lafer work furof the nature alluded to. Mr. ]\Ierivale has renishes a similar testimony. course to Paul's sententious words for the principal text-mottoes prefixed to his I-ectures on the
for 18G4).

Conversion of the Roman Empire (I'ojle Lectures it is one of those speeches of the Apo,s" (as Schnecken- leper" of Matt. xxvi. 6 and Mark xiv. 3 (Sehulthes.s, tle, " from all the ideas of which Ricb. ; Paulus, in Meyer, in loc. Gresburger remarks of the one at .\ntioch. Acts xiii.) in Winer, " may l)e dniwn lines which terminate in his pecu- well. Diss, on Villa ye of Martha and Mary). The character shows itself in the history of John liar doctrinal teachings in the epistles" (Slwl. same She goes to meet .lesus as soon as she hears " Nothing can be more xi. V. Krit. 18.55, p. 550). away fwom all the genuinely Pauline," says Lecliler, " the divis- that He is coniin;:, turning

Jesus as the Christ; sharing also in the popular belief in a resurrection (.lohn xi. 24), but not rising, as her sister did, to the belief that Christ was making the eternal life to belong, not to the future \\'hen she first comes only, but to the present. before us in Luke x. 38, as receiving her Lord into her house (it is imcertain whether at Bethany or elsewhere), she loses the calmness of her spirit, is " cumbered with much serving," is " careful and She is indignant troubled about many things." that her sister and her Lord care so little for that She needs the rewhich she cares so much. for proof "one thing is needful; " but her love, though imperfect in its form, is yet recognizetl as true, and slie too, no less than Laz.arus and Mary, has the distinction of being one wiiom Jesus loved (.John Her position here, it may be noticed, is xi. 3). ol)viou.sly that of the elder sister, the head and manager of the household. It has been conjectured that she was the wife or widow of " Simon the

ion here of history into its two great epochs, the pre-Messianic and post-Messianic, and the union of God's manifestations in creation, conscience, and

cussion in


not before, a fuller faitli at once in his wisdom And there is in Ch. J. Trip refutes some and his power (ver. 22). education for her as well as for others. of Haur's hypercritical oljections to tiie genuineness sorrow an rises from tiie formula of the Pharisee's creed of the speech (Paulas nach der Aposleltjescii. p. She no "flesh and blood," no 200 AT.). Other writers who may be consulted to the confession whicli traditions, coidd have revealed to her (vr. are F. W. Laufs, Ueher die areopagische Rede human It was an step ujjward from tie des Apostels Paulus (Stud. u. Krit., 18-50, j)]). 24-27). which refused to be coinfortea, 583-595); Williger's Apostelyesch. in Bihektundeii, dull stupor of a grief that without any definite assur.nice of an immidialt pp. 506-526 (2< Aufl.); Lange's Kircliem/escli. siie should now think of her brother Gademann's " Tlieologische Studien," resurrection, ii. 222 ff. as living still, never dyini;, because he had believed Zeitsclirift fir Intlnr. Tlicoloijic, 1854, p. 048 The transition from vain fruitless re(,'hrist. 'Y\io\mcV, GlavJjwardiijkeit, p. 380f.; Baumg.arten, in m.ay be foi and Prcssciisd, llisloire de grets to this assureil failli, .accounts it Apostelffesc/i. in loc. (ver. .3!). See also an article the words spoken by her at the sepulchre tylise Chretienne, ii. 17-22. of her if we see in them the on "Paul at Athens" by Prof. .\. (J. Kendrick, We judije wrongly or desponding unWlief. Christian Review, xv. 95-110, and one on " Paul's utterance of an imiwtient true victory over death baa Uiscounic at .Vthens: A Connnentary on Acts xvii. The thought of that comforle<l her, and she is no longer exiKrtini; tiiat H. 16-34," liibl. Sacra, vi. 338-350.



gives us in outline the fuller dis{Das Apost. u. Nocit. and ii."

Pharisees and rulers who come witii their topics The same spirit of of consolation (vv. Ill, 20). complaint that she had shown before finds utterance again (vcr. 21), Imt tiicre is now. what there was

Zeitnlter, p. 155).




[worOiy, Pen., Furnt]

the |)ower of the eternal life will show itself in the The wontler that followed. renewal of the earthly


than the tears whicli preceded, .taught her how deeply her I>ord sympathized with the pasjionate liiinian sorrows of wliich He had seemed to It taught her, as it teaches us, her so juniiiidful. that the eternal life in which she had learnt to believe was no absorption of the individual being



of James the Little and of Joses, are the same person, and that she was the sister of St. Jlary the The arguments, preponderating on the Virgin.

in that of the spirit of the universe




Mary being (according to the wij'c of Clopas or Alphajus, and the motlier of James the Little, Joses, Jude, Simon, and their sisters, have been given
affirmative side, for this

the A. V. translation)

nized and embraced



and pure


Her name appears once again in the N. T. She is present at the suj/j^er at Bethany as "serving" (John xii. 2). The old character shows itself still, but it has been freed from e\'il. She is no longer " cumbered," no longer impatient. Activity has been calmed by trust. When other voices are raised

difficulty in the fact of

under the heading James. There is an apparent two sisters seeming to bejir

the name of JIary. To escape this difficulty, it has been suggested (1 ) that the two clauses " his mother's sister" and "Mary of Clopas," are not
in apposition,

and that


four persons as present

sister, to

namely, the

John meant

to designate

mother of

her sister's overflowing love, hers


not Jesus; her


he does not assign any


among them.
traditions connected with I\Iartha have been



of Clopas


Mary Magdalene


already mentioned.

She goes with

her brother and other disciples to Marseilles, gathers round her a society of devout women, and, true to

her former character, leads them to a life of active ministration. The wilder Proven(,'al legends make her victorious over a dragon that laid waste the
country. The town of Tarascon boasted of possessing her remains, and claimed her as its patron Baint (Acta Sanctunim, and Brev. Bom. in Jul.




Evangel, p. 388).

H. P.


occurs only in Acts xxii. 15 as

the translation of /xaprvs, the proper sense of which is simply " witness," without the accessary idea of
sealing one's testimonj- by his death as understood

by our stricter use of "martyr." All the older English versions (from Wycliffe, 1-380, to the Rheims, 1582) have "witness" in this passage. It was not till after the age of the Apostles that the Greek word (/xaprvp or fxdprvs) signified " martyr," though we see it in its transition to that meaning Near the close in Acts xxii. 20 and Rev. xvii. G. of the second century it had become so honoral)le a title, that the Christians at Lyons, exposed to torture and death, and fearful tliat they might waver in the moment of extremity, refused to be called " martyrs " {fxapTvpes)- " This name," said they, " properly belongs only to the true and faithful witness, the Prince of Life or, at least, only to those whose testimony Christ has sealed by their constancy to the end. We are but poor, humble confessors, i. e. ofx6\oyoi-'^ (Euseb. IlUt. Ecclts. V. 2.) On fidpTvs see Cremer's Worierb. dtr Neutesf. Grdcitdt, p. 371 f. H.

So in A. V., but "of Cr.OPAs" (Mapia tov KAcottS). " there stood by In St. John's Gospel we read that the cross of Jesus his mother, and his mother's sister, Mary of Clopas, and Mary Magdalene (John xix. 25). The same group of women is described by St. Matthew as consisting of Mary Magdalene, and Mary of James and Joses, and the mother of Zebedee's children" (Matt, xxvii. 56); and by St. Mark, as " Mary Magdalene, and Mary antique ''"^Jp had then taken; and as in proof James the Little and of Joses, and Salome nunciation the emphasis would have been thrown (Mark xv. 40). From a comparison of these pas- on the last syllable in Mapid/j., while the final letter sages, it appears that Mary of Clopas, and Slary in Mapia would have been almost unheard, there


has been further suggested that this sister's name was Salome, wife of Zebedee (Wieseler). This is avoiding, not solving a difficulty. St. John could not have expressed himself as he does had he meant more than three persons. It has been suggested (2) that the word aSeAcpri is not here to be taken in its strict sense, but rather in the laxer acceptation, which it clearly does bear in other places. Mary, wife of Clopas, it has been said, was not the sister, but the cousin of St. Mary the Virgin (see Wordsworth, UL Test., Preface to the Epistle of St. James). There is nothing in this suggestion which is objectionable, or which can be disproved. But it appears unnecessary and unlikely unnecessary, because the fact of two sisters having the same name, though unusual, is not singular; and unlikely, because we find the two families so closely united living together in the same house, and moving about together from place to place that we are disposed rather to consider them connected by the nearer than the more distant tie. That it is far from impossible for two sisters to have the same name, may be seen by any one who will cast his eye over Betham's Genealogical Tal)les. To name no others, his eye will at once light on a pair of Antonias and a pair of Octavias, the daughters of the same father, and in one case of different mothers, in the other of the same mother. If it be otyected that these are merely gentilic names, another table will give two Cleopatras. It is quite possiljle too that the same cause which operates at present in Spain, may have been at work formerly in Judoea. jMiria.m, the sister of Closes, may have been the holy woman after whom Jewish mothers called their daughters, just as Spanish mothers not unfrequently give the name of jNIary to their children, male and female alike, in honor of St. Mary the Virgin.'' This is on the hypothesis that the two names are identical, but on a close examination of the Greek text, we find that it is possible that this was not the case. St. Mary the Virgin is Maptd/j. her sister is MapiaIt is more than possible that these names are the Greek representatives of two forms which the




a The form of the expression " Mary of Clopas," by their surnames, but by the name of their father or Mary of James," in its more colloquial form " Clopas' husband, or son, e. g. " William's Mary," " John's

Mary," " James' Mary," is fimiliar to every one ac- Mary," etc. t> (uaiuted with English village life. It is still a common Maria, Maria-Pia, and Maria-Immacolata, are th ,hing for the unmarried, and sometimes for the married first names of tbjee cf the sisters of the late king <rf women of the laboring classes in a country town or the Two Sicilies nllage, to be distinguished from their namesakes, not




hypothesis, have been a greater

difference in the sisters'

names than there


tween Mary and M:iria anionic ourselves." Mai-y of C'lopas was probably the elder sister of It would seem that she had younger than Jesus, they would have ventured to the Lx)rd's mother. married Clopas or Alphajus while her sister was have attempted to interfere by ibrce with Him for She had four sons, and at least three over-e.xerting himself, as they thought, in the prosstill a i;irl. The names of the daughters are un- ecution of his ministry. We may note that the daughters. known to us: those of the sons are James, Joses, Gnostic legends of the early ages, and the niedioeval
Jude, Simon, two of whom became eiu-oUed among the twelve Apostles [James], and a third (Simon) may have succeeded his brother in the charge of the Church of Jerusalem. Of Joses and the daughMary herself is brought ters we know nothing. before us for the fii-st time on the day of the Cruin the parallel passages already quoted cifixion

his cousins were older than Jesus, and consequently that their mother was the elder sister of the Virgin, may be gathered as likely from Jlark iii. "21, as it is not probable that if they had been



and revelations ahke refuse



the existence of a sister of St. Mary, aa interfering

with the miraculous conception and birth of the







nations have been given of this name. (1.) That In which at first suggests itself as the most natural, from St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John. the evening of the same day we find her sitting that she came from the town of Magdala. The desolately at the tomb with Mary Ma<;dalene (Matt, statement that the women with whom she jourMark xv. 47 ), and at the dawn of Easter neyed, followed Jesus in Galilee (Mark xv. 41) xxvii. 6 1 morning she was again there with sweet spices, agrees witli this notion. (2.) Another explanation which she had prepared on the Friday night (Matt, has been found in the fact tliat the Talmudio xxviii. 1; Mark xiv. 1; Luke xxiii. uO), and was one writei's in their calumnies against the Nazarenes of those who had " a vision of angels, which said Jliriam Megaddela (S /^^0), (Luke xxiv. 2;j). These are all make mention of a was

Mnria Miujdiiknt).


different expla^-

alive" He the glimpses that we have of her. Clopas or Alplux'US and deriving that word from the Piel of ^"JS? to is not mentioned at all, except as designating Mary twine, explain it as meaning " the twiner or plaiter and James. It is probable that he was dead before of hair." They connect with this name a story the ministry of our Lord commenced. Joseph, the which will be mentioned later; but the derivation

husband of St. Mary the \'irgin, was likewise dead; and the two widowed sistei-s, as was natural both for comfort and for protection, were in the custom of living together in one Thus the two families came to iie regarded as one, and the children of M:iry and Clop;is were called the brotiiers and sisters of Jesus. How soon the two sisters commenced living together cannot be known. It is possible that her sister's house at Nazareth was St. Mary's home at the time of her marriage, for we

has been accepted by Ligiitfoot (//w. Ilcb. on Matt, xxvii. 5G; Harm. Kv<in(j, on Luke viii. 2), as satisfactory, and pointing to the previous worldliness of "Miriam with the braided locks," as identical with "the woman that was a sinner " of Luke vii. 37. It has been urged in favor of this, that the 7; koKouixfvr] of




implies something peculiar,

not used where the word that follows points oidy to origin or residence. (3.) Either seriously, or with the patristic fondness for pdrimomagia, Or it may .Jerome sees in her name, and in that of her town, never hear of the Virgin's parents. have been on their return from I'-^'vpt to Nazaretli the old Migdol (==a watch-tower), and dwells on that Joseph and Mary took up their residence willi the coincidence accordingly. The name denotes Mary and Clopas. But it is more likely that the the iteadfastness of her faith. She is " vere irvpthe union of the two households took place after vere turris candoris et Libani, qua; prospicit




In the second death of Joseph and of Clopas. year of our lord's ministry, we find that they had been so long united as to be considered one by their fellow-townsmen (.Matt. xiii. 5.")) and other GaliAt whatever period it was leans (.Matt. xii. 47). that this joint honsekeei)ing commenced, it would seem to have continued at Nazareth (Matt. xiii. 55) and at Capernaum (.lohn ii. 12), and elsewhere, till St. John took St. Mary the Virgin to his own home After this time Mary of in Jerusalem, a. n. ;](). Clop.os would probably liave continueil living with

in faciem

Damasci "





followed in this by later Latin writers, and the

of Clugni

pun forms the theme of a panegyric sermon by Odo (Ada Siuictwuiii, Antwerp, 1727, July 12). (4.) Origen, lastly, looking to the more com-

mon meaning
in her

of v"!!!

{yadul, to be great), sees

name a prophecy

of her spiritual greatness

as having ministered to the Lord, and been the first witness of his resurrection ( Tract, in Mall. xxxv.).
It will be well to get a firm standing-ground in the facts that are definitely connected in the N. T. with .Mary Magdalene before entering on the perplexed and bewildering conjectures that^ gather

James the


and her

otiier children at Jerti-

lalem until her death. The fact of her name being omitted on all occasions on which her children and ber sister are mentioned, save only on the days of ,he Crucifixion and the Kesurrection, would indicate a retiring disposition, or perhaps an advanced

round her name. I. She comes before us for the first time 2. It was the custom of Jewish viii.




a The ordinary explanation that Mapiatu. Is the Hebraic form, anil Mapi'a tlio (jrcek fonn, and that the Jifferenco is in the use of the Ev.'iiij^oliatg, not in the

but there

is sufficient agreement In the majority of the That it is possible Codices to determine the usage. for a name to develop into sevenil kindred forms, and


for why should itself, seems scarcely lulcqnat*! the EvanKellsts Invariably cinplny tlio Hebraic form the Virgin, and the (Jreck when writing of St. Miiry form when writing about all the other M;irie8 In the It la true that this di.'<tlnction U not flnspel history? eonstantly observed in the rc!ulin|?i of the ("odex Vfttlcauiia, the CocUz Bphraeinl, and u few otiicr MSS.

for these forms to be con.'ideri'd sufflcicntly distinct appellations fbr two or more brothers or sisters, i* evidencod by our dally exi>eriencc. '< The writer is indebted for this quotation, and ttt

one or two roferenoes in the course of the the kindne-ss of Mr. W. A. Wrieht

article, te


^Jerome on 1 Cor. ix. 5) to contribute to the supDort of Kabbis whom they reverenced, and in conformity witli that custom, tliere were among the disciples of Jestis, women who " niiuistereil unto Him of their substance." All appear to have occupied a position of comparative wealth. With all tiie chief motive was that of gratitude for their deliverance from "evil spirits and infirmities." Of Mary it is said specially that " seven devils
{SaifMSvia) went out of her," and the number inMatt. xii. 45, and the " Legion " of the Gadarene demoniac (Mark v. 9), a possession of more than ordinary malignity. must think
dicates, as in

to her.


spoke of it had been addressed had failed to imder stand them, and were not likely to have reported

The Sabbath

an enforced

but no sooner

that followed brought is the sunset over

than she, with Sdhme and Mary tiie mother of James, " brought sweet spices that they might come and anoitit " the body, the interment of which on the night of the crucifi.xion they looked on as hasty and pronsional (Mark xvi. 1).

The next morning accordingly, in the earUest dawn (Matt, xxviii. 1; Mark xvi. 2), they come with Mary the mother of James, to the sepulchre.

It would be out of place to enter here into the most harmonistic discussions which gather round the aggravated forms, some of the phenomena of mental history of the Kesurrection. As far as they conand spiritual disease which we meet with in' other nect themselves with the name of Mary iMagdalene, demoniacs, the wretchedness of despair, the divided the one fact which St. John records is that of the consciousness, the preternatural frenzy, the long- chiefest interest. She had been to the tomb and had continued fits of silence. The appearance of the found it empty, had seen the " vision of angels Bame description in Mark xvi. 9 (whatever opinion (Matt, xxviii. 5; Mark xvi. 5). To her, however, we may form as to the authorship of the closing after the first moment of joy, it had seemed to be section of that Gospel) indicates that this was the but a vision. She went with her cry of sorrow to fjct most intimately connected with her name in Peter and Jo/m (let us i-emember that Sulume had the minds of the early disciples. From that state been with her), " they have taken away the Lord of misery she had been set free by the presence of out of the sepulchre, and we know not where they the Healer, and, in the absence, as we may infer, have laid Him " (John xx. 1, 2). But she returns of other ties and duties, she found her safety and there. She follows Peter and John, and remains her blessedness in following Him. The silence of when they go back. The one thought that fills the Gospels as to the presence of these women at her mind is still that the body is not there. She other periods of the Lord's ministry, makes it prob- has been robbed of that task of reverential love on able that they attended on Him chiefly in his more which she had set her heart. The words of the Bolenni progresses through the towns and villages angels can call out no other answer than that of Galilee, while at other times he journeyed to '' They have taken away my Lord, and I know not and fro without any other attendants than the where they have laid Him " (John xx. 1.3). This Twelve, and sometimes without even them. In the intense brooding over one fixed thought was, we last journey to Jerusalem, to which so many had may venture to say, to one who had suffered as she been looking with eager expectation, they again had suffered, full of special danger, and called for accompanied Him (Matt, xxvii. 5-5; Mark xv. 41; a special discipline. The spirit must be raised out Luke xxiii. 55, xxiv. 10). It will explain much that of its blank despair, or else the "seven devils" follows if we remember that this life of ministration might come in once again, and the last state be must have brought Mary Magdalene into compan- worse than the first. The utter stupor of grief is ionship of the closest nature with Salome the mother shown in her want of power to recognize at first of James and John (Mark xv. 40), and even also either the voice or the form of the Lord to whom with Mary the mother of the Lord (John xix. 25). she had ministered (John xx. 14, 15). At last her The women who thus devoted themselves are not own name uttered by that voice as she had heard it prominent in the history: we have no record of uttered, it may be, in the hour of her deepest misery, their mode of life, or abode, or hopes or fears during recalls her to consciousness; and then follows the the few momentous days that preceded the cruci- ciy of recognition, witli the strongest word of rev fixion. From that hour, they come forth for a brief ereiice which a woman of Israel could use, " Rab two days' space into marvelous distinctness. They boni," and the rush forward to cling to his feet. " stood afar off, beholding these things " (Luke That, however, is not the discipline she needs. xxiii. 49) during the closing hours of the Agony Her love had been too dependent on the visible on the Cross. Mary jMagdalene, Mary the mother presence of her JNIaster. She had the same lesson Though they had of the Lord, and the beloved disciple were at one to learn as the other disciples.


of her, accordingly, as having had, in their


time not afar


off, iiut

close to the cross, within hear-

which drew them toijether there is seen afterwards. She remains by the cross till all is over, waits till the body is taken down, and wrapped in the linen cloth and placed in the garden-sepulchre of Joseph of Arimathea. She remains there in the dusk of the evening watching what she must have looked on as the final restingplace of the Prophet and Teacher whom she had honored (Matt, xxvii. 61 ilark xv. 47 Luke xxiii. 55 ). Not to her had there been given the hope of the Resurrection. The disciples to whom the words that
close association
; ;

The same

known Christ after the flesh," they were " henceknow Him so no more." She was to hear that truth in its highest and sharpest "irm. " Touch
forth to


not yet ascended ti iiy Father." the earthly affection had been raised to a heavenly one, she was to hold back. When He had finished his work and had ascended to the Father, there should be no barrier then to the fullest communion that the most devoted love could crave for. Those who sought, might draw near and touch Him then. He would be one with them, and they one with him." It was fit that
not, for I


For a time,


* The passage referred to is one of acknowlidged difficulty. It is cert;viuly an objection to the riew proposed above that it represents our Lord as forbidding Mary to touch him, though he permitted <he other women to whom he showed himself on their


return to the city, not only to approach him, but to hold him by the feet and worship him (Matt. xxTiii. It is to be noted that the verb which describes the act of the others {iKpdryfa-av i is a dltfjrent one from that which describes the act denied to Marj (ujj

this sliould



the last

mention of Mary. The Evan- something improbable to the verge of being

wliose position, as the son of Salome,


ceivalile, in

have given him the fullest knowledge at once of same We the facts of her after-hist^>ry, and of her inmost same tho"ii;hts, bore witness by his silence, in this case to the conclusion adopted by the great majority of as in that of Lazarus, to the truth that lives, such inter|)reters, that the Gosih'Is record two anointings, as theirs, were thenceforth " hid with Christ in one in some city unnamed (Capernaum or Nain have been suggested), during our Lord's Gallle-an God." II. What follows will show how great a contrast ministry (Luke vii.), the other at Itethany, before wrote and the last entry into Jerusalem (Matt. xxvi. ; Mark there is l)etween the spirit in whicli he We come, then, to the question that which shows itself in the later traditions. xiv.; John xii.). Dut of these few facts there rise a multitude of whether in these two narratives we meet with one The one passage adduced for wild conjectures; .and with these there h;is been woman or with two. the former conclusion is .lohn xi. 2. It has l)eeji itanstructed a whole romance of hagiology. The questions which meet us connect themselves urged (.Maldonatus in Mall. xxvi. and .loan. xi. 2, with the narrati\es in the four Ciospels of women .lc/(( Siuirliirum, July 22d) the words which who came with precious ointment to anoint the feet we find there (" It was that Mary which anoint/ed whose brother Kach Gospel contains an the I/ird with ointment or the head of .Jesus. account of one such anointing; and men have asked, Lazarus was sick") could not possilily refer by " Do they anticipation to the history which was about to in endeavoring to construct a harmony, follow in ch. xii., and nmst therefore presuppose tell us of four distinct acts, or of three, or of two, On any supposition but the last, some fact known through the other Gospels to the or of one only?
are the distinct acts |)erforined by the
difTerent persons;

the repetition within three days of the scene, at the same place, with precisely the murmur and the same reproof. are left

same or i)y Church at large, and that fact, it is inferred, is Against this it by different, then by how found in the history of Luke vii. many? Further, have we any grounds for identi- been said on the other side, that the assumpfyuig Mary Magdalene with the woman or with tion tlius niiule is entirely an arbitrary one, and any one of the women whose acts are thus l)rouglit tiiut there is not the slightest trace of the life of This opens a wide range of possible .Mary of Bethany ever having been one of open and before us? " combinations, but the limits of the inquiry may, flagrant impurity." Although 'I'here is, therefore, but slender evidence for the without much dithculty, be narrowed. the opinion seems to have been at one time main- assumption tliat the two anointings were the acta tained (<^rigen. Tract, in Mull, xxxv.), few would of one and the same woman, and that woman the now hold that Matt. xxvi. and Mark xiv. are reports sister of Lazarus. There is, if possilile, still less lew, except critics bent, for the identification of Mary Magdalene with the of two distinct events, (L) When her name like Schleiermacher and .Str.auss, on getting up a chief actor in either history. case against the historical veracity of the Evangel- appears in Luke viii. 3 there is not one wonl to ists, could persuade themselves that the narrative connect it with the history that immediately preand


Luke vii., ditiering as it does in well-nigh every circumstance, is but a misplaced and embellished version of the incident which tiie tiret two Gospels connect \vith the last week of our Lord's ministry.


Though possible, it is at le.ast unlikely that such an one as the "simier" would at once have been received as the chosen companion of
.loanna and Salome, and have gone from town to


supposition that tiiere were three anointings

town with them and the

description that

has found favor with Origen (I. c.) and Liglitfoot ([{arm. Kvanij. in loc, and llor. Ilcb. in Matt, xxvi.); but while, on the one hand, it removed some harmonistic difficulties, there is, on the othei',
of ifseif suggestive of offering to

seven devils "








whom went

points, as has been stated,

form of suftering
with the

but absolutely incompatible implied in oftaprwXds, and to a very



This variation


dilTercDt purpose

on the part of Mary in


and ou tho Saviour's part iu interrupting

the act.

Meyer on the basis of tliis difference in the language suggests anotlier explanation, which deserves to he uieiitioiicd. It will be fnund in his remarks on John
XX. 17

(Comm. pp


3lc Aufl.).

lie iidopted

It should be observed that this inii>crative present form (/i) oiirrou) implies an Incipient act either :ictually begun, or one on the point of being done, as indicated by gome look or gesture. M.ary.itmay well be supposed, was in tho same perplexed stjitc of mind on the uppennmce of Christ to her, which was evinred in ho ni;iny different ways by Sho had tho other disciples after the resurrection. already, it is true, exclaimed in the ec8tiu<y of her joy, ' Rabboni," but sho may not yet have been certain as tc the pro<-lso form or nature of the body in which she Wheld her Ixjrd. It Is He, the (Ircnt Master, verily, she is aurc<l but is He corporeiil, having rcJilly come forth out of the gnivo ? Or is it his glorifled spirit,

different view in his earlier studies.

by the criterion of the sense of touch the conviction which the eye is unable to give her. The Saviour knows her thoughts, and arrests the act. The act is his words are a sufficient proof of what unneces.sary she would know. He " had not yet lu'cetided to the Father," ns she half believed, and ron.iequently has not the spiritual body which she supposed he might He gives her by this declaration the po.sibly have. assurance respecting his bodily stjite which she had proposed to gain for herself through the medium of Her was like that of Thomas, and yet sense. she wished, like him, to touch the object unlike his of her vision, but, unlike him, was not prompted by


this exegesis the confirmatory ovma yip avawhich follows has it-" logical justification. No explanation can be correct which fails to satisfy that H. condition. 'I Tlie difficulty is hardly met by the pcrtentous conjecture of one coninient.-itor, tliat the word aftapTwAof does not mean what it is commonly supixised to mean, and that the " many sins " consisted chiefly (as tho name Magdalene, according to the etymology noticed


baviiig alre-ady gnno

scended to her in

hut now having de- above, implies) in her giving too larp- a portion of th investiture? In this Sabbath to the braiding or plaiting of her liair (!> extends her hand to assure Ijaniy in I>am|X) on John xii. 2. (tat of unrert'iinty she She would procure for herself lerself of the truth.


to Goil,






work of healing from that of the divine and England being foremost in their reverence " Thy sins be forgiven thee." for the saint whose history appealed to their symHords of pardon To say, as lias been said, that the "seven devils" pathies. (See below.) Well-nigh all ecclesiastical " many sins" (Greg. i\Iag. Hum. in EvatKj. writers, after the time of Gregory the Great (Albert ore the 25 and 53), is to identify two things which are the Great and Thomas Aquinas are exceptions), ^^^len it was first questioned separated in the whole tenor of the !Sr. T. by the take it for granted, The argument that by F6vre d'Etaples (Faber Stapulensis) in the early ..learest hue of demarcation. because Slary Magdalene is mentioned so soon after- Biblical criticism of the 10th century, the new wards she must be che same as the woman of opinion was formally condemned by the Sorbonne Luke vii. (Butler's L,.ees of the Situits, July 22), {Acta Sanctorum, 1. c), and denounced by Bishop The Prayer-book of 1549 It would be just as reasonable Fisher of Rochester. is simply puerile. Never, follows in the wake of the Breviary; but in that to identify "the sinner" with Susanna. utterly baseless obtained of 1552, either on account of the uncertainty or perhaps, has a figment so The Book 80 wide an acceptance as that which we connect for other reasons, the feast disappears. In one It of Homilies gives a doubtful testimony. with the name of the " penitent Magdalene." " is mentioned without is to be regretted that the chapter-heading of the passage the "sinful woman A. V. of Luke vii. should seem to give a quasi- any notice of her being tlie same as the Magdalene authoritative sanction to a tradition so utterly un- {Ser?n. on Repentance, Part ii.); in another it certain, and that it should have been perpetuated depends upon a comma whether the two are disThe transin connection with a great work of mercy. (2.) tinguished or identified {ibid. Partii.). The belief that Mary of Bethany and Mary Mag- lators under James I., as has been stated, adopted Not one the received tradition. Since that period there has dalene are identical is yet more starthng. single circumstance, except that of love and rever- been a gradually accumulating consensus against The epithet it. Calvin, Grotius, Hammond, Casaubon, among ence for their JMaster, is common. Magdalene, whatever may be its meaning, seems older critics, Bengel, Lampe, Greswell, Alford, chosen for the express purpose of distinguishing Wordsworth, Stier, !Meyer, Ellicott, Olshausen, No one Evangelist among later, agree in rejecting it. Romanist her from all other Maries.


the slightest hint of




writers even (Tillemont, Dupin, Estius) have borne

mentions Martha and her sister Mary in x. -38, 39, St. as though neitiier had been named before. .John, who gives the fullest account of both, keeps The their distinct individuality most prominent. only siinuldcrum of an argument on behalf of the identity is that, if we do not admit it, we have no record of the sister of Lazarus having been a wit-

and books that represent the present teaching of the

their protest against it in whole or in part;

of the

Church reject entirely the identification two ^Maries as an unhappy mistake (Jligne,

The mediaeval tradition has, Diet, de la Bible). however, found defenders in Baronius, the writers of the Acta Sanctorum, Maldonatus, Bishop of the resurrection. drewes, Lightfoot, Isaac Williams, and Dr. Pusey. Nor is this lack of evidence in the N. T. itself It remains to give the substance of the legend At some time compensated by any such weight of authority as formed out of these combinations. would indicate a really trustworthy tradition. Two before the commencement of our Lord's ministry, of the earliest writers who allude to the histories of a great sorrow fell upon the household of Bethany. the anointing Clement of Alexandria {Padng. The younger of the two sisters fell from her purity Pier life was ii. 8) and TertuUian ('/e Pudic. ch. 8) say noth- and sank into the depths of shame. The that of one possessed by the " seven devils " of uniug that would imply that they accepted it. Origen cleanness. From the city to which she then went, language of Irenteus (iii. 4) is against it. {I. c.) discusses the question fully, and rejects it. or from her harlot-like adornments, she was known Then she hears wliole succession of the ex- by the new name of Magdalene. He is followed by the positors of the Eastern Church: Theophilus of An- of the Deliverer, and repents and loves and is forThe given. Then she is received at once into the tioch, Macarius, Chrysostom, Theophylact.

women and ministers to the Lord, and is received back again by her sister and tion, and suggested the identity of Mary ilagda- dwells with her, and shows that she has chosen the The death of Lazarus ami his return lene with the daughter of the Syro-Phoenician good part. woman of Mark vii. 20 (Nicephorus, H. K. i. 33). to life are new motives to her gratitude and love; In the Western Church, however, the other belief and she shows them, as she had sho\vn them bef 're, iiegan to spread. At first it is mentioned hesita- anointing no longer the feet only, but tlie head alo tingly, as by Ambrose {d& Viri/. Vtl. and in Luc. of her Lord. She watches by the, and is {in Mall. xxvi. 2; contr. Jovin. c. present at the sepulchre and witnesses the resurlib. vi.), Jerome
traditions of

that Church,

when they wandered

fellowship of the holy

into the regions of conjecture, took another direc-

Augustine at one time inclines to it {de Evnng. c. 69), at another speaks very doubtingly {Tract, in Joann. 49). At the close of the first great period of Church history, Gregory the Great takes up both notions, embodies them in his Homihes {in Ev. 2.5, 53) and stamps them


Tlien (the legend goes on,



the woik


of fantastic combination

completed), after some

with his authority. The reverence felt lor When she and the constant use of his works as a text-book a life of penitence for thirty years. of theology during the whole mediasval period, dies a church is built in her honor, and miracles Clovis the Frank is lecured for the hypothesis a currency which it never are wrought at her tomb. would have gained on its own merits. The services healed by her intercession, and his new faith is of the feast of St. iNIary Magdalene were constructed strengtiiened and the chivalry of France does hom;

mth Lazarus and Martha and Maximin (one of the Seventy) to Marseilles They land there; and she, [comp. L.\ZARUs]. leaving Martha to more active work, retires to a him, cave in the neighborhood of Aries, and there leads
years of waiting, she goes

jn the assumption of


truth {Brev. Hoin. in


Hymns and

paintings and sculptures fixed

t deep in the minds of the Western nations,

as to that of the greater Mary. Such was the full-grown form of the Western France story. In the East there was a different tradition

age to her






for every




10) states that she went to


word that


from the Divine Teacher.

jiart, the life that hai foimd its unity, the "one thing needful," in rising \n Mm-ing), that she came to Ephesus with the from the earthly to the heavenly, no longer disVirijin ami St. John, and dieil and was hurled tracted by the "many things" of e.arth. TJie same there. The Kni[ieror \jeo the Philosopher (circ. character shows itself in the history of John xi. 890) hrouj^ht her body from that city to Constan- Her grief is deeper but less active. She sits still in the house. .She will not go to meet the friends tinople {Acta SoiKiorum, 1. c.). The name api)e.irs to have been conspicuous who come on the formal visit of consolation. Hut enough, either anionij the livins members of the when her sister tells her secretly " I'he Master is Church of Jerusalem or in their written records, to come and calleth for thee," she rises quickly and 'i'he goes forth at once (.lohn xi. 20, 28). attract the notice of their Jewish opponents, 'J hose who Talmudists record a tradition, confused enough, have watched the depth of her grief have but one that Stada or .Satda, whom they rc|)resent as the explanation for the sudden charge: " She goeth to mother of the Prophet of Nazareth, was known by the grave to weep there! " her first thought when this name as a ' plaiter or twiner of hair;"' that she sees the Teacher in whose power and love she " She fell down she was the wife of Paphus Ik'u-.lelnidah, a cou- had trusted, is one of complaint.

to accuse Pilate for

uiirigliteous jiuIlc-


had chosen the good

meiit; Modestus, patriarch of Constantinople (//"/.


of (ianialiel, .Joshua, and



that she crieved and angered

ness (IJt;htfoot, //"/.



her wantonxxvi., //(inn.

on ^latt.

seems, however, from the fuller report given by ICisenmenger, tliat there were two women to whom the Talmudists gave this name, and the wife of Paphus is not the one whom they identified with the >[ary Magdalene of the
Ecnni/. on Luke


thou hadst been here, brother had not died." Up to this jioint, her relation to the Divine Friend had lieen one of reverence, receiving rather than giving, blessed in the consciousness of his lavor. Put the great joy and love which her brother's return to life calls up in her, pour themselves out in larger measure than
at his feet, saying, Lord, if


had been seen

of ointment
licthany, .John



trcasurefl alabaster-box

Gospels (/Jnti/tcki.





brought forth at the

xii. 3.




lastly the

str.ange supposition

Matthew and



out of an attempt to evade .some of the harmonistic


of the resurrection history), that there

were two women both known by this name, and both among those who went early to the sepulchre (I>ampe, Omim. in Joann.; Amlirose, Comin. in action. E. H. P. Luc. X. 24).

keep back her name. St. John records it as though the reason for the silence held good no longer. Of her he had nothing more to tell. The education of The love which had her spirit was completed. been recipient and contempLitive shows itself in


womaii known by
this description


Of her


we know nothing.




traditions aliout her are based on the


among the earliest disciples. We learn from Col. Parnabas, and it iv. 10 that she was sister to would appear from Acts iv. 37, xii. 12, that, while the brotlier gave up his land and brought the proceeds of the sale into the conmion treasury of the Church, the sister gave up her house to lie used as The fact that one of its chief places of meeting. I'eter goes to that house on liis release from pri.son indicates that there was some special intimacy (.Acts xii. 12) between them, and this is confirmed liy the language which he uses towards Mark as

unfounded hypothesis of her identitv with Mary 'E. H. P. Magdalene.


form of the name see

{Vlapiifi: on the

is no person perhaps in siicred or in profane literature, around whom so many legends have been grouped as the Virgin JIary; and there are few whose authentic history is more concise. The very sim|)licity of the evangelical record has no doubt been one cause of the abundance of the legendary matter of which Imagination had to she forms the central figure. Pet. v. 13). She, it may be l)eing his "son" (1 be called in to supply a craving which authentic added, must have been, like Harna)ias, of the tribe shall divide her life narrative did not satisfy. of I>evi, and may have lieen connected, as he was, into three periods. I. The period of her ehildh(M>d, It has been surmised with Cyprus {.Vets iv. 30). up to the time of the birth of our Lord. II. The that filial anxiety about her welfare during the perperiod of her middle age, contemporary with the secutions and the famine which liarasse<l the Church III. The jieriod sulisequent to the Pible Pecord. at Jenis-alem, wa.s the chief cause of Mark's withThe first and last of these are wholly Ascension. drawal from (he missionary labors of Paul and legendary, except in regard to one fact mentioned I'arnabas. The tradition of a later age represented in the Acts of the Apostles; the second will contain therefore the plai-e of meeting for the disciples, and Por the first period we shall have her real history. prol)al(ly the house of Mary, as having stood on to rely on the early a]io(T\plinl gosi)els; for the the upper slope of Zion, and aflirmed that it had sct-ond on the Pible; for the third on the traditions been the scene of the wonder of the day of Penteand tales which had an origin external to the cost, ha<! escaped the general destruction of the Church, but after a time were transplanted within city by Titus, and was still used as a church in the her boundaries, and there tlourished and incre.a-sed 4th century (ICpiphan. i/e Pond, et Aferix. xiv.: both by the force of natunil growth, and by thu E. H. P. Cyril. Ilierosol. OiUcli. xvi.). accretions which from time to time resulted frotp




For supposed visions and revelations. name, I. The cIiHiIIkhxI of Mitry, irliolli/ Uf/eni/itry. The .loachim and .\nna were both of the rice of Davia comp. LAZAurs and Mauv Mach ai.knk. She and I'he abode of the former was Nazareth; the latter facts strictly personal to her are iiut few.


of the inforinntiou connected with this


her sister .Martha appear in Luke x. 40, a.s receiving Christ in their house. 'Hie contrasted teni|>ertments of the two sisters have Ikhmi already in part


her early ye.ars at llethleliem.




piously in the sight of


faultlessly before

man, dividing

their substance into three (Kirtions,

IMautiia]. Mary

sat listening eiigerly

one of which they devotetl to the etrvitx of tha


Ten.ple, another to the poor,


fore the


and the third to

wn wants.


so twenty years

of their lives

passed silently away. But at tiie end of this period Joacliim went to JerusaJen) witli some others of his
tribe, to


his usual ottl-ring at the Feast of the


other rods were presented and no sign Then it was found that Joseph had not occurred. presented his rod and behold, as soon as he had presented it, a dove came forth from the rod and flew upon the head of Joseph (Prot.); a dove came from



chanced that Issachar was



priest (Gospel of Birth of -Alary)

that Reuben was

And the high-priest high-priest (ProtevangeLon). scorned Joachim, and drove him roughly away, askuig how he dared to present huuself in company with tliose who had children, while he had none; and he refused to accept his offerings until he should have begotten a child, for the Scripture said, " Cursed is every one who does not beget a manshild in Israel." And .Joachim was shamed before
his friends

And heaven and pitched on the rod (G. B. M.). Joseph, in spite of his reluctance, was compelled to betroth himself to JMary, and iie returned to Bethlehem to make pi-eparations for his marriage ((i. B. M.) he betook himself to his occupation of building houses (Prot.); while Mary went back to her parThen it chanced that the ents" house in Galilee. priests needed a new veil for the Temple, and seven

virgins cast lots to


different parts of it;



and neighbors, and he

retired into the

the lot to spin the true purple she went out with a pitcher to



wilderness and fixed his tent there, and fasted forty

days and forty nights.



at the

end of


period an ansjel appeai'ed to him, and told

him that

draw water. she heard a voice, saying unto her, " Hail, thou that art highly favored, the Lord is with thee. Blessed ai't thou among women '' and she looked

And And

and should bring forth a daughter, and he should call her name Mary. Anna meantime was much distressed at her husband's absence, and being repro.ached by her maid .Judith with her barrenness, she was overcome with grief And in her sadness she went into her of spirit. garden to walk, dressed in her wedding-dress. And she sat down mider a laurel-tree, and looked up and spied among the branches a sparrow's nest, and she bemoaned herself as more miserable than the very birds, for they were fruitful and she was barren and she prayed that she might have a child even as And two angels apSarai was blessed witii Isaac. peared to her, and jjromised her that she should have a child who should be spoken of in all the world. And .Joachim returned joyfully to his home, and when the time was accomplished, Anna brought forth a daughter, and they called her name ]Mary. Now the child Mary increased in strength day by day, and at nine months of age she walked nine steps. And when slie was three years old her parents brought her to the Temple, to dedicate her to the Lord. And there were fifteen stairs up to the Temple, and while Joseph and Mary were changing their dress, she walked up tliem without help; and the high-priest placed her upon the third step of the altar, and she danced with her feet, and all the house of Israel loved her. Then Mai-y remained at the Temple until she was twehe (I'rot.) fouiteen (G. B. M.) years old, ministered to l>y the angels, and advancing in perfection as in years. At this time
sliould conceive,


round with trembling to see whence the voice came, and she laid down the pitcher and went into the house and took the purple and sat down to work at it. And behold the angel Gabriel stood by her and filled the chamber with prodigious light, and And when Mary had finsaid, " Fear not," etc.
ished the purple, she took

to the high-priest;

and having received his blessing, went to visit her cousin Elizabeth, and returned back again." Then Joseph returned to his home from building houses (Prot.); came into Galilee, to marry the Virgin to whom he was betrothed (G. B. M.), and finding her with child, he resolved to put her away privily; but being warned in a dream, he relinquished his Then came purpose, and took her to his house. Annas the scrilie to visit Joseph, and he went back and told the priest that Joseph had committed a great crime, for he had privately married the Virgin whom he had received out of the Temple, and had
not made it known to the children of Israel. And the priest sent his servants, and they found that she was with child and he called them to him,

and Joseph denied that the child was



and the


.Joseph drink the bitter water of trial

(Num. V. 18), and sent him to a mountainous to see what would follow. But Joseph returned in perfect health, so the priest sent them






after three


the high-priest



the virgins


were in the Temple to return to their homas and to he married. IJiit Mary refused, for she said that she Thus the higbha/l vowed virginity to the Lord. priest was brought into a perplexity, and he had inquire what he should do. recourse to God to Then a voice from tiie ark answered him (G. B. ^I ), an angel spake unto him (I'rot.); and they gatliered together all the widowers in Israel (Prot.), all the marriageable men of the house of David ((}. B. M.), and desired them to bring each man his rod. And amongst them came Joseph and trought his rod, but he shunned to present it, beause he wa.s au old man and had children. There-

Joseph put Mary on an ass to go to Bethlehem to be taxed and as they were going, JMary besought him to take her down, and Joseph took her down and carried her into a cave, and leaving her there with his sons, he went to seek a midwife. And as he went he looked up, and he saw the clouds astonThe fowls stopped ished and all creatures amazed. in their flight; the working people sat at their food, but did not eat; the sheep stood still; the shepherds' lifted hands became fixed; the kids were touching the water with their mouths, hut did not drink. And a midwife came down from the mountains, and .Joseph took her with him to the cave, and a bright cloud overshadowed the cave, and tlie cloud became a bright light, and when the bright light faded, there appeared an infant at the breast of Mary. Then the midwife went out and told

n Three spots lay claim to tie the scene of the Annunciatioa. Two of those are, as was to be expected, In Nazareth, and one, as every one knows, is in Italy. The Grueks and Latins each claiin to be the guardians f the true spot in Palestine the tliird claimant is t\\e noly house of Loretto. The Greeks point out the ipring of water meuMoned in the Protevangelion as

confirmatory of their claim. The Latins hare engraved on a marble slab in the grotto of their convent in Nazareth the words Virbiim hir factum est, and point out the pillar which marks the spot where the whilst the Head of their Church is irreangel stood trievably committed to the wild legend of Iioretto.


(See Stanley, S.

P. ch. xiv.)




Vulgate, on which a huge and wholly unsubstanlome would not iHilieve; and they came back tial edifice has been built by Ifomanist devotional The next part of the salutation, " The i;ain into tlie cave, and Salome receive<l satisfac- writers. tion, but her hand withered away, nor w;s it re- Ix)rd is with thee," would probably have Iteen stored, until, by the command of an ant;el, she better translated, " The Lord be with thee." It is touched the cliild, whereupon siie was straightway the same salutation as that with which the angel " Blessed art thou cured. (Giles, Onkx Aj>(>cri/j/kug Novi TtsUi- accosts Gideon (Judg. vi. 12). mtnti, pp. 3-i-47 and 60-81, Ixtud. 1852; Jones, among women " is nearly the same expression as
Oxf. ii. c. xiii. and xv., Cixkx Ajmcryphus. See also Vita yloi-isshsinue Mnlris Anna pel' F. Pelruni Lkrr/((rt(/o, appendetl to Ludolph of Saxony's \'il<iCI<nsli, Lyons, 1042; and a most audacious llisUn-ia Clirisli, written in Persian by the .Jesuit P. Jerome Xavier, and exposed by I^ouis de Dieu, Lugd. I5at. 103'J.)

Baloine that a Virgin bad brought forth, and Sa-




that used


Ozias to Judith (Jud.




1827; Thilo,

briel proceeds to instruct INIary that

by the opera-


T/ie reiil hislory

of Mary.

We now pass

from legend to that period of St. Clary's life which In order is made kno\ni to us by Holy Scripture. to give a single view of all that we know of her who was chosen to be the mother of tlie Saviour, we shall in the present section put together the whole of her authentic history, supplementing it afterwards by the more prominent legendary circumstances which are handed rlown. We are wholly ignorant of the name and occupation of St. Mary's parents. If the genealogy given by St. Luke is that of St. Mary (Greswell, etc.), her father's name was Heli, which is another form of the name given to her legendary father, JehoIf Jacob and Ileli were the iakim or Joachim. two sons of Matthan or Matthat, and if Joseph, being the son of the younger Ijrother, married his cousin, the daughter of the elder brother (Hervey, Gtnealttf/ies of our Lm-il Jesus Ch-isl), her father was Jacob. The Kvangelist does not tell us, and we cannot know. .She was, like Joseph, of the tribe of Judah, and of the lineage of David (Ps. cxxxii. She had a sister, 11; Luke i. 32; Itoni. i. 3). named probably like herself, Mary (John xix. 2.3) [.Mauy ok ClkoI'IIAs], and she was connected by marriage {cruyyet/ris, Luke i. 30) with Klisaljeth, who was of the tril* of Levi and of the lineage of This is all that we know of her anteceAaron.

Holy Ghost the everlasting Son of the lather should be born of her; that in Him the prophecies relative to David's throne and kingdom should be accomplished and that his name was to He furtlier informs her, perhaps be called Jesus. as a sign by which she mi<;lit convince herself that his prediction with regard to herself would come true, that her relative Elisabeth was within three months of being delivered of a child. The angel left Mary, and she set off to >nsit Elis.abeth either at Hel)ron or Juttaii (whichever way we understand the tls t^v opftv^v eh irSXiv 'loiiSa, Luke i. 3'J), where the latter lived with her husband Zacharias, about 20 miles to the south of .lerusalem, and therefore at a very considerable Immediately on her endistance from Nazareth. trance into the house she was saluted by;etli as the mother of her Lord, and had evidence of the truth of the angel's saying with regard to her She embodied her feelings of exultation cousin. and thankfulness in the hymn known under the
tion of the

Whether this was uttered of the Mofjnijicfit. by immediate inspiration, in rejtly to Klis;iV>eth's salutation, or composed during her journey from


Nazareth, or written at a later j^riod of her

three montlis' visit at Hebron, does not appear for

founded on Hannah's song ii. 1-10), and exhiiiits an intimate knowledge of the Psalms, prophetical writings, and books of Moses, from which sources The most almost every expression in it is drawn. remarkable clause, " Prom hencelbrth all genera^ tions shall call nie blessed," is borrowed from l.ejdi's exclamation on the birth of Asher (Gen. xxx. 13). dents. In the summer of the year which is known The same sentiment and expression are also found In the as H. C. 5. Mary was living at Nazareth, proiiably in Prov. xxxi. 28; Mai. iii. 12: Jas. v. 11. possilJy at her elder si-ster's latter place the word fiaKapi^u is rendered with at her parents' " count happy." The notion that house, not having yet been taken by Joseph to his great exactness home. She was at this time betrothed to .Joseph there is conveyed in the word any anticipation of was therefore regarded by the Jewish law and her bearing the title of " Blessed " arises solely

The hymn

of thankfulness (1


and custom as

his wife, though he hatl not yet a hus[Makhiagk, p. 1804.] band's rights over her. At this time the anr;el (iabriel came to her with a message from (iod, and announced to her tiiat she was to be the mother of the long expected Messiah. He probably l)ore the form of an ordinary man. like the angels who manifested themselves to Gideon This would and to Manoali (Judg. vi., xiii.). appear both from the expression eiVsAOtii/, " he " and also from the fact of her bein^ CJime in

from ignorance.

Mary returned

to Nazareth shortly

before the
living at


John the

and continued
course of a few

her owTi home.

In the



his words.

not at his presence, but at the meaning of The scene as well as the salutation is very similar to that recomited in the Hcwjk of I>aniel, "Then there came again *and touched me >ne like the appeara.i.,e jf a man, and he strength-

Joseph became aware that she was with child, and determined on giving her a bill of divorcement, instead of yielding her up to the law t4i sufl'er the jien.alty which be supposed tliat she had incurred. Being, however, warned and satisfied iiy an angel who appeared to him in a dream, he took her to It w.ns soon alter this, as it would his own house. seem, that Anurustus' decree was promnlixated, and Joseph and Mary tnivelled to Bethlehem to have

tned me, and said, O man greatly beloved, fear nut: oeiice be unto thee, be strong, yea, be stronj;!" The exact meaning of Ktx"P'' Bethlehem, and there Mary brought forth the (Dan. X. 18, 10). world, and humbly laid him in a rai/jifyri is " thou tliat hast bestowed ujwn thee a Saviour of the The A. V. rendering of " highly manger. free gift of grare." '' The visit of the shepherds, the circumcision, the is therefore very exact and much neiirer favoH'd presentation in to the original than the " </r(ia'a ^/e/Ki " of the adoration of the wise men, and the

names enrolled in the registers (H. v. 4) by of preparation for the taxing, which however not comjileted till ten years afterwardi (a. i>. They reached ft), in the governorship of (^uirinus.







From the time at which our Lord's ministry Temple, are rather scenes in the life of Christ The presentation in commenced, St. Mary is withdrawn almost wholly than in that of his mother. might not tai<e place till forty clays from sight. Foin- times only is ''he veil removed, the Temple Durinfj this period which, not surely without a reason, is thrown over fter the birth of the diikl. These four occasions are 1. The marriage the mother, according; to the law of Closes, was her. 2. The attempt In the present case there could at Cana of Galilee (.lohn ii.). unclean (Lev. xii.). be no necessity for offering the sacrifice and making which she and his brethren made " to speak with atonement beyond that of obedience to the Mosaic him" (Matt. xii. 46; IMark iii. 21 and 31; Luke 3. The Crucifixion. 4. The days sucprecept; but already He, and his mother for Him, viii. 19). Ii to these we were acting upon the principle of fulfilling all ceeding the Ascension (Acts i. 14). The poverty of St. Mary and add two references to her, the first by her Nazaroiie righteousness. noted, is shown by their making fellow-citizens (Matt. xiii. 54, 55 Mark vi. 1-3), the Joseph, it may be The song of Simeon and second by a woman in the multitude (Luke si. 27), the ofFeriiig of the poor. the thanksgiving of Anna, like the wonder of the we have specified every event known to us in her It is noticeable that, on every occasion of our shepherds and the adoration of the magi, only in- lite. One passage alone in Lord's addressing her, or speaking of her, there ill cidentally refer to Mary. Simeon's address is specially directed to her, " Yea a sound of reproof in his words, with the exception a sword shall pierce through thy own soul also." of the last words spoken to her from the cross. The exact purport of these words is doubtful. A 1. The marriage at Cana in Galilee took place in

patristic explanation refers them to the the three months which intervened between the pang of unbelief which shot through her bosom on baptism of Christ and the passover of the year 27. seeing her Son expire on the cross (Tertullian, When .Jesus was found by his mother and Joseph By modern interpre- in the Temple in the year 8, we find him repudiaOrigen, Basil, Cyril, etc.). ters it is more commonly referred to the pangs of ting the name of "father" as applied to Joseph. grief which she experienced on witnessing the suf- " 77// father and I have sought thee sorrowing'" ferings of her Son. " How is it that ye sought me? Wist ye not. In the flight into Egypt, INIary and the babe had that I must be about" (not Joseph's and yours, the support and protection of .Joseph, as well as in hut) ^^ my Father^s business?" (Luke ii. 48, 49), their return from thence, in the following year, on Now, in like manner, at his first miracle which in the death of Herod the Great (p.. c. 3)." It appears augurates his ministry. He solemnly withdraws to have been the intention of .losephto have settled himself from the authority of liis earthly mother. at Bethlehem at this time, as his home at Nazareth This is St. Augustine's explanation of the '' What had been broken up for more than a year; but on have I to do with thee? ray hour is not yet come." finding how Herod's domuiions had been disposed It was his humanity, not his divinity, which came of, he changed his mind and returned to his old from ilary. While therefore He was acting in his ilace of abode, thinking that the child's life would divine character He could not acknowledge her, nor



safer in the tetrarchy of

It is possible


Antipas than in that of that .Joseph might have

been himself a native of Bethlehem, and that before this time he had been only a visitor at Nazareth, drawn thither l>y his betrothal and marriage. In that case, his fear of Archelaus would make him
his own native town for that of Mary. It be that the holy family at this time took up their residence in the house of Mary's sister, the

He acknowledge her again until He was hanging on the cross, when, in that nature which He took from her, He was about to submit to death

Aug. Comm. in Joan. Evang.





1455, ed. Jligne, Paris, 1845).


That the


words Ti

koX (Toi;^= 1^"!





reproof, is certain

wife of Clopas.

xvii. 18; 2 K. iiL 13), and LXX., Jndg. xi. and such is the patristic explanation of them (see
iii. 18; Ajmd 101. Pair. Max. 293; S. Chrys. Horn, in Joan. xxi.). But the reproof is of a gentle kind (Trench, on the Miracles, p. 102, Lond. 185G Alford, Comm. in loc. Wordsworth, Comm. mloc.). Mary seems to have understood it, and accordingly to have drawn back

Matt. 12; 1 K.




Henceforward, until the beginning of our Lord's i. e. from b. c. 3 to A. d. 2() we may picture St. Mary to ourselves as li\ ing in Nazareth, in a humble sphere of life, the wife of .loseph the carpenter, pondering over the sayings of the angels, of the shepherds, of Simeon, and those of her Son,








as the latter " increased in

in favor with

God and man

wisdom and stature and desiring the servants to pay attention to her divine " (Luke ii. 52). Two Son (Olshausen, Comm. in loc.). The modern Ko-

circumstances alone, so far as we kiiow, broke in on the otherwise even flow of the still waters of her life. One of these was the temporary loss of her Son when he remained behind in .Jerusalem, The other was the death of .Joseph. The A. I). 8. <;xact date of this last event we cannot determine. But it was probably not long after the other.


manist translation, " What is that to me and to is not a mistake, because it is a willful misrepresentation (Douay version Orsini, Life of







1 17,

Dub'Un, 1852).

Capernaum (John






vi. 1),

and Nazareth (Matt, appear to have been

a In the Gospel of the Infancy, which seems to date from the 2d century, innumerable miracles are made to attend on St. Mary and her Son during their sojourn in Egypt: e. g-.,Mary looked with pity on a woman who was possessed, and immediately Satan 'Ame out of her in the form of a young man, saying, ' Woe is me because of thee, Mary, and thy Son '"

On another occasion they fell in with two thieves, Djuued Titus and Dumachus and Titus was gentle, md Duiuachus was harsh the Lady Mary therefore
; ;

promised Titus that God should receive him on hii right hand. And accordingly, thirty -three years afterwards, Titus was the penitent thief who was crucified en the right hand, and Dumachus was crucified on the These are sufficient as samples. Throughout left. the book we find St. Mary associated with her Son, in the strange freaks of power attributed to them, in a way which shows us whence the cuittis of St. Mary took ita origin. (See Jones, On the Neiv Test., vol. ii. Oxf. 1827 ' Gile.*?, Codex Apocryphus ; Thilo, Codf-x Apocryplms.)





ng of Hood I-riday. It was about 3 o'clock in tlie afternoon, and He was about to give up his spirit His divine mission was now, as it were, aeconv jtlished. \\'hile his ministry was in progress He had withdrawn himself from her that He might do his Father's work, liut now the hour was come when his human relationship might be again recognized. " Time enim agnovit," s<ays St. Augustine, " quando illud quod j)eperit moriebatur" (.S. Aug. In .Joan. ix.). Standing the company of the women was St. John: and, with almost his last words, Christ commended his mother to the care of him who had borne the name of the Disciple whom
Jesus loved. "

Ihe residence of St.


The next time



a considerable period. brought before us we fitul

autumn of the year year and a half after the miracle \vrou<;ht at the marriage fe.Tst in Cana. Ilie Ljrd had in the mean time attended two feasts of the pussover, and had twice made a circuit throuixliout ialilee, teachin;^ and working miracles. His fame had spread, and crowds came pressini; round him, so that he liad not even time " to eat liread." Mary was still living with her sister, and her nephews
at Cupernaiiin.
tlian a

It is the




Simon, .lude, and tlieir and slie and they heard of the toils which He was undergoing, and they understood that He denying liimself every Their human affection rehisation from his labors. conquered their faith. They thought tiiat He was killing himself, and with an indignation arising from love, they exclaimed tliat He was lioside himself, and .set off to bring llim home eitlicr by entreaty or compulsion." ' He w aa surrounded by eager They crowds, and they could not reach Him. therefore sent a message, begging Him to allow them to speak to Him. This message was handed on from one person in the crowd to another, till at .\gain He length it was reported aloud to Him. Again lie refuses to admit any authority reproves. on the part of liis relatives, or any privilege on ' Who is my mothaccount of their relationsliip. er, and who are my brethren? and He stretched forth his hand toward his disciples, and said, IfeI'or whosoever hold my motlier and my liretlireii shall do the will of my Father which is in heaven, the same is my brotlier, and sister, and mother" (Matt. xii. 48, 4!)). Comp. Theoph. ik Mure. iii. 32; S. Chrys. Ihim. xliv. in .Matt. S. Aug. in Jonn.








behold thy son."

" (,'om-

mendat homo homini homineni," says St. Augustine. And from that hour St. John assures us that he took her to bis own abode. If by " that hour" the means immediately after the
words were spoken. JIary was not present at the last scene of all. The sword had sutticiently pierced her soul, and she was spared the hearing of the last loud cry, and the sight of the bowed head. St. Ambrose considers the chief purpose of our Ix)rd's words to have been a desire to make manifest the truth that the Hedemption his work alone, while He gave human affection to his mother. ' Non egebat adjutore ad omnium redemptionem. .Susce])it quidem matris affectum, sed non qusesivit honjinis auxilium " (S. Amb. Exp. Evany. Luc.
X. 132). 4. A veil is dra\vn over her sorrow and over her joy which succeeded that sorrow. Medival imagination su|)posed, but Scripture does not state, that her Son appeared to Mary after his resurrectiim from the de;ul. (See, for example, Lndolph of Saxony, Vita Clirisli, p. C66, Lj'ons, 1642: and i;ui)erti, De Divinis OJ/icits, vii. 25, tom. iv. p. 92, St. Ambrose is considered to be Venice, 1751.) the first writer who suggested the idea, and refer-

tract X.,




them point out that the


ness of St. ^lary consists, not so much in having liome Christ, .as in believing on Him and in obey-

ing his words (see also Qwest,









to his treatise,





Marl, in Bihl. Max. Pair. This indeed is the lesson tom. ii. pt. ii. p. l-'JB). taught directly by our I^rd himself on the next occasion on which reference is made to St. Mary. It is now the spring of the year 30, and only alxjut a month before the time of his crucifixion. Christ set out on his journey from Gr^'ilee, which was to end at .Jerusalem. As He p.issei along. He, the sick, and pre.achal the glad a.s usual, healed In the midst, or i.t the comtidings of salvation. pletion, of one of his .addresses, a woman of the multitude, whose soul had been stirred by his


quite certain that

it is


text has been cor-

rupted, and that

there speaking.

of Mary Magdalene he (Comp. his Expositiim of St.

Luke, X. 15G. See note of the Benedictine edition, Another reference tom. ii. p. 217, Paris, 1700.) The treatise quoted is usually given to .St. Anselm. (See Eadmer, is not St. Anselm's, but Eadnier's. Dc Exci'llentin Afnrice. eh. v., appended to Anselm's Ten appearances are Paris, 1721.) Works, p. 138, related by the Evangelists as having occurred in the 40 days intervening iietween Kaster and AscenShe was doubtless sion Hay, but none to Mary.
living at Jerus.alem with .lolm, cherished with the

worils, cried







that bare

and the paps which thou bast sucked! " Imnieiliately the Lord replied, ' Yea rather, blessed are they that hear the word of (Jod, and keep it" He does not either aflirm or deny (Luke xi. 2S). anything with regard to the direct bearing of the woman's exdamatinn, but passes that by as a tiling
indifferent, in order to point out in


tenderness which her tender soul would have speneeded, and which undoubtedly she found

have no record of preiJminently in St. John. Arator, a writer her presence at the Ascension.
of the fith century, describes her as being at the time not on the sjMit, but in Jerusalem (Arat. J>e


what alone the

true lilessedness of his mother and of all consists. This is the full force of the jxfvovyyf, with which

apud Aligne, torn. Ixviii. p. 95, 1. 50, 1848, quotetl by Wordsworth, Gk: Test. Com. have no account of her on the Acts, i. 14).



He commences

his reply.

being present


the descent of the Holy Spirit on

the foot of the crosi.

What we do read of her tiie day of I'entecost. .St. Mary's life brings us to She was stanrling tiiere with is, that she remained steadfast in prayer in the lier sister Mary and Mary Magd.ilene, and .Salome, upiier room at .lerusalem with Mary Mairdaleno tnd other women, having no doidit followed her and Salome, and those known as the Lord's brothSon as she w:is able throughout the terrible niorn- ers and the Apostles. This is the last view that loly .Scripture leaves her engaged we have of her.
The next
scene in


a mere subtcrfbKe to refer the words cAryof

|)copl(!, inxtciid of to Mary and bis and Mlgne, Did of the BiUt)

fap, etc., to the

breti-reD (Oalmet

From prayer (see \\'ordsworth .as citj-d above). It this point forw.ards we know nothing of her. is probable that the rest of her (ife wa spent io




Jerusalem with St. John (see Epiph. Hmr. p. 78). have expected, the most tender, the most faithful, According to one tradition the beloved disciple humble, patient, and loving of women, but a woman would not leave Palestine until she had expired in still. in. Her after life, wholly legendary. "W"e pass his arms (see Tholuck, Li;iht from the Cross, ii. Serm. x. p. 234, Edinb., 1857) and it is added that again into the region of free and joyous legend she lived and died in the Coenaculuni in what is which we quitted tor that of true history at the now the jMosque of the Tomb of David, the tra- lieriod of the Annunciation. The Gospel record ditional chamber of the Last Supper (Stanley, (S. confined the play of imagination, and as soon as ^ P. ch. xiv. p. 450). Other traditions make her this check is withdrawn the legend bursts out The legends of St. Mary's childhood may journey with St. John to Ephesus, and there die afresh. It was believed by some in be traced back as far as the third or even the second in extreme old age. 5th century that she was buried at Ephesus century. Those of her death are probably of a the The chief legend was for a length of (see Cone. Ephes., Cone. Lnbb. tom. iii. p. 574r(); later date. by others, in the same century, that she was buried time considered to be a veritable history, written at Gethsemane, and this appears to have been the by Melito, Bishop of Sardis, in the 2d century. It information giveu to Marcian and Pulcheria by is to be found in the Bibiwtliecn Maximn (tom. ii. Juvenal of Jerusalem. As soon as we lose the pt. ii. p. 212), entitled Sanctl Melitonis Episcopi guidance of Scripture, we have nothing from which Sardensis de Transitu Virginis M(trim Liber we can derive any sure knowledge about her. The and there certainly existed a book with this title at darkness in which we are leil is in itself most in- the end of the 5th century, which was condemned structive. by Pope Gelasius as apocryphal (Op. Gelas. apud 5. The character of St. Mary is not drawn by Migne, tom. 59, p 152). Another form of the any of the Evangelists, but some of its lineaments same legend has been published at Elberfeld in are incidentally manifested in the fragmentary 1854 by Maximilian Enger in Arabic. He supposes record which is given of her. They are to be found it is an Arabic translation from a Syriac lor the most part in St. Luke's Gospel, wbence an original. It was found in the library at Bonn, attempt has been made, by a curious mixture of and is entitled .Joannis ApostoU de Transitu Bealcs the imaginative and rationalistic methods of inter- .Muriie Virginis Liber. It is perhaps the same as pretation, to explain the old legend which tells us that referred to in Assemani {Biblioth. Orient. that St. Luke painted the Virgin's portrait (Calmet, tom. iii. p. 287, Rome, 1725), under the name of We might have /Jistoria Dormitiwiis et Assu/nplionis B. Marive Kitto, Migne, Mrs. Jameson). expected greater details from St. John than from Virginis Joanni Evnngelislce fdso inscripta. the other Evangehsts; but in his Gospel we learn give the substance of the legend with its main nothing of her except what may be gathered from variations. It is clear the scene at Cana and at the cross. When the Apostles separated in order to evanfrom St. Luke's account, though without any such gelize the world, JNIary continued to live with Sf. intimation we might rest assured of the fact, that John's parents in their house near the Mount of her youth had been spent in the study of the Holy Olives, and every day she went out to pray at the Scriptures, and that she had set before her the tomb of Christ, and at Golgotha. But the Jews example of the holy women of the Old Testament had placed a watch to prevent prajers being offered This would appear from the Mag- at these spots, and the watch went into the city and as her model.


(Luke i. 46). The same hymn, so far as told the chief priests that Mary came daily to pray. emanated from herself, would show no little Then the priests commanded the watch to stone mind as wdl as warmth of spirit. Her her. But at this time king Abgarus wrote to power of faith and humility exhibit themselves in her imme- Tiberius to desire him to take vengeance on the diate surrender of herself to the Divine will, tliough Jews for slaying Christ. They feared therefore to ignorant how that will should be accomplished add to his wrath by slaying Mary also, and yet they (Luke i. 38); her energy and earnestness, in her could not allow her to continue her prayers at journey from Nazareth to Hebron (Luke i. 39); Golgotha, because an excitement and tumult was her happy thankfulness, in her song of joy (Luke thereby made. They therefore went and spoke i. 48); her silent musing thoughtfulness, in her softly to her, and she consented to go and dwell in pondering over the shepherds' visit (Luke ii. 19), Betlilehem; and thither she took with her three md in her keeping her Son's words in her heart holy virgins who should attend upon her. And in Xuke ii. 51) though she could not fully under- the twenty-second year after tlie ascension of the Again, her humility is seen Lord, Mary felt her heart burn with an inexpressistand their import. in her drawing back, yet without anger, after re- ble longing to be with her Son and behold an ceiving reproof at Cana in Galilee (John ii. 5), and angel appeared to her, and announced to her thai in the remarkable maimer in which she shuns put- her soul should be taken up from her body on the ting herself forward throughout the whole of her third day, and he placed a palm-branch from para Son's ministry, or after his removal from earth. dise in her hands, and desired that it should h< Once only does she attempt to interfere with her carried before her 'bier. And Mary besought thai Divine Son's freedom of action (Matt. xii. 40 the Apostles might be gathered round her befon Mark iii. 31; Luke viii. 19); and even here we can she died, and the angel replied that they shouk hardly blame, for she seems to have been roused, come. Then the Holy Spirit caught up John aj not by arrogance and by a desin; to show her he was preaching at Ephesus, and Peter as he wai xuthority and relationship, as St. Chrysostoui sup- offering sacrifice at Rome, and Paul as he was disposes {Horn. xliv. in Malt.); but by a woman's puting with the Jews near Rome, and Thomas in and a mother's feelings of affection and fear for the extremity of India, and Jlatthew and .lames Cim whom she loved. It was part of that ex- these were all of the Apostles who were still livingquisite tenderness which appears throughout to have then the Holy Spirit awakened the dead, Philip anfi belonged to her. In a word, so far as St. INIary is Andrew, and Luke and Simon, and Mark and Barportiiijcd to us in Scripture, she is, as we should tholomew: and all of them were snatched aw*y ill





bright cloud and found themselves at Bethlehem. shall shine in the kingdom, in the dwclling-plaoe And anKfls and powers without nunilier descended of my Father's fullness." Then the disciples drew from heaven and sKxjd round alxmt tlie house; near and besought her to pray for the world which Gabriel stood at blessed Mark's head, and Miciiael she was about to leave. And .Mary prayed. And at her feet, and they fanned her with their wings; after her prayer finished her face shone with

and Teter and John wiped away her tears; and marvelous brightness, and she stretched out her there was a great cry, and tiiey all said "Hail hands and blessed them all and her .Son put forth blesse<I is the fruit of thy womb!" his hands and received her jiure soul, and bore it blessed one And the people of IJethlelieni brought their sick to into his 1 ather's treasure-house. .\nd there waa a the house, and they were all healed. Then news of light and a sweet smell, sweeter than anything on these things was carried to .lerusaleni, and the king earth and a voice from heaven saying, " Hail, sent and commanded that they should bring Mary blessed one blessed and celebrated art thou among and the disciples to Jerusalem. And horsemen women " " And the Apostles carried her body to the Valley came to Hetlileiiom to seize Mary, but they did not find her, for the Holy Spirit had taken her and the of Jehoshaphat, to a place which the Ix)rd had told disciples in a cloud over the heads of tiie horsemen them of, and John went before and carried the palm-branch. 'riieii the men of Jerusalem saw And they placed her in a new tomb, to Jenisali-rn. angels a-scending and descending at the spot wiiere and sat at the mouth of the sepulchre, as the Ixird Mary's house was. And the high-priests went to commanded them and suddenly there appeared the governor, and craved permission to burn her the Lord Christ, surrounded by a multitude of and the house with fire, and tlie governor gave them angels, and said to the Ajiostles, " What will 3-6 permission, and they brought wood and fire; but that I should do with her whom my Father's comas soon as they came near to the iiouse, behold mand selected out of all the tribes of Israel that there burst forth a fire upon them wliich consumed I should dwell in her?" And I'eter and the them utterly. And the governor saw these tilings Apostles besought him that he would raise tho afar oft", and in tlie evening he lirought his son, who body of Mary and take it with him in glory to heaven. And the Saviour said, " Be it according was sick, to Mary, and she healed him. .\nd he commanded Mich.ael the Then, on the sixth day of the week, the Holy to your word." ]\Iary, archangel to bring down the soul of Mary. Spirit conunanded the .\postles to take up .A.nd carry her from Jerusalem to Gethsemane, Gabriel rolled away the stone, and the Lord said, and to and as they went the .lews saw them. Then drew " liise up, my beloved, thy body shall not suffer And immediately Mary near Juphia, one of the iiigh-priests, and attempted corruption in the tomb." to overthrow the litter on which she was being arose and bowed herself at his feet and worshipjjed; carried, for the other priests had conspired with and the Ixird kissed her and gave her to the angels Jiim, and they hoped to cast her down into the to carry her to paradise. l!ut Tlioin:is was not present with the rest, for valley, and to tlirow wood ujwn her, and to burn But as soon as Juphia iiad at the moment that he was summoned to come he her body with fire. touched the litter the angel smote off' iiis arms with was baptizing I'olodius, who was the son of the And he arrived just after all a fiery sword, and the arms remained fastened to sister of the king. Then lie cried to the disciples and I'eter these things were accomplished, and he demanded the litter. " to see the sepulchre in which they had laid his they said, " .\sk it of the Lidy Mary for help, and "that I am I-ady, O Motlier of Salvation, L.ady: "For ye know," said he, and he cried, " Then siie said to Peter,, and uidess I see I will not believe." Then have mercy on me!" "Give him back his arms;" and they were restored Peter arose in haste and wrath, and the other disBut the disciples proceeded onwards, and ciples with him, and they oijened the sepulchre whole. but they found nothing therein save they laid down the litter in a cave, as they were and went in Then tliat in which her body had been wrap[)ed. commanded, and gave themselves to prayer. And tlie angel (iabriel announced that on the Thomas confessed that he too, as he was l)eing borne in the cloud from India, had seen her holy first day of the week Mary's soul sliouhl l)e removed .\nd on the morning of that day body being carried by the angels with great triumph from this world. Anne and Elisabeth, and they into heaven; and that on his crying to her for her there came Kve and kissed Mary and told her who they were: came l)lessing, she had bestowed n|K)n him her precious Adam, Seth, Shem, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, (iirdle, which when the A|K>stles saw they were Then the Ajxistles were carried back each I)avid, and the rest of the old fathers: came Enoch glad.'' and lAi-AS and Moses: came twelve chariots of to his own place. Jiuinnis A}x>s(oH <le Trnns'Uu Renhr Afai-ite Viranu'cls innnmerable: and then ap|)eared the Ix)rd f/iui.< Liber, Elberfeldnc, 18.j4; S. Afililonis K/mc. < lirist in his humanity, and Mary bowed before

him and said, " () my l-ord and my (iod, place thy Surd, lie Trmigitn ]'. Af. Liber, a])ud liibl. Max. hand uixni me;" and he stretched out his hand and P'llr. torn. ii. pt. ii. p. 212, Lugd. 1677; Jacobi blessed her; and she took his hand and kissed it, a Voragine Ler/emla Aured. ed. CJriesse, ch. cxix. and placed it to lior and said, " I liow p. 504, Dresd. 184G; John Damasc. Serin, de Venice, Dormil. Dil/inrre. ()]). tom. ii. p. Shi l)efore this riLrht hand, wliicli has made heaven and earth and all that in them is, and 1 tiiank thee and 1743; .Andrew of Crete, /" Duriiiii. Diipant Serm.

praise thee that thou hast thought

this hour." thyself!

me worthy



Then she



Lord, take me to he said to her, " Now shall thy




body lie in paradise to the day of the resurrection, and angels shall serve thee; but thy pure spirit

Paris, 1G44; Mrs. Jameson, Legetuii Afadonnn, Ixmd. 18r)2; Butler, Live* of the Saints in Au<j. 15; Dressel, Kdita et ineditn /'piphdiiii Afonnchi et Prcsbijteri, p. 105, Paris,
p. 115,




A}>oc(di//>.ieg Ajxic.



The legend

luicribcd to Mcllto

De carried tc

pamdiK by

makes her soul to Gabriel vihiU bcr Sou returns


For the story of



prostTvi'il at I'nto, s<>c

Safmtissimo Ointoto. tt!l Mrs. .lauu-son's Lrgtnd* of Utt







These rV. Jewish trmlitions respecting her. re of a very different nature from the lii^ht-hearted fairy-tale-Uke stories wliicli we liave recounted above. We should expect that the miraculous birth of our lx)rd would be an occasion of scoffing to the unbelieving Jews, and we find this to be the case. To the Christian believer the Jewish slander be-



Miriam brought forth a son and gave him the name The rest of tlie work, which has no of Jehoshua.
merit in a literary aspect or otherwise, contains an account of how this Jehoshua gained the art of working miracles by stealing the knowledge of the uimientionable name from the Temple; how he was defeated by the superior magical arts of one Juda; and how at last he was crucified, and his body It is offensive to hidden under a watercourse. make use of sacred names in connection with such tales: but in Wagenseil's quaint words we may recollect, " hsec nouiina non attinere ad Servatorem Nostrum aut beatissimam illius matrem coeterosque quos significare videntur, sed designari lis a Diabolo supposita Spectra, Larvas, Lemures, Lamiaa, Stryges, aut si quid turpius istis " {Tela Jf/nea

comes in the present case only a coiifirniation of The most definite and outspoken of his faith. these slanders is that which is contained in the
book called




Toldoth Jesu.

was grasped at with avidity by Voltaire, and declared by him to be the most ancient Jewish writing directed against Christianity, and apparIt was written, he says, ently of the first century. before the Gospels, and is altogether contrary to It is proved by them {Leitre sur les Juifs).

SaiancB, Liber Toldos Jeschu, p. 2, Altorf, 1681). is a curious thing that a Pandera or Panther


(Biblisch. Theoloyie, p. 263, Erlang. 1801)

to be a composition of the 13th century,

and by

AVagenseil {Teli ignea Sntmice ; Confut. Libr. ToUos Jeschu, p. 12, Altorf, 1681) to 1)6 irreconIn the Gospel cilable with the earher .Jewish tales. of Nicoilemus, otherwise called the Acts of Pilate, we find the Jews represented as charging our Lord The date of this with illegitimate birth (c. 2). The Gospel is about the end of the third century. origin of the charge is referred with great probability

by Thilo {Coflex Apocr.


527, Lips. 1832)

Jews mentioned by Grotius {ad Matt, xxvii. 63, et ad Act. Apost. xxviii. 22; Op. ii. 278 and 666, Basil. 1732), which
to the circular letters of the

were sent from Palestine to all the Jewish synagogues after the death of Christ, with the view of attacking " the lawless and atheistic sect which had " taken its origin firom the deceiver Jesus of Galilee The first time that we find (Justin. a,dv. Tryph.). But this does not appear to be the the mother. it openly proclaimed is in an extract made by INIohammed seems merely to have written Origen from the work of Celsus, which he is refu- case. Celsus introduces a Jew declaring that the down what had come to his ears about her, without ting. mother of .Jesus virh tou yfifiavros, tsktovos t7;i' definite theological purpose or inquiry. Mary was, according to the Koran, the daughter T'x'''J'' ouTos, i^ewcrdaL, i\eyx6e^o'ai' ws\v {Contra deUum, c- 28, Origenis Opi>ra, of Amram (sur. iii.) and the sister of Aaron (sur. And again, r] rod Irjcrod xix.). Mohanmied can hardly be absolved from havxviii. 59, Berlin, 1845). confounded Miriam the sister of Moses with fxrjT-qp Kvovffa, e^wade'icra inrh rov lu.viqa'revcra/j.e- ing here It is possible indeed vov avr)]V reKTOvos, iAeyxSeTaa, itrl fxoixei<i Kol Mary the mother of our Lord. that he may have meant different persons, and such riKTOvcra arrd rivos ffTpaTiwrov Xlavd-iTpa rovvofxa Stories to the same efiect may be found is the opinion x>i Sale {Koran, pp. 38 and 251), and {ibid. 32). not in the Mishna, which dates of D'Herbelot {Bibl. Onent. in voc. "'"); in the Talmud from the second century; but in the Gemara, which but the opposite view is more likely (see Guadagnoli, Apol. pro rel. Christ, ch. viii. p. 277, Rom. 1631). is of the fifth or sixth (see Tract. Sanhedrin, cap. Shabbath, cap. xii. fol. 10-t, col. Indeed, some of the Mohammedan commentators vii. fol. 67, col. 1 Raba- have been driven to account for the chronological 2; and the Midrash Koheleth, cap. x. 5). nus Maurus, in the ninth century, refers to the difficulty, by saying that Miriam was miraculously same story: " Jesum filium Ethnici cujusdam Pan- kept alive from the days of Moses in order that she

into the genealogy of our Lord by Epiphanius {Hceres. kxviii.) who makes him grandfather of Joseph, and by .lohti of Damascus {De Fide orthodoxa, iv. 15), who makes him the father of Barpanther and grandfather of St. Mary. These are again V. Mohammedan Traditions. cast in a totally different mould from those of the .Tews. The Mohammedans had no purpose to servo in spreading calumnious stories as to the birth of Jesus, and accordingly we find none of the Jewish Mohammed and malignity about their traditions. his followers appear to have gathered up the floating oriental traditions which originated in the legends of St. Mary's early years, given above, and to have drawn from them and from the Bible indifferently. It has been suggested that the Koran had an object in magnifying St. Mary, and that this was to insinuate that the Son was of no otiier nature than

has been introduced

We dera adulteri, more latronum punitum esse." which these then come to the Toldoth Jesu, summed up and calumnies were intended to be harmonized. In the year 4671, the story runs, in the reign of King Jannjeus, there was one Joseph Pandera who lived at Bethlehem. In the same village there was a ^vidow who had a daughter named Miriam, who was betrothed to a God-fearing

might be the mother of Jesus. Her mother Hannah dedicated her to the Lord while still in the womb, and at her birth " commended her and her future issue to the protection of God against Satan." And Hannah brought the child to the Temple to be educated by the priests, and the priests disputed among themselves who should take charge of her.
Zacharias maintained that


his office, because

man named Johanan.

came to pass that he had married her aunt. But when the others Joseph Pandera meeting with Miriam when it was would not give up their claims, it was determined So they ilark, deceived her into the belief that he was that the matter should be decided by lot. Johanan her husband. And after three months went to the river Jordan, twenty-seven of them,



Johanan consulted Eabbi Simeon Shetachides what he should do with Miriam, and the rabbi advised him to bring her before the great council. But .Johanan was ashamed to do so, and instead he left lis home and went and Uved at Babylon; and there



with his rod; and they threw their rods

into the river, and none of them floated save that of Zacharias, whereupon the care of the child was

committed to him ( Al Beidawi Jallalo"ddin ). Then Zacharias placed her in an inner chamber by herself;





for their protection

and though he kept seven doors ever locked upon

her," he always found her abundantly supplied with
|>r<)visi<)us whicii (jod sent her from paratlise, winter



summer, and summer



in winter. verily (iod


the angels said unto her,


from Satan. (Jallalo'ddin AI The Immaculate ('onception note, was a Mohauinieilau doctrine six centuries before any Christian theologians or schoolmen maintained it.



we may

hath chosen thee, and hath purified thee, and hath " chosen tliee aho\e all tiie women of the world

1G43; Guadagnoli, Aj>i)hi<jia pro Christiana liel!om. lOyi; D'Herbelot, Bibliutheque Oru am sent to give thee a holy Son" (sur. .\ix.). And enldk', p. 583, 1'aris, IG'JT Weil, Biblische i^t'^cn" C) Mary, verily tJod sendeth thee dtn der Mustlmdnncr, p. 230, l-'rankf. 1845. the ansjels said, VI. F.mblems. There was a time in the history goo<l tidings that thou slialt l)e:>r the Word proceeding from Himself: His name shall he Oirist .lesus, of the Church when all the expressions used ni the the son of Mary, honorable in this wurld and in i)ook of Canticles were applied at once to St. Mary. the world to come, and one of them who apiuoach Ct)nsequently all the eastern metaphors of king near to the presence of (lod and he shall six;ak Solomon have been hardened into symbols, and repunto men in his cr.adle and when he is grown up; resented in pictures or sculpture, and attached to And she her in popular litanies. The same method of uiterand he shall lie one of the righteous." said, " How shall I have a son, seeing I know not a preUition was applied to certain parts of the book

(Koran, sur. iii.). And siie retired to a place towards the East, and (iahriel ap|)earc(l unto lier and Raid, " Verily I am the n:essen<,'er of thy l>ord, and

Sale, Kunin, pp. a'J, 7'J, 2.30, 458, I-ond. 1734? Warner, Conipeiidium lliMuricum toruiii qme Mu' Inimmeduni tie Christo Irddk/ti-uiil, Lugd. Bat.



only saith him the scripture and wisdom, and the law and the fanciful interpretation of the meaning of her name. gospel, and shall appoint him his apostle to the She is the Hose of Sharon (Cant. ii. 1), and the So Uod breathed of Lily (ii. 2), the Tower of David (iv. 4), the Mounchildren of Israel" (sur. iii.). his Spirit into the womb of Mary ; * and she pre- tain of Jlyrrh and the Hill of Frankincense (iv. 6),

The angel said, " So tiod creatctli that of the lievelation. Her chief emblems are the sun, The pleasetii: when He decreetli a thing. He moon, and stars (Kev. xii. 1; Cant. vi. 10;. God sliall teach name of Star of the Sea is also given her, from a unto it, 15e,' and it is.

served her chastity (sur. Ixvi. ) for the Jews ha\e spoken against her a grievous calumny (sur. iv. ). And she conceived a son, and retiretl with him apart

Garden enclosed, the Spring shut up, the FounTower of Ivory (vii. 4), the I'alm-tree (vii. 7), the Closed Gate (Ez. xliv. 2). See to a distiint place; and the pains of childl)irlh came There is no end to these metaphorical titles. upon her near the trunk of a palm-tree; and God Mrs. .lameson's Leijvnds of lite Madonna, and the provided a rivulet for her, and she shook tlic. ])alm- ordinary Litanies of the H. Virgin, We do not VII. Ciilliis of lite hhssed Virt/in. tree, and it let fall Ti\^e dates, and she ate and drank, and was calm. Then she carried the child in her enter into the theological bearings of the worship of arms to her people; but they said that it was a St. Mary but we shall have left our task incomThen she made signs plete if we do not add a short historical sketch of strange thing she had done. to the child to answer them and he said, ' X'crily the origin, progress, and present state of the devoHe hath given me the tion to her. \\'hat was its origin ? Certidnly not [ am the servant of God book of the gospel, and hath ap|)<)iiifed me a the Hiiile. There is not a word there from which prophet; and He hath made me blessed, whereso- it could be inferred; nor in the Creeds; nor in the We may scan ever 1 shall be; and hath conunanded me to observe Fathers of the first five centuries. prayer and to give alms so long as I siiall live; each page that they have left us, and we shall find and He hath made me dutiful towards my mother, nothing of the kind. There is nothing of the sort and hath not made me proud or mdiappy: and in the supposed works of Hernias and Barnabas, peace I* on me the day whereon I wa.s iiorn, and nor in the real works of Clement, Ignatius, and the day whereon 1 shall die, and the d.ay wliereon I'olycar|): that is, the doctrine is not to be found There is nothing of the sort 'I'liis was .lesus the Son in the 1st century. I shall be raiseil to life." of JIary, the Word of Truth concerning whom in Justin Martyr, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus. Clement of Alexandria, TertuUian: that is, in the they doulit (sur. xix.). Mohannned is re[X)rted to have said that many 2d century. There is nothing of the sort in Orimen have arrived at perfection, but only four gen, Gregory Thauiniiturgus, Cyprian, Methodius, women and that these are, Asia the wife of I'ha- Lactantius: that is, in tlie ;Jd century. There is
tain sealed (iv. 12), the



the daughter of .\niram, his






daughter lYilima.






us that

every person

touched tt his birth by the Devil, and therefore cries out; nut that (Jod placed a veil lietween Mary and her Son and the Evil Spirit, so that he could not reach
into the world

who comes

nothing of the sort in Eusebius, .Athanasius, Cyril of Jerusalem, Hilary, Macarius, Epiphanius, Basil, (iregory Nazianzen, Ephrem Syrus, Gregory of Nyssa, Andii-ose: that is, in the 4th century. There is nothing of the sort in Chrysostom, .Augustine,

Jerome, Basil of Selencia, Urosius, Sedulius,


For which reason


were neither of them

Isidore, Therxloret, Prosper, Vincentius Lirinensis, 'yril of Alexandria, Topes Leo, Hilarius, Siinpli-

fuiltv of sin, like tlie rest of the children of



cius, Felix, (;ela.sius, Anastiisius.


privilege they



answer to 1 lannah's prayer


the 5th


Symmachus: that Whence, then, did it

rOther stories make tlic only cntmoce to be by a adder and a door nlwiiyg ki-pt locked. b Tlie comniciitutors biivu explnhicd this cxproaslon


ing tho brcnith of Oubriul (Yiihya



liut this docM

I inenning.

not hcuih to liuvu been Mohaui-


turgus, tho Homily attributed to St. Athanasins containing an iuvocjition of St. Mary, tho Pnncgvrlc attributed to St. Epiphanius, tho " Christ SafTiring," and the Oration containiiip tho story of Justina and ths lo Orepory Nnzianzon .St. Cypri.'iu, attribulod Eulogy of the lloly Virgin, and the Prayer attribuUxl

'isbed by

" (rigcn" lAincnt," thu " Tlirec Discourses '' pubVoiMtiu^ aa thu work of Urvgory Tbuuuiu-


to St.

EplmMii Syrus; tho Hook of Rledit.itionB iittriliutH| Augustine tho Two Strnoua supposed to hHT






what might easily happen, and what did happen. Evidence was not asked ' was becoming " to the mother of tentous proportions. Some of the legends of her for. Perfection They the Lord; therefore she was perfect. Adoration birtli are as early as the 2d or 3d century. were the production of the Gnostics, and were unan- "was befitting" on the part of Christians; thereimously and firmly rejected by the Church of the fore they gave it. Any tales attributed to antiquity The were received as genuine any revelations supposed first five centuries as fabulous and heretical. Gnostic tradition seems to have been handed on to to lie made to favored saints were accepted as true: the CoUyridians, whom we find denounced by Epi- and the Madonna reigned as queen in heaven, in They earth, in purgatory, and over hell. \\e learn the phanius for worshipping the Virgin JIary. The words present state of the religious regard in which she is were i-egarded as distinctly heretical. which this Father uses respecting them were prob- held throughout the south of Europe from St. Alably expressive of the sentiments of the entire fonso de Liguori, whose every word is vouched for Church in the 4th century. " The whole thing," by the whole weight of his Church's authority. he says, " is foolish and strange, and is a device From the Glories of Mary, translated from the and deceit of the Devil. Let Mary be in honor. original, and published in London in 1852, we find Let no one worship that St. Mary is Queen of Mercy (p. 13) and Let the Lord he worshipped. Mary " (Epiph. Ucer. Ixxxix., Op. p. 10G6, Paris, Mother of all mankind (p. 23), our Life (p. 52),
ination had set up, was

There is not a shadow of doubt that the origin of the worship of St. JIary is to be found in the apocryphal legends of lier birth and of her death which we have given above. There we find the germ of what afterwards expanded into its present por-

the grace and tenderness of womanhood, and yet with none of its weaknesses, and then to

down and worship the image which the imag-

the time of the Nestorian con- our Protectress in death (p. 71), the Hope of all would (p. 79), our only Refuge, Help, and Asylum (p appear to have been wholly external to the 81); the Propitiatory of the whole world (p. 81); Church, and to have been regarded as heretical. the one City of Refuge (p. 89 ) the Comfortress of But the Nestorian controversies produced a great the world, the Refuge of the Unfortunate (p. 100); change of sentiment in men's minds. Nestorius our Patroness (p. lOG ) Queen of Heaven and Hell



troversy, the cultiis of the Blessed Virgin

at least it was the tendency of Nestorianism to maintain, not only that our Lord had two natures, the divine and the human (which was right), but also that He was two persons, in such sort that the child born of Mary was not divine, but merely an ordinary human being, until the divinity subsequently united itself to Him. This was condemned by the Council of Ephesus in the year 431: and the title Qot6kos, loosely

had maintained, or

(p. 110); our Protectress from the Divine Justice and from the Devil (p. 115); the Ladder of Paradise, the Gate of Heaven (p. 121); the Mediatrix (p. 124); the Dispenser of all graces (p. 128); the Helper of the Redemption (p. 133); the Coiiperator in our .Justification (p. 133); a tender Advocate (p. 145); Omnipotent (p. 14G); the singular Refuge of the lost (p. 156); the great Peacemaker (p. 165); the Throne prepared in mercy (p. 165); the Way of Salvation (p. 200); the Mediatrix of Angels (p. 278). In short, she is the Way (p. 200), the Door (p. 588), the Mediator (p. 295), the Interce.ssor (p. 120), the Advocate (p. 144), the Redeemer (p. 275), the Saviour (p. 343). Thus, then, in the worship of the Blessed Virgin there are two distinctly marked periods. The first is that which commences with the apostolic times, and brings us down to the close of the century in which the Council of Ephesus was held, during which time the worship of St. Mary was wholly external to the Church, and was regarded by the Church as heretical, and confined to Gnostic and CoUyridian heretics. The second period commences with the Cth century, when it began to spread within the Church and, in spite of the shock given it by the Reformation, has continued to spread, as shown by Liguori's teaching; and is spreading still, as shown by the manner in which the papal decree of December 8, 1854, has been, not universaUy indeed, but yet generally, received. Even before that decree was issued, the sound of the word " deification " had been heard with reference to St. Mary (Newman, Essay on Development, p. 409, Lond. 1846); and she had been placed in '> a throne far above all created powers, mediatorial, intercessory " she had been invested with "a title archetypal; with a crown

of grace


" Mother



object of the Council

God," was sanctioned. and of the Anti-Nesto-

rians was in no sense to add honor to the mother,

but to maintain the true doctrine with respect to

Nevertheless the result was to magnify the Son. the mother, and, after a time, at the expense of For now the title sotSkos became a the son. shibboleth; and in art the representation of the

Madonna and Child became


the expression of orfor


Very soon the purpose




sanctioned beforgotten, and the veneration of St. Jlary


and the picture were

began to spread within the Church, as

viously existed external to

had pre-


legends too

were no longer treated so roughly as before. The Gnostics were not now objects of dread. Nestorians, and afterwards Iconoclasts, were objects of hatred. The old fables were winked at, and thus they " became the mythology of Christianity, universally credited among the Southern nations of Europe, while many of the dogmas, which they are grounded upon, have, as a natural consequence, crept into the faith " (F^ord lindsay, Christian Art, i. p. xl. Lond. 1847). From this time the worship of St. Mary grew apace. It agreed well with many natural aspirations of the heart. To paint the mother of the Saviour an ideal wonian,

been delivered by Pope Leo on the Feast of the Annunciatiou, are all spurious. See l\Ioral and Devotioncd Theology of the Church of Rome (Mozley, Lond. The Oration of Gregory, containing the story 1857). of Justina and Cyprian, is retained by the Benedictine and they pronounce that nowhere editors as genuine else is the protection of the Blessed Virgin Mary so clearly and explicitly couuuended in the 4th century.

The words are

" Justina

meditating on these in-

stances (and beseeching the Virgin Mary to assist a virgin iu peril), throws before her the charm of fivstIng." It Ls shown to be spurious by Tyler ( Worship of the Blessed Virgin, p. 378, Lond. 1844). Even sup-



est pjissage of the 4th century

were genuine, the contrast between the strong and the ordinarj lansufficiently strikiii;;

guage of the 19th would be





that which had borne God, being carried With angelic and apostolic psalmody, with ribes was deposited in a cotfin at Gethsemane. In this place the chorus and singing of the angels continued

bright as the nioniing star; a glory issuing from the Eternal Throne; robes pure as the heavens; and a sceptre over all (ibiJ. p. 4()G).

VIII. //f?' Assumption. Not only religious grew up in exactly the same three whole days. But after three days, on the way. The .Assumption of St. !Mary is a fact, or angelic music ceasing, those of the Apostles who an alleged fact. How has it come to he accepted were present ojiened the tomb, as one of them, At the end of the 5th century we find that there Thomas, had been ab.sent, and on his arrival wished e.vistc<l a book, De Transitu l^rt/inis AfiiH(e, to adore the body which had borne God. But her which was condemnetl by roi)e Gelasius ns apocry- all glorious body they could not find; but they phal. This book is without doubt the oldest form found the linen clothes lying, and they were filled of the legend, of wliicii tiie books ascribed to St. with an ineffable odor of sweetness which proMelito and St. Jolm are variations. Down to the ceeded from them. Then they closed the coffin. end of the 5th century, tiicn, tlie story of tiie As- .And they were astonished at the mysterious wonsumption was to the Church, and distinctly der; and they came to no other conclusion than looked upon by the Church as belonging to the that He who had chosen to take flesh of the Virgin heretics and not to her. Hut llien came the change Mary, and to become a man, and to be born of of sentiment already referred to, consequent on the her God the Word, the Lord of (> lory and Nestorian controversy. Tlie desire to protest against had preserved her virginity alter birth, was also the early faljles wiiich had been spread abroad liy ple.ised, alter her departure, to honor her immacthe heretics was now passed away, and had been ulate and unpolluted body with incorrujjtion, and succeeded by the desire to magnify her who had to translate her before the common resurrection of brought forth Him who was God. Accordingly a all men" (St. Joan. Op. ii. 880, Venice, writer, whose date IJaronius fi.\es at about this 1748). It is quite cle:vr that this is the same letime {Ann. Keel. i. 347, Lucca, 1738), suggested gend as that which we have before given. Here, his then, we see it brought over the borders and the possibility of the .Assumption, but declared inabiUty to decide the question. The letter in planted within the Church, if this " Euthymiac which this possibility or probability is thrown out history " is to be accepted as veritable, by Juvenal
Bentiinents, hut facts


to be attributed to St. .Jerome, and may be of Jerusalem in the 5th century, or else by Gregory found among his works, entitled Ail Piiuhun el of Tours in the Gth century, or by .rSndrew of h'ustocliium de Assuiuplione B. I'irmiiis (v. 82, Crete in the 7th century, or finally, by John of About the same time, prol)ably, or Damascus in the 8th century (see his three Hom,Paris, I70G). rathe- later, an insertion (now recognized on all ities on the Sleej) of the Bltssed llrr/in Mary, Op. hands to be a forgery) was made in ICusebius' ii. 857-88G)." The same legend is given in a Chronicle, to the effect that " in the year A. D. 48 slightly differ^t form as veritable history by Mary the Virgin was taken up into heaven, as Nicephorus Callistus in the 13th century (Niceph. some wrote that they had it revealed to tiiem." i. 171, Paris, 1G30); and the fact of the AssumpAnother tract was \vi-itten to prove that the As- tion is stereotyped in the Breviary Services for sumption was not a thing in itself unlikely; and August 15th {lirev. Rom. pars (est. p. 551, Milan, this came to be attributed to St. .-Vugustine, and 1851). Here again, then, we see a legend originated may he found in the appendi.K to his works; and a by heretics, and remaining external to the Church sermon, with a similar purport, was ascribed to till the close of the 5th century, creeping into the Thus the names of I'^usebius, Church during the Gth and 7th centuries, and St. Athanasius. Jerome, Augustine, Athanasius, and others, came finally ratified by the authority both of Home and to be quoted as maintaining the truth of the As- Constantinople. See Baronius, Ann. Keel. (i. 344, sumption. Tlie first writers witliin tiie Ciiurch in Lucca, 1738), and Martyrol)'jiuin (p. 314, Paris, whose extant writings we find the Assumption as- 1607). Similarly serted, are Gregory of Tours in the Gth century, IX. Iler Immaculate Conception. who has merely co|)ied Jlelito's book, De Transitu with regard to the sinlessness of St. Mary, which {De Glvr. Mart. lib. i. c. 4; Migne, 71, p. 708); has issued in the dogma of the Innna;ulate ConAndrew of Crete, who prol)ably lived in the 7th ception. Down to the close of the 5th century century; and John of Damascus, who lived at the the sentiment with respect to her was identical The last of these with that which is expressed by theologians of the besinning of the 8th century. authors refers to the Eutliyrniac history as stating Church of Engl.-ind (see Pearson. On the Creed). that Marcian and I'ulclieria being in search of the She was regarded as " highly favored " as a woman body of St. Mary, sent to Juvenal of Jerusalem to arriving as near the perfection of womanhood as it replied, " In the holy and was possible for human nature to arrive, but j'et inquire for it. divinely inspired Scriptures, indeed, nothing is re- liable to the infirmities of human nature, and someThus, in the 2d cencorded of the departure of the holy Mary, Mother times led away by them. Hut from an ancient and most true tra- tury, TertuUian represents her as guilty of unbelief of (Jo<l. dition we have received, that at tlie time of her {De came Christi, vii. 315, and Adv. .Pardon. In the 3d century, glorious falling asleep all the holy Apostles, who iv. 1!>, p. 433, Paris, lG!t5). were going through tiie world for the salvation of Origen interprets the sword which was to pierce her the nations, borne aloft in a moment of time, came bosom as being her unbelief, which caused her to together to .Jerusalem and wiien they were near be offended {Horn, in Luc. xvii. iii. !I5'2, Paris, her they ha<l a vision of angels, and divine melody 1733). In the 4th century St. B.asil gives the Was heard; and then with divine and more than same interpretation of Simeon's wonls {Kp. 2G0, iii. heavenly melo<ly she delivered her holy soul into 400. Paris, 1721); and St. Hilary speaks of her the hands of (iod in an unspeakable manner. But as having to come into the severity of the final

a Thin " Enthymlnc History " aanost confkuioa. Oare considers



Involved In the llomily proved

spurions by


reference to


See Hiitoria Lite

682. 626.

Oxf. 1740.


ludgnient {In Fs. cxis. p. 202, Paris, 1693). In the 5tli century St. Chrvsostom speaks of the " excessive ambition," " foolish arroi^ancy," and
that she

into sins of infu-mity.


" vain-glory," which made

to speak with

her stand and desire

extends from the close of the 5tli to the 12th century. It taught that St. Mary was liorn in original sin, but by God's grace was saved from faUing into
actual sins.

467, Paris, 1718); and St. Cyril of Alexandria (so entirely is he misrepresented by popular writers) speaks of her as foiling





cxctllence, that of

as being than St. Peter as being entrusted to St. John, because he was capable of explaining to her tiie mystery of the Cross as inferior to the Apostles in knowledge and belief of the Resurrection (iv. 1064, vi. 391, Paris, 1638). It is plain from these and other passages, which


present at the Passion




the spiritual

might be quoted, that the idea of

if it

tion from even actual sins of infirmity

existed at



Nevertheless there grew up, practice of looking upon St,

women, and investing and sweetness. A very beautiful picture of what a girl ought to be is drawn by St. Ambrose (De Viryin. ii. 2, p. 164, Paris, 1690), It is drawn wholly and attached to St. Mary. from the imagination (as may be seen by his makother
acter of beauty

Mary's exempand imperfecexternal to the Church. as was most natural, a Mary as an example to her with an ideal charSt.

ing one of her characteristics to be that she never

went out of doors except when she accompanied her parents to church), but there is nothing in it which Similarly we find St. is in any way superhuman.
.lerome speaking of the clear light of

taught that St. Mary was conceived in original sin, but was sanctified in the womb before birth. The fourth may be found obscurely existing, but only existing to be condemned, in the 12th and 13th centuries; brought into the light by the speculations of Scotus and his followers in the 14th century; thenceforward running parallel with and struggling with the sauclificnta in utero theory, till it obtained its apparently filial victory, so far as the Roman Church is concerned, in the 19th century, and in the lifetime of ourselves. It teaches that St. i\Iary was not conceived or born in original sin, but has been wholly exempt from all sin, original and actual, in her conception and birth, throughout her life, and in her death. See Laborde, Ln Croynnce a I' Immaculee Conception ne j>eM devenir Dor/me de Foi, Paris, 1855 Perrone, De linmaculnto B. V. M. Conceptu, Avenione, 1848; Christian Bemenibrancer, vols. xxiii. and xxxvii. Bp. Wilberforce, Rome her New Dogma, and our Duties, Oxf 1855; Observateur Catholique, Paris, 1855-60; Fray Morgaez, Exnmen Bidlce Jneffabilis, Paris, 1858. F. M.
the 13th century.




of other

women, such


Mary hiding Anna and




Text, with [Sin.] D,


671, Verona, 1734).


Lachmann, with



'Mapia- Maria), a


takes us a step further.


again and again speaks


of her as under original sin

says that
tion, for

Paris, 1700); but with respect to her actunl s'm he

him or according to some MS.S. for them. Xothing more is known of her. But Professor he would rather not enter on the quesJowstt {The Epistles of St. Fiiul,etc. ad loc.) has it was possible (how could we tell ?) that

241, x. 654, &c.,

who is greeted by St. Paul in his Epistle Romans (xvi. 6) as having toiled hard for

God had given her sufficient grace to keep her free Jewish name in the At this time the change from actual sin (x. 144).


to the fact that hers is the only




before referred to, as originated



Nestorian controversies, was spreading within the Church; and it became more and more the general belief that St. Mary was preserved from actual sin This opinion had become by the grace of God. And now a almost imiversal in the 12th century. further step was taken. It was maintained by St. Bernard that St. Mary was conceived in original sin, but that before her birth she was cleansed from This was it, like .John the Baptist and Jeremiah. {B. .7. vii. 8.) the sentiment of the 13th century, as shown liy the theatre. It was an isolated rock, works of Peter I^mbard {Sentent. lib. iii. dist. 3), several hundred feet high, and inaccessible except liy two paths hewn in its face. The summit was a Alexander of Hales (Sum. Theol. num. ii. art. 2), Albertus Magnus {Sentent. lib. iii. dist. 3), and plain, about three fourths of a mile in length, and Thomas Aquinas {Sum. Theol. quaest. xxvii. art. a third of a mile in breadth. Herod the Great 1, and Comm. in Lit). Sentent. dist. 3, quKst. 1). chose this spot for a retreat in case of danger, built Early in the 14th century died J. Duns Scotus, and a wall around the top, strengthened the original he is the first theologian or schoolman who threw fortifications, and added a palace, with armories and out as a possibility the idea of an Immaculate Con- ample store-houses and cisterns. After the destruction of Jerusalem and the reception, which would exempt St. Mary from original This opinion had been grow- duction of the other fortresses, this almost impregas well as actual sin. ing up for the two previous centuries, having orig- nable post was held by a garrison (which mcluded nated apparently in France, and having been many families) of Jewish zealots under the comjidoptd, to St. Bernard's indignation, by the can- mand of Eleazar, and here was made the last stand From this time forward there was a afjainst the power of Rome. The Roman general. ons of Lyons. itmggle between the maculate and immaculate con- Flavins Sibon, gathered his forces to this fortress vptionists, which has led at length to the decree of and laid siege to it, building a wall around the enDecember 8, 1854, but which has not ceased with tire rock. He then raised his banks against the that decree. Here, then, we may mark four distinct single narrow promontory by which it can now theories with respect to the sinlessness of St. Mary. be climbed, and when, at length, it became evident The first is that of the early Church to tlie close that he would subdue it, the liesieged, under the sf the 5th century. It taught that St. Mary was impassioned harangue of their leader, devoted them(XTu in original siu, was liable to actual sin, and selves to self-destructiou. Each man, after tender! y

{Maa-dSa) a remarkable Jewish fortress on the western shore of the Dead Sea, a few hours south of Engedi. It is mentioned by Pliny and Stralio, but is not named in the Bible nor in the Books of the jMaccabees, although it was first built by Jonathan Maccabseus and was, probably, one of the " strongholds in Judea," (1 Mace, xii. 35), which he consulted with the elders about buildhig. Josephus has given a full description of it, and of the terrible tragedy of which it was the




the " fortress of the son of

and children, put them to death with his own hand; ten men were then selected by lot to massacre the rest; and one of the survivors, in the same way, to despatch the others and then himself. This frantic resolve was executed, and 9CU jiersons men, women, and children lay in
embraciiif; his vrife



caiemB which
some length,

actually stood a remarkable siege of

by the forces of Herod (Joseph. Ii. J. i. 16, 4). A town with the similar name of Misiial, or
M.\siiAL, occurs in the list of the tribe of Asher, but whether its position was near that assumed above for Masaloth, we have no means of judging. G.

their blood.

The conqueror,

pressins^ the



next morning, encountered the silence of deai.h, and entering the fortress, met the appalling specta{b'''3W12: aiyfat^: inteltectm, Two women and five children, who had been cle. but in Ps. liii. inhUigentin). The title of thirteen concealed in a cavern, alone survived. The spot, thus signalized, was lost to history psalms; xxxii., xlii., xliv., xlv., Ui.-lv., hexiv., Ixxviii., Ixxxviii., Ixxxix., cxUi. Jerome in his version fron: until the publication of IJolunson and Smith's " researches. At 'Aiu Jidij, their attention had been the Hebrew renders it uniforudy ervdilio, instruction," except in Pss. xlii., Ixxxix., where he has attracted to this singular rock witli ruins on its intellectus, " understanding." The margin of our A. V. has in I'ss. Ixxiv., Ixxviii., Ixxxix., " to give summit, now called Sebbeh (2Uum\ but it was not ;" and in Ps. Ixxxviii., cxlii., "giving instruction until they reached Germany, that it occurred to instruction." In other passages in which the word them it must be the ancient Masada (^BiU. Jicx. occurs, it is rendered " wise " (Job xxii. 2; Prov. x. ii. The writer, in company with an 5, 11), Ac), " prudent " (Prov. xix. 14; Am. v. 13), 240 f.). English painter, under the protection of a Hedawy "expert" (Jer. 1. 9), and "skillful" (l>an. i. 4). chief, visited tlie spot in the .spring of 1842. Cross- In the Ps.alm in which it first occurs as a title, the ing from Hebron the territory wliicli lies between root of the word is found in another form (Ps. the highlands of .)uda?a and theDeiul Sea the xx.\ii. 8), "I will instrucl thee," from which cirhills being first succeeded by an xmdulating coun- cumstance, it has been inferred, the title was aptry, at that sea.son verdant and forming the princi- plied to the whole psalm as " didactic." But pal pasture-ground of the liedawiii, this by a ranije since " Maschil " is affixed to many psalms which ofwiiite, naked, conical hills, mostly barren, and would scarcely be classed as didactic, Gesenius (or the latter by a rumjtd, rocky strip, bordering the rather Koediger) explains it as denoting " any sacred sea, and cut through by deep wadies we reached, song, relating to divine things, whose end it was to across a scorched and desolate tract, the lofty cliffs promote wisdom and piety" (Thes. p. 1330). Kwof Sebbeh with its ruins, fronted on the west by ald (Dichter d. all. Ii. i. 25) regards Ps. xlvii. 7 precipices of a rich, reddish-brown color, the motion- (A. V. " sing ye praises jriV/i Mw/ers/'w/fW/ " Heb.


below on the east, and the mounthe whole region tains of Moalj towering beyond wearing an aspect of lonely and stern grandeur. the lower part of The identification was complete the entire wall which Herod built around the top,
less sea lying far


as the key to the

meaning of Maschil,

which in his opinion is a musical term, denoting a The melody requiring great skill in its execution.
olijection to the explanation of lioediiier



allow the term is wantinff in precision, and would and the entire Iloman wall of circumvallation be- " Maschil " to be applied to every psalm in the low, with the walls of the IJoman can)ps connected Psalter. That it is employed to indicate to the with it, undisturbed for eighteen centuries, remain- conductor of the Temple choir the manner in which ing as they were left, except as partially wasted b\' the psalm was to be sung, or the melody to which the elements. As we looked down on those lines, it was adapted, rather than as descriptive of its they vividly recalled the siege and the day when contents, seems to be implied in the title of Ps. xlv., the crimsoned rock on which we stood bore witness where, after "Maschil," is added " a song of loves "

the fulfillment of the fearful imprecation


to denote the special character of the psalm.


" His blood be on us and on our children " Saa-a, 184:], pp. Gl-OT)." S.



{Mai(TaAcie [.so Sin.]; Alex. Me<T(ra\(tid- M<iS'ihilli), a place in Arbela, which Baccliides and Alcimus, the two generals of Demetrius, besieged and took with f;reat slaughter on


with few exceptions, it is associated with directions for the choir, "to the chief musician," etc., and occupies the same position in the titles as MichUtm (Ps. xvi., Ivi.-lx.), Mizmw (A. V. " Psalm; " Ps.
iv.-vi., etc.),

and Shi(/f/aion (Ps.






we regard

as originally used, in the sense

way from

the north to (Jilgal



ix. 2).


probal)ly the

side of the Wnt/i/ el

modern Jr/ml, on the south being llumam, aljout 3 miles N. Vf as

of "didactic," to indicate the character of one particular psalm, it might have been a])plied to others
set to the melody of the original Maschilpsalm. But the suggestion of Kwald, given above, " Conqjaring " Maschil has most to conmiend it. with the musical terms already alluded to, and observing the different manner in which the character

and half that distance from the Lake. The name ^lesaloth is omitted by Joscphus {Ant. xii. 11, 1), nor has any trace of it been since discovered; but the word may, as I'obinson (Btld. Rts. ii. 31)8) suggests, have originally signified the
of Tiberias,

of a psalm
xvi. 7;


indicated in other instances (1 Chr.


"steps " or " terraces " (as




Pss. xxxviii., Ixx., titles),

seems jirobable

"Otl). to the

In that



was used

to convey a direction to the singers

was probal)Iy a name given


able caverns

existing on the northern side of the


lanie wady,

and now

There remark- as to the mode in which they were to sing. appear to have been Ma.schilsof different kinds, for Kuii'ol Ibn Mn'tin, in addition to those of David which form the greater
questionably to Messrs. Wolcott and Tipping " (JVofralivr nf n Jmimry round llir IltnrI Stn, i. 191 f). Von
Itaunier also refers to Dr. Wolcotfs di.icovfrics ns nettling tho question of the idontiliciition of Miuuida wltfi the present Sthbelt (see PalaMina, p. 212, 4e Aufl.). H.

This place was


Ticifwl In



prerlous explonitlona.

1848 by Lieut. Lyncfi's vot without -illuding to the Wo rooord with pleasure M. de

tenlcyV ncknowlcJginont that, " tho honor of having -Men Utte Brat to visit tho ruins of Mosodn bDlonca un-




lumber, there are others of Asaph (Pss. Ixxiv., There is no doubt that it is identical with Mizpeh Heman the Ezrahite (kxxviii.), and of Benjamin, the ancient sanctuary at which Sam'xxviii.), uel had convened the people on an occasion of W. A. W. Ethan (Ixxxix.).





one of the sons


equal einergenc}'.



Maspha, or more accu-

Aram, and the brother of Uz, Hul, and

In 1 Chr. i. 17 the name appears as (Gen. X. 23). Meshech, and the rendering of the LXX., as above Ejiven, leads to the inference that a similar form also It may existed in some of the copies of Genesis. further be noticed that in the Chronicles, Mash and his brothers are described as sons of Shem to the omission of Anim; this discrepancy is easily explained the links to connect the names are omitted in other instances (comp. ver. 4), the ethnologist evidently assuming that they were familiar to his readers. As to the geographical position of Mash, Josephus (Ant. i. 6, 4) connects the name with Mesene in lower Babylonia, on the shores of the a locality too remote, however, from Persian Gulf The more the other branches of the Aramaic race. probable opinion is that which has been adopted by

Massepha, is merely the form in svhich the LXX. uniformly render the Hebrew name !Mizpeh. 2. (Maacpd; [Sin. Macpa; Alex. Maacpa;] but Josephus yidWrii/- Miigphn.) One of the cities which were taken from the Ammonites by .Judas Maccabaeus in his campaign on the east of Jordan It is probably the ancient city (1 Mace. V. 35). of Mizpeh of Gilead. The Syriac has the curious
vai'iation of


J^^-'-'^ti "salt."

Perhaps Jose-

phus also reads


" salt."

[place of vines]



MairareKKai, in Chron. yiacreKKas, and so Alex, in both: Miisreca), an ancient place, the native spot of Samlah, one of the old kings of the Edomites

(Gen. xxxvi. 36; 1 Chr.








Winer {Rwb.


Volkeri. p. 2-37

namely, that the name

Mons Masius



and as Hebrew, the name

refers to vineyards





represented by the

of classi-

writers, a range which forms the northern boundary of MesoiX)tamia, between the Tigris and Knobel reconEuphrates (Strab. xi. pp. 506, 527). ciles this view with that of .Josephus by tlie supposition of a migration from the north of Mesopotamia to the south of Babylonia, where the race may have been known in later times under the

from Snrak, a root with which we are familiar in the "vine of Sorek," that is, the choice vine; and led by this, Knobel (Genesis, p. 257) proposes to place jNIasrekah in the district of the Idumsean mountains north of Petra, and along the Hadj route, where Burckhardt found "extensive vineyards," and "great quantities of dried grapes," made by the tribe of the Ri'faya for the supply of Gaza and for the Mecca pilgrims (Burckhardt,
Syrid, Aug. 21). But this is mere conjecture, as no name at all corresponding with Masrekah has been yet discovered in that locality. Schwarz (215) mentions a site called En-Masrnk, a few miles


in these parts was, however, in

the progress of the population an opposite direction, from south to north. Kalisch ( Conim. on connects the names of Mash and Gen. p. 286)



Mysia: this is, to say the least, extremely doubtboth the Jlysians themselves and their name (== Mwsia) were probably of European origin. W. L. B.




probably refers to the place in Palmer's ]\Iap, and Ain el-Usdakn. in Kiepert's (Robinson, Bibl. Res. 1856). The versions are ananimous in adhering more or less closely to the Hebrew. G.

south of Petra.


marked Ain Afufrak

Chron., Vat. MaratrcrTj:] Massa), a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 14; 1 Chr. i. 30). His descendants were not improbably the Masnni, who the earlier records is given as Misheal and are placed by Ptolemy (v. 19, 2) in the east of MiSHAL. It suggests the Masaloth of the Mac- Arabia, near the borders of Babylonia. cabean history. G. W. L. B.
[in 1

Vat.] Moao-a; [Kom. ^aa(Td\'- Alex.- MarraX:] Masul), the contracted or provincial (Galilean) form in which, in the later list of Levitical cities (1 Chr. vi. 74), the name of the town appears, which in



[lyresent, tribute]



(Mto-ai'as [Vat.



Alex. Mao-j-

* According to some the proper rendering

Prov. XXX. 1



one of the servants of Solomon, whose descendants returned with Zorobabel (1 Esdr.



the Massite."




that the above !Massa was the also of the place where the wise Agur lived

and where Lemuel reigned as king (Prov. xxxi. 1). (Maa-ndu, [Vat.]; Alex. MaaoIn support of this conclusion see Bertheau, Die This name occurs for Shemaiah fiav- Mnsman). Spriiche Salomons, p. 15 f. Prof. Stuart adopts in 1 Esdr. viii. 43 (comp. Ezr. viii. 16). The Greek text is evidently corrupt, 'S.a/j.aias (A. V. this opinion in his notes on the above passages (Comm. on Proverbs, pp. 401, 421). That view, Maraaias), which is the true reading, being missays Fiirst (Handa: s. v.), is a doubtful one. The jilaced in ver. 44 after Alnathan.


MASONS. [Handicraft, 3.] MASORA. [Old Testament.]

(Matro-Tj^o: Maspha.) place opposite to (KarevavTi) .lerusalem, at which

ordinary sisrnification of Sl^'^^Sn,

the utterance,



the A. V. "the prophecy"),






is more generally preferred by See Umbreit's Spriiche Solomons,

Judas Maccabseus and


followers assembled

selves to bewail the desolation of the city

themand the


[Further, see

Ague, Lemuel, Ucal.]


Banctuary, and to inflame their resentment before the battle of I'^mmaus, by the sight, not only of
the distant city, which

xxxiii., irelpa'






temptation, a naraf

was probably visible from given to the spot, also called Meribah, where the the eminence, but also of the Book of the Law Israelites " tempted Jehovah, saying. Is Jehovah aiutilated and profaned, and of other objects of among us or not? " (Ex. xvii. 7). [See also Deut ecuUar preciousness and sanctity (1 Mace. iii. 46). vi. 16, ix. 22, xxxiii. 8.] The name also Dcciira

mth mention

of the circumstances which occwicced xcv. 8, 9, and its Greek equivalent in

fierhaps, cii the whole, the

most probable,






H- H.


are at liberty, with Kimchi, to supply ^T??"7



[Vat. Aixffftas] lUs(1 Esdr. ix. 22; conip.

before n""1irpS '''^V'^.

D. S. T.



Ezr. X. 22).

2 Tim.



the rendering of ie\p in literally " if any one strive,"


as an athlete. The A. V. A. V. as the repre- follows the earlier English versions from Tyndale change of " mastery " to " massentation of several different Hebrew and (.ireek onward, except the Further, see Games, vol. i. p. 4G-i n. words, but the principal use of tlie term which teries." H. demands notice liere is that in wliich, as in Matt,




for pretiminence

MASTER stands

in tlie

viii. I'J (SfSaff/caAos, f;iveu in John i. ."JS, xx. 10, as equivalent to the Hebrew words Habl>i and IJabboni), it is often applied to our Lord as a title of

(ax^pos, lentiscus) occtirs only in the Apocrypha (Susan, ver. 54"), where the There is no marL'in of the A. V. has hntisk.


a reference to the doubt that the Greek word is correctly rendered, as tlie .lews, is evident from the description of it by Theophrastus that we must probably explain our bjrd's reproof (fli/t. Plant, ix. i. 2, 4, 7, &c.); I'hny (//. N. of the person spoken of in Mark x. 17 and Luke iii. 3G, xxiv. 28); Dioscorides (i. 90), and other the latter account as a writers. Herodotus (iv. 177) compares the fruit xviii. 18 (desi2;nated in






application of this term amoni;

ruler; the readins; of the received text, Matt. xix. 16, is apparently corrupt ), for addressing him as

of the lotus





not the

" Good Master."



expression, in itself appro-

was employed improperly by the speaker, who designed nothing more in the use of it than to recognize our Saviour as one who, although perhaps distinguished by preeminent attainments and character, was not essentially ditii^rent from Our Lord applies the term the ordinary IJabbis. BO rendered to Nicodemus (.lolm iii. 10), with spe" Art thou tlie master (teacher) of cial emphasis:
Israel," as expressive probably of the liigh authority





countrymen as a

Egyptian Nvlumbium speciosnm) in size with the mastich lierry, and Babrius (3, 5) says its leaves The fragrant resin known are browsed by goats. in the arts as "mastick," and which is obtained by incisions made in the trunk in the month of August, is the produce of this tree, whose scientific name is Pistacin Itntiscus. It is used with us to strengthen the teeth and gums, and was so applied by the ancients, l)y whom it was nmch prized on this account, and for its many supposed medicinal virtues. Lucian {Lexipti. p. 12) uses the term a-xivoTpwKrris of one who chews mastich wood in order to whiten
]\Iartial ( J:'p. xiv. 22) recommends a I'liny (xxiv. mastich touthpick {(kiiliscilpium). 7) speaks of the leaves of this tree being rubbed l)ioscoride8 (i. 90) on the teeth for toothache. says the resin is often mixed with other materials and used as tooth-powder, and that, if chewed,'' it Both I'liny imparts a sweet odor to the breath. and Dioscorides state that the best mastich comes Chios, and to this day the Arabs prefer that from which is imported from that island (comp. Niebuhr, Bi'schr. von Arab. p. 144; Galen, de fnc. Tournefort ( Voyur/es, ii. 58-61, Siinpl. 7, p. G9). traiisl. 1741) has given a full and very interesting account of the lentisks or mastich plants of Scio he says that " the towns of the island are ((Jhios)

teacher of religion.

" master,"


his teeth.

the translation of 5i5a(r/caAos, is given to our I-ord The sense would about forty ti)nes in the Gospels. often be clearer to the English reader if "teacher" By " master of the ship " were substituted for it.

(Acts xxvii. 11), the



the rudder or the


[GovEUNOH, {KV0epvriTr)s) is meant. I'or the intticliange of " master of the

house," and "good p. 939.


of the house," see vol.




"master and scholar," Mai.


12 (Heb. TlbV"] ~1P), which suggests a usage


like that so common in the N. T., is Tlie literal meaning probably a mistranslation. seems to be culler (or walcher) and answerer, distinguished into three classes, those dtl Campo, apparently a proverbial expression for every living those of Ajxniomeria, and those where they jJant jjerson, referring perlia|)s oriiiinally to watchmen hnlislc-trees, from whence the mastick in tears is calling to and answering one another (comp. Fs. produced." Tournefort cnimierates several lentiskcxxxiv. 1; Is. Ixii. G). Of the trees he says, " these trees tree villages.

The very obscure phrase





11), translated


A. V. "masters of assem-

blies," is variously explained, as, e. g. referring (1)

are very wide spread and circular, ten or twelve feet tall, consisting of several branchy stalks which in The biggest trunks are a foot time grow crooked.

to the naili diiven in, just spoken


in diameter, covered with a bark, grayish, rugged, of, represented the leaves are disposed in three or four instruments of fastenhuj (Itosenmiiller); chajit couples on each side, about an inch loni:, narrow at (2) to the gathered " words of the wise." contents jHiinted at their extremity, half an of collertiinis (Ewald, lleiligstedt, Hitzig); (3) to the beginning, I'rom the junctures the middle. the collectors themselves, either as the masters, inch broad about in bunches like graiies authors of the collections (l>e AVette), or as mem- of the leaves grow flowers fruit too grows like bunches of bers of an assembly ((iesenius, I'Lirst, a)id Ilengsten- (see woodcut); the Jerome in Vulgat). The last view is grapes, in each berry whereof is contained a white

berg, comp.

" IJiide finden." A similar play oocuni a Tills Tcme contains a Imppy play upon the word. Luther, For tlie undev a ill vv. 58, 59, l)ctwc<'ii TTpiioi', and n-piVat at. Under what tree sawcit tliou tlicni of tlie.'ic mid similar chiinictcristlcs on the dat And Diiiiicl said ... the hcarinR aiastlcli-truo (Curb o-xii-oi'). book, sec SdsaNNA. tlie hciiU'Iicc of God to and ori^riii of the hiiMi rercived *n(?el i>l Oo Whence the derivation of mastich. firom t/Durrixi 'ThU is unforcut thcc in two (o-xi'o-ti (re niaov).



unatfly lost in our verolon tie Vuijiite. sub scliiiio


preserved by scliidet t! " and by





of the axlvot, from fio<rrof fxaortxaw, ftava



"to chew," "

to uiaistieate."






not ripen but in

blow in ]May, the fruit does scendant of Pahath-^Ioab (1 Esdr. autumn and winter." This writer Ezr. X. 30).


mode in wliich " They begin to procured. make incisions in these trees in Scio the first of August, cutting the bark crossways witli huge
gives the following description of tlie

the niastich




the son of

(naeov(rd\a: Mathusale\ Enoch (Luke iii. 37).


("It!^'? [thrusting fwth, repe.

[in 1 Chr.,


without touching the younger branches

MaTpaiO; Alex. MaTpaeid;


day the nutritious juice distils in small tears, Vat. omit, Alex. MarpaS'-] Mutred), a daughter of Mezahab, and mother of JNIehetabel, who waa lich by little and little form the mastick grains wife of Hadar (or Hadad) of Pau, king of Edoni (Gen. xxxvi. 3t); 1 Chr. i. 50). Respecting the kings of Edom, whose records are contained in tha
chapters referred to, see

Hadad, Ieam,


E. S. P.





Matri:; [Vat. MaTTapef- Alex. MuTTapei and MaTTapeiT- Metri), a family of
the tribe of Benjamin, to which Saul the king of
Israel belonged (1


x. 21).

[gifi] MaOdv, [Vat. Maydaf,] Alex. Maxa" i" Kings; Marddv in Chron. Mathan). 1. The priest of Baal slain


before his altars in the idol temple at Jerusalem,

time when Jehoiada swept away idolatry from Judah (2 K. xi. 18; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He probably accomi)anied Athaliah from Samaria, and would thus be the first priest of the Baal-worship which Jehoram king of .Judah, following in the
at the








Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxi.

7, 3) calls

13); Josephus {Ant. ix.

of Shephatiah.



him MaaQav. The father

Mastich {Pistacia lentiscus)

xxxviii. 1).




they harden on the ground, and are carefully swept up from under the trees. The height of the crop is about the middle of August if it be dry serene weatlier, but if it be rainy, the tears are all lost. Likewise towards the end of September the same



Alex. [VlavOaviv^i] MavQaveiv- Matthnna), a station in the latter part of the wanderings of the


furnish mastick, but in lesser quantiBesides the uses to which reference has been above, the people of Scio put grains of this

(Num. xxi. 18, 19). It lay next beyond the well, or Beer, and between it and Nahaliel; Nahaliel again being but one day's journey from

Bamoth or

heights of Moab.

therefore probalily situated to the S. E. of the

Mattanah was Dead

resin in perfumes, to the oven.

and in

their bread before it goes

Sea, but no

name like it appears The meaning at the



one of the most important products

of the East, being extensively used in the preparation of spirits, as juniper l)erries are with us, as

a sweetmeat, as a masticatory for gums and teeth, as an antispasmodic in medicine, and as an ingredient in varnishes. The Greek
writers occasionally use the

(if taken as Hebrew) is Onkelos as well as Pseudojonathan and the Jerusalem treat Mattanah as if a synonym for Beek, the well which was " given " to preserving the

the Targumists

have been yet root of the word a "gift," and accordingly

the people (ver. IG).

In the

ther translate the


in verse 20;







entirely different plant, namely, the Squill {Scilln


denoting the valleys (Bamoth), to which the miraculous well

same vein they furand treat (Nahaliel) and the

mnritima) (see Aristoph. Plut. p. 715; Sprengel, Flor. Hippoc. p. 41 ; Theophr. Hkt. Plant, v. 6, The Pistncia lenliscus is common on the 10). shores of the Mediterranean. According to Strand

followed the

noticed under

camp in its journeyings. The legend Beer. By Le Clerc it is sug-

may be the same with the mysterious word Valieb (ver. 14; A. V. "what he -since the meaning of that word in Arabi<" {Flor. PaLest. No. 559) it has been observed at did ") Joppa, both by Eauwolf and Pococke. The mas- is the same as that of Mattanah in Hebrew. G. tich-tree belongs to the natural order Anacardincece. (n^^ntt [gift of Jehogested that Mattanah

* The Pistacia
Mt. Lebanon. jxtracted from

-RaTdavLar, [Vat. MaWav;] Alex. Medfound in Syria, on davias' Miitthanias). 1. The original name of not aware that the gum is Zedekiah king of Judah, which was changed when for purposes of commerce. Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the throne instead G. E. P. of his nephew Jehoiachin (2 K. xxiv. 17). In like
lentiscus is

W. H.









manner Pharaoh had changed



the name of hii brother Eliakim to Jehoiakim on a similar occa-

a Vol. i. p. 264 b. In addition to the authorities here cited, the curious reader who may desire to infestigate this

hausted in Buxtorf'8 ExercitcUiouts (No.


t. Hitt.


in Deserto).

remarkable tradition will find



rion (2

xxiii. 3-1),

parallel list of Esdr. ix. 34, the

when he

restored the sueces-

ion to tlie elder brunch of the royal family (com]).

2 K. xxiii. 31, 3G).


names 'IMattaniah, Mattenai," are cornijited into Mamnitaxaimus. 8. (MaTearaias; [Vat. Naeoi/ia; F.\.* MoSa-

and Neh.xi. 17; Mar- via\] Alex. Moeeocias-^ A Levite, father of ZacNeh. xi. cur, and ancestor of the under-treasurei 8, Madtiavia, Neh. xii. 35; who had charge of the ofrerin<is for the Levites in [Vat. ill Chr., yiavOavias: in Neh. .\i. 17, xii. 35, the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). xiii. 13, MofJafia: Neh. xii. 8. Moxai'ia: 35, Na9. (^n^^na [yift of Jehovah] Vlareavias\ 6avta; Neh. xi. iJ'2, xii. :25, Koiii. \'at. .\lex. FA.' [Vat. t/lavdavtas'] Mdthitninii, 1 Chr. xxv. 4; ninit:] .]fiithiiiii(i,exc. Neh. xii. 8, 35, M<ii!iuni<is.) Mitthdiiias, 1 (;hr. xxv. 16), one of the fourteen A Levite siiif^er of the sons of Asajih (1 Chr. ix. He is descrilied as the son of Mieali, Mieha sons of Heman the singer, whose office it was to 15). blow the horns in the Temple service as appointed (Neh.xi. 17), or Mieluiiah (Neh. xii. 35), and after by David. He was tlie chief of the 9th division the retnrn from Bahylon lived in the villages of the of twelve Invites who were " instructed in the Netophathites (1 Chr. ix. IG) or Netoi)liathi (Neh. songs of .Jehovah." xii. 28), which the singers had huiit in the neigh-


i" Chr.,

8,35; 1", Madafia, Neh. xii.


.\lex. MoSflai/iay,

of the

of JeriLsalein (Neh.

xii. 21J).



10. iMarOai/ias




Temple choir

after its restoration


in the ninsical service

8) in the time of Nehemiah, he took part which aceoni|)anied the deditlie

of Asaph, the Ijivite minstrel, who assisted in the purification of the Temple in the reign of Hezckiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). W. A. W.

cation of

wall of Jerusalem (Neh.

l.evites of the


25, 35).



him among the

second rank,

" keei)er.s of the thresholds," an ollice which fell to the singers (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). In Neh. xii. 35, there is a difficulty, for " Mattaniah, the son of Micliaiah, the son of Zaccur, the son of Asaph," is apparently the same with " Mattaniah,

M'Uhnthn), the (MaTToOa son of Nathan, and grand.son of David in the genealogy of our Lord (Luke iii. 31).





of JehoAlex.

contracted from the above]


the son of Mich.a, the son of Zalidi the son of Asaph " (Neh. xi. 17), and with the Mattaniah of

tHadQa^a- Mulhnlhd), a descendant of Hashuni, who bad married a foreign wife in the time of Ezra, and was sejiarated from her (Fzr. x. 33).





xii. 8, 25, who, as in xi. 17, is as.sociated Hakhukiah, and is expressly mentioned us living in the days of Nehemiah and Ezra (Neh. But, if the reading in Neh. xii. 35 lie xii. 20).


in 1 ICsdr. ix. 33.

correct, Zech.ariah, the great-grandson of jMattaniah

(further descrihed as one of " the prU-sIs' sons,"" whereas Mattaniah was a Levite), hlew the trumpet at the head of tlie procession led by ICzra, which marched round the city wall. From a conipari.son of Neh. xii. 35 witli xii. 41, 42, it seems probable that the former is corrupt, that Zcchariah in verses 35 and 41 is the same priest, and that the clause in which the name of Mattaniali is found is to be connected with ver. 3G, in which are enumeratecl his " brethren " alluded to in ver. 8.





descendant of Asaph, and ancestor of Jahaziel the Levite in the reign of Jehoshaphatf (2 Chron. xx. 14). 4. {MaTdavla [Vat. FA. Moflai'ia;] Alex. yiaOdavia'- Mullniniu.) One of the sons of Flam who had married a foreign wife in the time of Iv.ra ([j.T. X. 2G). In 1 I'idr. ix. 27 he is called MatTIIANIAS.

MnthrUhmt). =M.\TTiTiiiAii, wlio stood at I'>.ra's right hand when he read the Law to the people (1 Esdr. ix. 43; comp. Neh. viii. 4). 2. {Mathalhms.) The father of the Maccabeeg (1 Mace. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 39, 45, 49, xiv. 29). [Maccabeks, vol. ii. p. 1710 ".] 3. {Muthdthias.) The son of Absalom, and brother of Jonathan 14 (1 Mace. xi. 70, xiii. In the battle fought by Jonathan the high11). priest with the forces of Demetrius on the plain of Nasor (the old Hazor), his two generals Mattatliias and .Judas alone stood by him, when his army was seized with a panic and fled, and with their assistance the fortunes of the day were restored. 4. {Mnlh(tthins.) The son of Simon M.accabeus, who was treacherously murdered, together with his father and brother, in the fortress of Docus, by Ptolemeus the son of Abubus (1 Mace. xvi. 14). 5. {.]f(itlhiis.) One of the three envoys sent by Nieanor to treat with Jud;is Maccabeus (2 Mace.



xiv. 19).



Son of .\mos,

in the



{MaTdavai; [Vat. AOavia;]


One of the sons of /attu in who ]iut away his fmeign wife (l'"./.r. He is called OniuNi a.s in 1 I'^sdr. ix. 28.

Mafl0othe time of
x. 27).

of Jesus Christ (Luke


7. {Matholhlis.) Son of Seniei, in the same catalogue (Luke iii. 26). W. A. \\.

MaO- hovnh,
see aiiove]





6. (yiarBai/ia; [\'at.





descemlant of I'ahath-Moab yia:] Alex. Maefloj'ai: .'/"//"'""). 1. One of the is mentioned under family of llashnm, who in the time of Ezra the same circumstances as the two preceding (Iv.r. married a forciirn wife (Iv.r. x. 33). In 1 ICsdr. In 1 Fsdr. ix. 31, he is called Matiia- ix. 33 he is called .\i.tam:u.s. X. 30). NIAS. 2. iMuTOafdi': [Vat. MaOavav; FA. WaBavai] 7. [MoT0o;'ia: Vat. FA. Moeo^'io; Alex. Ma9- Alex. MafiOaifai: Muthiiuai.) A descendant of

MfT0avla\ [Vat.


lived at the


time, and




of the sons of Hani, win






his foreign wife at I'./ra's


like the three al>ove



his for



X. 37).



of this

name and

<ign wife at



{V//.T. x.

In the

of .Mattaniah which
I'^dr. ix.


occupied in 1

34 by Mammtanai.mus.


wonl " priest"

nppareiillv n)iplioil in a leng

rcMtncted hohbo

E/r. viii. 24 Shereliiali and llaMhiihiiih ili'Mrril>u(l a anions tlie ^oblw' of Uio prlosta," wlicreitH, in vv. 18, 19, tliey

in later tinicg, for ( finj in

are Merarlte liovites ; if, as is probable, the mid* prrsons are allmlcd to in l>otli iiistiujces. Comp s'a*
Josli. Ui.



Tii. 9.

[Vat. Alex.



Jewish name after the exile; but the true derivay. The pubjriesi ill tlie days of .Joiakim tlie son of Jesliua tion is not certain (eee Winer, Lange). (Neh. xii. 19). He repreented the liouse of Joiarib. licans, properly so called {piMicani), were person? (Rec. Text, Maredv, Lachm. who farmed the Koman taxes, and they were usu-

FA. omit; Rom. Mardavat]




Treg.] witli B, Madddv- Muthan, MatTlie son of Eleazar, and grandfather of

ally, in later times,


knights, and persons of

wealth and credit.

Tliey employed under


(Matt. i. 15). inferior officers, natives of the province where the He occupies the same place in the genealogy as taxes were collected, called properly portitores, to Matthat in Luke iii. '24, with whom indeed he which class Matthew no doubt belonged. These latter were notorious for impudent exactions everyis probably identical ( Hervey, Genenlo(/ies of' Christ, " He seems to have been himself where (Plautus, Mencech. i. 2, 5; Cic. ad Quint. 129, 134, Ac). descended from Joseph the son of ,ludab, of Luke Fr. i. 1; Plut. De Curios, p. 518 e); but to the have become the heir of the elder .Jews they were especially odious, for they were the iii. 26, but to branch of the house of Abiud on the failure of very spot where the Roman chain galled them, the visible proof of the degraded state of their nation. Eleazar's issue (ib. 1.34).

Joseph "the husband of


As a rule, none but the lowest would accept such an unpopular office, and thus the class became more worthy of the hatred with which in any case the .lews would have regarded it. The readiness, however, with which Matthew obeyed the call of Jesus seems to show that his heart was still open to rescriber's error. ligious impressions. His conversion was attended (MarflciT; but Tisch. [7th ed.] by a great awakening of the outcast classes of the MaOedr [8th edition, MaOede]'- Matlutt, Mat- Jews (Matt. ix. 9, 10). Matthew in his Gospel 1. Son of Levi and grandtnt, MaUhad, etc.). does not oinit the title of infamy which had be father of Joseph, according to the genealogy of longed to him (x. 3); but neither of the other Luke (iii. 24). He is maintained by Lord A. Evangelists speaks of "Matthew the publican.^^ Hervey to have been the same person as the ^Lvt- Of the exact share which fell to him in preaching THAN of Matt. i. 15 (see Genealogies of Christ, the Gospel we have nothing whatever in the N. T.,





rav]) =Mattaniah, one of the descendants of In the Elain (1 Esdr. ix. 27; comp. Ezr. x. 26). Vulgate, " Ela, Mathanias," are corrupted into " Jolaman, Chamas," which is evidently a tran-


tS7, i;58, &c.).

2. [Tisch. M.addd9-] Also the son of a Txvi, and a progenitor of .Joseph, but much higher up in the line, namely, eleven generations from David (Luke

Nothing is known of him. It should be remarked that no fewer than five fell to names in this list are derived from the same Hebrew {H. E.

and other sources of information we cannot trust. Eusebius (//. Ji. iii. 24) mentions that after our Lord's ascension Matthew preached in Judaea (some add for fifteen years Clem. Strom, vi.), and then went to foreign nations. To the lot of Matthew it

root as that of their ancestor Nath.\n the son of David (see Hervey, Genealogies, etc., p. 150).


MATTHE'LAS(Mae^A.ay; [Vat. Mo7j\as:] =Maaseiah 1 (1 Esdr. ix. 19; conip.

The reading
of the

.(Ethiopia, says Socrates Scholasticus 19; Ruff. H. E. x. 9). But Ambrose says that God opened to him the country of the Persians (la Ps. 45); Isidore the Macedonians (Isidore Hisp. de Sanct. 77); and others the Parvisit

thians, the Medes, the Persians of the Euphrates.

Nothing wh.atever is really known. Heracleon, the in the A. V. might easily arise ftora a disciple of Valentinus (cited by Clemens Alex. mistake bet wen the uncial and 2 (C). Strom, iv. 9), descrilies him as dying a natural (Lachm. [Tisch. Treg.] with death, which Clement, Origeu, and Tertullian seem [Sin.] BD, naeOatos; AC and Rec. Text, Mar- to accept the tradition that he died a martyr, be Matthew the Apostle and it true or ftilse, came in afterwards (Niceph. //. E. OaToj: Miitth(eus).
Ezr. X. 18).

LXX. which


Evangelist is the same as Levi (Luke v. 27-29), the son of a certain Alphseus (Mark ii. 14). His call to be an Apostle is related by all three Evangelists in the same words, except that Matthew (ix.


If the first feeling

on reading these meagre par-

ticulars be disappointment, the second will be ad-

and Mark (ii. 14) and Luke If there were two pub(v. 27) the latter name. licans, both called solemnly in the same form at the same place, Capernaum, then one of them became an Apostle, and the other was heard of no more; for Levi is not mentioned again after the feast which he made in our Lord's honor (Luke v. Euthymius and many 29). This is most unlikely. other commentators of note identify Alphaeus the Matthew with Alphoeus the father of father of James the Less. Against this is to be set the fact
9) gives the former,

in the great

miration for those who, doing their part under God work of founding the Church on earth,

have passed away to their Master in heaven without so much as an effort to redeem their names from silence and oblivion. (For authorities see the works on the Gospels referred to under Luke and Go.SPELs; also Fritzsche, In MntthcBuni, Leipzig, W. T. 182G: Lange, Bibelwerk, part i.)



The Gospel

which be;irs the name of St. Matthew was written by the Apostle, according to the testimony of all

that in the


of Apostles (Matt. x. 3



18; Luke vi. 15; Acts i. 13), Matthew and James are told on the authority of Papias, Irenoeus, Panthe Less are never named together, like other pairs taenus, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, Jerome, and sf lirothers in the apostolic body. [See addition to Alph.euS; Amer. ed.] It may be, as in other cases, many other Fathers, that the Gospel was first written in Hebrew, i. e. in the vernacular language diat the name Levi was replaced by the name Mat,\ramaic. (a.) Papias of Hierapolis \hew at the time of the call. According to Gese- of Palestine, the (who flourished in the first half of the 2d century) lius, the names Matthseus and Matthias are both says, "Matthew wrote the divine oracles (t^ K6yia) HTiri^, "gift in the Hebrew dialect, and each interpreted them contractions of Mattatbias It hat V' Jehovah;" OtiiScopos, 0e<$5oTos), a common as he was able" (Eusebius, U. E. iii. 39/.


in which


ions first written.




to XSyta

pressly says that the translator's

Deen held that

here aUiided

to be understood as a

name was


collection of discoui-geg,

So far all the testimony is for a Hebrew originaL but his speeches; but tliis falls tlirougli, for I'apias Hut there are ari/uments of no mean weight in applies the same word to the (lospel of St. JIark, favor of the Greek a very brief account of which and he uses tiie expression \6yta KvptaKoi in tlie may be given here. 1. The quotations from the title of his own work, which we know from fra;;- O. T. in tills Gospel, which are very numerous inents to liave contaiiiecl facts as well as discourses (see below), are of two kinds: those introduced
{S(wlieii und Kritiken, 1832, p. 735; Meyer, A'iiiUituny ; De Wette, Linkiluny, 97 a; Alford's Proleyoinena to Gr. Test. p. 25). Eusebius, indeed, in the same place pronounces Papias to be "a man of very feeble understand inj:," in reference to some false opinions which he held but it

and that therefore the hook contained not the acts of our Ix)rd

into the naiTative to point out the fulfillment cf

and those where in the course of the narrative the persons introduced, and especially
prophecies, etc.,

our I>ord Himself, make use of 0. T. quotations. Between these two cla.sse8 a difference of treatment


In the latter class, where the cita-


little critical

|)ower to l>car witness to the

w:is in use.

tions occur in discourses, the Septuagint version is

followed, even

fact that a certain

Hebrew book




somewhat from the


that " whilst Peter and Paul were preachinsj at Rome and foundini; the Cliurcii, Matthew put forth his written Gospel amongst the
Irenteus says

1 ),




3, xiii. 14),

or where

ceases to

follow the very words, the deviations do not




in their



It is olijected to

the same source

testimony that Irentetis probably drew from :us Pai)ia.s, for whom he had great respect; this assertion can neither be proved nor
refuted, but the testimony of Irena'US is in itself
(c.) Accordini; to no mere copy of that of Papias. Eusebius (//. A\ v. 10), Pantoenus (who flourished

in the latter ])art of the 2(1 century) "is reported

gone to the Arabia ? ), " where

to have

rn<lians "

(i. e.

to the .south of


that he found


Gospel of Matthew already among some who had the knowledge of Christ there, to whom Bartholomew, one of iiie Apostles, had ))reached, and left them the Gospel of Matthew written in Hebrew, which was preserved till the time referred to." We have no writings of Pantocnus, and luisebius recites It reappears in the story with a kind of doui)t. two different forms: .Ferome and fiuffinus say Pantosnus bvouyht back with him this Hebrew Gospel, and Xicephorus asserts that Bartholomew is inconsistent with the function of a mere trans2. But this difficulty is to be got over by (licliited the (iospel of Mattiiew to the inhabitants lator. Upon the whole, Pantsenus con- assuming a high autliority for this translation, aa of that country. tributes l)ut little to the weight of the argument. tliough made by an inspired writer; and it has been suggested that this writer was Matthew him{(l.) Origeti says {Comment, on Afutt. i. in luisebius, H. E. vi. 25), " As I have learnt by tradition con- self (Bengel, Olsliausen,, and others), or at cerning the four Gospels, which alone are receive<l least that he directed it (Guericke), or that it was without dispute by the Church of God under some other Apostle (Gerhard), or James the brother heaven the first was written by St. Matthew, once of the I.ord, or John, or the general body of the

from a closer adherence to the Hebrew 0. 'I". except in two cases, xi. 10 and xxvi. 31. The quotations in the narrative, however, do not follow the Septu.agint, hut appear to be a translation from the Helirew text. Thus we have the reniarkat)le phenomenon th:it, whereas the Gospels agree most exactly in the speeches of persons, and most of all in those of our Lord, the quotations in these speeches are reproduced not by the closest rendering of the Hebrew, but from the Septuagint version, although many or most of them must have been sjjoken in the vern.acular Hebrew, and could have had nothing to do with the Septuagint. A mere translator could not have done this. But an independent writer, using the Greek tongue, and wishing to conform his narrative to the oral tcacliing of the .Apostles (.see vol. ii. p. 948 b), mi<:ht hare used for the quotations the well-known Greek O. T. used by There is an independence in the his colleagues. mode of dealing with citations throughout, which







for the

Apostle of Jesus benefit of the

Jewish converts, composed in the Hebrew lanThe objections to this pa,ssage brouglit guage." by Masch, are disposed of by Michaelis iii. part i. " docs not imply a doul)t, p. 127; the "tradition and there is no reason for tracing this witness also (e.) Eusebius (//. A', iii. 24) gives as his to Papias. own opinion the following: "Matthew having first preached to the Hebrews, delivered to them, when
he was preparing to depart to other countries, his Gospel, compo.sed in their native language." Other pa.ssage to the same efFect occur in (Jyril (Colecli. p. 14). Epiphanius {//mr. li. 2, 1), Hieronynvjs (de Vir. ill. ch. 3), who mentions the Heljrcw o.-iginal In seven places at least of his works, and from Gregory of Nazian/us, (.'hrysostom, Augustine,

or that two disciples of St. Matthew wrote, from him, the one in .\ramaic and the othei are further invited to admit, with in Greek!




that the

Hebrew book "belonged

to thai

which, although composed by inspired men, were never designed to form part of Mut supthe Canon " (On Innjnnilum, p. 571).

of writings

posing that there were any good ground for considering these suggestions as facts, it is clear tha; in the attempt to prc^icrve the letter of the tradi
tion, they

have quite altered the

spirit of



From all these there is and other later writers. no doubt that the old opinion was that Matthew


Hebrew language.
(i reck


whom we


to attribute the

not shown; but the quot^ition of Papias proves that in the John the I', and probably in time of that of Papias, there was no translation of great

and Jerome make a Hebrew orii^inal, and dependent translations; the moderns make a Greek nriginal, which is a translation only in name, and a Hebrew The modoriginal never intended to be pn>served. ern view is not what Papias thought or uttered; and the question wduhi l>e one of mere names, for the only point worthy of a struggle is this, whether the Gospel in our hands is or is not of apostolic 4. Olsliausen remarks, authority, and authentic. " While all the fathers of the church relate that Matthew has written in Hebrew, yet they universally



Jerome {lU







of the VirvcV. text, aa a genuine compositior, without remarking what relathe Hebrfw Matthew bears to our Greek

make use


; ;



plenque nutumnni juxta Matthajum, quod
Caesariensi habetur Bibliotheca

For that the earlier ecclesiastical teachers iid nat possess the Gospel of St. Matthew in any " jther form than we now have it, is established The original Hebrew of which {Kcltthtil, p. o5). 30 many speak, no one of the witnesses ever saw And (Jerome, f/e Viv. ill. p. 3, is no exception). so little store has the church set upon it, that it .5. Were there no explanahas utterly perisiied. tion of this inconsistency between assertion and fact, it would be hard to doubt the concurrent testimony of so nia)iy old writers, whose belief in it is shown by the tenacity with which they held it
in spite of their





Dr. I>ee

work on Inspiration


by an oversight

unusual with such a writer, that


the only legitimate

tiie theory of a " generally received by critics conclusion." Yet there

have pronounced for a Greek original





Fabricius, Liglitfoot,




Hey, Hales, Hug,





it is


that a Gospel, not the


as our canonical


thew, sometimes usurped the Apostle's name; and

some of the witnesses we have quoted appear to

have referred to this in one or other of its various The Christians in Palestine still forms or names. held that the Mosaic ritual was binding on them,

At the even after the destruction of .Jerusalem. of the first century one party existed who

held that the ]Mosaic law was only binding on JewAnother, this was the Nazarenes. ish converts

it was of universal obligaand rejected St. Paul's Epistles These two sects, Eusebius' description, as tlie various " interpretaas teaching the opposite doctrine. who diff'ered also in the most important tenets as tions" to which he alludes? The independence of the style and diction of tho to our Lord's person, possessed each a modification of the same Gospel, which no doubt each altered Greek Evangelist, wUl appear from the remarks in more and more, as their tenets diverged, and which the next section. the Gospel of the Twelve bore various names Bibliography. Hug's Einleihmg, with the Apostles, the Gospel according to tlie Hel^rews, the Notes of Professor M. Stuart, Andover, 1836. Gospel of Peter, or the Gospel according to Mat- Meyer, Komm. Jiinleitwif/, and the Commentaries Enough is known to decide that the Gospel of Kuincil, Fritzsclie, Alford, and others. The pasI'hew. according to the Hebrews was not identical with sages from the Fathers are discussed in Michaelis But it had many points (ed. Marsh, vol. iii. part i.); and they will be found our Gospel of Matthew of resemblance to the synoptical gospels, and espe- for the most part in Kirchiiofer, Qiiellensnmmlung What was its origin it is where will also be found the passages referring to cially to Matthew. impossible to say it may have been a description the Gospel of the Hebrews, p. 448. Credner'a of the oral teaching of the Apostles, corrupted by Einhituwj, and his Beiti-df/e ; and the often cited degrees it may have come in its early and pure works on the Gospels, of Gieseler, Baur, Norton, form from the hand of Matthew, or it may have Olshausen, Weisse, and Hilgenfeld. Also Cureton's been a version of the Greek Gospel of St. Matthew, Syriiic Gospels ; but the views in the preface must as the Evangelist who wrote especially for Hebrews. not be regarded as established. Dr. Lee on InspiNow this Gospel, " the Proteus of criticism ration, Appendix P., London, 1857. (Thiersch), did exist; is it impossible that when Di"tioti. The following remarks IL Style and the Hebrew Matthew is spoken of, this questionable on the style of St. Matthew are founded on those document, the Gospel of the Hebrews, was really of Credner. Observe that all accounts of it are referred to? 1. Matthew uses the expression " that it might at second hand (with a notable exception); no one be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the quotes it; in cases of doubt about the text, Origen prophet'' (i. 22, ii. 15). In ii. 5, and in later even does not appeal from the Greek to the Hebrew. passages of Matt, it is abbreviated (ii. 17, iii. 3, iv. All that is certain is, that Nazarenes or Ebionites, 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, xxvi. 56,

the Ebionites, held that

tion on Christians,

Wette, Moses Stuart, Fritzsche, Credner, Tliiersch, and many others. Great names are ranged also on the other side; as Simon, Mill, Michaelis, Marsh, Eichliorn, Storr, Olshausen, and others. With these arguments we leave a great question unsettled still, ieeling convinced of the early accepts ance and the Apostolic authority of our " Gospd according to St. Matthew; " and far from convinced that it is a reproduction of another Gospel from St. Matthew's hand. May not the truth be that Papias, knowing of more than one Aramaic Gospel in use among the Judaic sects, may have assumed the existence of a Hebrew original from which these were supposed to be taken, and knowing also the genuine jreek Gospel, may have looked on all these, in the loose uncritical way which earned for him

xxvii. 9). The variation unh toD &eov in xxii. 31 Jerome is tlie exception and is notable; and also the rovro 5e o\ou yeyofev Gospel of Matthew. convict of tlie very mistake of con- of i. 22, not found in other Evangelists; but comhim we can founding the two, and almost on his own confes- pare Mark xiv. 49 ; Luke xxiv. 44. " At first he thought,'' says an anonymous sion. 2. The reference to the Messiah under the name writer {Edinhur'jh Review, 18-51, July, p -39), "that "Son of David," occurs in Matthew eight times

or both, boasted that they possessed the original


was the authentic Matthew, and translated it and three times each in Mark and Luke. Greek and Latin from a copy which he 3. Jerusalem is called " the holy city," " the This appears from holy place" (iv. 5, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 53). obtained at Beroea, in Syria. his De Vir. ill., vmtten in the 392. Six 4. The expression avvreKeia rod aloivos is used years later, in his Commentary on ^[atthew, he five times in the rest of the N. T. only once, in quod vocatur Ep. to Hebrews. Yioke more doulitfuUy about it,

into both


plerisque Matthtei authenticum.'





5 ear

book on the Pelagian heresy, written in the 415, he modifies his account stiU further, escribing the work as the ' Evangehum juxta Heftraeos, quod Chaldaico quidem Syroque sermone, jed Hebrnicis Uteris conscriptum est, quo utuntur Vque hodie Nazareni secundum Apostolos, sive ut

"kingdom of heaven," about other writers use " kingdom found also in Matthew. 6. "Heavenly Father," used about six times; and " Father in heaven " about sixteen, and with out explanation, point to the Jewish mode of speak ing in this Gospel.



phrase times

of God," which




Matthew alone


Evangelists n?* rh the form of quotation tronj O. T.

of the


appuri'iit exception in -Mark xiii.




by Tischendorf, etc., as a wrong reiuiing. In Matt. Rbout twenty times. 8. 'Avaxo^pt^v is a frequent word for to retire.


in Alark.

Kor' ovap used


six times;

and here



'Die use of -/rpocrepxiffBai precedinir

3, is



terview, as in

much more

frequent with

Mark and Luke; once only in Jolni. Compare the same use of iroptvftrOai, as in ii. 8,
Matt, than

Matt. a verb, or participle, six times; the same word used once each by Jlark and Luke, but after adjectives. 12. With St. Mattliew the particle of transition is usually the indefinite T6ri\ he uses it ninety times, against six times in 3Iark and fourteen in Luke.

more frequent


'S,<^6Zpa after


xxvi. 1

Kol iyevfTo oTt, vii. 28, xi. 1, xiii. 53, xix. to be compared with the ore iyevero

of Luke.

is, Sxrirtp, etc.,



characteristic of

xxviii. 1.3.


xx. 5,





To<^os six times in this Gospel, not

in the

Tliey use ftvrifxflou frequently, which also found seven times in JNIatt.



2vfj.Pov\iov \afx0a.veii', peculiar to Matt. twice in Mark; nowhere else.






words are either used by this Kvangelist alone, or by him more frequently than by the others: (pp6i'ifxos oiKtaKds,

varfpov, 4Kf7B(i', SiffTafsii', Karawoi'Ti^fadat, /xeTaipdv, l)awi((iv, (ppd^tiy, ffwaipav \6yov. 18. 'riie frequent use of iSov after a genitive absolute (as i. 20), and of koI iSov when introducing anytiiing new, is also peculiar to St. Matt. lit. Adverljs usually stand after the im])erative, not before it; except ovtws, which stands first.





an exception.
the dative in St. Matt.,

20. XlpoaKvyflu tiikes

and elsewhere more


takes the


exception in Matt.

With Luke and John There is one apparent 10), but it is a quotation

from 0. T.
21. The ])articiple Xtycov is used frequently without the dative of the i)erson, as in i. 20, ii. 2. Ch. vii. 21 is an exception. 22. 'I'he expression bfxvvw 4v or ej'y is a He-

braism, freque!it in Matt., and tther Evangelists.

23. 'ItpotrdAu/xa is the Matt, always, except





of the holy city




innie in Alark, with one (doubtful) exception (xi. 1).

Luke uses

form rarely




nearly complete
Matt, i. 23

0. T.




Is. vii. 14.


Ex. xxxiv. 29.


Mic. V.


XTlil. 16.

xl. 1.

U'v. xix. 17


xxxi. 15.






Ih. xl.







xcl. 11. 12.

vl. 10.
Tl. 13.


Gun. 11. 24. Deut. xxiv. Kx. XX.12.



Deut. Deut.


xlx. 18.

7xH-h. Ix. 9.


1, 2.





Ihem and the uncanonical Gospel according to the admitted. (2.) The treatment of St. Luke's Gospel Tertullian (born about 160) knew the by ^Marcion (vol. ii. pp. 1694, 1695) suggests how Egyptians. four Gospels, and was called on to vindicate the the Jewish Christians dropped out of their version text of one of them igainst the corruptions of an account which they would not accept. (3.) Prof. Marcion (see above, Luke). Origen (born 185) N. stands alone, among those who object to the two calls the four Gospels the four elements of the chapters, in assigning the genealogy to the same Christian faith ; and it appears that his copy of author as the rest of the chapters (Hilgenfeld, pp. Matthew contained the genealogy ( Comm. in Joan. ). 46, 47). (4.) The difficulties in the harmony are Passages from St. Matthew are quoted by Justin all reconcilable, and the day has passed, it may be Martyr, by the author of the letter to Diognetus hoped, when a passage can be struck out, against (see in Otto's Jtistin Martyr, vol. ii.), by Hegesip- all the MSS. and the testimony of early writers,
Irenseus, Tatian, Athenagoras, 'I'heophilus, It is not merely Clement, Tertullian, and Origen. from the matter but the manner of the quotations, from the calm appeal as to a settled authority, from the absence of- all hints of doubt, that we regard it as proved that the book we possess had not been Was there no the suliject of any sudden change. heretic to throw back with double force against charge of alteration which he brings Tertullian the Was there no orthodox church against Marcion or member of a church to complain, that instead of the Blatthew and the Luke that had been taught to them and their fathers, other and different writNeither the ings were now imposed on them? one nor the other appears. The citations of Justin INLartyr, very important for this subject, have been thouglit to indicate a source different from the Gospels which we now and by the word airofivriiJ.ovfvfj.aTa possess (memoirs), he has been supposed to indicate that Space is not given here to show that lost work. the remains referred to are the Gospels which -^e and that though possess, and not any one book Justin quotes the Gospels very loosely, so that his words often bear but a slight resemblance to the original, the same is true of his quotations from He transposes words, brings septhe Septuagint. arate passages together, attributes the words of one prophet to another, and even quotes the Pentateuch JMany of the quotafor facts not recorded in it. tions from the Septuagint are indeed precise, but these are chiefly in the Dialogue with Trypho, where, reasoning with a .Jew on the 0. T., he does This not trust his memory, but consults the text. question is disposed of in Norton's Genuineness, [See also West<ol. i., and in Hug's Einleitung. cott's Canon of the N. T., 2d ed., p. 85 ff.] The genuineness of the two first chapters of the Gospel has been questioned but is established on satisfactory grounds (see Fritzsche, on Matt., Ex(i.) All the cursus iii.; Meyer, en Matt. p. 65). and they are old MSS. and versions contain them the l''athers of the 2d and 3d centuries quoted by (Irenseus, Clement Alex., and others). Celsus also knew ch. ii. (see Origen cont. Cels. i. 38). (ii. ) Their contents would naturally form part of a Gospel intended primarily for the Jews, (iii.) The commencement of ch. iii. is dependent on ii. 23; and in iv. 13 there is a reference to ii. 23. (iv.) In constructions and expressions they are similar to the rest of the Gospel (see examples above, in II. Style and diction). Professor Norton disputes the genuineness of these chapters upon the ground of the difficult;* of harmonizing them with St. Luke's narrative, and upon the ground that a large number mt the .Jewish Christians did not possess them in their version of the Gospel. The former objection TS discussed in all the commentaries; the answer would require much space. But, (1.) Such questions Mre by no means confinetl to these chapters, but are found in places of which the Apostolic origin is



about its contents. be said that we have for the genuineness and Apostolic origin of our Greek Gospel of Matthew, the best testimony that can b6 given for any book whatever. NothV. Time when the Gospel was written. ing can be said on this point with certainty. Some that it was written in the of the ancients think eighth year after the Ascension (Theophylact and Euthymius): others in the fifteenth (Nicephorus,
for subjective impressions


the whole,






45); whilst Irenseus says


1) that


was written " when Peter and Paul were preaching in Rome," and Eusebius (//. E. iii. 24), at the time when Matthew was about to leave Palestine From two passages, xxvii. 7, 8, xxviii. 15, some time must have elapsed between the events and the description of them, and so the eighth year seems out of the question but a term of fifteen or twenty The testimony years would satisfy these passages.

of old writers that JNIattliew's Gospel


the earliest

must be taken

into account (Origen in lius. //.




E. comp. Muratorian fragment,


far as

remains, in Credner's



would bring

before A. D.



p. 1696),

the supposed date of St. Luke.




The most probable was written between 50 and

the exact year cannot even be guessed at. There is not VI. Place where it was written. much doubt that the Gospel was written in Palestine. Hug has shown elaborately, from the diffusion of the Greek element over and about Palestine, that there is no inconsistency between the


it was written for Jews in Palestine, was written in Greek {Einleitung, ii, ch. i. 10); the facts he has collected are worth [L.\NGUAGE OF THE N. T., Amer. ed.] study. The Gospel itself VII. PurjX'se of the Gospel. tells us by plain internal evidence that it was written for Jewish converts, to show them in .Jesus of Nazareth the Messiah of the 0. T. whom they expected. Jewish converts over all the world seem to have been intended, and not merely Jews in Palestine (Irenseus, Origen, and Jerome say simply that it was written "for the Hebrews"). Jesus Is the Messiah of the O. T., recognizable by Jews from his acts as such (i. 22, ii. 5, 15, 17, iv. 14, viii. 17,

assertions that

and that








xxvii. 9).


and of the country is presupposed in the readers (Matt. xv. 1, 2 with Mark vii. 1-4; Matt, xxvii. 62 with Mark xv. 42; Luke xxiii. 54; John xix. 14, 31, 42, and other places). .Jerusalem
of Jewish customs

the holy city (see above. Style and Diction). Jesus is the son of David, of the seed of Abraham

1, ix.



23, xv. 22, xx. 30, xxi. 9, 15); is

to be born of a virgin in David's place,


Bethlehem Egypt and be recalled thence (ii. 15, 19); must have a forerunner, John the Baptist (iii. 3, xi. 10); was to labor in the





outcast Galilee that sat in darfiness




healing was a promised



17); and so

mark of his office (viii. was his mode of teaching ie








hoi}' city

Messiali (xxi.

5-16); was rejected by the

the other side, ibid. April, 1850, j)]). 499-510. Dr Tregelles's essay was also published separately.

fulfillment of a prophecy (xxi. 42);

and deserted

by his disciples in tlie same way (xxvi. 31. oii)The Gospel is pervaded by one principle, the fulfill-

ment of


I-aw and of the Messianic prophecies in

E. Luthardt, De Cowjxfsilione Ev. Jlotlhoii, 1801. K. Anger, Ratio, qua loci V. T. in Ev. Mutth. laudatitur, quid vtdtat ad illustr. huius Ev. Ori</inem, quceridir, 3 pt. Lips. 18Gl-()2.

the person of .lesus.

sition to the

This at once sets


it it


Leyde et Paris, 1802. Alex. Koberttt, the Pharisaic interpretations of the I.,a\v (v., xxiii.)< On the Oiiyinal Lanyuaye of Matthew's Gospel, and proclaimed Jesus as the Son of God and the in his Discussions on tJie Gospeh, 2d ed. 1864, pp. T. Saviour of the world throu|;;h his blootl, ideas which 319-448, strongly contending for the Greek. were strange to the cramped aJid limited Judaism W'izenmann, Die Gesch. Jesii nach Mutthiius alt

Judaism of the time;


A. Reville, Etude*



seton St.

of the (.'hristian era.

Couteuls (if the Gospel. There are traces in this GosjKil of an occasional suix-rseding of the chronological order. Its principal divisions are


SeU/stbeiceis ihrer Zuverliissiykeil betrachlet, her-

The Introduction to the .Alinistry, The laying down of the new I-;iw for in the Sermon on the Mount, v.-vii.




Events in historical order, showing Him as the worker of IV. The appointment of Miracles, viii. and ix. V. The doubts Apostles to preiich the kingdom, x. and opposition excited by his activity in divers minds in John's disciples, in sundry cities, in the VI. A series of parables on I'harisees, xi. and xii. VII. Similar the nature of the Kingdom, xiii. The effects of his ministry on his countryto V. men, on Herod, the people of Gennesaret, Scribes and Pharisees, and on nndtitudes, whom He feeds, VIII. Revelation to his disciples xiii. 53 -xvi. 12. His instructions to them thereof his sufferings. IX. Events of a journey upon, xvi. 13-xviii. 35. X. Entrance into Jeruto Jerusalem, xix., xx. salem and resistance to Him there, and denunciaXI. East distion of the Pharisees, xxi.-xxiii. courses; Jesus as Lord and Judge of Jerusalem, and XII. Passion and also of the world, xxiv., xxv.

1864 (Ist ed. 1789). Ueber Pariicubirismus u. Universalismus in dem Leben Jesu nach Matlhdus, zvr I'ectheidiyuny yeyen Urn. Dr. Keim, in his Zeitschr. wiss. Theol. 1805, viii. 43-01, and Dos .Mattha us- Evany el ium anf's Neue u/itersuchi, iliid. 1866 and 1807," x. 303-323, 366-447, xi. 22-76. J. H. Scholten, Het oua'ste evanyelie. Critisch onderzoek ntiar de zamenslelUny de hist, waarde en den oorspivny der evanyelien naar Mittllieus en Marcus, Leiden, 1808. Davidson, Jntrod. to the Stu'lij of the N. T., Lond. 1808. i. 405-520; comp. his earlier Jntroduction, Lond. 1848, i. 1-127, where
ansy. ron Auberlen, Uasel,

the subject


treated with greater fullness, from a


more conservative "

v:oi-ks on the Gospel, we can only glance at the older literature, as the commentaries of Origen, Chrysostom (Ifomilies, bested, by Field, 3 vols. (_'antab. 1839, and Eng. trans. 3 vols. Oxford, 1843-51, in the Oxford Libr. of the Fathers), the author of the Opus Imperfectum published with Chrysostom's works (vol. vi. of the Benedictine edition), 'i'lieophylact, and Euthymius Zigabenus, among the Greek fathers, and of Hilary of Poictiers, Jerome, Augustine ( Qucesliuiies), Bede, Thomas Resurrection, xxvi. -xxviii. Sinirces. The works quoted under LuKK, pp. Aquinas [Comm. and Catena refi), and oUiers, 1698, IG'JO; and Norton, Gvnuineness of the Uos- among tlie Latin Cramer's Catena Grac. Patrum in Ew. Mallhcei et Marci, O.xon. 184(1, and the Muttlitw ; Eange. Bibdu-erk l)els ; Eritzsche, on Greek Scholia published by Card. Mai in his Class. T. Credner, LiuUiluntj and Btitvdye. And. e Vaticanis Codd. edit., vol. vi. pp. 379-494.


the eoceyetical

the more important recent works relating to the Gospel of Matthew have been already enumerated in the adLiterature.
dition to

* Additional


critical value,

These patristic commentaries are generally of little but are of some interest in their bejiring on the history of interpretation and of Christian

the article'KLS, vol. ii. p. 959 ff. For the sake of brevity we may also pass o\er the older treat ises on the critical questions respecting this gospel; they are referred to with suflicient fullness in such works as tiie Introductions to tlie N. T. by ('re<lncr, De Wctto, IJleek, l.'euss, and GiierIcke, in Meyer's Intnxluction to his ("ommentary on the (Josjiel, and in tlie liibliographical works of Winer, Danz, and Harliiig. The following may however be noted, as citlier comp.aratively recent, M. or easily accossilile to the English reader Stuart, Inqtdry into llie Ori;/. Limyuaye of Mutt/itw't Gogpel, and the U(?iitineiu'ss of the Jirst two Chapters <f the snme, in the Amtr. Bibl. J{e/)os. 'or July and Oct. 1838, xii. 133-179, 315-350, in opposition to Mr. Norton's view (see his Genuineness of the (j'onpils, 2(1 ed. 1840, vol. i. Addit. G. C. A. Harless, Fobula Notes, pp. xlv. - Ixiv.). de Matthax) Sifro-C'hnh/nice am.scripto, Erlang. 1841, and De C'or.'/iositlcne Evavg. quml Mnithivo tri),uilur, ibid. 1842, the latter trans, by H. H. t<mith in the Hihl Uncra for I'cb. 1844, i. 86-99. o. P. Tregfllc^. The Orii/iiiid Ldviiwuje of tit.

must content ourselves with referring to the bibliographiciU works of Walch, M'iner, Danz, and Darling for the older commentaries by Christian divines since the IJeformation those of


See Calvin and Grotius are the most important. also the addition to the art. Gosi'ici-s, vol. ii. pp. for the more recent exjiositions of the 900. 901, A few special works on tlie Gospels collectively. (ios)iel of Matthew may be mentioned here by way
of supi)lement, namely:
lation from the
etc. xcilh

Greek (f

Notes, etc.

John Clieke, 'J'ransGospelof Ht. Matlheu; edited by J Gwidwin, I^nd.


Daniel Scott (author of the Appendix ad Slephani Thesintrvm Gratcum), New ]'er.ti<m <f St. Matthew's Gospel, uilh Select Notes,
I.ond. 1741, 4fo, of some value for its illustrations Jac. Eisner, of the languai;e from Greek authors. Comm. crit.-philol. in Evany. Matthcei, 2 vols.,

Gilb. Wakefield, NetB 1707-09, 4to. Translation of the Gospel of Matthew, with Notes, Und. 1782, "4to. A. Gratz (Cath.), //ist. -hit Comm iUi.d. At?. Matth., 2 Theile, I'iibing. 1821-


The clabontc commentary


of Fritzsche, jnibl




Kitto'g .limni.

of Sacred

in 1820. folIowc<l




1T)1-180, maintaining the



comp. Dr.


L. Alexander on

by his equally or more thorouifh of Mark and tlie I'".pistle to 'ht works on the Hoiuans, marks an epoch in the history of the ij)-

Testament. In connection with Winer, over wliom be exerted a great iiiliusnce, as may be seen by a comparison of the third edition of his N. T. Grammar with the two preceding, he may be regarded as the pioneer of tlie strict grammatical method of interpretation, in
lerpretation of the




After the address of St. Peter, the whole assembled body of the brethren, amounting in number to

opposition to the loose philology' prevalent at the time, as illustrated by Schleusner's Lexicon and the

commentary of Kuinoel.

This grammatical rigor

sometimes, indeed, carried to an excess, sufficient allowance not being made for the looseness of popular phraseology, and especially for the ditterence between the classical and the later Greek; but l'"ritzsche's commentaries will always claim the
attention of the critical student.






Ford, The



Gospel of St. MaUltew Ancient and Mudei-n Authors,

about 120 (Acts i. 15), proceeded to nominate twci, namely, Joseph surnamed Barsabas, and Matthias, who answered the requirements of the Apostle the subsequent selection between the two was referred in prayer to Him who, knowing the hearts of men, luiew which of them was the fitter to be his witness and apostle. The brethren then, under the heavenly guidance which they had invoked, proceeded to give Ibrth their lots, probably by each writing the name of one of the candidates on a tablet, and casting it The urn was then shaken, and the into the urn. name that first came out decided the election. Lightfoot (Hor. Heb. Luc. i. 9) describes another way of casting lots which was used in assigning to

the priests their several parts in the service of the

H. Goodwin, Commentary on the T. Gospel oj St. Matthew, Cambr. (Eng.), 1857. J. Conant, The Gospel by Matthew, with a Revised Version and Critical and Philological Notes, prepared for the Amer. Bible Unum, N. Y. 1860, 4to. J. H. Morison, Disquisitions and Notes on the GosMatthew, 2d ed. Boston, 1861, one of the pels best of the more popular commentaries, both in and execution. J. .4. Alexander, The Gosplan pel of Matthew explained, JST. Y. 1801, posthumous, and embracing only chaps, i.- xvi. with an analysis
Ix)nd. 1848.

Temple. The Apostles, it will be remembered, had not yet received the gift of the Holy Ghost, and this solemn mode of casting the lots, in accordance with a practice enjoined in the Levitical law (Lev. xvi. 8), is to be regarded as a way of referring the decision to God (comp. Prov. x\i. 33). St. Chrysostom remarks that it was never repeated after the descent The election of Matthias is of tlie Holy Spirit. discussed by Bishop Beveridge, Works, vol. i. serm. 2. s. E.

Lutteroth, ssai d'interpreremainder. quelques parties de I'Ev. selon Saint The Maithieu, 3 pt. (ch. i.-xiii.) Paris, 1800-67. recent commentaries of Nast (1801) and Lange, translated by Ur. SchafF (N. Y. 1805), are referred \tn under the art. Gospels. The latter has reached
of the


(MaTTaflias: Mathathias) of the descendants of Hashum

x. 33).



33; comp. Ezr.




of Jeho-


[Vat. Sin.] Alex.


MaTTaflias Levite, the first-born of Shalofferings


a third edition (4th impression) in Germany (1868). .\mong the later Roman Catholic commentaries, those of Bucher (2 vol. 1855-56), Arnoldi (1856), and Schegg (3 vol. 1856-58), may be mentioned. On the Sermon on the jMount we have the masterly

lum the Korhite, who presided over the


in the


(1 Chr. ix. 31;

comp. Lev.



of Tholuck,

Die Bernpredigt


4e Aufl. Gotha, 1856, translated by K. L. Brown, Phila. 1860; a translation of an earlier edition was

published in Edinburgh in 1834-37 as a part of the Biblical Cabinet. A*

One of the Levites of the second rank under Asaph, appointed by David to minister before the ark in the musical service (1 Chr. xvi. 5), "with harps upon Sheminith " (comp. 1 Chr. XV. 21), to lead the choir. See below, 5. 3. {maTdavias; [Vat. FA. a/xaeia;] Alex Maddadtas-) One of the family of Nebo, who had married a foreign wife in the days of F^ra (Ezr.
X. 43).

[12], &c.). 2. (MaTTadias-)

4. (MaT0aeia^; [Vat. FA.2 ] Alex. MarTadias.) Probably a priest, who stood at the right hand of Ezra when he read the Law to the people (Neh. viii. had been a constant attendant upon the Lord Jesus 4). In 1 Esdr. ix. 43, he appears as Mattaduring the whole course of his ministry for such THIAS. was declared by St. Peter to be the necessary quali5. (^HNnntt : 1 Chr. XV. 18, MarOaeia, [Vat. fication of one who was to be a witness of the resurFA. Alex. MoTraflia; 21, MaTradias, rection. The name of Matthias occurs in no other I/iiaTTaOia, place in the N^. T. We may accept as probable the [Vat. FA.] MeTTudias;] xxv. 3, 21, Mardadias, [Vat. FA. MaTTadias;] Alex. UaTradLas, 1 Chr. opinion which is shared by Euseljius (//. U. hb. i. xxv. 3; MoT^ias, 1 Chr. xxv. 21). The same 12) and Epiphanius ( i. 20) that he was one of 2, the Hebrew being in the lengthened form. He ihe seventy disciples. It is said that he preached was a Levite of the second rank, and a doorkeeper the Gospel and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia of the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21.) As one of the six (Nicephor. ii. 60). Cave believes that it was rather in Cappadocia. An apocryphal gospel was pub- sons of Jeduthun, he was appointed to preside over the 14th division of twelve Levites ^nto which the lished under his name (Euseb. H. E. iii. 23), and Temple choir was distributed (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 21). Clement of Alexandria quotes from the Traditions of Matthias {Strom, ii. 163, &c.). The tool used in Arabia for Different opinions have prevailed as to the manner loosening the ground, described by Niebuhr, answers of the election of Matthias. The most natui-al con- generally to our mattock or grubbing-axe, i. e. a itruction of the words of Scripture seems to be this single-headed pickaxe, the sarculus simplex, as opOias'-]

{MaTeias; [Tisch. Treg. MaOMatthias), the Apostle elected to fill the i. 26). All beyond this that we know of him for certainty is that he
place of the traitor Judas (Acts






hi 1 Esdr. ix. 35.




"I'ilV'^' sareulum, la.

vii. 25.



mer, both from ttJ'nn, "carve," "enjfrave," 1 Sam.

xiii. 20.

IfiKofou. sarculum,



fcpKjT^pioi', vo-

Which of these is the ploughshare and which the mattock cannot be ascertained. See Qes. p. 530




posed to biconus, of I'allaJius. The ancient Egyp- occurs a^in (marg. of A. V. " munitions "). tian hoe was of wood, and answered for hoe, spade, the Greek version of Theodotion, given above,
Tlie blade was inserted in the handle, Mid pick. Rnd tlie two were attaciied about tlie centre by a twisted rope. (I'alladius, </e Jie i-ust. i. 43; Niebuhr, Dtscr. dt tAr. p. I'.il I^oudon, Km-ycL nf Gardeiiiny, p. 017; \\'ilkinson, yJi-. I'.ij. ii. IG,


treated as a projier name, as well as in the Vulgate.

18, abridi^m.
p. 100.)

conip. Her.



14; ll:u>selquist, Trav. H. \V. P.

The LXX. as at present jninted is evidently corrupt in this pjLSsage, but Ifrxvpd (ver. 37) appears to represent the word in question. In Jerome's time the reading' was different, and he gives " Deum " lor the l-itin translation of it, and fortissimuni


fortitudinum "


that of Aquila.


who, ignorant of Hebrew, understood by " the god of Matazim" tlie statue of .Jupiter set up in Jhidm, the city of JIattathias and his sons, by the generals of
ridicules the interpretation of Porphyry,

Antiochus, who compelled the .Jews to sacrifice to it, " the god of Modin." Theodoret retains the reading of Theodotion {Ma(ufifi being evidently for


and explains and powerful."


of Antichrist, '-a


The Peshito-Syriac has

" Deftm summi roboris,"
plural as intensive,

M-^-*^-^ J'^T-^), "the strong god," and Junius

and TrenicUius render
it it

considering the llelirew

of the



of Israel.

There can be

doul)t that "Mauzzini "

to be taken in its



"the god of

sense of " fortresses," just as in Dan. xi. 19, " being then the deity who

presided over strongholds.



it is

scarcely possible to connect an appellation so general with any special object of idolatrous worship.
tion of the

Egyptian hoes.

(From Wilkinson.)
variation of mall,

Grotius conjectured that JIauzzim was a niodifica^ name "ACt^os, 'he war-god of the Phoenicians, mentioned in Julian's hymn to the sun. Calvin suggested that it denoted " money," the




hammer; a

from nmlleus), a word employed by

ur translators

By others it has been of all powers. .supposed to be Mars, the tutelary deity of Antiochus The I'-piphanes, who is the suiiject of allusion.

to render the Hebrew term \^"'DT2. The Hebrew only authority for this supposition exists in two and F.nglish alike occur in Prov. xxv. 18 only. Hut coins struck at l^odicea, which believed to have a derivative from the same root, and differing but on the obverse the head of Antiochus with a radiated crown, and on the reverse the figure of Mara slightly in form, namely V?'?' '* found in Jer. with a spear. But it is asserted on the contrary ' battle-axe " Ii. 20, and is there translated l)y how that all known coins of Antiochus Epiphanes liear incorrectly is shown by the constant repetition of his name, and that it is mere conjecture which the verb derived from the same root in the next attributes these to him; and further, that there is three verses, and there uniformly rendered " break no ancient authority to show a temple to The root ^53 or Y^S, has the force jNIars was built by Antiochus at l.aodicea. The in pieces."

of dispersing or sma.shing, and there is no doubt that some heavy warlike instrument, a mace or I'robalily such as that which club, is alluded to.

opinion of (iesenius is more probable, that " the god of fortresses " was .lupitcr ( apitolinus, for whom
.-\ntiochus built a temple at


(l.iv. xli. 20).

said to have suggested the

name of Charles Mar- By


ITie mace is frequently mentioned in the accounts of the wars of the luiropeans with Saracens, Turks, jectures. and other Orientals, and several kinds are still in xxiii. 4,

Jupiter Olynipius, to wiiom Antiochus deilicatcd the Tenqile at JerusaBut all these are simply conlem (2 Mace. vi. 2).
it is

referred to





where the reference


comparing Is. Tyre, " the

amonK the ISedouin Arabs of remoter parts fortress of the sea," makes equivalent to (Buirkhardt, Notes on Bedmilns, i. 55). In their C*n or even jjroposes to read for the I'ATopean wars the Turks were notorious for the use they made of the mace (Knollys's f/isf. of tlie former C^ T37tt; the god of the "stronghold of Turks). the Tyrian Her A similar word is found once again in the original the sea" would thus be Melkart, A suggestion made by Mr. Layard (Nin cules. ** of Ez. ix. 2 y ,3 weapon of sma.shirig (A. ii. 456, note) is worthy of being recorded, as being




aiaughter-weapon "'). The sequel shows how at least as well founded as any already nicntionei. terrible was the destruction such weapons could After describing Hera, the .Assyrian Venus, as effect. "standing erect on a lion, and crowned with a G. tower or mural coronet, which, we learn from I,u(D"*-T3?n [sec below] : [Theodot.]





Alex. Mawt^tt- Mnozim). The niarnote to the A- V. of Dan. xi. 38, "the (Jod ifforcei," gives, as the ('([uivalent of the last word,

cian, peculiar to the iSeniific figure of the go<l-

Mau7.zim, or gods jirotectors, or inunitinns." The Geneva version renders the Hebrew an a pni|'r itaro loth in Dan. xi. 38 and 3<J, where the word

dess." he adds in a note, " M.\v she be connected with the ' El Maozem,' the deity presiding over bulwarks and fortres,ses, the 'god of lorees of I Ian. xi.

38? "
see in

Pteitl'er (I hit).



Vrx. cent. 4, ' idol of the Mii$$



72) will only

W. A.



Zsmas:] Miix.


= jMatj'ithiah


3 (1 Esdi-.

35; couip.

Iv.r. X.


This word, so peculiarly English, is used in the A. V. to translate two words which arc entirely distinct and independent of each




UaCovpdid: Lu-

niari^m of the A. V. of Job xxxviii. 32 gives "the twelve signs" as the equivalent of " 51<izzaroth," and this is in all probability its The Peshito-Syriac renders it by true meaning.




2 and 18.

Here the word

in the



(with the definite article), Aoliterally



appears to he an Egyptian term,

transferred into the


text, as it is also into



" the wain " or " Great Bear;


Its use in Job viii. 11 (A. V. Coptic version. followed by Ewald in applying it to the where it occurs as a parallel to gome "flag") "the northern crown " (Ewald adds "the (A. V. "rush"), a word used in Ex. ii. 3 for the lonthern"), deriving the word from *nT3, nezer, "bulrushes" of which Moses' ark was comiK)sed seems to show that it is not a "meadow," but "a crown." Fiirst {Iliindw. s. v.) understands by Mazzaroth the planet Jupiter, the same as the some kind of reed or water-plant. This the LXX.
13!) 1) is







as ToD "Axel.''

that of the Alexandrian translators, who give it The same form is retained by the

stars of

"star" of Amos v. 20." But the interpretation support, both by rendering in the latter passage given in the margin of our version is supported l3oiiTo/j.oy, and also by introducing "Ax* as the On equi\'alent of the word rendered " paper-reeds " in by the authority of Gesenius {T/ies. p. 8(j'J). St. Jerome, in his commentary on the Is. xix. 7. xxiii. 5, we find the word m7'Tp, refen-ing to 2 K. He states passage, also confirms this meaning. mazzaloth (A. V. "the planets"), differing only that he was informed by learned Egyptians that
from Mazzaroth in having the liquid I fur r, and tlie word achi denoted in their tongue any green rendered in the margin " the twelve signs," as in thing that grew in a marsh omne quod in paludt the Vulgate. The LXX. there aLio have jj.a(ovpa)6, vircns nascitur. But as during high inundations which points to the same reading in both passages, of the Nile such inundations as are the cause of and is by Suidas explained as " the Zodiac," but fruitful years the whole of the land on either side bj' Procopius of Ga^a as probably " Lucifer, the is a marsh, and as the cultivation extends up to morning star," following the Vulgate of Job xxxviii. the very lip of the river, is it not possible that

Achu may denote the herbage of the growing crops? The fact that the cows of Pharaoh's vision were feeding there would seem to be as strong a planets, and also the influence which tney were figure as could be presented to an Egyptian of the believed to exercise upon human destiny (SeJden, extreme f'ruitfulness of the season so luxmiant De Bis Syr. Synt. i. c. 1). In consequence of was the growth on either side of the stream, that this, Jarchi, and the Hebrew cpmmentators gen- the very cows fed amongst it unmolested. The erally, identify mtizzdrolli and mazznloik, thoucrh lean kine, on the other hand, merely stand on the Aben Ezra understands dry brink. [Nile.] No one appears yet to have their interpretations vary. "stars" generally; but R. Levi ben Gershon, "a attempted to discover on the spot what the signifiGesenius himself is in cation of the term is. [Flag, vol. i. p. 830 a and northern constellation." favor of regarding vuizzdrolk as the older form, b, Amer. ed.] signifying strictly " premonitions," and in the " the meadows of Gibeah." 2. Judg. XX. 33 only concrete sense, " stars that give warnings or preHere the word is IT^l?^? Maareh, which occurs sages," from the usage of the root "1T3, ndzor, in nowhere else with the same vowels attached to it. He deciphered, as he believed, the same The sense is thus doubly uncertain. " Meadows " Arabic.

In later -Jewish writings mazzalotk are the

signs of the, and the singular, ninzzdl, is used to denote the single signs, as well as the

word on some

Cilieian coins in the inscription around Gibeah can certainly never have existed V27 "^T "^nT!2, which he renders as a prayer, the nearest approach to that sense would be to "may thv pure star (shine) over (us)" {.]fun. take mnareh as meaning an 02)en plain. This is the dictum of Gesenius {Thes. p. 1060), on the auPlmn. p. 279, tab. 36). W. A. \V. thority of the Targum. It is also adopted by * Both Mazzaroth and Arcturus disappear from De Wette (dia Plane von G.). But if an open Job xxxviii. 32 in a more accurate translation. plain, where could the ambush have concealed Dr. Conant {Book of Job, p. 148) renders the pasitself ? sage thus " Dost thou lead forth the Signs in their The LXX., according to the Alex. MS.,*' read a season; and the Bear with her young, dost thou ^"^^^ " from the west guide them? " He remarks on the words " that different Hebrew word

the circuit of the year

marked of Gibeah." TremeUius, taking the root of the by the succession of the celestial signs and, second, word in a figurative sense, reads " after Gibeah had by the varying position of the great northern con- been left open," i. e. by the quitting of its inhabiis



stellation, in its



annual circuit of the Pole." view of Gesenius against that



post denudationem Gib/ue.






But the of by Bertheau {Kurzgef. Hundb. ad loc). most plausible interpretation is tliat of the Peshitofragments of the Hexapla, attempts to reconcile sound and sense by ox^rj. The Veneto-Greek has Aetjuwi'. * Codex B, or the Vat. MS., wants Gen. i.-xlvi. 28

A. note to the Ilexaplar Syriac version of Job (ed. " Some say it is Middeldorpf, 1835) has tlie foUowiug the dog of the giaut (Orion, i. e. Canis major), others that it is the Zodiac." b This is the reiiding of Codex A. Codex B, if ve maj' accept the edition of Mai, has e'Aos ; so also the rendering of Aquila and Symmachus, and of Josephus {Ant. ii 5, 5 Another version, quoted in the

from a later MS.

supplied in Mai's edition A. e The Vatican Codex transfers the wor 1 literaUy ;






1842 MEAH,
Sjriac, which

slight difference in the vowel:


by a

points makes the word


suggestion quite in keeiiin^ with


but scanty the early Hebrews do not seem to haw given sjiecial names to their several meals, for th "the cave;" a terms rendci-etl "dine" and "dinner" in the A. V.
((ien. xliii. IG;
I'rov. xv.

tiie locality,

very suitaMe tor eaves, and also with the requirements of the anihusb. The only thing that can

17) are in reality general

be said against this is that the liers-in-wait wei'e "set round about" (Jibeah, as if not in one spot, but sfiveral. [Giukah, vol. i. p. 1)14, note /.]





rwv (KaT6v- turns turinm Kimth), one of the towers of the wall of Jerusalem when rebuilt liy NeheIt stood between the tower niiah (iii. 1, xii. 30). of Hananeel and the Sheep Gate, and appears to have been situated somewhere at the northeast part of the city, outside of the walls of Zion (see the
[see below]: irvpyos




The name in Hebrew diagram, vol. ii. p. 1322). means " the tower of the hundred," but whetiier a
hundred cubits of distance from some other pohit,
or a hun<lred in height (Syriac of

which might more correctly be rendered of food." In the N. T. we have the Greek terms ifjioTov and 5e?jrvui/, which the A. V. renders resijectively "dinner " and " supper"* (Luke xiv. 12; John xxi. 12), but which are more properly " breakfast " and "dinner." Then is some uncertainty as to tiie hours at which tht meals were taken: the Egyptians undoubtedly took their principal meal at niM\i (Gen. xliii. IG): laborers took a light meal at that time (IJuth ii. \A comp. verse 17); and occasionally that early houi was devoted to excess and reveling (1 K. xx. 16). It has been inferred from those passages (somewhat too hastily, we think) that the principal meal genthe Egyptians do indeed erally took place at noon still make a suiistantial meal at that time (Lane's

"eat" and "portion





but there are indications that

the Jews rather ibllowed the custom that prevails

among the Bedouins, and made their principal meal it, we are not alter sunset, and a lighter meal at about 9 or 10 Arabic version it A. ji. (IJurckhardt's A'olts, i. G4). For instance, " Is rendered B(tb-tl-hoslan, the Gate of the Garden, Lot prepared a feast for the two angels " at even which suggests its identity witli the " (jate Gen- (Gen. xix. 1-3)' Boaz evidently took his meal late Bath ' " of Josephus. liut the Gate Gcnnath appears in the evening (Ruth iii. 7) the Israelites ate Jieth to have lain further round towaids the west, nearer in the evening, and l/7-eaJ only, or manna, in
hundred heroes conimeinorated by
told or enabled

'M), or a

to infer.

In the

the spot where the ruin


as the

Kusr Jalud



the morning (Ex. xvi. 12): the context seems to imply that Jethro's feast was in the evening (Ex.
x\iii. 12, 14).


Our information ou

this subject is

But, above


the institution of


ancient Egyptian dinner party.

Jig. 3
is is

d, , 7, and .i. Baskets of gn.pes. b, p. Yxga. Tables with varioufl (li.she8. Figs. 5 and 7 are eating tiah. Fig. 4 holds a joint of meat. ftlom a (?oof.e. water from an earthen ves.-icl.

Fig. G


taking a wing to driuk


(John xxi. 4, 12), on ordinary days not Paschal feast in the evening seems to imply moniing first hour of prayer it before !) o'clock, which was the that the principal meal was usually taken then ii. 15), and on the Sabbath not before 12, appears highly improbable that the Jews would (Acts when the service of the synagogue was completed have Ijeen ordered to cat meat at an unusual time. (Joseph. Vit. 54): tlie more prolonged and sul)In the later Biblical period we have clearer notices the ataiitial meal took place in the evening (Joseph. V) the same effect: breakfast took place in

a PosRibly from 71^23,


"gardens,'" per-

bap* alluding to the gurdeus wliich lay north of the


the notncrlc ago for the early or the late meal, \t9 In lata* special meaning being the prinripal meal. times, however, tne term was applied exclusively t^ of the Uomeri;< am. the Sopnov the lat meal

Th Ureek word

Sdni'OK was used ladiffereutly in

The general tenor Ht. 44; 5. y. i. 17, 4). f the parable of the great supper certainly implies that the feast took place in tiie working hours of the day (Luke xiv. 15-24): but we may regard
this perhaps as part of the imagery of the parable, rather than as a picture of real life. The posture at meals varied at various periods: xix. 6;

were in the habit oi
1 Sara.
silling (Gen. xxvii. 19;


20); but it does not hence follow that tiiey sat on chairs: they may have squatted on the ground, as was the ocxx.



though not perhaps the general, custtim



sufficient evidence that the old


of the ancient Egyptians (Wilkinson, Anc. Ey. i. The table was in this case but slightly 58, 18 1 ). elevated above the ground, as is still the case in


Keclining at Table.


couches were provided with cushions on which the known to the Hebrews, but seems to hav<j been left elbow rested in support of the upper part of the regarded as a token of dignity. As luxury in- body, while the right arm remained free: a room fireased, the practice of sitting was exchanged for provided with these was described as farpcc/xevoy, that of reclining the first intimation of this occurs lit. "spread " (Mark xiv. 15; A. V. "furnished").


the same time the chair was not un-

Amos, who reprobates those As several guests reclined on the same couch, each upon beds of ivory, and stretch them- overlapped his neighbor, as it were, and rested his selves upon their couches" (vi. 4), and it appears head on or near the breast of the one who lay bethat the couches themselves were of a costly char- hind him he was then said to " lean on the bosom the "corners"* or edges (iii. 12) being [strictly recline on the bosom] " of his neighbor acter finished with ivory, and the seat covered with silk {ayaKfTcrOai eV to? kSAtto), John xiii. 2-3, xxi. 20, or damask coverlets.'^ Ezekiel, again, inveighs comp. Plin. Episl. iv. 22). The close proximity agamst one who sat " on a stately bed with a table into which persons were thus brought rendered it prepared before it" (xxiii. 41). The custom may more than usually agreeable that friend should be have been borrowed in the first instance from the next to friend, and it gave the opportunity of makBabylonians and Syrians, among whom it prevailed ing confidential communications (John xiii. 25). at an early period (Esth. i. 6, vii. 8). A similar The ordinary airangement of the couches was in change took place in the habits of the Greeks, who three sides of a square, the fourth being left open are represented in the Heroic age as sitting '> ( // x. for the servants to bring up the dishes. The 578; Od. i. 145), but who afterwards adopted the couches were denominated respectively the highest, habit of reclining, women and children excepted. the middle, and the lowest couch the three guests In the time of our Saviour reclining was the uni- oil each couch were also denominated highest, versal custom, as is implied in the terms used for middle, and lowest the terms being suggested by sitting at meat," as the A. V. incorrectly has it. the circumstance of the guest who reclined on anThe couch itself (/cAiVtj) is only once mentioned other's bosom always appearing to be behw him. (Mark vii. 4; A. V. -'tables"), but there can be The protoklisia {irpoiTOKKiaia, jMatt. xxiii. 6), which the Pharisees so much coveted, was not, iui little doubt that the Roman triclinium had been inti'oduced, and that the arrangements of the table the A. V. represents it, " the uppermost roo,!i resembled those descrilied by classical writers. ['rooms,' A. V.]," but the highest seat in the Generally speaking, oidy three persons reclined on highest couch the seat numbered 1 in the an each couch, but occasionally four or even five. The uexed diagram./
in the prophecies of

" that



The Hebrew term








one instance of

mentioned as an article of jrdinary furniture, namely, in 2 K. iv. 10, where the


c The A. V. has " in Damascus in a couch " but there can be no doubt that the name of the town waa transferred to the silk stuBs manufactured there, which

A. V. incorrectly renders

" stool."

Even there



was placed more as a mark of epecial honor to the prophet than for common use.

seems probable that

still known by the name of " Damask." d Sitting appears to have been the posture usual



The word



(HS^), which


apply to


the Assyrians on the occasion of Kreat festivals. on the walls of Khorsabad represents the seated on high chairs (Layard, Nineveh, ii

the eilge as well as to the angle of a couch. That the seats and couches of the A.^syrians were handsomely

'Ai'aiceicrflat, Ka.TaKei<rBai, ivaKXCvecrBai,


Drnam-nted, appears from


specimens given by


(Nineveh, u. 300-21.

/ * The difference


our own and






reception of visitors (Gen. xviii. 6
-8, sis.

3; 2 Sam.


The importance 321) portions tlian the rest. K. vi. 23; Tob. vii. 9; 1 Mace. of the feast was marked by the number of the guests iii. 20, xii. 4; 2 (Gen. xxix. 22; 1 Sam. ix. 22; 1 K. i. 9, 25; xvi. 15; 2 Mace. ii. 27; Lulie v. 29, xv. 2-3; John Luke V. 29, xiv. 16), by the splendor of the vessels xii. 2), or any event connected with tlie sovereign (Hos. vii. 5)." On each of these occasions a sump- (Estli. i. 7), and Dy the profusion or the excellence tuous repast was prepared; the guests were pre\i- of the viands (Gen. xviii. G, xxvii. 9; Judg. vi. 19; The meal ously invited (Esth. v. 8; Matt. xxii. 3), and on 1 Sam. ix. 24; Is. xxv. G; Am. vi. 4). the day of the feast a second invitation was issued was enUvened witii music, singing, and dancing
to those that were bidden (Esth.

14; Prov.




xix. 35; Ps. Ixix.


Is. v.




3; Matt. xxii. 3). a, kiss (Tob. vii. 6;

The visitors were received with Luke vii. 45); water was prowash
their feet with


Ecclus. xxxii. 3-6; Jlatt. xiv. G;



xv. 25),







or with riddles (Judg. entertainments the festival

12); and amid these was prolonged for several

Entertainments designed days (Esth. i. 3, 4). almost exclusively for drinking were known by the special name of misldeh ; ^ instances of such drinking-bouts are noticed in 1 Sam. xxv. 36 2 Sam. xiii. 28; Esth. i. 7; Dan. v. 1; they are reprobated by the prophets (Is. v. 11; Am. vi. 6). Somewhat akin to the mishtcli of the Hebrews was the koinos' {Koijxos) of the apostoUc age, in which gross licentiousness was added to drinking, and which is fi'equently made the suliject of warning in the Epistles (Kom. xiii. 13; Gal. v. 21; Eph. v. 18; 1 Pet

iv. 3).









xxxi. 8; Acts xxi. 39;

16 m.) is repeatedly applied to persons in the sense of " ordinary," " oljseure." As originally used it did not contain tha idea of baseness which now belongs to the worda " mean "' man was one low in biith or rank.



part> at




supper (iiom Lanes Egyptians.)


Alex. Maavi(1 Esdr. v. 31 of the A. V. it

as in

[Vat. Uauef, Aid. Mear//;] Mnnei). The same as JMehumm

comp. Ezr.

In the margin ii. 50). given in the form " Meunim,"




both MSS. Mnnrn), a place named in Josh. xiii. 5; Am. vi. G; Luke vii. 38; John xii. 3); on 4 only, in specifying the boundaries of the land special occasions robes were provided (Matt. xxii. which remained to be conquered after the subjuga11; comp. Trench on Prtrnblvs, p. 230); and the tion of the southern portion of Palestine. Its de" head was decorated with wreaths * (Is. xxviii. 1 scription is " jMearah which is to the Zidonians Wisd. ii. 7, 8; Joseph. Ant. xix. 9, 1). The 7 : the " beside" of the (/. e. which belongs to regulation of the feast was under the superintenThe word dence of a special officer, named apxirpiKAivos'^ A. V. is an erroneous translation). (John ii. 8; A. V. " governor of (lie feast '"), whoSe mearali means in Hebrew a cave, and it is combusiness it was to taste the food and the liquors monly assumed that the inference is to some rebefore they were placed on the table, and to settle markable cavern in the neighborhood of Zidon; about the toasts and amusements ; he was generally such as that which jjlayed a memorable part many one of the guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 1, 2), and might centuries afterwards in the history of the Crusades therefore take part in the con^ersation. The places (See William of Tyre, xix. 11, quoted by RobinBut there is, as we have offer of the guests were settled according to their re- son, ii. 474 note.) spective rank (Gen. xhii. 33; 1 Sam. ix. 22; Luke remarked, danger in interpreting these very ancient the significations which they liore in latei names by xiv. 8; Mark xii. 39; John xiii. 23); portions of food were placed before each (1 Sam. i. 4; 2 Sam. Helirew, and when pointed with the vowels of the Besides, if a cave were invi. 19; 1 (Jhr. xvi. 3), the most honored guests still later ^lasorets. receiving either larger ((ien. xliii. 34; comp. Herod. tended, and not a place called Mearah, the name vi. 57) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 24; comp. II. would surely have been preceded by the definite

44) the head, the l)eai-d, the feet, and sometimes the clothes, were i)erfumed with ointment (Ps. xxiii.


fn-l^'l^ [a cave]



" The day of the king " in this passage has been variously understood as his birthday or his coronation it may, however, be equally applied to any other event Df similar importance.

Latin poets (Hor. Carm. Juv. V. 36).










classical designation of this officer

Greeks was (rvMfoo-i'opxos, among the He was chosen by lot out of tb<> or re.T convicii. custom prevailed extensively among the guests (Diet, of Ant. p. 925). 5reeks and Romans not only were chaplets worn on the head, but festoons of flowers were hung over the neck and breast (Plut; Symp. iii. 1, 3 Mart. x. 19 e The kw/xos resembled the comissatio of the Ro>nan8. ^v Fast. ii. 739). They were generally introduced It took place after the supper, and was a mere drirkftfter the first part of the entertainment was completed. ing revel, with only so much food as served to wh** they are ;>oticol in several familiar passages of the the palate for wine {Diet, of Ant. p. 271).
6 This
; ;

among the Roman? may:istet




and would have stood as rf^i'SH, "

p. 89fi) susrirests tJiat Jlcarali


Heland (Pal.





Merotli. a villat;e nameil by Josei)hiis


3, 1) as forniins;

the limit of Galilee on



the west


also Anl.


and which


may jiossihly have Wati:i{s ok Mkhoxi.

improl)ahle, thouj^h there

been connected with the




no means of ascertain-

inc the fact.

village calle<l el Mtir/liar is

tains of Najihtali,
gibly represent

foimd in the mounsome ten miles W. of the north-

ern extremity of the sea of Galilee, which



an ancient Mearah


79, 80;

Van de

from a root signifying ' to tear," would be |iertiap more accurately rendered " prey " or " Iiooty." Its in I's. cxi. 5, especially when taken in connection with the word i-cndcred " good understanding " in ver. 10, which should rather lie, as in the luargin, " good success," throws a new and iniex))ecti(l light over the faniiliar phrases of that beautifi. psalm. It seems to show how inextinguishable was the warlike predatory spirit in the mind of ilie writer, good Israelite and devout worshipper of Jehovah as he was. Late as he lived in the history of his nation, he cannot forget the "power" " works " by which his forefathers of .Jehovah's a-'jiiired the "heritage of the heathen;" and to him, as to his ancestors when conquering the country, it is still a firm article of belief tliat those








fear .Jehovah shall ol)tain

enemies those who obey his commandmcnta does not appear that the wwd shall have the best success in the field. " meat " is used in any one instance in the Author4. In the N. T. the variety of the Geeek words ized Version of either the Olil or New Testament. thus rendered is equally great; but dismissing such in the sense which it now almost exclusively hears terms .as avaKuadai or avaniirTftv, which are renof aniujal food. The latter is denoted uniformly by dered by " sit at meat (paye7v, for which we oc-

most of the

spoil of his


casionally find
possible exceptions to this assertion


The only

in the

0. T. are Gen. xxvii.

lb. xlv. 23,



(a) in

4, <tc., "savory meat." "corn and bread and meat." the former of these two cases the

same flSwXoBi'iTa, " meat ofl'ered to idols " KXaanara, generally " fragments," but twice dismissing these, we have left "broken meat"


Tpdire(a (Acts

xvi. 34),

Hebrew word,






appears in this chapter only, is derived from a root which has exactly the force of our word " taste," and is eniployed in reference to the manna. In the passage in question the word " dain(b) In ties " would be perhaps more appropriate, the second case the orij^inal word is one of almost
equal rarity,

and ^paifia (with its kindred words, fipQais, etc.), both words bearing the widest po.ssible signification, and meaning everything that can be eaten, or can nourish the frame. The former is most used in the Gospels and Acts. The latter is fouinl in St. .John and in the epistles of St. Paul. It if the word employed in the famous sentences, " for meat destroy not the work of God," " if meat

make my

brother to oflend," etc.



^ITD: and


the Lexicons did not

aia, or dvcriaoblatio

Supov Bv-


that this liad only the general force of food in all the other oriental tongues, that would be

The word Mbichah

sncnjicii, or sncfijicium). " signifies originally a gift of

rences, namely, 2

other occur- any kind; and appears to be used generally of a rendered gift from an inferior to a superior, whether God or " " victual: " and Dan. iv. 12, 21, where the " meat man. Thus in Gen. xxxii. 13 it is used of the present from .Jacob to Ksau, in Gen. xliii. 11 of the spoken of is that to be furnished by a tree. 2. The oidy real and inconvenient ambiguity present sent to Josejih in Egypt, in 2 Sam. viii. 2. caused by the change wiiich has taken place in the (i of the tribute from Jloab and Syria to l)avid, meaning of the word is in the case of the " meat- etc., etc.; and in Gen. iv. 3, 4, 5 it is aj)plied to
estaldishcd in regard to

Hebrew by


(,'hr. xi.

23. where

it is

ofTering," the second of the three great divisions



which the

sacrifices of the

Law were


bunit-oflering, tJie


peace-oflering (Ix-v.
Bisted solely of flour,




and the which conof

the sacrifices to God, ottered l>y Cain and Abel, although Abel's was a whole burnt-oHering. Afterwards this general sense became attsiched to the

or corn,


oil, sacrifices

flesh l)Cing confined to the other two.

The word

word " Corban ()2*^~);" and the word Mlnchah restricted to an "unbloody ofTering" as opjwjsed

It is constantly to nr^, a " bloody " sacrifice. thus translated is nPSp, elsewhere rendered spoken of in connection with the Dhink-offek" present " and " oblation," and derived from a ffTTov^i)' libamtn). which generally out which has the force of "sending" or " offcr- ixo (^C3 It is very desirable that .some acconq)anied it, and which had the same meaninc;. .ng " to a jierson. )':nglisb term should be jjroposed which woidd The law or ceremonial of the meat-oflering is de" I'ood- offering " is hardly scribed in I.ev. ii. and vi. 14-23.'' avoid this ambiguity. It was to lie ndmissible. thotigh it is perhaps preferable to " un- composed of fine flour, seasoned with salt, and

bloody or bloodless sacrifice." .3. There are several other words, which, though
entirely di-stinct in the original, are all translated " but none of them preIn the A. V. by " meat;





and frankincense, but without was generally accompanied by a



special interest except


This word,

A portion of it, including the frankincense, was to be burnt on the altar " a memorial; " the rest belonged to the priest; as
drnik-ofl'cring of wine.

a Tin^'^, from the obsolete root n3tt, " - T T


to dl"-

prexcnt. since

the rontlering of


by " vne^U


" or " to eWe."

" (A. V.) suugc'tii


jmrt 'of the snrriac*

" rood-dlTcriDg "

would he more correct





but tne

themstrong, Fiirst]


^k tSjv vlwV, [Conip. Me/Soufa^ , Aid. with 10 MSS. 2a/3oixa'; "^her MSS. 2a;8ouselves were to be wholl}' burnt. In this form appears, in one Its meaning (which is analogous to that of the i^e:] MolKmnn'i). offering of the tithes, the first-liuits, and the shew- pasfiage only (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), the name of one of bread) appears to be exactly expressed in the words David's guard, who is elsewhere called Sihbechai of Uavid (1 Chr. xxix. 10-14), " All that is in the (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xx. 4) or Sibbecai (1 The reading All Chr. xi. 29, xxvii. 11) in the A. V. heaven and in the earth is Thine things come of Thee, and *;/' Thine own have we " Sibbechai " ("^5?P) is evidently the true one, yirtn Thee.''^ It recognized the sovereignty of the of which " jNIebunnai " was an easy and early corLord, and his bounty in giving them all earthly ruption, for e\en the LXX. translators must have blessings, by dedicating to Him the best of his had the same consonants before them, though they oil, as gifts : the flour, as the main support of life the symbol of richness; and wine as the symbol pointed thus, "^33^. It is curious, however, that All the Aldine edition has of vigor and refreshment (see Ps. civ. 15). 'Za^ovxo-i (Kennicott, Diss. these were unleavened, and seasoned with salt, in i. W. A. W. p. 186). order to show their purity, and hallowed by the Orin^l^n: frankincense for God's special service. This recognition, implied in all cases, is expressed clearly in [Rom. Mex<^f>oi.6pl\ Vat.] Moxop! \J^- o fapthe form of offering the first-fruits prescribed in M^XopO ^'^^- <pepoix(XO"pa9L: Mecherathites), that is, the native or inhal)itant of a place called Deut. xxvi. 5-11. Only one such is mentioned, namely, It will l)e seen that this meaning involves nei- Mecherah. the atonement Hepher, one of David's thirty-seven warriors (1 ther of the main ideas of sacrifice

by the


for sin

Accordingly, the meat-oftering, properly so called, seems always to have been a subsidiary offering, needing to be introduced by the sin-offering, which repreBented the one idea, and forming an appendage to the burnt-offering, which represented the other. Thus, in the case of pul)lic sacrifices, a " meatoftering " was enjoined as a part of

and the self-dedication to God. them for granted, and is based on them.

It takes

(3hr. xi. 36).



In the parallel list of 2 Sam. xxiii. appears, with other variations, as " the
(ver. 34).

Maachathite "



the opinion of Ken-

nicott, after a long




mwrdny and

concur in his conclusion, more especially as hia evening sacrijice guard contained men of almost every nation round

examination of the passage, that and as no the latter is place named Mecherah is known to have existed, while the Maachathites had a certain connection with Israel, and especially with David, we may
the correcter of the two

(Kz. xxix. 40, 41). (2.) The Sabbnth-offerinfj

(3.) xxviii.


The offering at

(Num. xxviii. 9, 10). MED'ABA (M7j5a;8a: Madaba), the Greek the new moon (Num. form of the name ]Medeba. It occurs only in 1



The offerings

at the great festivals



[Eldad and Medad.]

xxviii. 20, 28, xxix! 3, 4, 14, 15, &c.).

(7"^^, strife, contention, Ges.; (5.) The offerings on the great day of atonement (Num. xxix. 9, 10). MaSaA., MaSa^t; [Alex. * MaSai^it, MaSai/:] Mar The same was the case with private sacrifices, as dan), a son of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxvat 2; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose name and descendants It has (1.) The consecration of pnests (Ex. xxix. 1, 2; have not been traced beyond this record. Lev. vi. 20, viii. 2), and of Levi/ es (Num. viii. 8). been supposed, from the similarity of the name, (2.) The cleansing of the leper (I>ev. xiv. 20). that the tribe descended from INIedan vras more (3.) The termination of the Nazaiitic vow closely allied to Midian than by mere blood rela(Num. vi. 15). tion, and that it was the same as, or a portion of, The unbloody offerings offered alone did not the latter. There is, however, no ground for this The traditional properly belong to the regular meat-offering. They theory beyond its plausibility. were usually substitutes for other offerings. Thus, city Medyen of the Arab geographers (the classical for example, in Lev. v. 11, a tenth of an ephah of Modiana), situate in Arabia on the eastern shore flour is allowed to be substituted by a poor man for of the Gulf of Eyleh, must be held to have been the lamb or kid of a trespass offering: in Num. v. Midianite, not Medanite (but Bunsen, Bihehoerk, 15 the same offering is ordained as the " offering suggests the latter identification). It has been of jealousy " for a suspected wife. The unusual elsewhere remarked [Ketukah] that many of the ijharacter of the offering is marked in both cases Keturahite tribes seem to have merged in early by the absence of the oil, frankincense, and wine. times into the Ishniaelite tribes. The mention of We find also at certain times libations of water " Ishniaelite" as a convertible term with "Midipoured out before God; as by Samuel's command anite," in Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36, is remarkable: but t Mizpeh during the fast (1 Sam. vii. 6), and by the Midianite of the A. V. in ver. 28 is Medanite David at Bethlehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 16), and a liba- in the Hebrew (by the LXX. rendered MaSirifaioi tion of oil poured by .Jacob on the pillar at Bethel and in the Vulgate Ismaelita and Madianiice); and (Gen. xxxv. 14). But these have clearly especial we may have here a trace of the subject of this meanings, and are not to be iiicluded in the ordi- article, though Midianite appears on the whole to The same remark will apply be more likely the correct reading in the passages nary drink-offerings. [Midian.] E. S. P. to the remarkable liliation of water customary at referred to.



Feast of TaVjernacles

not mentioned in Scripture.

[], but A. B.



[3 syl.]


(Sn7"'I2 MaiStt/3a and MrjSaMedaba), a town on the eastern side of Jor:



o It


in the

may be well to give a collation LXX. in which Medeba occurs

the passage*

in the





Taken as a Hebrew word, Me-deba means colunms, and extensive foundations are



"waters" of quiet," l)ut except tbe tank (see below), seen the remains of a Koman road exist near the what waters can there ever have been on that hitrh town, which seems formerly to have connected it plain? The Ai-abic name, though siniilar in souml, with Heshbon. G.
has a ditferent



alluded to in the fragment of a

poptd;ir sons; of the time of (he conquest, preserved


xxi. (see ver. 30).



seems to denote


limit of tlie


of llcshbon.


occurs in the enunier.ition of the country divided anionjjst the Transjordanic tril)es (.losh. xiii. U), as
Kivini; its

name to a district of level downs called "the Mishor of Medeba," or "the Mislior on
This district


witliin the allotment

of l{enl>en (ver.


the time of the conquest

{"^yi m^5oi: .\fedi), one of the most powerful nations of Western Asia in the times anterior to the establishment of the kingdom of Cyrus, and one of the most important tribes comTheir geographical position iwsing that kingdom. is considered undrr the article Mkuia. The title by which they appear to ha\e known themselves was Mmlti ; which by the Semitic races was made into Miidiii, and by the Greeks and Komaus int;; Mtdi, whence our " Jledes."


Medeba belonged

to the Amoritcs, apparently







be gathereil from

of the towns Uiken from

Moab by them.

it is

the mention of the Jledes, by Moses,

races descended from Japhet



we next encounter


four centuries


the hands of the ^loaliites.

or which

JIahai], that they were a nation of very high anticpiity; and it


nearly the



of the Aininoiiites.


the i;ate of Medelia that .(oab gained his

Ammonites, and the horde of Aramites of Maachah, Meso|)Otamia, and Zobah, which they had gathered to their a.ssistance after the instdt pcr|X!tnited by Hanun on the messengers of David (1 Chr. xix. 7, compared with 2 8ain. x. 8, 14, <l-c.). In the time of Ahaz Mcdel)a was a g.inetuary of .Moab (Is. xv. 2), but in the denunvictory over the
ciation of .Jeremiah (xlviii.), often parallel with that
it is not mentioned. In the Maccaba-an had returned into the hands of the Aniorites, who seem most probaiily intended by the obscure word .lAiiniti in 1 !Macc. ix. 30. (Here the name is given in the A. V. as Medaba, according to the (ireek spelling.) It was the scene of the capture, and possibly the death, of John Maccabseus, and also of the revenge subsequently taken by Jonathan and .Simon (Joseph. Ant. xiii. 1, 4; the name is omitted in Mace, on tlie second occasion, see ver. 38). About 110 years n. c. it was taken after a long siege by John Hyrcanus (AnI. xiii. 9, 1 B. J. i. 2, 4). and then ap|)ears to have remained in the possession of the Jews for at least thirty years, till the time of Alexander JannaHig (xiii. 15, 4); and it is mentioned as one of the twelve cities, by the jjroniise of which Aretas, the king of Arabia, was in<luced to ;issist Hyrcanus II. to recover Jerusalem from his brother

of Isaiah,



accordance with this view that we find a them in the primitive Babylonian hi.story of Berosus, who says that the Medes conquered Babylon at a very remote period (circ. n. c. 24.58;, and that eight Median monarchs reigned there consecuti\ely, over a space of 224 years (Beros. ap. Euseb. Cliron. C'un. i. 4). Whatever ditticulties may lie in the way of our accepting this statement !is historical from the silence of other authors, from tlie aflectation of precision in resjiect of so remote a time, and from the sulisequent di.sappearance of the Medes from these parts, and their reapi)earance, after 1300 years, in a diflerent locality it is too definite and precise a statement, and conies from too good an authority, to be safely
notice of


aside as


unmeaning. There are independent thinking that an Aryan element existed

MesopoUimian Valley, side by side with the Cushite and .Semitic elements, at a very early date.'' It is tiierefore not at all imin the i)opulation of the

Medes m.ay have been the predominant race there for a time, as Berosus states, and may afterwards have been overpowered and driven to the mountains, whence they may have spread themselves eastward, m.rthward, and westpossible that the

ward, so as to occupy a vast number of localities from the banks of tlie Indus to those of the middle

Aristoliulus (Ant. xiv. 1, 4). Medeba has retained its name


to our




.Sauro- J/'/^(c of the steppe-country l>etween the daba ") it Caspian and the Kuxine, and the JAete or Mitota it was a noted bishopric of the patriarchate of " Becerra, or Bitira .Arabiie," and is named in the of the Sea of Azov, mark their progress tow.ards Acts of the Council of Chalcedon (a. d. 4."3l) and the north; while the Ma-di or Mtdi of Thrace other ICcclesiiwtical Lists (lleland, pp. 217, 223, 22(i, seem to indicate their s])read westward into Kurope, 803. See also Le Chiien, Oricits Clirisl.). Anioni; which was directly attested by the native traditions

and Jerome ( Oii<im<ist. " Mewas evidently known. In Christian times the

The term .\ryans, which was by the uniconsent of their neighbors applied to the Medes in the time of Herodotus {//erod. vii. 62), connects them with the early Vedic settlers in western Hindustan: the .l/"/(-eni of Mount Zagros,


travellers .Mihlilm


been visited, recoi;- of the SigymiK


(//<(/. v.


rized, and de.scribed bv liurckhardt (Syria, July

407, 408, iv. 223), and Irby It (p. 14.')); see also Porter (//'tn'/fuxik; p. 303). is in the pastoral distrift of the lUllcn, which proli13, 1812), Seetzen


nbly answers to the Mislior of the Hebrews, 4 miles S. E. of Ili'Mxhi, and like it lying on a rounded

The deepest ol>hangs, however, over these movements, and indeed over the whole history of the Medes from the time of their i>earing sway in Babylonia (n. v. 2458-2234) to their first appearance in the cuneiCornicrliim vilh

but rocky


(liurckh., .Scct/.en)-


Large tank,

form inscriptions among the enemies of Aswyria, about n. c. 880. They then inhabit a portion of
a To this nurckliiinlt tvenis to allude when he obnerve* (Syr. p.
SOii), " tbis is the ancient Medeba but l.i no river near It." See the roiiiiirks of Sir U. Rawlinson ir Kawlio sod'i Hrmlotiis. i. G21, note.


will iihow


xiii. 9,




xxi. 80,

Mua/S; JosU.

[Kom. Matfa-

i^aika^av, Alex. Mai5n^a; Hi. 1)3, omit, fiav, both MSB. (but Couip. Mfia/Si]; 1 ("hr. xlx. 7, [A'n'l yioJ-tafin., fllom.] Alex. tAifia^a; 1h. XV. 2, T>)t Mwo^i


<he region which bore their n.inie

to the


the Persians, then reducing nation after nation, bauiuiedaii conquest of I'ersia; but wiiether they and finally perishing in an expedition against Aswere recent immigrants into it, or iiad held it from syria, after he had reigned 22 years- Cyaxares, the remote antiquity, is uncertain. On the one liand son of Phraortes, then mounted the throne. Having first introduced a new military system, he -proit is noted that their absence from earher cuneiform mouuments seems to sui^irest tliat tlieir arrival was ceeded to carry out his iather's designs against recent at the date aliove mentioned; on the other, Ass3ria, defeated the .Assyrian army in the field, that Ctesias asserts (ap. Diod. Sic. ii. 1, U), and besieged their capital, and was only prevented from Herodotus distinctly implies (i. 95), that they had capturing it on this first attick by an invasion of


been settled in this part of Asia at least from the time of the first formation of the .\ss3rian lunpire However this was, it is certain that (n. c. 1273). at first, and for a long series of years, they were very inferior in power to the great empire estabThey were under no genlished upon their flank. eral or centralized government, but cons'sted of various petty tribes, each ruled by its chief, whose dominion was over a single small town and perhaps The Assyrian monarchs ravaged a few villages. their lands at pleasure, and took tribute from tlieir while the Jledes could in no way retaliate chiefs


Scythians, which recalled him to the defense of his After a desperate struggle during country.

eight-and-twenty jears with these new enemies, Cyaxares succeeded in ex])elling them and recovering his former empire; whereupon he resumed the

which their invasion had made him tempoabandon, besieged and took Nineveh, conquered the Assyrians, and extended his dominion


the Halys.

Nor did

these successes content


of Asia, he passed the Hal\s, and

Croesus, with

Bent on establishing his sway over the whole engaged in a

war with Alyattes, king of Lydia, the father of

Between them and Assyria lay the lofty chain of Zagros, inhabited by hardy mountaineers, at least as powerful as the Medes themselves, who would not tamely have suffered JMedia, their passage through their territories. however, was strong enough, and stubborn enough, to maintain her nationality throughout the whole period of the AssjTian sway, and w;is never absorbed An attempt made by Sargon to into the empire. hold the country in permanent sutyection by means


their antagonists.

of a



of military colonies planted in cities building failed [Sargon] and both his

Sennacherib, and his grandson I^sarhaddon, were forced to lead into the territory hostile expeson

which however seem to have left no more than previous invasions. Media was reckoned by the great Assyrian monarchs of this period as a part of their dominions but its subection seems to have been at no time much more than nominal, and it frequently threw off the yoke established upon

whom he long maintained a stubborn This war was terminated at length by an eclipse of the sun, which, occurring just as the two armies were engaged, furnished an occasion for negotiations, and eventually led to the conclusion of a peace and ihe formation of an alliance between The independence of Lydia and the two powers. the other kingdoms west of the Halys was recognized by the !Medes, who withdrew within their own borders, having arranged a marriage between the eldest son of Cyaxares and a daughter of the Lydian king, which assured them of a fi'iendly neighbor upon this frontier. Cyaxares, soon after this, died, having reigned in all iO years. He was succeeded by his son Astyages, a pacific monarch, of whom nothing is related beyond the fact of his deposition by his own grandson Cyrus, 35 years an event by which the Median after his accession Empire was brought to an end, and the Persian

its ruins.




of Herodotus.


represents the decadence of Assyria as greatly accelerated by a formal revolt of the Jledes, following

Such is, in outline, the Median History of Herodotus. It has been accepted as authentic by most modern writers, not so much



upon a period of contented subjection, and places this revolt more than 218 years before the battle Ctesias of Marathon, or a little before b. c. 708. placed the commencement of Median independence still earlier, dechiring that the Medes had destroyed Nineveh and established themselves on the ruins of
the Assyrian Empire, as iar back as u. c. 875. No one now defends this latter statement, which ahke contradicts the Heljrew records and the native

from a fteling that it is really trustworthy, as from the want of anything more satisfactory to put in That the story of Ueioces is a romance, its place. has been seen and acknowledged (Grote's Greece,

That the chronological dates are iii. 307, 308). improbable, and even contradictory, has been a freRecently it has been subject of complaint. quent

shown that the whole scheme

of dates

is artificial

documents. It is doubtful whether even the calculation of Herodotus does not throw back the independence to too early a date: his chronology of the the time, they enable us in a great measure to test l)eriod is clearly artificial; and the history, as he the narrative which has come down to us from the We can separate in that narrative the According to him the Medes, Greeks. relates it, is fabulous. wiien they first shook off the yoke, established no authentic portions from those which are fabulous; For a time there was neither king we can account for the names used, and in most government. nor prmce in the land, and each man did what was instances for the numbers given and we can thus Quarrels were settled by rid ourselves of a great deal that is fictitious, leavright in his own eyes. ^^bit^ation, and a certain Ueioces, having obtained ing a residuum which has a fab- right to be regarded

(Eawlinson's Herodotus, i. 421, 422); and that the very names of the kings, except in a single instance, Though the cuneiform records are unhistorical. do not at present supply the actual history of

A reputation in this way, contrived after a while to He then built the get himself elected sovereign.

as truth.

leven-walled Ecbatana [Ecb.vtana], established a

'ourt after the ordinary oriental model,


records of vSargon, Sennacherib, and Esarclearly show that the ^ledian kingdom did

and had a not commence so early as Herodotus imagined. Deioces These three princes, whose reigns cover the space was succeeded by his son Phraortes, an ambitious extending from li. c. 720 to b. c. 660, all carrieil Dfince, who directly after his accession began a their arms deep into Media, and found it, not undei Vvreer of conquest, first attacking and subduing the dominion of a single powerful monarch, bul
prosperous and peaceful reign of




Boder the rule of a vast number of petty chiefUiins. date of the capture may be fixed with tolerable oei[t caiiiiol have been till near the middle of the tainty to the b. c. 625. Abydenus (probablj rth century u. c. that the Median kingdom w:is following lierosus) informs us that in his Assyrian ronsolidated, and becanit forniiduhle to its uei<{h- war Cyaxares was assisted by the Babylonians Inirs. How this change was accomplished is un- under Nabopolassar, between whom and (Cyaxares certain the most probable supposition would seem an intimate alliance was formed, cemented by a and that a result of their to be, tliat about this time a Iresli Aryan immi- union of their children ^ation took place from the countries e; of the success was the establishment of Nabopol;iss:ir as indei>endent king on the throne of Babylon, an Caspian, and that the leader of the iminij,'ranLs established his authority over the scattored trit)es event which we know to belong to the aliove-menIt was undoul)tedly after this that of his race, who h:ul been settled previously in the tioned year. His condistrict l)etween the Claspian and Mount Za^jros. Cyaxares endea\ored to conquer Lydia. There is good reason to Ix-lieve tiiat this leader was quest of Assyria had made him master of the the great Cyaxares, whom Diodorus speaks of in whole country lying between Mount Zagros and one place as the fii'st king (Uiod. Sic. ii. 32), and the river Halys, to which he now ho|)ed to add the whom -Eschylus represents as the founder of the tract between the Halys and the /Egean Sea. It is The Deioces surprising that he failed, more especially as he Medo-1'ersic empire (Peru. 701). and I'hi-.iortes of Herodotus are thus removed from seems to have been accompanied by the forces of altogether, and the Babylonians, who were perhaps commanded by the list of historical [xjrsona^es [Neiiucii.M)must take rank with the early kings in tlie list of Nebuchadnezzar on the occasion. Alter a war whicii histed six years he Ctesias," who are now generally admitted to be NKZZAK.] inventions. In the case of Deioces the very name desisted from his attempt, and concluded the treaty with the Lydian monarch, of which we h.ave already is fictitious, being the Aryan dithdk, " biter " or The three great Oriental monarchies, "snake," which was a title of honor a.ssunied by spoken. .\ledia, Lydia, and Babylon, were now united by all Median nionarchs, but not a pro|)er name of any individual. I'hraortes, on the other hand, is mutual engagements and intermarriages, and cona true nan)e, but one which been transferred to tinued at peace with one another during the rethis period Iroin a later passage of Median history, mainder of the reign of Cyaxares, and during that to which reference will be made in the sequel. of .Vstyi^es, his son and successor. The limits of the 6. kxttnt of the Empire. (Ilawlinson's lUroiL i. 41)8.) 5. JJi:i:eli>j)intnl of Mcdiim power, and formntion Median Empire cftnnot be definitely fixed; but it is It is evident that the develop- not difficult to give a general idea of its size and of the Kminrt. ment of .>Iedian power proceeded ixiri passu with position. From north to south its extent was in no the decline of Assyria, of which it was in part an place great, since it was certaiidy confined between Cyaxares must have been the Persian (julf and the Euphrates on the one side, effect, in part a cause. From contemporary with the later ye;irs of that .Vssyrian tiie Black and Caspian Seas on the other. monarch who passed the greater portion of his time east to west it had, however, a wide expansion, [.Vssykia, since it reached from the Halys at le.xst as far a.s in hunting expeditions in Susiana. It comHis first conquests were proi)aiily imdertakcn the Caspian Gates, and possibly further. 11.] were suffered tamely by a prince prised Persia, Media Magna, Northern Media, at this time, and who wa.s flestitute of all military spirit. In order .Matiene or Media Mattiana, Assyria, Armenia, to consolidate a powerful kingdom in the district Cappadocia, the tract between Armenia and the east of Assyria, it was necessary to l)ring into sul)- Caucasus, the low tract along the southwest and
: ;

a number of Scythic tribes, who disputed south of the, and possibly some jwrtion of with the Aryans the possession of the mountain- Hyrcania, I'arthia, and Sagartia. It was separated country, and required to be incorporated before from Babylonia either by the Tigris, or more probMedia could Ije re:idy for great expeditions and dis- al)ly liy a line running about half way between tant conquests. The strngirle witii these tril)ea may that river and the ICuphrates, and thus did not be the real event represi^nted in Herodotus by the include Syria, I'lucnicia, or Judtea. which fell to Scythic war of Cyaxares, or possibly his narrative Bal)ylon on the destruction of the .\ssyrian Emmay contain a still larger amount of truth. The [)ire. Its greatest length may be reckoned at 1500 Scyths of Za'^ros m.ay have called in the aid of miles from N. W. to S. E., and its averaire breadth Its .area would thus be aliout their kindred tribes towards the north, who may at 400 or 450 miles. have impeded for a while the progress of the Median 000,000 square miles, or .somewhat greater than

arms, while at the same time they really prepared the way for their success by weakening, the other
the Assyrians. According to Herodotus, Cyaxares at last got the liy inviting their leaders to a better of the .Scyths

that of







to the nature

region, especially

of the

government established by the Medes over

the conquered nations,

worthy evidence.

banquet, and there tre.-ielierously murdering then). At any rate it is that at a toleralily early |H-riod of his reign they ceitscd to lie formidable, and he

we possess but little trustHerodotus in one place comsomewhat vaguely, the Median with the system (i. I."i4), and Ctesias appears to

have a.sserted the positive introduction of the sa-

was able to direct his efforts against other enemies. tra|)ial organization into the empire at its first founHis capture of Nineveh and conquest of Assyria dation by his .Arbaces (I)iod. Sic. ii. 28); but on ue facts which no skepticism can doubt; and the the whole it is perhaps most probable that the Aa Ctesias modo tbc Median monarchy commGnre ArtaouR (40 years), Artynes (22 years), Astibaras (40 D. c. 875. with a riTtiln Artjncs. who headed yeani), and Anally AHiMulas, or A.styages, the last king This scheme ap|K'ars to be a clumsy exteuthe n-bellion iiKiiinst .SiinliiiinpaliKi, the voluptuary. (t yearn). Arbacc* n-izMod 28 yi-nrx, and wil^ sui-rceded by .Man- hIoii of the inoniirchy, by means of repetition, froit Then followed .S<iir- the data furniiihed by liorodotus. laueaii, who rcltfiii-d 50 yuan*. 3100 (do yearn), Artiiu (SO yoani), Arblanei (22 >ean),


organization was continued by the Medes, the suhjent-nations retaining their native nionarciis, and merely acknowledging subjection by the payiji'ian



tribute. This seems certainly have been the case in Persia, where Cyrus and his father Cambyses were monarchs, holding their crown of the Median king, before the revolt of the former; and there is no reason to suppose that the remainder of the emi^ire was organized in a differThe satrapial organization was apent maimer. parently a Persian invention, begun by CJyrus, continued by Cambyses, his son, but first adopted as tlie regular governmental system by Darius Hysto
8. Its

ment of an annual

while among the provinces Media claimed and enjoyed a precedency, which appears equally in the Greek writers and in tlie native records. Still, it would seem that the nation, so lately sovereign,




the ancient Oriental

was the shortest in duration. It commenced, as we have seen, after the middle of the 7th century b. C, and it terminated
monarchies the

B. c. 5.58.


period of three quarters of a cen-

Herodotus assigns to the reiijns of Cyaxares and Astyages, may be taken as fairly indicating its probalile length, though we cannot feel
tury, wliich

sure that the years are correctly apportioned be-

tween tiie monarchs. Two kings only occupied the throne during the period; for the Cyaxares II. of Xenophon is an invention of that amusing writer. 9. Its Jiiial overthrow. Tlie conquest of the Medes by a sister-Iranic race, the Persians, under their native monarch Cyrus, is another of those indisputable facts of remote history, which make the inquirer feel that he sometimes attains to solid ground in these difficult investigations. The details of the struggle, which are given partially Ijy Herodotus (i. 127, 128), at greater length by Nicolaus of Damascus {Fr. Hist. Gr. iii. 404406), probably following Ctesias, have not the same claim to acceptance. We may gather from them, however, that the contest was short, though severe. The Medes did not readily relinquish the position of superiority which they had enjoyed for 75 years; but their vigor had been sapped by the adoption of Assyrian manners, and they were now no match for the hardy mountaineers of Persia. After many partial engagements a great battle was tbught between tlie two armies, and the result was the complete defeat of the Medes, and the capture of their king, Astyages, by Cyrus. 10. Position of Media under Persia. The treatment of the Medes by the victorious Persians was not that of an ordinary conquered nation. According to some writers (as Herodotus and Xenophon) there was a close relationship between Cyrus and the last iMedian monarch, who was therefore naturally treated vvith more than common

The fact of the relationship is, howdenied by Ctesias; and whether it existed or lO, at any rate the peculiar position of the Medes under Persia was not really owing to this accident. The two nations were closely akiti they had the

same Aryan or Irauic origin, the same early traditions, the same language (Strab. xv. 2, 8), nearly the same religion, and ultimately the same manners and customs, dress, and general mode of life. It is not surprising therefore that they were drawn together, and that, though never actually coalescing, they still formed to some extent a single privileged people. Medes were advanced to stations of high honor and importance under Cyrus and his suc^ssors, an advantage shared by no other conquered people. The Median capital was at first the chief oyal residence, and always remained one of the places a' which the court spent a portion of the

its secondary posi convenient opportunity Media rebelled, elevating to tlie throne a certain Phraortes [Frawartislt), who called himself Xathrites, and claimed to be a descendant from Cyaxares Darius Hystaspis, in whose reign this rebellion took place, had great difficulty in suppressing it. After vainly endeavoring to put it down by his generals, he was compelled to take the field himHe defeated Phraortes in a pitched battle, self. pursued, and captured him Khages, mutilated him, kept hiin for a time " chained at his door," and finally crucified him at Ecbatana, executing at the same time his chief followers (see the Behistun Inscription, in Kawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 601, 602). The Medes hereupon submitted, and quietly bore the yoke for another century, when they made a second attempt to free themselves, which was suppressed by Darius Nothus (Xen. Hell. i. 2, 19). Henceforth they patiently acquiesced in their subordinate position, and followed through its various shifts and changes the fortune of Persia. 11. Internal Divisions. According to Herodotus the Median nation was divided into six tribes (iOvr)), called the Busae, the Paretaceni, the Stm chates, the Arizanti, the Budii, and the Magi. It is doubtful, however, in what sense these are to be considered as ethnic divisions. The Paretaceni appear to represent a geographical district, while the Magi were certainly a priest caste; of the rest we know little or nothing. The Arizanti, whose name would signify " of noble descent," or "of Aryan descent," must (one would think) have been the leading tribe, corresponding to the Pa.sargadaB in Persia; but it is remarkalde that they have only the fourth place in the list of Herodotus. The Budii are fairly identified witli the eastern Phut the Pntiyn of the Persian inscriptions whom Scri|)ture joins with Persia in two places (Ez. xxvii. 10, xxxviii. 5). Of the Busae and the Struchates nothing is known beyond the statement of Herodotus. may perhaps assume, from the order of Herodotus's list, that the Busae, Paretaceni, Struchates, and .\rizanti were true Medes, of genuine Aryan descent, while the Budii and Magi were foreiorners admitted into the nation. 12. Reli(jion. The original religion of the Medes must undoubtedly have been that simple creed which is placed before us in the earlier portions of the Zendavesta. Its peculiar characteristic was Dualism, the belief in the existence of two opposite principles of good and evil, nearly if not quite on a par with one another. Ormazd and Ahrinian were both self-caused and self-existent, both indestructible, both potent to work their will their warfare had been from all eternity, and would continue to all eternity, though on the whole the struggle was to the disadvantage of the Ormazd was the God of the Prince of Darkness. .\ryaiis. the object of their worship and trust; ."Mirinian was their enemy, an oliject of fear .and abhorrence, but not of any reli'jious rite. Besides Ormazd, the Aryans worslii|iped the Sun anl Moon, under the names of Mithra and Homa; and they believed in the existence of numerous spirits or genii, some good, some bad, the subjects and ministers respectively of the two powers of Good and Evil. Their cult was simple consistini;

was not altogether content with







religious chants
i '


and hyninB, and Persepclitan sculptures, was their native dress, and B few simple ofl'erings, expressions of devotion and certainly among the points for which the Perthankfiibiess. Such was the worship and such sians were beholden to them. Their whole costume the hclief whicli the wiiole Aryan race broujilil w:is rich and splendid; they were fond of scarlet, with them from the remote e:ist when they nii- and decorated themselves with a quantity of gold, As Their niignition hrouijlit theoi in the shape of chains, collars, armlets, etc. c;rated westward. into Contact with tlie fire-worshippers of Arme- troops they were considered little inferior to the nia and Moinit /ai^ros, among whom Magism native Persians, next to whom they were usuaJy ranged in the battle-field. They fought both on liad been estal>lislied foot and on horseback, and carried, not bows and from a remote antiqarrows only, but shields, short spears, and poniards. Tlie result w!is uity. It is thouirlit that they must have excelled in the eitlier a combination manufacture of some kinds of stuffs. of the two reUgions, or 14. JicferericfS to the Medes in Scripture. in some cases an actual
conversion of the conquerors to the faith and worship of the con-


references t



the canonical Scrip-

tures are not very luimcrous, but they are striking.

So far as can quered. he gathered from tlie

scanty materials in our




case witli the



in Tcr-

(ia the true .-Vryan creed



at of






tolerable purity, in the



We first bear of certain "cities of the Medes," in which the captive Israelites were placed by " the king of Assyria " on the destruction of Samaria, This implies B. C. 721 (2 K. xvii. G, xviii. 11). the subjection of Media to Assyria at the time of Shalmaiieser, or of Sargon, his successor, and accords (as we have shown) very closely with the account given by the latter of certain military colonies which he planted in the Median country. Soon afterwards Isaiah projihesies the part which the Medes shall take in the destruction of Babylon (Is. xiii. 17, xxi. 2); which is again still more distinctly declared by Jeremiah (li. 11 and 28), who
sufhciently indicates the independence of





swallowed up in Mapism, whicii was probably est;vblisbe<l by (y'yaxares or bis successor as the religion of

'The essence





Meuiiiii Dress.


(From Monu^ '

worship of the elements,


water, air. and earth, with a special preference



remainder. Temples were not allowed, were maintained on various sacred sites, generally mountain to))s, where sacrifices were continually offered, and the flame was never suffered
fire to tlie



go out.

hierarchy naturally followed, to


these constant rites, and the Magi became recognized as a sacred caste entitled to the veneraforin

Daniel relates, as a historian, day (xxv. 25). the fact of the Medo-Persic conquest (v. 28, 31), giving an account of the reitcn of )arius the Mede, who appears to have been made viceroy by Cyrus In I'lzra we have a mention of Ach(vi. 1-28). metha (Kcbatana), " the palace in the province of the Medes," where the decree of Cyrus was foiuid (vi. 2-5) a notice which accords with the known facts that the Median capiUd was the seat of governiiicnt under Cyrus, but a royal residence only and not the of government under Darius Ilystaspis. Pinally, in Esther, the high rank of Media under the I'ersian kings, yet at the same time its subordinate jxi.sition, are niarke<l by the frequent combination of the two names in phrases

of honor, the precedency being in every case as-

tion of the faithful.

'Ihey claimed in



signed to the Persians."

In the Apocryphal Scri])tures the Medes occupy a power of divining the future, and practiced largely The chief scene of one those occult arts which are still called by their a more prominent place. name io most of the languages of modern luirope. whole book (Tobit) is Media and in another The fear of polluting the elements gave rise to a (.liidith) a very striking portion of the narrative


of curious 8U|)erstitions


the profes-

sors of the .Ma'^ian religion (Herod,



the rest to the strange practice of neitiier burying nor burning their dead, but exposing them to be

Put the historical belongs to the same country. of both these books is with rea-son doubted; and from neither can we derive any authentic or satisfactory information concerning the

devoured by beasts or birds of prey (Herod, i. 140; This custom is still observed Strab. XV. a, 20).


the story of Tobias



could he

gatiiered, even if


their representatives, the







luul luitiimiil character.


customs of the


to have

nearly resembled those of their neighbors, the Armenians and tbe rer.iaiis; but they were regarded as the inventors, their neighbors as the copyists

seems to be nierely a distorted account of the struggle between the rcK-l I'hraortes and Darius Ilystaspis) adds nothing to The mention of our knowledge of that contest. Phages in both narratives as a Median town and region of importance is geographically correct; and
history of

we Arphaxad

as true; while the

(Stmb. xi. l.'J. excellent riflers,



They were brave and


and icmarUably


flowing robe, so well


warlike, it is historically true that Pliraortcs suffered his Put beyond with the overthrow in the Phagian district. from the facts the n.arratives in question contain little

The only paMogo preceded the Persian, its ctironicles came first in " tli I. 8, 14. 18, and 19. whore Meilla tAkc.i proccdonrc of Perpla is book." The priH-edi'nrv in Daniel (t. 28, and Ti. 8, " the liook of tljo 12, &c.) is owiiiK to the fact of a Mcdiati viceroy belnf X. 2, where we have a mention of Hero eMtnblished on the throne. bronioles cf tlie kliigii of Media and Persia." 9m order If ch-inological. As the Modian emplrs
a See Estti.
lu Esther

,hat even UUistrates the true history of the



more product ve; while Ghilan (like Matanderan) The (See tlie articles on Judith and Tobias is rich and fertile in the highest degree. nation. in Winer's Rtnlwdrterbudt ; and on the general climate of Gliilan, however, is unlie:illhy, and at perpetu;illy overflow times pestilential; the streams subject compare liawlinson's Herodotus, i. 401-422 Bosanquet's Clinmohf/i/ oj' Ike Medes, read before their banks; and the waters which escape stagnate Hoyal Asiatic Society, June 5, 1858; Brandis, in marshes, whose exhalations spread disease and the Reium Assyria rum temporu evicndnta, pp. 1-14; death among the inhabitants. (2.) Jledia Magnt^ Its northern Grote's History of Greece, iii. pp. 301--312; and lay south and east of Atropatene.
Specimina boundary was the range of Elburz from the Casjiiaii G. R. Gates to the Rudbnr pass, through which the Sejid Ghilan. It then Rud reaches ME'DIA (""I'D, i. e. Madai: MtjSi'o: Media), adjoined uponthe low country of which it may be Atropatetie, from a country the s^rcneral situation of which is abund- regarded as separated by a line rniming about S. antly clear, thoui^h its limits may not be capable W. by W. from the bridge of I\/enjil to Zagros. Media lay northof being precisely determined. Here it touched Assyria, from which it was probwest of Persia Proper, south and southwest of the ably divided by the last line of hills towards the of Armenia and Assyria, west and Caspian, east west, before the mountains sink down upon the Its northwest of the great salt desert of Irani. plain. On the south it was bounded by Susiana gi'eatest length was fioni north to south, and in and Persia Proper, the former of which it met in this direction it extended from the 32d to the 4()th the modern Luristan, probably about lat. 33 30', In width it parallel, a distance of 550 miles. while it struck the latter on the eastern side of the reached from about long. 45 to 5-3; but its Zagros range, in hit. 32 or 32 30'. Towards the average breadth was not more than from 250 to east it was closed in by the great salt desert, which Its area may be reckoned at about 300 miles. Herodotus reckons to Sagartia, and later writers to 150.000 square miles, or three-fourths of that of Parthia and Carniania. Media ^lagna thus conmodern France. The natural boundary of Media tained great part of Kurdistan, and Luristan, with was the river Aras ; on the west on the north Irak Ajemi. The character of all Ardelnn and Zagros and the mountain-chain which connects Towards the west, in this tract is very varied. Zagros with Ararat; in the south Media was prob- Ardelan, Kui'listan, and Luristan, it is highly ably separated from Persia by the desert which now mountainous, but at the same time well watered forms the boundary between Farsistnn and Irak and richly wooded, fertile and lovely; on the north, Ajemi ; on the east its natural limit was the along the flank of Elburz, it is less charming, but West of the Gates, still pleasant and tolerably productive; while todesert and the Caspian Gates. it was bounded, not (as is commonly said) by the wards the east and southeast it is bare, arid, rocky, Caspian Sea, but by the mountain range south of ind sandy, supporting with difficulty a spare and that sea, which separates between the high and the The present productions of wretched population. It thus comprised the modern provlow country. Zagros are cotton, tobacco, hemp, Indian corn, rice, inces of Irak Ajemi, Persian Kurdistan, part of wheat, wine, and fruits of every variety; every Luristan, Azerbijan, perhaps Tali'sli and Ghilun, and besides valleys, extensive valley is a garden but not Mazandernn or Askrabad. plains are often found, furnishing the most excellent The division of ISIedia commonly recognized by pasturage. Here were nurtured the valuable breed the Greeks and Romans was that into Media of horses called Nisajan, which the Persians cultiMagna, and Media Atropatene. (Strab. xi. 13, vated with such especial care, and from which the The 1^ conip. Polyb. v. 44; Plin. //. N. vi. 13; Ptol. horses of the monarch were always chosen. vi. 2, &c.) (1.) Media Atropatene, so named from pasture-grounds of Khawah and Alishtnr between Atropates, who became independent Behistun and Khorrani-abad, probably represent the satrap monarch of the province on the destruction of the the " Nispean plain" of the ancients, which seems Persian empire by Alexander (Strab. ut. sup. Diod. to have taken its name from a town Nisaja (Nisayn), Sic. xviii. 3), corresponded nearly to the modern mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions. Azerbijan, being the tract situated between the Although the division of Media into these two Caspian and the mountains which run north from provinces can only be distinctly proved to have Zagros, and consisting mainly of the rich and fertile existed from the t"me of Alexander the Great, yet basin of Lake Urumiijeh, with the valleys of the there is reason to believe that it was more ancient, Aras and the Sefid Rud. This is chiefly a high .dating from the settlement of the Medes in the tract, varied between moimtains and plains, and country, which did not take place all at once, but lying mostly three or four thousand feet above the was first in the more northern and afterwards in The basin of Lake Urumiych has a still the southern country. It is indicative of the divissea level. one, the greater elevation, the surface of the lake itself, into ion, that there were two Ecbatanas which all the rivers run, being as much as 4,200 northern, at Takht-i-Suleiman : the other, the The country is fairly fertile, southern, at Hamadan, on the flanks of Mount feet above the ocean. respectively the capitals of the A'ell-watered in most places, and favorable to agri- Orontes (Elwand) [Ecbatana.] culture; its climate is temperate, though occa- two districts. sionally severe in winter; it produces rice, corn of Next to the two Ecbatanas, the chief town in ill kinds, wine, silk, white wax, and all manner of the Raga of the Media was undoubtedly Rhages Hither the reliel Phraortes fled on delicious fruits. Tabriz, its modern capital, forms inscriptions. the summer residence of the Persian kings, and is his defeat by Darius Hystaspis, and hither too came a beautiful place, situated in a forest of orchards. Darius Codomannus after the battle of Arbela, on The ancient Atropatene may have included also the his way to the eastern provinces (Arr. Exp. Alex. countries of Ghilan and Talisli, together with the iii. 20). The only other place of much note was plain of Moghaii at the mouth of the combined Bagistana, the modern Behistun, which guarded Kur and Aras rivers. These tracts are low and the chief pass connecting Media with the Meaopolat; tha,i oi Moghan is sandy and sterile; Taliah tamian plain.
Hupl'eld's Kxercitntionuni Ilerodotearum

duo, p. 56



the Israelites with a strong appreciation of tho value of this art, and with some considenible degree Kroni the most ancient testiof medical culture.
.siicred and secular, I'^gypt, from whatever though jierhaps from necessity, was foremost among the nations in this most human of studies

doubt both parts of Media were further subdivided into ])rovinces; but no trustworthy account Tlie f these minor divisions lias come down to us. tract alioiit l{hai;es was certainly called Kha;^iaiia; mount^iin tr:M;t adjoinin|^ I'ersia seems to nd the
have been known as
I'ariEt^icene, or the


country of



I'toleniy gives as .Median districts

purely physical.

.\gaiM, as the active intelligence

Choromithrene, tsiirrina, Daritis, and of Greece flowed in upon her, and mingled with the Syromedia; but these names are little known to immense store of pathological records which must other writers, and suspicions attach to some of have accumulated under the system described by Egypt, especially Alexandria, became them. On the whole it would seem that we do Herodotus, act possess materials for a minute account of the the medical rei)ertory and museum of the world. very Thither all that was best worth preserving amid Micient <;eo;ii-aphy of the comitry, wliich is im|)erfectly described by Strabo, and almost omitted earlier civilizations, whether her own or foreign, had been attracted, and medicine and surgery flourby I'liny. (See Sir H. liawlinson's Articles in the Jnurnal ished amidst political decadence and artistic decline. of the (jeoijraphictd Socltly, vol. ix. Art. "2, and The attempt has been made by a I'Yench writer (Henouard, f/istmre de Medicine depiiis son Origrol. X. Articles 1 and 2; and compare Layard's Ninertk (irul liiibylon, chap. xvii. and xviii.; Ches- ine, etc.) to ari-ange in periods the growth of Kinneir's the medical art as follows: 1st. The Primitivj ney's /Jup/i rates J-Jxpiditiuii, i. 122, &c. Persian lOiipire ; Ker I'orter's TniveU; and Kaw- or Instinctive Period, lasting from the earliest re2d. The tinson's Ihroilutus, vol. i. Appendix, Essay ix.) corded treatment to the fall of Troy. [On the geography, see also IJitter's Krdkumk, Sacred or Mystic Period, la.sting till the disNiel)uhr'8 Geschichte persion of the Pythagorean Society, 500 B. c. viii. and ix., and M. von Assures u. Babel's, pp. 380-314.] 3d. The Philosophical Period, closing with the G. R. * We are now to add to the above sources Prof, foundation of the Alexandrian Library, u. c. 320. l^wlinson's Aiicienl .\funiircliies, vol. iii., tiie first 4th. The xViiatomical Period, which continued But these part of which (pp. 1-557) is occupied with the until the death of Galen, a. d. 200. liistory of the iMedes. This volume has appeared artificial lines do not strictly exhibit the truth

since the foregoing article

was written.

On some




Egypt was the




of the i>oints of contiict between Median history and the Hii>le, see Ivawlinson's Historical Evitknces, lect.

of medical and of the

for the region of the

and the Notes on the text (Hampton I>ectures for 185!) ), and also Niel>ulir's (jescli. Assur's u. Babel's, pp. 55 f., 144 f., 224, and elsewhere. Arnold con\prises the history and the geography of the subject under the one head of " Medien," in Herzog's Rtal-Enci/L ix. 2:il-2'U. See in the Dictionary the articles on 1{aisvi,<).\, H. Danikl, and Dahils, tmk .Mkde.

(xi. 1), is



Keri, & M^5oy: "the son of Ahasuerus, of the

; :

v. 31.

of the

Medes "

(L)an. ix. 1) or " the



thus described in Dan.




to c.ire for food, cloth-


shelter, the curing of hurts takes prece-

At a later dence even amongst savage nations. period comes the treatment of sickness, and recoguition of states of disease; and mark a nascent
Internal diseases, and all for which civilization. an obvious cause cannot be assigned, are in the most Ciirly period viewed as the visitation of God, or as the act of some malignant jwwer, human or else superhuman, and to be as the evil eye dealt with by sorcery, or some other occult sup

Mediterranean basm, and every l^gyptian mummy more expensive and elaborate sort, involved a This gave opportunities of inspecting a vast number of bodies, varying in every possible condition. Such opportunities were sure to be turned to account (Pliny, A'. II. xix. 5) by the more diligent among the faculty for " the physicians " embalmed (Gen. 1. 2). The intestines had a separate receptacle assigned them, or were restored to the body through the ventral incision (Wilkinson, v. 408); and every such process which we can tnice in the miunmies discovered shows the most minute accuracy of manipulaNotwithstanding these laiiorious efll)rts, we tion. have no trace of any philo.sophical or rational system of Kgyi)tian origin; and medicine in Kgypt w;vs a mere art or profession. Of science the -Vsclepiada; of Greece were the true originators. Hippocrates, who wrote a book on ' Ancient Medicine," and- who seems to have had many opporprocess of anatomy.





country did not att:iin to a vast and sj)eedy proficiency in medical science, when i>sl The Indian notion is that all di.s- mortem examination was so general a rule instead {)0sed agency. Still it is imjw.ssible are the work of an evil spirit (.Sprengel, of being a r.are exception. Hut among to l)elieve that considerable advances in physiology <Je*ch. ilir Arztmikiiwle, pt. ii. 48). 8 civiliz<!d race the preeminence of the medical art coiiM have failed to be made there from time to time, and similarly, though we cannot so well is confes.sed in pro|)ortion to the incre.xswl value set The best guarin human life, and the vnstly greater amount of determine how far, in .Assyria." of which civilized man is antee for the advance of me< science is, aftei eomfort and enjoyment tapable. It would be stranire if their close con- all, the interest which every human being has in nection historically with Iv^ypt hiid not imbued it; and this is most strongly felt in large gregathat this

prominence to Egypt.

sources, gives no was no doubt owing to


the repressive influences of her


a Recent

n>fH-archo8 at

Kouyunjik have f^ven


to lioar





leoMM. A mail Aa t<> oiu* by Sir

of the niicroscopc In minute c-vcii mR'ciiiHMis of iiiiij^nifyiiig cone ciiumvod witli ii tiiblo of culwd, no tm uninti!llii(ilile wjUicnit ii luiia, wius brought

of the




As to whether the invention was brought on medical scionro, prf>of is wnntinj. Probhad not. jet Immjii pusbi>d to the point witicli tlic microHco|)e becomes UKcfiil. Only thoM
mioli ncicnce

ilnwlinfloii, uiid



lu the liritiHh

wild iiavp quick lieen eyes Tor the uiiture- world <*i the wuiit uf Duch Hpoctiiclea.

fious masses of population.



Compared with the had salaries from the puhlic treasuij, and ti^ated wild countries around them, at any rate, Egypt always according to established precedent*, or must have seemed incalculably advanced. Hence deviated from these at their peril, in case of a however, the patient died if, the awe, with which Homer's Greeks speak of her fatal tennination

wealth," resources, and medical skill; and even the visit of Abraham, though prior to this period, found her no doubt in advance of other




Egyptian surgery apparently occur on some of





Benirecovered the

Flint Knives.



Flint knives used

" Ethi- under accredited treatment no blame was attached, lor embalming have been opic stone" of Herodotus (ii. 86; comp. Ex. iv. They treated gratis patients when travelling or Most diseases were by them 25) was probably either black flint or agate; and on military service. those who have assisted at the opening of a ascribed to indigestion and excessive eating (Diod. mummy have noticed that the teeth exhibited a Sicul. i. 82), and when their science failed them dentistry not inferior in execution to the work of magic/ was called in. On recovery it was also the l)est modern experts. Tliis confirms the state- customary to suspend in a temple an exvoto, which ment of Herodotus that e^ery part of the body was was commonly a model of the part affected and Pliny (vii. 57) such offerings doubtless, as in the Coan Temple of studied by a distinct practitioner. asserts that the Egyptians claimed the invention ^sculapius, became valuable aids to the pathological
! I j
i 1

of the healing art, and (xxvi. 1) thinks them subject to many diseases. Their " many medicines " are mentioned (.ler.
xlvi. 11).


valuable drugs



derived from the plants mentioned by

Wilkinson (iv. 621), and the senna of the adjacent interior of Africa still exAthothmes H., king of cels all other. the country, is said to have written
on the subject of anatomy. Hermes (who may perhaps be the same as Atliothmes, intellect personified, only disguised as a deity instead of a legendary king), was said to have written six books on medicine; in which an entire chapter was devoted to diseases of the eye (IJawhnson's Herod., note to Doctors (or Barbers ?) and Patients. (Wilkinson.) ii. 8-1), and the first half of which related The various recipes known to have student. The Egyptians who lived in the cornto anatomy. been beneficial were recorded, with their peculiar growing region are said by Herodotus (ii. 77) to The praccases, in the memoirs of physic, inscribed among have been specially attentive to health. the laws, and deposited in the principal temples tice of circumcision is traceable on monuments The repu- certainly anterior to the age of Joseph. Its anof the place (Wilkinson, iii. -396, 397). tation of its practitioners in historical times was tiquity is involved in obscurity; especially as all such that both Cyrus and Darius sent to Egjqjt for we know of the Egyptians makes it unlikely physicians or surgeons* (Herod, iii. 1, 129-132); that they would have borrowed such a practice, and by one of the same country, no doubt, Cam- so late as the period of Abraham, from any Its beneficial effects byses' wound was*^ tended, though not perhaps with mere sojourner among them. much zeal for his recovery. in the temperature of Egypt and Syria have Of midwifery we have a distinct notice (Ex. i. often been noticed, especially as a preservative of The scrupulous attention paid to 15), and of women as its practitioners, '' which fact cleanliness, etc. may also be verified from the sculptures (Raw the dead was favorable to the health of the living. linson's note on Herod, ii. 84). The physicians Such powerful drugs as asphaltum, natron, resin.
| '







See also Herod,





The simple heroes had reverence

for the

healing skill which extended only to wounds. There is hardly any recognition of disease in Homer. There te sudden death, pestilence, and weary old age, but hardly any fixed morbid conditioa save in a simile (0(l. V. 395). See, however, a letter De rebus ex Hoinero media's, D. G. AVolf, Wittenberg, 1791. kinson). e The same author adds that the most common 6 Comp. the letter of Benhadad to Joram, 2 K. v. method of treatment was by KKva-fnoU koI n)<rreiais Ko* I, to procure the cure of Naaman. c The words of Herod, (iii. 66), 109 e<r(|)a<fc'Ai<7-e' re to eficTOts. / Magicians and physicians both belonged to the 4<rTe'oi' (fat o /aijpbs raxicrra cCTamj, appear to indicate Mdical treatment by the terms employed. It is not priestly caste, and perhaps united their profeBsions i one person.

unlikely the physician may have tjiken the opportunity to avenge the wrongs of his nation. d The sex is clear from the Ueb. grammatical forms. The names of two, Shiphrah and fuah, are recorded. The treatment of new-born Hebrew infants is mentioned (Ez. xvi. 4) as consisting in washing, salting, and swaddling : this last was not used in Egypt (Wil-




iniportince which would tend to checit tlio Jews Irom shariuK tiiis was the ceremonial law, the special
reverence of .lewish

pure bitiimcii, and various aromatic gums, suppressed or counteracted all noxious effluvia from the corpse; even the sjiw-<lust of the floor, on




Yet those was collected and the abhorrence of " uneleauness." and there were at all times since the CapJews in small linen hags, which, to the numlier of ho tended to foreign few, perhaps twenty or tiiirty, were deposited in vases near tivity not a laxity, and affected Greek philosopiiy and cuftuit, would assuredly, as wt

Iwdy had

Ijeen cleansed,


have further occasion


to notice that they in fact did,




sources which repelled their

and the would be apparent the general elevated standard of that profession, even as practiced in Jerustricter brethren,







Christianity in the 3d and





lyory hand, in Mr. Salt's collection. Stone tablet, dedicated to Aiiiuure, for the recoyery of a complaint in the ear found at Tliebes. An ear, of terra cotta, from Thebes, in Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson's possession.

4th centuries exercised a but more universal restraint on the dissectinii-room, until anato^ * my as a pursuit ibecame extinct, and the notion of




jjj^^ every" P researcnes, sur-

408, 400). For the extent to which these practices were imitated among the





Jews, see Kmu.m.ming; at any rate the uncleaniiess imputed to cont<act with a corjjse was a [wwerful

preservative"' a;;ainst the inoculation of the

Hut, to pursue frame with morbid humors. to later limes this merely general question, it apjieurs
(I'liny, A'.

tlie I'toleiiiies themand that, at a period when Jewisli intercourse with Kgypt was complete surgery before the jieriod of Hippocrates; anticinature, as and reciprocal, < there existed in Alexandria a great pating ill its gentler waitins; uixni The only influence of compared (Herod, iii. 130) with that of the Perzeal for anatomical study.

xix. 5






gical science became stagnant to a dei^ree to which it had never previously sunk witliiii tiie memory of human records. Ill comparing tlie growth of medicine in the rest of the ancient world, the high rank of its practisettles at once the tioners princes and heroes question as to the esteem in which it was held is To dethe Homeric/ and pre-Hoineric (/ period. .scend to the historical, the story of Democedes'* at the court of Darius illustrates the jiractice of Greek


d '( Rcgibus corpora mortuorum ad scrutandos morcomme bos in.secantibus." e Cyreiie, the well-known Greek African colony, had en autunt dc foyers pcstilentiels pour leurs enfant-! " (.Michel a high repute for physicians of excellence and some This may perhaps bo the true account of its coins bear the impress of the 6n-6?, or assn/ucliiln, ficvy, p. 12). uf the produetion of the modern jilague, which, how- a medical drug to whicli miraculous virtues were Now the Cyrenaica was a home for the ever, disappears when the temperature rises above a ascribed. Paul. JEipn. given limit, excessive beat tendiiij; to dissipate the .lews of the dispersion (Acts ii. 10
a " L'Egypte moderne n'en est plus

la, et,

M. Pariset



si^nale, les toiiibeaux des peres,

Nil, se convertissent



eaux du





n-epi rijt

This author further refers to I'ettigrew's History


of Esyplinn. Mummits. Dr. Ferguson, in an


Galen himself wrote a book, laTpiKTJi, quoted by Alexander

cap. 4.

Ka0"Otir)pov of Tralles, lib. ix.


pestilential infec-

tion, QiKirltrli/ li'view, vol. xlvl* 18a2, insists on actual contact with the diseased or dead as the condiHut compare a tion of tninsniissiDn of the disease. tnict by Dr. Macniichael, ')n Ihr Proaras of Oiiinion on the Suhj'Ct iif Ctmtifj;ion. See also lissaj/s on Slate
II. W. Uuniscy, Ivondon, I806, ess. lii. p 130, For ancient opinion.^ on the matter, see Paiihut Thucydides, /E,'in. cd. Sydenham S(Hiefy, i. 284, &c. In Ilia description of the Athenian plaj;ue, Is the first



u The indistinctness with which the medical, the magical, and the poisonous were confounded under the word ^dpfiaKa by the early Greeks will c.scape no one. (.So Kx. xxii. 18, the Ueb. word for " witch " Is in the The legend of the ArI-.XX. rendered by i^apnaxo?.) gonauts and Mciiea illustrates this; the Homeric Moly, and Nepenthes, and the whole story of Oirce, con

who alludes
on the
quality absent.
to say.


' The fame which he had acquired in Samos had reached Sardis before Darius discovereil his presence whole niot>t likely that contagiousness is a among the captives taken from Oroetes (Herod, lii. of morbid condition which may be present or 129). ' The best known name amongst the pioneers of What the conilllioii.s are no one seems al>le As an Instance, elcpbiiniiiwix was said by early Greek niediciil science is Hcrodicus of Selymbria, " qui KhaZcs) to lie cont'i)|;iou8, totam gyinnasticnni niedidnu; ailjunxit " for which (. Aretn'iis and




that but iiifereiitinlly.

It sc-eiiis




was censupMl by Hiiipocrates (Biblioili. Srn/it. Med The alllnncc. however, of the iaTpixTJ with th kud denial are so cle.'ir and eirrunislnntial in either 8. v.). VMP that nr Ptlir solution m><'|iis o|>cd to the qnes- yvuvaaTiKTi l familiar to us fmin the Dialogues cf


inodiTii aullmritii'.- deny.







siani and Egyptians, the metliod and maxims of



that Father of physic, who wrote against the theand speculations of the so-called philosophical ^school, and was a true Empiricist before that

of historical detail, and of a strict analogy founded upon observation and the resemblance of phenom-

The Dogmatic school was was fornmlarized. founded after his time hy his disciples, who departed from his eminently practical and inductive method. It recognized hidden causes of iiealth and sickness arising from certain supposed principles or elements, out of which bodies were composed, and by virtue of which all their parts and members were attempered He has some together and became sympathetic. cm'ious remarks on the sympathy of men with climate, seasons, etc. Hippocrates himself rejected supernatural accounts of disease, and especially deHe refers, but with no mysmoniacal possession. tical sense, to numbers " as furnishing a rule for It is remarkable that he extols the discernrases. ment of Orientals above Westerns, and of Asiatics The emEuropeans, in medical diagnosis.'' above pirical school, which arose in the third century n. ., under the guidance of Acron of Agrigentum, Serapion of Alexandria, and Philinus of Cos, " waited for the symptoms of every case, disregarding the rules of practice based on dogmatic princiAmong its votaries was a Zachalias (perhaps ples Zacharias, and possibly a Jew) of Uabylon, who

ena " (Dr. Adams, Pnul. yEyin. ed. Sydenham Soc). This school, however, was o])posed by another, known as the Methodic, which had arisen under the leading of Themison, also of Laodicea, about the Asclepiades paved period of Pompey the Great./ '" in question, finding a the way for the "method theoretic 'J basis in the corpuscular or atomic theory of physics which he borrowed from Heraclides of He had p;ussed some early years in AlexPontus. andria, and thence came to Kome shortly before Cicen/s time (comp. quo 7ios medico amicoque usi

Crassus, ap. Cic.





He was

a transitional link between the Dogmatic and Empiric schools and this later or Methodic (Sprengel, ub. sup. pt. v. 16 ), which sought to rescue medicine from the bewildering mnss of particulars in which empiricism had plunged it. He reduced diseases to two classes, chronic and acute, and endeavored likeIn the mean while the wise to simplify remedies. most judicious of medical theorists since Hippocrates, Celsus of the Augustan period, had reviewed









and not professing any

distinct teaching,





comp. xxxvi. 10) dedi-

Musa, whose -'cold-water cure," after its successful on Augustus himself, became generally popidar, seems to have had little of scientific basis; but by icine; as also by a Jew named Theodas, or Theu- the usual inethod, or the usual accidents, became das,e of Laodicea, but a student of Alexandria, and merely the fashionable practitioner of his day in

cated a book on medicine to jMithridates the Great views were also supported '' by Herodotus of Tarsus, a place which, next to Alexandria, became distinguished for its schools of philosophy and med-

but borrowing from all, may be viewed as He translated Hippocrates largely verbatim, quoting Antonius in a less degree Asclepiades and others.

the last, or nearly so, of the luiipiricists whom its The remarks of Theudas on the schools produced. right method of observing, and the v&lue of expe-







after the period

of Celsus, Athenajus, the

book on medicine, now lost, in which he arranged his subject under the heads of indicaloria, curutorin, and sn/ubiia, earned him high reputation as a champion of Empiricism against the reproaches of the dogmatists, though they were subsequently impugned by Galen and Theodosius His period was that from Titus to of Tripoli. " The empiricists held that observation Hadrian. and the application of known remedies in one case to others presumed to be similar constitute the Tliough their whole art of cultivating medicine. views were narrow, and their information scanty when compared with some of the chiefs of the other Beets, and although they rejected as useless and unattainable all knowledge of the causes and recondite



leader of the last of the schools of medicine which divided the ancient world, under the name of the

"Pneumatic," holding the tenet " of an

{iTv^vfj.a) residing


in the microcosm,


means of


mind performed the


of the body."

This is also traceable in Hippocwas an established opinion of the Stoics. It was exemplified in the innate heat, 6p^7) iix(pvTOS (Aret. de Cans, e.t Sign. Murb. Chron. ii. 13), and the adulum inmUum of moderj physiologists, especially in the 17th century (Dr


Soc). It is have contributed to form the medical opinions current at

Areiceiis, ed.

Adams, Pief.


clear that all

these schools



of diseases, it is undeniable that, besides personal experience, they freely availed themselves


the period of the N. T., that the two earlier among them may have influenced rabbinical teaching on that subject at a much earlier period, and that especially at the time of Alexander's visit to Jerusa-

a Thus the product of seven and forty gives the torm of the days of gestatina in his Trepl vovcrtov S,

why men

died, ev rrjcn wepKrarja-i, tuiv ijfjiepeMV,



tussed so the 4th, 8th, 11th. and 17th, are noted as the critical days in acute diseases. b Sprengel, ub. sup. iv. 52-5, speaks of an AlexanJrian school of medicine as having carried anatomy, especially under the guidance of Hierophilus, to its It seems not, highest pitch of ancient perfection. however, to have claimed any distinctive principles, but stands chronologically between the Dogmatic and

e The authorities for these statements about Theudas are given by Wuiiderbar, Biblisck-Talmudische Medicin, Ites Heft, p. 25. He refers among others to Talmud, Tr. Nasir, 52 6 to Tosiphta Ohlot/t, iv. and to Tr. Snnfudrin, 33 a, 9Sd; Bfchoroth, 286. / "Alia est Hippocratis secta [the Dogmatic], alia Asclepiadis, alia Themisouis " (Seneca, Episi. 95 ; corny

Juv. Sat. X. 221). </ For his remains see Asclepiadis Bithynici Fm^menta, ed. Christ. Gottl. Gumpert, 8o. Vinar. 1794. h Female medical aid appejirs to have been current at Rome, whether in midwif_ry only (the obstetric), or Empiric schools. e The former of these wrote against Hippocrates, the in general practice, as the titles medica, laTpixri, would The Greeks latter was a commentator on him (Sprengel, ub. sup. seem to imply (see Martial, Epi^. xi. 72). were not strangers to female study of medicine f iv. 81). d It treats of a stone called hematite, to which the some fragments of the famous Aspasia on wnmwn'n <lu author ascribes great virtues, especially as regards the orders occur in Aetius.





favored and protraditional

ascribed to the mandrake, in had an opportunity of largely gathering regard to generative functions, relates to the same from the medical lore of the West. It was neces- branch of natural medicine; but throughout this lary therefore to jiass in hrief review the growth of jieriod occurs no trace of any attempt to study, the latter, and esjiecially to note the points at which digest, and systematize the subject, liut, its Israel \t intersects the medical progress of the .Jews. grew and multiplied in I'-u'vpt, they derivetl doubtGreek .\siatic medicine cnlminated in tialeii, who less a large menL-il cultivation from their position, wa-s, however, still liiit a commentator on his west- until cruel policy turned it into bondage; even then ern preilecessors, and who stands literally without Moses was rescued from the lot of his brethren, and rival, successor, or disciple of note, till the period became learned in all the wi.--:dom of the Kgyptians, when tireek learning reawakenc<l by the including, of course, medicine and cognate sciences Arabian intellect, (inlen himself" helongs to the (Clem. Alex. i. p. 41.'J), and those attainments perl)eriod of the .Antonines, liut he ai)pears to have haps Ijecame suggestive of future lav/s. Some pracl>eeii acquainted with the writings of Moses, and tical skill in metallurgy is evident from Ex. xxxiL to have travelled in (piestof merlical experience over 20. But, if we admit ICgyptian learning as an inEgy])t, Syria, and Palestine, as well as (Iretce, and gredient, we should also notice how far exalted a large part of the West, and, in ]jarticular, to have al)Ove it is the standard of the whole Jewish legis%Tsitc<l the hanks of the .Jordan in quest of opohal- lative fiibric, in its exeinjition from the blemishes of samum, and the coasts of tlie Dead .Sea to ol)t:iin .sorcery and jngKling jiretenses. The priest, who samples of bitumen. lie also mentions I'alestine liiwi to pronounce on the cure, used no means to as producing a watery \vine, suited for the drink of advance it, and the whole regulations prescribed

the .lewish peojjle,


febrile patients.

exclude the notion of trafficking


popular super-

Having thus described the influences stition. We have no occult practices reserved in which, if any, were probably most inHiiential in the hands of the sacred caste. It is (iod alone forming the medical practice of the Hebrews, we who doeth great things, working by the wand of may tnice next its internal growth. The cabalistic Moses, or the brazen serpent; but the very mention legends mix up the names of .Shem and Heber in of such instruments is such as to expel all pretense their fables about healing, and ascrilie to those of mysterious virtues in the things themselves. patriarchs a knowledge of simples and rare roots, Hence various allusions to God's " healing mercy," with, of course, ma^ic spells and occult powers, and the title ".Jehovah that healeth" (Ex. xv. 26; such as have clouded the history of medicine from Jer. xvii. 14, xxx. 17; Ps. ciii. 3, cxlvii. 3; Is. xxx. the earliest times down to tlie 17th century.* So 2(j). Nor was the practice of jjhysic a privilege of to .Vbraham is ascril cd a talisman, tiie touch of the Jewish priesthood. Any one might practice it, which healed all dis'-.ise. We know tliat such sim- and this publicity must have kept it pure. Nay, ple surgical skill as the operation for circumcision there was no Scriptural bar to its practice by resiimplies was .-Vbraham's; but severer operations dent aliens. We read of " physicians," " healing," than this are constantly retjuired in the flock and etc., in Ex. xxi. liJ; 2 K. viii! 2U 2 Thr. xvi. 12; herd, and those who watch carefully the habits of Jer. viii. 22. At the same time the greater leisure animals can hardly fail to amass some guiding of the 1-evitcs and their other advantages would principles applicable to man and lieast alike. I5e- make them the .students of the nation, as a rule, in yond this, there was proljably nothing but such all .science, and their constant residence in cities ordinary obstctriial cnift as has always been tradi- would give them the opjwrtunity, if carried out in tional among the women of rude tribes, which could fact, of a far wider field of observation. The reign be classed as medical lore in the family of the of peace of Solomon's days must have opened, patriarch, until his sojourn brought him among the especially with renewed Egyptian intercourse, new more cultivated I'hilistines and Kgy])tians. The facilities for the study. He himself seems to have only notices whi..h .Scripture aflbrds in connection included in his favorite natural history some know!' with the subject are the cases of ditficult midwifery edge of the medicinal uses of the creatures. His in the successive households of Isaac ,<' .lacob, and works show him conversant with the notion of .ludah ((!en. xxv. 20. xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 27 J, and remedial treatment (I'rov. iii. 8, vi. 15, xii. 18, xvii. 80, later, in that of Pliineli;is (1 Sam. iv. 19). The 22, XX. .30, xxix. 1; Eccl. iii. ;J); and one passage

o The Ai<ib8, however, continued to build wholly upon llippocnitus and Ualen, save in o far as their advance in clicuiical Hoienoe improved tln-ir pliannacottiis may be seen on reference to the worlds of poeia Kliazes, a. D. 930, and Italy Abbas, A. D. 1)80. The first mention of small|>ox is ascribed to Kbozcs, who, however, quotes several earlier writers on the sulijcct.

Mnhannned himself ix sjiid to liiive been versed in medicines and to liavc ronipiled snuie aphorisms ii|>on It and a lierliaKst liteniture was always exten;

ively fiiilnwod in
b See, in

llie K'ist

from the days of Solomon

downwards (Krelnd's


of MftJicine,U.

6, 27).

of this. Royal and Practical IJiymislry, in three treati.tes, Ixindnn, 1670. e Doubts hare been raised as to the possibility of hut twins being l)orn, one holdin); the other's Ini-l there docs not soeni any sur-h limit to tlic operations (((({(-ctlnn on tliiit wore would imply. of nature as any ARer all, it was (icrhaps only Just such a ndative po;

otton of the limbs of Uic inbnts at the

mere moment

of birth as would suggest the " holding by the heel." The midwives, it seems, in case of twins, were called ypon to distinguish the first-born, to whom important The t>ingou a thread or ribprivileges appertained. bon was an easy way of preventing niistul<e, and tlie assistant in the case of Tauiar seiajd the earliest pos" When the hand or foot sible moment for doing it. . of a living child protrudes, it is to l>e pushed up and the licad made to present"' (Paul. JE^in. ed. Syilenh. .^oc. i. 048, llipjKxr. quoted by Dr. Adams). at the sjinie time This probably tlio midwife did marking him as first-born in virtue of lieing thus " presented " first. Tlic precise meaning of tlio doubtful expression in Gen. xxxviii. 27 and marg. is discussed by Wundertiar, tib. sup. p. 50, in reference both Of Ilm-hel a Jewto the rlilldn'n and to tlie mother. ish rominentator siiys, " Multis etiam ex itinere difflcultatilius pnrKre-''^ls. viriliu.<iue post diu protrartof dolores exhaustis, atonia uteri, forsan quidem hmn orrhagia in pariendo niortua est " iilnd \
. ;

p. 18(J7 f.)

sickness of


indicates considerable knowledge of



certainly so de-

scribed as to imply treachery on the part of Hazael is the universal " Yet the observation of Lruce, upon has even been thought (2 K. viii. 15). he had recourse to the shrine of yEscuIapius at a "cold-water cure" practiced among the people Sidon, and enriched his resoux'ces by its records or near the Ked Sea, has suggested a view somewhat Tlie bed-clothes are soake<l with cold relics; but there seems some doubt whether this different. Solomon, how- water, and kept thoroughly wet, and the patient temple was of such high antiquity. But the crisis, it seems, ever, we cannot doubt, would have turned to the drinks cold water freely. account, not only of wealth but of knowledge, his occurs on the third day, and not till the fifth is If the peaceful reign, wide dominion, and wider renown, it there usual to apply this treatment. and would have sought to traffic in learning, lis chamberlain, through carelessness, ignorance, or


His repute in magic


lenie of eastern story-

well as in

wheat and gold.

To him







fatal *

ascribe a " volume of cures "


serpent," once the means of healing, and wor which they make frequent mention (Fabricius, shipped idolatrously in Hezekiah's reign, is supJosephus {Ant. V. P. i. 10-43 f.). posed to have acquired those honors under its viii. 2) mentions his knowledge of medicine, and This notion is not inconsistent



may have

suddenly resulted.


" brazen

Cod. Pseudep.

the use of spells by him to expel demons who cause sicknesses, " which is continued among us," he adds,
' The dealings of various prophets to this time." with quasi-medical agency cannot be regarded as other than the mere accidental form which their miraculous gifts took (1 K. xiii. 6, xiv. 12, xvii.

dition has invested Elisha,

Jewish tra21). would seem, with a function more largely medicinal than that of the other servants of (iod; but the Scriptural evidence on the point is scanty, save that he appears to have
17; 2 K.

4, xx. 7;

Is. xxxviii.

at once the proper means to apply to heal the waters, and temper the noxious pottage (2 K. His healing the Shunammite's ii. 21, iv. 39-41). son has been discussed as a case of suspended ani-


^Esculapian aspect. with the Scripture narrative, though not therein traceable. It is supposed that something in the " volume of cures," current under the authority of Solomon, may have conduced to the establishment of these rites, and drawn away the popular homage, especially in prayers during sickness, or thanksThe stategiving after recovery, from Jehovah. ment that King Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 12) "sought nut to Jehovah, but to the physicians," may seem to countenance the notion that a rivalry of actual worship, based on some medical fancies, had been set up, and would so far support the Talmudical

The Captivity

at Babylon brought the Jews in

new sphere of thought. Their mation, and of animal magnetism apj^lied to resus- chief men rose to the highest honors, and an citate it; but the narrative clearly implies that the improved mental culture among a large section of death was real. As regards the leprosy, had the the captives was no doubt the result which they Jordan commonly possessed the healing power imported on their return.*' AVe know too little of which Naaman's faith and obedience found in it, the precise state of medicine in Babylon. Susa, and would there have been " many lepers in Israel in the the " cities of the JMedes," to determine the direcdays of Ehseus the prophet," or in any other days? tion in which the impulse so derived would have
with a

be taken have been

but the confluence of streams of thought from opposite sources, which impregnate founded on any succession of lepers each other, would surely produce a tendency to sift The washing was a part of the enjoined established practice and accepted axioms, to set up a healed. lustration of the leper qflt^r his cure was complete; new standard by which to try the current rules of art, Naaman was to act as though clean, like the " ten and to determine new lines of inquiry for any eager men that were lepers," bidden to "go and show spirits disposed to search for truth. Thus the visit in either case it was of Democedes to the court of Darius, though it ihemselves to the priest " as thou hast beheved, so be it done unto thee."

our Lord's words (Luke


27) are to

led the exiles;


Elisha's reputation could not


much there were magicians in Egypt, but physicians Josephus {Ant. viii. 2) mentions a cure of one also (see above) of high cultivation. Human nature poi^essed witli a devil by the use of some root, the has so great an interest in human life, that only in the knowledge of which was referred by tradition to Sol- savage rudimentary societies is its economy left thus The earliest steps of civilizaomon. involved in phantasms. Of course superProfessor Newman remarks on the manner of Ben- tion include something of medicine. " when a man is so near stitions are found copiously involved in such medical hadad's recorded death, that to death that this will kill him, we need good evi- tenets, but this is not equivalent to abandoning the dence to show that the story is not a vulgar scandal " study to a class of professed magicians. Thus in the {Hebrew Alotiarchy, p. 180, note). The remark seems Ueberrtste der allbabyloni schen Litf.ratur, p. 123, by D. to betray ignorance of what is meant by the crisis of Chwolson, St. Petersb. 1859 (the value of which is not a fever. however yet ascerUiined), a writer on poisons claims c Wunderbar, whom the writer has followed in a to have a magic antid."*e. but declines stating what it large portion of this general review of Jewish medi- is, as it is not his business to mention such things, cine, and to whom his obligations are great, has here and he only does so in cases where the charm is in He regards con!:.ection with medical treatment and resembles it set up a view which appears untenable. the Babylonian Captivity as parallel in its effects to the magicians, adds the same writer on another occathe Egyptian bondage, and seems to think that the sion, use a particular means of cure, but he declines On to impart it, having a repugnance to witchcraft. So people would return debased from its influence. the contrary, those whom subjection had made ignoble (pp. 125, 126) we find traces of charms introduced into md unpatriotic would remain. If any returned, it Babylonish treatises on medical science, but apoloSimiwas a pledge that they were not so impaired and, if getically, and as if against sounder knowledge. aot impaired, thsy would be certainly improved by larly, the opinion of fatalism is not without its iaduthe discipline they had undergone. He also thinks eace on medicine but it is chiefly resorted to where, that sorcery had the largest share in any Babylonian as in pestilence often happens, all kuovn aid secv


Persi&n system of medicine.







late to

could hardly have failed to be conversant With all the leading opinions current down to his own time.

jeems to he an isolated Aict, points to a peneral opening of oriental manners to Greek influence,

some Situated between the great schools of Alexandria That great and Cilicia, witliin easy sea-transit of both, as well refoniier, witli tlie leaders of national thought as of the western homes of science, Antioch enjoyed galliered ahout him, could not fail to recognize a more central position than any great city of the medicine among the salutary measures which dis- ancient world, and in it accordingly all the streams tinguishe<l his epoch. And wliatever advantages of contemporary medical learning may have prol)the I^evites had possessed in earlier days were now ably found a point of confluence. The metlicine Bpce<IUy lost even as regards the study of the divine of the N. T. is not solely, nor even chiefly, Jewish Law, and much more therefore as regards that of medicine; and even if it were, it is clear that the medicine, into which comjjetitors would crowd in more mankind became mixed by intercijui-se, the pro[)ortion to its broader and more olivious human more medical opinion and practice must have ceased interest, and effectually demolish any narrowing to be e-xcUisive. The great numlier of .lews resi.. barriers of established privilege, if such previously dent in Borne and Greece about the Christian era, existed. and the successive decrees by whicli their banish, It may be observed tliat the i)riests in their ment from the former was proclaimed, must have
leave its traces in

was not too


of the coiitem|)oraries of

ministrations, who performed at all seasons of the year barefoot on stone pavement, and witliout perhaps any variation of dre.- to meet (hat of temlii ,ile to sickness." Hence the [wrrnanent a|)pointmLnt of a Temple physician has been sujiposeil by some, and a certain Ben-

perature, were i)eculiarly

imported, even into Palestine, whatever from the West w.os best worth knowing; and we may be .ia sure that its medicine .and surgery expanded under these influences, as that, in the writings of the Talmudists, such obligations would be unacknowledged. But, beyond this, the growth of large mercantile

mentioned by W'nnderbar as occurring communities such as existed in Itonie, Alexandria, in that capacity. But it rather .Vntiocli, and Ephesus, of itself involves a jjeculiar appears as though such an officer's appointment sanitary condition, from the mass of human elements were precarious, and varied with the demands of gathered to a focus imder new or abnormal circumthe ministrauts. stances. Nor are the words in which an eloquent The book of l''cclesiasticus shows the increased modern writer describes the course of this action regard given to the distinct study of medicine, by less api)licable to the case of an ancient than to the repeated nifutiou of pliysicians, etc., which it that of a modern metropolis. " l)ise<ses once incontains, and which, .is probably belonging to tiie digenous to a section of humanity are slowly but period of the Ptolemies, it migiit be expected to surely creeping up to commercial centres from show. The wisdom of prevention is recogni:ied in whence they will be rapidly jjropagated. t)ne form Ecclus. xviii. 19, perliaps also in .\. 10. Bank and of Asiatic leprosy is approacliing the Levant from honor are said to be the portion of the physician, Arabia. Tlie history of every disease which is and his office to be from the Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, communicated from tnan to man estalilishes this repeated allusions to sickness in vii. .3.5, melancholy truth, that ultimately such maladies 12). The XXX. 17, xxxi. 22, xxxvii. -30, xxxviii. 9, coupled overleap all obstacles of climate, and demonstrate with the former recognition of merit, have caused a solidarity in evil as well as in good among the some to suppose that this autlior was himself a brotherhood of nations." ^ In proportion as this physician. " melancholy trutii " is [icrceived, would an interIf he was so, the power of mind and wide range of observation shown in his work would communication of medical .science prevail give a favorable imi)ression of the standard of The medicine and surgery of St. Luke, then, pnictitioiiers; if he was not, the great general popu- jirobably not infierior to that commonly in delarity of the study and jiractice may be inferred mand among educated Asiatic Greeks, and must from its thus becoming a connnon topic of general have been, as regards its basis, Greek medicine, advice offered by a non-jirofe.ssional writer. In and not .lewish. Hence a standard Gentile med^Visd. xvi. 12, plaister is spoken of; anointing, as ical writer, if any is to be found of that j)eriod, a means of healing, in To|i. vi. 8. would best represent the profession to which the




N. T.




the subject to the period of the "the beloved physician," who

Evangelist l>elonged.

practiced at Antioch w-hilst the body


his care,


Without ab.soiute certainty we seem to 'have such a writer in commonly called " the C'appadocian,"

o Thus wu
1746, referred
6 This




Morhi.s .SiircrilnUim, Ilafn.

dcuioniau agency in disease.


t<) bv WumlerUir, Istcs Heft, p. GO. not the |iliice to introduce auy discu.'<sion on the language of ,'^t. Luke it amy be observed, bowevor, that it appears oftcu tinctured by his cjirly

His words are itprfw oAAuf 7rpo^a<7ia(, ue'ycSo? Tov xaxov, Uphy yap to fiffa- ^ tijo'tos ova








Sai'fiovo! 6dfi)










^. v. IS, napa\c\vix<:roi, tile correct term,

ln.xlcad of tlio

popular n-npoAuTtito? of


Matthew and

Mark; so viii. 44. {(tttj i) pi'o-n, in.stead of the apparently llcbnii.iti') phrase e'frjpai-eij rj Tnjyi) of the latter; so vi. I'J, (oto Trdn-a?, where Sif(Tui0r)(Ta.v and itrui^ovTO are u.^eil by the others; and viii. 66. ini7Tpei/(f


{De Cans, el Sii^ii. Morb. Cliron. \. on Matt. iv. 24.) Dr. Ferguson, Pre/. Kinni/ to (ionrh on DiffOMS

[See Wetstein's note

ns thoU(;h a token of animation nrturuing and the list iniglit eail\' be enlarged. St. I.uke abmuids in the narnitiTes of de-



(the breath


nf Women, New Sydenham Society, Lotidon, 1869, p. xWi. He adds, " Such has been the case with sniallgiox, mciuiles, scarlatina, and the plague The .yellow lever has lately ravaged Lisbon vuider a leiniieniture perfectly similar to that of London or Paris."
. . .


The date here given


moniiu'S, while IIip|KM'nite.H repudi:ites such intlucnre,

tory review of .\reta'us"s

Ilcierhiuivo's edition

favored by the Introducand writings prefixed to








subject diKeu.i.'<cd in the Notes on the "Sacred Digauiea " In the Sydeuh. Soc. ed. of Hippocr. AroiMUS, OD



voc. Artlaii.i.






A view

of lii:* works, and by Dr. Urcen Dirtionnry of Biog. and Mi/l/i. sub that he was about u. ceulur;

contemporary, in short, of Uuleu



wi'ote certainly after

science, or as


Nero's reign began, and


sui Juris through being proved

probably flourished shortly before and after the aecade in which St. Paul readied Koine and Jerusalem fell. If he were of St. Luke's age, it is striking that he should also be perhaps the only ancient medical authority in favor of demoniacal possession as a possible account of epilepsy (see p. 18(j0, note
If his country be rightly indicated by his surname, we know that it gave him the means of intercourse with both the Jews and the Christians of the Apostolic period (Acts ii. 9; 1 Pet. i. 1).

It is very likely that

Tarsus, the nearest place of

academic repute to that region, was the scene of at any rate the earlier studies of Aretasus, nor would any chronological difficulty prevent his having been with the operation for the stone in the bladder, a pupil in medicine there when Paul and also, per- and prescribes, as Celsus also does, the use of the haps, Barnabas were, as is protial)le, pursuing their catheter, where its insertion is not prevented by early studies in other sulijects at the same spot. inflammation, then the incision c into the neck of Aretseus, then, assuming the date above indicated, the bladder, nearly as in modern lithotomy. Hia may be taken as expounding the medical practice views of the internal economy were a strange mix;

by his own experience. The freedom with which he follows or rejects earlier opinions, has occasioned him to be classed by some amongst the eclectic school. His work is divided into I. the causes and signs of (1) acute, and (2) chronic diseases; and II. the- curative treatment of (1) acute, and (2) chronic diseases. His boldness of treatment is exempUfied in his selection of the vein to be opened in a wide range of parts, the arm, ankle, tongue, nose, etc. He first has a distinct mention of leeches, which Themison is said to have introduced and in this respect his surgical resources appear to be in advance of Celsus. He was familiar

of the Asiatic (ireeks in tiie latter half of the first

ture of truth and error, and the disuse of









was no doubt the reason why

in the

individuality in his work, more especially minute verbal portraiture of disease. That of pulmonary consumption in particular is traced with the careful description of an eye-witness, and


with a curious





fingers, slender


was the weak point of his teaching. He held that the work of producing the blood pertained to the liver, " which is the root of the veins; " that the bile was distributed from the gall bladder to the intestines; and, if this vesica became gorged, the bile was thrown back into the veins, and l)y them diffused

hollow glazy eye, cadaverous look and hue, the waste of muscle and startling prominence of bones, the scapula standing off like the wing of a bird as also the habit of body marking youthful predisposition to the maladv, the thin veneer-like frames, the limbs like pinions," the prominent throat and shallow chest, with a remark that moist and cold climates are the haunts of it (Aret. Trepl (pdicreo'i)His work exhibits strong traits here and there of the Pneumatic school, as in his statement regarding lethargy, that it is frigidity implanted by nature; concerning elephantiasis even more emphatically, that it is a refrigeration of the innate heat, "or rather a congelation as it were one great winter of the system." * The same views betray themselves in his statement regarding the blood, that it is the warming principle of all the parts; that diabetes is a sort of dropsy, lioth exhibiting the watery principle; and that the effect of white hellebore is as that of fire: "so that whatever fire does b}' burning, hellebore effects still more by penetrating inwardly." The last remark shows that he gave some scope to his imagination, which indeed we

over the system.

He regarded the nerves as the source of sensation and motion and had some notion of them as branching in pairs from the spine." Thus he has a curious statement as regards paraJ


the head,

that in the case of any sensational point beloiu e. y. from the membrane of the spinal
attijcted injuriously,

marrow being

the parts on the

right side will be paralyzed

the nerve toward the

right side be hurt, and similarly, conversely, of the

left side; l)ut that if the head itself be so affected, the inverse law of consequence holds concerning the parts related, since each nerve passes over to the other side from tliat of its origin, decussating each

The doctrine other in the form of the letter X. of the Pneuma, or ethereal principle existing in the microcosm by which the mind performs all the
functions of the body, holds a more prominent position in the works of Aretmus than in those of any
of the other authorities (Dr.


pref. to Aret.

pp. X., xi.). He was aware that the nervous function of sensation was distinct from the motive

power; that either might cease and the other conHis pharmacopoeia is copious and reasontinue.


illustrate from some of his pathological dee. that of elephantiasis, where the ff. resemblance of the beast to the afflicted human being is wrought to a fanciful parallel. Allowing for such overstrained touches here and there, we may say that he generally avoids extravagant crotcliets, and rests chiefly on wide observation, and on the common sense which sobers theory and rationalizes facts. He hardly ever quotes an authority; and though much of what he states was taught before it is dealt with as the common property of


and the limits of the usefulness of this or that drug are laid down judiciously. He makes large use of wine,^ and prescribing the kind and the number of cyrtthi to be taken; and some words of his on stomach disorders (jr^pl /capSiaAyiTjs) forcibly recall those of St. Paul to Timothy (1 Tim. V. 23), and one might almost suppose them to have been suggested by the intenser spirituality of hia

" Sitch disorders," lewish or Christian patients. he says, " are common to those who toU in teaching,

whose yearning


after divine instruction,



ranced in the Syd. Soc. edition, and ably supported. (I Sprengel (iih. sup. iv. 52-5) thinks that an approxStill the evidence, being purely negative, is slender, imately right conception of the nervou.s system wai md the opposite arguments are not taken into ac- attained by Hierophilus of the Alexandrian school of

e(x(/>vTou 6ep)j,ov


" TTTcpuycoSees. 'I'lijis o-tI toO


tdyos, Ciron.

eV Ti lae'ya

ov x^'f** '^^ Cans,

fxiKpa. re,



Sign. Morb.

e Galen (H;/g. v.) strenuously recommends the use of wine to the aged, stating the wines best adapted to them. Even Plato (Leg. ii.) allows old men thus t restore their youth, and correct the austerity of a

e Tafiveiv rriv rpCxaSa KaX toi/ ttj; kucttiSos Tpax7j\ov.




pise delicate and varied diet, wliose nourisliment corides. The third volume of Pniilus yEgin. (ed And as a .Sydenham Soc.) contains a catalogue of medicines is fasting, and wliose drink is water." purge of nielanciioly lie presiTihes " a little wine, siuiple and compound, and the large proportion in and some other more liberal sustenance." In liig which the autliority of Dioseorides has contribute*' essay on K<iusus, or "brain " " fever, he describes to form it, will be manifest at the most cursory in
the |wwers aoijuired b} the soul before dissolution in the following remarkable words: " ICvcry sense



abridge such a sulject





to transcribe

in the

most meagre form would

pure, the intellect acute, the gnostic powers proplace their

phetic; for they prognosticate to themselves in the



dei)arture from


then they



will afterwards

take place to those

be far beyond the limits of this article. liefore proceeding to the examination of disea-ses in detail, it may be well to observe that the ques tion of identity between any ancient malady known

who (ixncy sometimes that they are delirious but these jwrsons wonder at the result of what has been said. tJthcrs, also, talk to certain of the dead, perchance they alone perceiving them to be present, in virtue of their acute and i)ure sense, or perchance from their soul seeing beforehand, and announcing the men with whom they are about to associate. For formerly they were immersed in humors, as if in mud and darkness; but when the dTisease has drained these off, and taken away the mist from their eyes, they perceive those things which are in the air, and through the soul being unencumbered 'lo those who wish furbecome true prophets." ther to pursue the study of medicine at this era, the edition of Arotceus by the Sydenham Society, nd in a less degree that liy IJoerhaave (Lugd: Hat. 17;J5), to which the references have here been

by description, and any modern one known by experience, is often doulitful. .Some disea-ses, just as some plants and some animals, will exist almost anywhere; others can only be jjroduced within narrow limits depending on the conditions of climate, hai)it. etc. and were only equal observation

applied to the two, the liabilat of a disease might It is be map|)ed !is accurately as that of a plant.
also possible that


diseases once extensively


may run

their course


die out, or

occur only casually; just as it seems certain that, since the Middle Ages, some maladies have been introduced into Europe which were previously un-

known [BibUolh.



(ienev. IT^il,




Galen; Leclerc's History of

Par. 1723, transl. Lend. 1699; Freind's^w-

made, may I* recommended.


of this i)eriod

the general science of medicine and surgery may be represented by Aretfeus, so we

Lave nearly a representation of its Matirid Medial by l)ioscoride3. He too was of the same general and his first lessons region a Cilician Greek, His period is were probably learnt at Tai-sus. tinged by the same uncertainty as that of Aretttus; but he has usually been assigned to the end of the 1st or beginning of the 2d century (see Did.







He was



author of high mark wlio devoted his attention to Indee<l, this branch of ancient terized (Gen. xx. 18; Ex. xv. 26; Lev. xxvi. 16; JIdli-na Mcdiot. science remained as he left it till the times of the Deut. vii. 15, xxviii. 60; 1 Cor. xi. 30); so the Arabians; and these, though they enlarged the emerods (see EjiEROUS)<=of the Phihstines (1 Sam. supply of drugs and pharmacy, yet copy and repeat v. 6); the severe dysentery'' (2 Chr. xxi. 15, lit) of Dio.scorides, as indeed (ialen himself often does, on .lehoram, which was also epidemic [Buooi), I.SSUK Aliove 'JO minerals, OK; and Fkvkk], the peculiar synijjtom of which all common subject-matter. 700 plants, and 108 animal substances, are said to may i)erha|)s have been prolapsus nni (Dr. Mason
be described in the researches of I )ioscorides, dis- Good, i. 311-13, mentions a case of the entire colon playing an industry and skill which has remained exposed); or, perhaps, what is known as dinrrlicea the marvel of all subsequent couuncntators. Pliny, tidjidiiris, formed by the coagulation of fibrine into the copious, rare, and curious as he is, yet for want of a membrane discharged from the inner coat of mould of the bowel, and Bcientitic medical knowledge, is little esteemed in inte-stinea, which takes the " Diseases '%; so the this particular branch, save when he follows Dios- is thus expelled (Kitto, s. v.

of Med.). Eruptive diseases of the acute kind are more They prevalent in the I'^ast than in colder climes. also run their course more rapidly; e. (/. connnon itch, which in Scotland remains for a longer time vesicular, becomes, in Syria, pustular as early someThe origin of it is now times as the third day. supposed to be an acarus, but the parasite perishes when removed from the skin. Disease of various kinds is commonly regarded as a divine infliction, or denounced iis a penalty for transgression; " the evil diseases of Egypt" (perhaps in reference to some of the ten plagues) are especially so chantclury

o So Sir H. Halford renders it. Essay VI., in whicli occur some valuable comiuents ou the subject treated by ArutjEus. ft Arct. lie Si^v. ft Cans. Morb. Acitt. 11. 4. To the authorities there adduced may bo added Bnine reinarkH bv Mirlid b.vv (Trnilr d^Hiii;iiiif, 2lJ5-7), who nwribos them to a plethoric stjite producing a congestion of the veins of the rectum, nnil HlooJ Is ilischnrgcd from them rollowod l)y piles. thus the plethora is rcV'riodioally or oontlnuou.xly lleveil, nnil hence the nnrlent opliiicin that hemorrhoids Sanguineous llux of the part may, fre hciietlcial. however, arise from other ciinscs than these inricrs Wundcrliar ulnenition, raiicer. eto., of rectum. I. g.


but according to Lichtenstcin (in V. " mice ") Eichhom's BibUolh. vi. 407-t)6) a venomous solpuga U with some plausibility intended, so large, and so similar in form to u mouse, as to admit of its being denomiIt is said to destroy and nated by the sjinie word. live upon scorpions, and to attack in the |>arts alluded


but i'he reference given is I'liny, //. A', xxix. 4 I'liny gives merely the name, " solpugn " the rest ol See bt-low, the statement funis no foundation in him.

p. 18<;7.


(3tcs i/'^i, p.


has another

Interpretation of the " mice."

l^i-e a singular quotation from the Talmua(A*aO' till hittli, 82), eonrerning the effect of tenesmus on

\Bi'>-Tnlm. Mill.




nieiitionu a lilooaie.** kind,

Wnnderlmr, Bih.-Tal. Mril. 3tes lleft, The Talmudists s;iy that those who die of such







by the TiilniudiHts as oven more dnngerhe supposes meant In 1 Siun. v. To


ness ns .1ehinui>' die Bciousuass.

painfully, but with full oor




18) u

mention of





ludden deaths of Er, Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 7, 10), supposed to have the power of correcting (Gen. xx. " con sum p. the Eo;yptiaii ftrst-born (Ex. xi. 4, 5), Nabal, Bath- 18; comp. xii. 17, xxx. 1, 2, 14-10) sheba's son, and Jeroboam's (1 Sam. xxv. 38; 2 tion," b and several, the names of which are derived Sam. xii. 15; 1 K. xiv. 1, 5), are ascribed to action from various words, signifying to burn or to be hot of Jehovah inunediately, or throuj^h a prophet. (Lev. xxvi. 16; Dent, xxviii. 22; see Feveu) Pestilence (Hah. iii. 5) attends his path (comp. compare the kinds of fever distinguislied by Hip2 Sam. xxiv. 1.5), and is innoxious to those whom pocrates as Kavffos and irvp- The " burning boil," He shelters (Ps. xci. 3-10). It is by Jeremiah, or "of a boil" (Lev. xiii. 23, rn^r!^ J^?T?^


and Amos associated

(as historically in


xxiv. 13) with

"the sword" and "famine"


(.ler. xiv.

12, xv. 2, xxi. 7, 9, xxiv. 10, xxvii. 8, 13, xxix.



24, 36,

xxxiv. 17,
12, 17, vi.

ovKt) rov e\Kous), is again merely marked the notion of an eft'ect resembling that of fire, like the Greek (pXey/xovii, or our "carbuncle; " it


xxxviii. 2, xUi.

17, 22,

13; Ez.


possibly find an equivalent in the


11, 12. vii.


1.5, xii.

16, xiv. 21, xxxiii. 27;



boil of the present


The " botch ("JT]^')

The sicknesses of the widow's son of of Egypt" (Dent, xxviii. 27) is so vague a term as 10). Zarephath, of Ahaziah, Benhadad, the leprosy of to yield a most uncertain sense; the plague, as Uzziali, the boil of Hezekiah, are also noticed as known l)y its attendant bubo, has been suggested by diseases sent bv Jehovah, or in which He interposed, Scheuchzer.c It is possible that the Klephanliaais In 2 Sam. iii. 1 K. xvii. 17, 20; 2 K. i. 4, xx. 1. Grwcwum may be intended by ^^Htt', understood 2.), disease is invoked as a curse, and in Solomon's prayer, 1 K. viii. 37 (comp. 2 Chr. xx. 9), antici- in the widest sense of a continued ulceration until pated as a chastisement. Job and his friends agree the whole body, or the portion affected, may be
but the regarded as one ^"'HttJ. Of this disease some urge his sins as the cause. So, conversely, further notice will be taken below at present it is is invoked or promised, God same word is used to express Satanic observable that the Ps. vi. 2, xii. 3, ciii. 3; Jer. xxx. 17. This was certainly a the " boil " of Hezekiah. agency appears also as procuring disease. Job ii. 7 eruption, and was probably Luke xiii. 11, 16. Diseases are also mentioned as single locally confined a carbuncle, one of which may well be fetal, though ordinary calamities, e. (j. tlie sickness of old age, a single "boil" in our sense of tlie word seldom headache (perhaps by sunstroke), as that of tlie it to have been a fever Shunammite's son, that of Elisha, and tliat of Ben- is so. Dr. Mead supposes The diseases rendered terminating in an abscess. hadad, and that of Joram, Gen. xlviii. 1; 1 Sam. "scab " '' and " scurvy " in Lev. xxi. 20, xxii. 22, xxx. 13; 2 K. iv. 20, viii. 7, 20, xiii. 14; 2 Chr. Dent, xxviii. 27, may be almost any skin disease, xxii. 6. Among special diseases named in the 0. Test, is such as those known under the names of lepra,
in ascribing his disease to divine infliction; latter

the healing character of



icthyosis, favus,



ophthalmia (Gen. xxix. 17, XZ^Vp^ n'"1^?P), which

may be said to approach the type of leprosy [Lei'kosy] as laid down in Scripis perhaps more common in Syria and Egypt than anywhere else in the world; especially in tlie fig ture, although they do not appear to have involved season," the juice of the newly-ripe fruit having ceremonial defilement, but only a blemish disqualiThe quality of being the power of giving it. It may occasion partial or fying for the priestly office. The eye-salve {ko\- incurable is added as a curse, for these distotal blindness (2 K. vi. 18). \vpiop. Rev. iii. 18; Hor. Snt. i.) was a remedy eases are not generally so, or at any rate are com" common to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans (see mon in milder forms. The " ruiming of the reins Hippocr. KoWovpioVi Celsus, vi. 8, de oculorum (Lev. XV. 2, 3, xxii. 4, marg.) may perhaps mean


of these


barrenness of women, which mandrakes were

Trepl oi|/ios. a. bipOaXnCi)^ rrjs eneicix^apcrcs Kiif>a\rjg
(cat ivSrjjJiCov

(2) de dicersis collijrils).

Other diseases



7 with Josh. xxii. 17, there

we compare Num. xxv. 1, xxxi. is ground for thinking

o Oomp. Hippocr.




Possibly the pulmonary tuberculation of the West,




in Syria,

and common enough

save in of gonorrhoea in early times has been much disputed. Michel Levy (Tniidi it' Hijgicne, p. 7) considers the affirmative as estabUshed by the above passage, and says of syphilis, " Que pour notre part, nous n'avons jamais



the mild


some strong historical evidence view that it was introduced into France a root meaning " to waste away." In Zech. xiv. 12 a against the by Spanish troops under Gonzalvo de Cordova on their an plague is described answering to this meaning although no link of return from the New World, and so into the rest of Intense emaciation or atrophy it was know as the morbus Gallicus. causation is hinted at, such sometimes results from Europe, where

Smyrna and

in Egypt.

The word


pu considerer comme une nouveaute du






certainly gives

severe internal abscesses. 'y It should be noted


Epi'/emks, makes buboes, which affords presumption in favor of plague It is at any rate as old as the being not unknown. See Littre's Hippocrates, torn. ii. 1st century, A. D. iind iii. p. 5. The plague is referred to by p. 585, writers of the 1st century, namely, Poseidonius and Rulus. d Their terms in the respective versions are

that Hippocrates, in his mention of fevers attended with

la patliologie

adds, " La sjphilis est aucienne pai


perdue coufustjmout dans diversite de ses symp-

t>5mes et de ses alterations ; leur interpretation collective, et leur redaction en une seule unite morbide,

a fait croire a I'iutroduction d'une maladie nouvelle." See also Freind's History of Med., Dr. Mead, Michaelis, Reinhart {Bibelkrankheilen), Schmidt {Bibliscker Med.).




scabies jiigis.




and others. Wunderbar(B/6.- Ta/m. Meet. in. 20, commenting on Lev. xv., and comparing Mishna, Zabim, ii. 2, and Maimon. ad loc.) thinks that gonorrhoea benigna was in the mind of the latter wi-iters. Dr. Adams, the editor of Paul. JEgin. (Sydenh. Soc. ii. 14), considers syphilis a modiiied form of elephantiasis

ancient notices of the cognate diseases see thai

Or more probably


(mucous discharge). work,


593 foU.


disease of this class, derived from polsexiiiil

selves; and, if the face be the chief seat of the

daintercourse, remained anioni? the ease, it a.ssumes a leonine '^ aspect, loathsome and "issue" of Lev. xv. 10, may he hideous; the skin becomes thick, rugose, and livid; [Blood, i.ssuf. ui'J the mvnorrh<u/iti, the duration the eyes are fierce and .staring, and the hair genWhen of which in the is sometimes, when not checked enilly falls off from all the parts affected. by remedies, for an indefmite j)eriod (Matt. ix. '20), the throat is attacked the voice shares the affection, These two or uterine iieuiorrliaije from otiicr causes. In Deut. and sinks to a hoarse, husky whisper. xxviii. 3.5, is mentioned a di.sease attackins; tlie symptoms are eminently characteristic. The patient "knees and lens," consistin;; m a "sore hotel) will l)ecome bed-ridden, and, though a mass of which cannot lie he:iled," but extended, in the bodily corruption, seem happy and contented with sequel of the verse, from the ".sole of the foot to his sad condition, until sinking exhausted under





the top of the"

tation would

Tlie latter part of the quo-

the ravages of the disease, he


geuerally carried

It is herclitary, with l-'.h]>litinti(ish off, at least in Syria, by diarrhoea. Giwcoriim ; but this, if the whole verse be a mere and may be inoculated, but does not propagatfl eontiimation of one described malady, would be in itself by the closest contact e. g. two women in contradiction to the fact that this com- the aforesaid leper-huts remained uncontaminated mences in the face, not in the lower members. On though their husbands were both affected, and yet tlie other band, a disease which affects the knees the children born to them were, like the fathers,

certainly accord



or more connnonly one of them only

the proportions
is l)y


principal feature beint; intumescence, distorting; and

alterinij; all

and became so in early life. On the children of diseased parents a watch for the apele|)hantisiac,

of language

|)earance of the malady is kept; but no one is afraid Ar(tbum, of infection, and the neighbors mix freely with /tuciiemiti Tropica (Hayer, vol. iii. 820-841), or them, though, like the lepers of the O. T., they " Barbadoes lej^," from being well known in that live "in a several house." It became first previsland. Supposing, however, that the affection of alent in Europe during the crusades, and by their the knees and legs is something distinct, and that means was diffused, and the ambiguity of desigthe latter part of the description applies to the nating it le| then originated, and has been Elephiintl'isis Gmcoriiin,'' the incurable and the generally since retained. I'liny (Nft. Hist. xxvi. 5) all-pervading chamcter of the malady are well ex- a.sserts that it was unknown in Italy till the time This disease is what now of Pompey the Great, when it was imported from pressed by it. under the name of " leprosy " (Michaelis, iii. 259) Egypt, but soon became extinct {Paul. /Ef/in. ed. It is, however, broadly disthe lepers, e. (/ of the huts near the Zion gate Sydenh. Soc. ii. C). It lias tinguished from the \eirpa, AeuKTj, etc. of tho of modern .lerusalem are elepliantisiacs.'^ been asserted that there are two kinds, one painful, (ireeks by name and symptoms, no less than by the other painless: but as regards Syria and the IJouian medical and even popular writers; comp. East this is contradicted. There the parts aflijcted Lucretius, mention of it is the earliest are quite benumbed and lose sensation. It is classed " Est elephas morbus, qui propter tlumina Nili, Gignitur iEgy pto in media, neque prteterea usquam." as a tubercular disease, not confined to the skin, but pervading the tissues and destroying the bones. It is nearly extinct in Europe, save in Spain and It first It is not confined to any n^e or either sex. Norway. A case was seen lately in the Crimea, appears in general, but not always, about the face, but may have been produced elsewhere. It prevails as an indurated nodule (hence it is imi)roperly in Turkey and the Greek Archipelago. One case, called tubercular), which gra<lually enlarges, in- however, indigenous in England, is recorded Sometimes it conuuences amongst the medical fac-similes at Guy's Hospital. flames, and ulcerates. The ulcers will heal spon- In (iranada it generally fatal after eight or ten in the neck or arms. taneously, but only after a long period, and after years, whatever the treatment. destroying a great deal of the nei<;lil)oring parts. This favors the correspondence of this If a joint l)e attacked, the ulceration will go on till with one of those evil diseases of Egypt,.'' po.ssibly

a mere accident







comjilete, the joints of finger, toe,


dro|)pilig off

one by one.

Krightful dreams


fetid lireatli are


symptoms mentioned by some More nodules will develope themEle/iliunlittsis

" botch," threatened Deut. xxviii. 27, 35. This " botch," however, seems more probably to mean the foul ulcer mentioned by Aretwus {tie Sign, et


Morb. Acut.





by him


" Tlie Arab* call

Graconim |*'i\^



by his own experience,



(jV/.'iJ)= mutilation, from the gradual dropping olT They give to E. ot tho joints of the uxtreuiitles.

in cliildlxKl, as follows

in dissecting a woman " Corrupti fetus diiiiidia

pars in ufero






name of jLaaJI i-IO, D't-til-fU'~ from tho leg when swelled re.semblitif;

spargebatur aufugerent," etc.




Aperto utoro tarn imut non solum omnea adstantes thinks that the point of .Moses'



odor, which he luscribes to lepers,


that of tho


hut the latter

diseiise is quite



from tho foniier. For its ancient description see Celsus,


lonro called also Leonliasis.

Many have



25, dr

uted to these wreU'hed creatures a

(see Prnrifilinst
.hin. IS'TO,


il. '/'

Arte Ciiralnrirt



Ctnrro rl E/'pli) rocoinmonds viiwr's flesh, gives nnoodotcs of ciwes, and iidd< that tho di.sonler In llippix-r. {Pron/irlir. waj< common in Alexaiiiiria. li. np.Jiii.) is mcntiniu'd rj vov<to<: t) <lt0ii'iKri KaXtonitn], but in 'he glossary of (lalon is found, r] <t>oii'i(iT) vov<t<k' q rara I'oii'iVi)!' irol Kara To oraToAiKa f-rpi} nXtOfafovaa. AijAouafloi ti KavTav9a ioKti ^ eAl<^a>'Tla(r^. r Schilling ile I^prh, Ani>nn>lv. in Oiifffliiim ml yxoi. snvs, " persiiasiim hnbeo Irpnun iih elophnntliLsl


iiinrUs are taken).

of Mfd. ami Cliirurf;. Sor. of Lnnilcn, from which some of the above reThis is denied by Pr. Koljcrt Sim
of the

(from a close


in .Irrus:ileni), 9ae

in so fir as idleness


inactivity, with

animal wauta

may conduce






xxUl. he illustnife*


f .lahn {Heb. Ant. Uphain's translation, p. 206) denies this. .' The e<litorof PaiU. JEgin. (Sydenham Society. U 11) is convinced that tho syphilis of moden tlmei W niodlfled form of the clephantiasU

r f(T\<li)r).
So the




ascribes its frequency in

mixed vegetable diet there

Egypt a morbid habit of body brought on by uncleanliand to ness, suppressed perspiration, or neglect; but the
if it

the use of the turbid water of the Nile, but adds The Talmud that it is common in Ccelo-Syria.




in a


speaks of the Elephantiasis {Baba Kama, 80 b.) as being " moist without and dry within " (Wunderbar, Blblisch-Tidimidisiche Mtd. :3tes Heft, 10, 11).

Advanced cases are said and some " even class it

asserted that this,

to have a cancerous aspect,

as a form of cancel', a dis-

It has been which is perhaps the most dreadOrigen, ful disease of the East, was Job's malady. Hexipla on Job ii. 7, mentions, that one of the Greek versions gives it, loc. cit., as the affliction Wunderbar (nt .<*/>. p. 10) supwhich befell him. poses it to have been the Tyrian leprosy, resting chiefly on the itching* implied, as he supposes, by Schmidt {Bihlischer Med. iv. 4) Job ii. 7, 8. thinks the " sore boil " may indicate some graver

ease dependent on fiults of nutrition.


disease, or concurrence of diseases.

But there


no need to go beyond the statement of Scripture, which speaks not only of this " boil," but of " skin loathsome and broken," " covered with worms and clods of dust:" the second symptom is the result of the first, and the " worms " are probaidy the larvaa of some fly, known so to infest and make its nidus in any wound or sore exposed to the air, and The " clods of dust " to increase rapidly in size. would of course follow from his " sitting in ashes." The " breath strange to his wife," if it be not a figurative expression for her estrangement from him, may imply a fetor, which in such a state of

Dr. Alason Good (iv. 504-6), would produce one. cutaneous verspeaking of /xuKls, ^aAiao-juds mination, mentions a case in the Westminster Inopinion that universal phthiriasis firmary, and an was no unfrequent disease among the ancients; he also states (p. 500) that in gangrenous ulcers, especially in warm climates, innumerable grubs ov maggots will appear almost every morning. The camel, and other cre.atures, are known to be the There are also cases habitat of similar parasites. of vermination without any wound or faulty out ward state, such as the Vina Medtnensis, known in Africa as the Guinea-worm,' of which Galen had heard only, breeding under the skin and needing to be drawn out carefully by a needle, lest it lireak, when great soreness and suppuration succeed De Mandelslo's Trav(Freind, Hist, of .Med. i. 49 els, p. 4; and Paul. yE<jin. t. iv. Sydenh. Soc. ed.). In Deut. xxviii. 65, it is possible that a palpitation of the heart is intended to be spoken of (comp In Mark ix. 17 (compare Luke ix. (ien. xlv. 26). 38) we have an apparent case of epilepsy, shown

especially in
easily be a

the faiming, foiling, wallowing, and


symptoms mentioned this might The form of demoniacal manifestation. Sam. xiv. was merely the result of exhaustive fatigue; but it is remarkable that the Bulimia of which Xenophon speaks {.Anab. iv. 5, 7) was remedied by an applibody hardly requires explanation. The expression cation in which "honey" (coinp. 1 Sam. xiv. 27) my " bowels boiled " (xxx. "27) may refer to the was the chief ingredient. Besides the common injuries of wounding, bruisburning sensation in the stomach and bowels, caused Aretseus ing, striking out eye, tooth, etc., we have in Ex. by acrid bile, which is counnon in ague. {de Cur. Morb. Acui. ii. .3) has a similar expres- xxi. 22, the case of miscarriage produced by a blow,
similar violent

case of extreme hunger recorded 1

sion, OepfMaaif) tS)v aiTXiiyxv<>>i' o'lou kirh irvpSs,


as attending syncope. The " scaring dreams "

etc., damaging the fetus. The plague of " boils and blains "


not said to

are perhaps a

have been fatal to man, as the murrain preceding mind was to cattle; this alone would seem to contradict bewildered by unaccountable aSlictions. The in- the notion of Shapter {.Medic. Sncr. p. 113), that tense emaciation was (xxxiii. 21) perhaps the mere the disorder in question was smallpox,/ which,

and "terrifying visions "


mere symptom

of the state of

result of protracted sickness.



has appeared, until mitigated by vac-

disease of king Antiochus (2 Mace. ix. 5-10, &c.) is that of a boil breeding worms {ulcus ver-


cination, has been fatal to a great part, perhaps a

majority of those seized. The smallpox also genSo .Sulla, Pherecydcs, and Alcman the erally takes some days to pronounce and mature, poet, are mentioned (Pint viln SulliF.) as similar which seems opposed to the Mosaic account. The cases. The examples of both the Herods (.los. Ant. expression of Ex. ix. 10, a " boil " ff flourishing, or xvii. 6, 5, B. J. i. 3.3, o) may also be adduced, ebullient with l)lains, may perhaps be a disease as that of Pheretime (Herod, iv. 20-5). There is analogous to phlegmonous erysipelas, or even comsome doubt whether this disease he not allied to mon erysipelas, which is often accompanied by phthiriasis, in which lice are bred, and cause ulcers. vesications such as the woi"d " blains " might fitly This condition may originate either in a sore, or in describe.^

a Such is the opinion of private letter to the writer.

Dr R. Sim, expressed in a But see a letter of his to Med. Times and Gazett", April 14, 1861).


It has been

in that case should have been not (tkmAt)^, but {Medica Sacra, p. 188). much debated whether the smallpox

b Ttie suppuration, etc., of ulcers, appears at least equally likely to be intended. c He refers to Hippncr. Lib. de Med. torn. viii.
ftei^oi'oJi' ecTTt


d Hippocrates mentions, ii. 514, ed. Kiihn, Lips. 1828, a? a symptom of fever, that the patient 4>o^c'eTal

be an ancient disease. On the whole, perhaps, the arguments in favor of its not being such predominate, chiefly on account of the strongly marked character of the symptoms, which makes the negative argument of unusual weight.


See also


592, Trept



h This is Dr. Robert Sim's opinion. On comp.aring, 808-819. gives a list of parasites, however, ihe means used to produce the disorder fEx. most of tliem in the skin. This "Guinea-worm," it ix. 8), an analogy is perceptible to what is called ippears, is also found in Arabia Petraea, on the coasts " bricklayer's itch," and therefore to leprosy, Lepf 5f the Caspian and Persian Gulf, ou the Ganges, in rosy.] A disease involving a white spot breaking forth Upper Egypt and Abyssinia (ib. 814). Dr. Mead refei'S from a boil related to, and clean or unclean Herod's disease to efro^iua, or intestinal worms. according to .symptoms specified, occurs under th Bhapter, without due foiiridation, objects that the general iocus of leprosy (Lev. xiii. 18-23).
Setjaara vvKTOt; Koi <j>6^0L.

Riiver, vol.

The " withered
4-C), aiid of


seem impossible that a sustained lycanthropia might produce this latter condition. Here should be noticed the mental malady of His melancholy seems to have had its origin Saul.<-' it was therefore grounded in his moral in his sin nature, but extended its effects, as commoidy, to The " evil si)irit from God," the intellectual. whatever it mean, was no part of the medical featui-es of his case, and may therefore be excluded ISIusic, which soothed from the present notice.

" of Jeroboam (1 K. xiii. Matt. xii. 10-13 (coiiip. l.uko





fflect as is ixiiowii to follow fruiii

tlic oliliteratioii

of the inaiii artery of



or from





nerve, either

tln-ouj;h disease or

through injury.

case with a

gyniptom exactly parallel to that o*" mentioned in the life of Gahriel, an Aal) physician. It wiis that of a woman whose hand hail become rigid in the act of swinging," and remained in the extended jwsture. 'J'he most remarkalile feature in liim for a while, has entered largely into the milder llie cxse, as related, is the remedy, which consisted modern treatment of lunacy. The palsy meets us in the N. T. only, and in in alarm acting on the nerves, induciirg a sudden The an effort features too familiar to need special remark. and 8i>ontaneous effort to use the limb (Herod, words 'grievously tonuented " (Matt. viii. 6) ha\e which, like that of the dumb son of Croesus 'I'lie case of been connnented on by IJaier ('It Faral. 32), to paradoxically successful. i. 85), was the widow's son restored by Klisha (2 K. iv. 19) the effect that examples of acutely painful paralysis are not wanting in modern path(jlogy, e. </. when Wiis probably one of sunstroke. The disease of Asa "in his feet" (Schmidt, paralysis is complicated with neunilgia. But if Biblhchev Mtd. iii. 6, 2), which atUicked him this statement be viewed with doubt, we might in his old age (1 K. xv. 23; 2 Clir. xvi. 12) and understand the Greek expression i^acravt^Sfievo^) became exceeding great, may have been eitlior as used of paralysis agitans, or even of chorea/ (St. The former Vitus' d.ance), in both of which the patient, being cBiltmit, swelling, or putltii/rn, gout. is common in aged i)ers<jns, in whom, owing to the ne\er still for a moment sav^ when asleep, might The woman's case who was difficulty of the return upwards of the sluggish well be so described. blood, its watery part stays in the feet. The latter, 'bowed together" by "a spirit of infirnuty," may though rare in the East at present, is mentioned probably have been paralytic (Luke xiii. 11). If by the Talmudists {Sulali, 10 ii, and tiiiiiheilriii, the dorsal muscles were affected, those of the. chest 48 Ij), and there is no reason why it may not liave and abdomen, from want of resistance, would unIt occurs in Hippocr. dergo contraction, and thus cause the patient to been known in Asa's time.



vi., Proi/nosl. 15; Celsus, iv. 24; Aretseus, Chron. ii. 12, and other ancient writers.* In 1 Mace. vi. 8, occurs a mention of " sickness of grief; " in I'^cclus. xxxvii. 30, of sickness caused by excess, which require only a pa.sslng mention. The disease of Nel)uchadnez/ar has been viewed by Jahn ;a a mental and purely subjective malady. It is not easy to see how this satisfies the plain emphatic statement of Dan. iv. 33, which seems to include, it is true, mental derangement, but to

suffer as described.


Gangrene (ydyypatva, Celsus,



33, de


or mortification in its various forms, is a totally different disorder from the " canker " of the Both gangrene and cancer A. V. in 2 Tim. ii. 17. were common in all the countries familiar to the
ern diseiise of the

Scriptural writers, and neither differs from the modsame name (Dr. M. Good, ii.

Ac, and 579,


I's. vii.


xxvi. 18;

14, there

seems an



a degraded bodily state to .some extent, and sion to lidse conception, in which, thourrh attended We may regard liy pains of quasi-labor and other ordinary sympft corresponding cliange of habits. it as Jlead (.l/crf. Unrr. vii.), following llurlon's toms, the womb has been found unimpregnated, The medical term Anntoiny vj' Mtlnnclidlij, does, as a species of the and no delivery has followed. melancholy known as Lycjinthropia'' {Pttulus ^Eyiii. (Dr. M. (iood, iv. 188) e/j.irt^ev/xdToiais, mola ven<-'



22). Persons so affected tosii, suggests the Scriptural languaije, " we have as wolves in sepulchres by night, and it were brought forth wind; " the whole passage is further, figurative for disappointment after great effort.!' imitate the howling of a wolf or a dog. Poison, as a means of destroying hfe, hardly octliere are well-attested accounts of wild or half-wild human creatures, of either sex, who have lived as curs in the Bible, save as applied to arrows (.lob vi. In Zech. xii. 2, the marg. gives "poLson" as beasts, losing human consciousness, and acquiring 4). a suijerhuman ferocity, activity, and swiftness. an alternative rendering, which does not seem prefIn the Kither the lycanthropic patient."! or these latter may enible; intoxication l)eing probably meant.
l(i; Arirtiiiiii, iii. 1, 5,


a jiartial analogy to Nebuchadnezzar, in regard to the various jwints of modifii'il outwanl appearance and hal)its ascribed to him. Nor would

annals of the Ilerods poisons occur as the resource

of stealthy murder.''

remansit illii a < Inter jactiiiidum so funibus (nianns) extensa. ita ut retrahere Ipsara iicquiret (Freind's Hist. Mnl. ii. ApiMuid. p. 2). 6 Scneoii iiioiitlons it {IC/ 9,j) ii an extreme note
. . .

/ Jahn (Upham-8 transl. 232) suggests that cramp, twisting the liaib round as if in torture, may have This suits jSao-afi^dficfot no doubt, been intended.

of the female (lei>riivity current in tiis own time, tiiut sven the ft'iiiale si'X was become liahle to gout. c Xliu " eagles' feathers ' and " bird.s' cjawn " are
probiilily uc-d

but not TiapoAuTiKo?. ,7 For nil ucoomit of the complaint, see Pattl
cd. Syd. Soc.



p. 632.

dtnorihliin r


only in illutnitioii. not necesjmrily lu* t\\te to wlilch the hair, etc., nf>I's. cili.

T/omp. the wmilo of

Virg. Enrol,




AUbab. Litfratiir, I 129, Ibn Wilhschijjah's treatise on poisons rontninf refeii'nces to several older writings by authors of other His conunentator, Jarbuqa, nntion.4 on that subject.
in Chwol8on*R
Urbrrrtste d.


2 K.

V. It.

d Comp.


" 8ic|>c

Hvrl ct



The Targ. of Jonathan rcndern the Ueb. S23i~l^,


and effects of poisons and antian indeiKMident work of Ids own thu.i subject: olnssifles the (1) of poisons whirh kill nl sigtit (wenn sie ninn nnr ansielit); (2) of thase which (8) of thos kill through sound (.^d-lmll odcr Ijiut)
treats of the exi.'tence







" he wan


or insane " (Jahn,

Ophant'i trauHl. 212-13).

kill by smelling; (4) of thoM which kill )y rwiching the Interior of the body (6) of those -vhick





bite or sting of

venomous beasts can hardly

but in connection with

treated as a disease;

altered coi.dition calling for a treatment of its own. " The Preacher " divides the sum of human existence

venomous) serpents" of Num. xxi. G, and tlie deliverance from death of thuse bitten, it Even the Talmud acknowledges deserves a notice. that the healing power lay not in the brazen serpent itself, but " as soon as they feared the Most High, and uplifted their hearts to their Heavenly Father, they were healed, and in default of this were Thus the brazen figure was brought to nougiit."
'fiery (i e.

into that


symbolical only ; or, according to the lovers of purely natural explanation, was the stage-tricic to Tt was customary to consecover a false nuracle. crate the image of the affliction, either in its cause
or in

in the golden euierods, golden vi. 4, 8, and in the ex-votos comeveu before the exodus and these be compared with this setting up of the brazen Thus we have in it only an instiuice of serpent. the current custom, fanciful or superstitious, being sublimed to a higher purpose. the arms and shoulders which enwrap and protect The bite of a white she-nmle, perhaps in the rut- it. Their " trenibling," especially that of the arms, ting season, is according to the Talmudists fatal; etc., is a sure sign of vigor past. The " strong and tliey also mention that of a mad dog, with cer- men " are its supporters, the lower limbs " bowing
effect, as

mice, of 1


mon may

in Ivgypt

The first reaches from the point of decline. birth or even of generation, onwards to the attainment of the "grand climacteric," and the second from that epoch backwards through a corresponding period of decline till the point of dissoThis latter course is marked in lution is reached..^ metaphor by the darkening of the great lights of nature, and the ensuing season of life is compared to the broken weather of the wet season, setting in when summer is gone, when after every shower fresh clouds are in the sky, as contrasted with the showers of other seasons, which pass away into clearness. Such he means are the- ailments and troubles of declining age, as compared with thoso The " keepers of the house " of advancing life. are perhaps the ribs which support the frame, or

mode mode

of growth, and

which involves every that which involves every

symptoms by which to discern his (Wunderbar, ul sup. 21). The .scorpion and



pede are natives of the Levant (Rev. ix. 5, 10), and, with a large variety of serpents, swarm there. To these, according to Lichtenstein, should be added a venomous solpuga," or larue spider, similar to tlie Calabrian Tarantula; but the passage in Pliny'' adduced (//. A'', xxix. 29), gives no satisfactory ground for the theory based upon it, that its bite was tlie cause of the enierods.<-' It is, however, remarkable that Pliny mentions with some fullness, a iiius urnneus not a spider resembling a mouse, but a mouse resembling a spider the shrew-mouse, and called araneiis, Isidorus '' says from this resemblance, or from its eating spiders. Its bite was venomous, caused mortification of the part, and a spreading ulcer attended with inward griping pains, and when crushed on the wound was its own best antidote.^ The disease of old age has acquired a place in Biblical nosology chiefly owing to the elegant allegory into which " The Preacher" throws the successive tokens of the ravage of time on man (Eccl. xii.). The symptoms enumerated have each their significance for the physician, for, though his art can do little to arrest them, they yet mark an

themselves" under the weight they once so lightly bore. The " grinding " hardly needs to be explained of the teeth now become "few." The " lookers from the windows " are the pupils of the eyes, now "darkened," as Isaac's were, and Eli's; and iMoses, though spared the dimness, was yet in that very exemption a marvel (Gen. xxvii., comp. xlviii. 10; 1 Sam. iv. 15; Dent, xxxiv. 7). The " doors shut " represent the dullness of those other senses which are the portals of knowledge; thus
the taste


smell, as

in the case of Barzillai, be-

come impaired, and the The " rising up at the


ears stopped against sound.

voice of a bird " portrays the light, soon-fleeting, easily-broken slumber of the aged man or possibly, and more literally, actual



the early morning,




when first the cock The " daughters of


music brought low," suggest the

" Big



turn'd again to childish treble;"

also, as illustrated

in the discernment

again by Barzillai, the failure and the utterance of musical




of old age are



shall be afraid of (IkU



next noticed: hiyh ; " 9 an


by contact,

witli special

mention of



of garments.

moritur est in Sardinia animal perexiguum arani-w forma quae solifuga dicitur, eo quod diem fugiat"

xii. 3).

a Comp. Lucan, PAar.^aMa, ix. 837-8 "Quiscalcare tuas timeat solpus^a latebras," etc. ft " Est et formicarum genus veneUis words are natum, non fere in Itali.l: solpugas Cicero appellat." c He .'sajs that the solpuga cau.^es such swellings on the parts of the female camel, and that they are called

this belief and practice Pliny says (H. ."V. xxix 27). after prescribing the ashes of a ram's hoof, young of a weasel, etc., " si jumenfci momorderit nius {i. / araneus) recens cum sale imponitur, aut ffel vespertil

As regards the scorpion,




Et ipse mus araneus contrji seremedio ionis e.x aceto. by the same word in Arabic as the Heb. Q"^7!n7, In cold climates, it est divulsus et impositus," etc. which simply means ".<!wellings." He .supposes the seems, the venom of the shrew-mouse is not percep" versetzt bei der Belriedigung men might have been tible. natiirlicher Bediirfnisse." He seems not to have given / These are respectively called the n'''73?n ^D^ due weight to the expression of 1 Sam. vi. 5, " mice which mar the land," which seems to distinguish the and the nT^TDl^n '^!3"' of the Rabbins (Wunderbar " land " from the people in a way fatal to the ingeThe same idea appears in Soph. Trac/iin. nious notion he supports. For the multiplication of 2tes Heft). g Or, even more simply, these words may be under (hese and similar creatures to an extraordinary and " M Tarro stood as meaning that old men have neither vigor nor fatal degree, comp Varro, Fra^m. ap. fin. for going up hills, mountains, or anything else iiutor est, a cuuiculis suffossiun in Hispania oppiduni, breath " high " nay, for them the plain, even road talpis in Thes.salia, ab ranis civitatem in Gallia pul- that is has its terrors they walk timidly and cautiounl/ jam, ab locustis in Africa, ex Gyaro Cycladum insula even along that. mcoias a niuribiis fugatos.'^ d His words are " Uus araneus cigus morsu arauea




Whether we reDbscure expression, perliaps, for what are popularity pc rateil In the public economy. called " lUTvous " terrors, exaf;<erating and niaiz- gard the laws which secluded the leiwr, as designed evi-ry otiject of ulurni, and "niakinj,'," to prevent infection or repress the dread of it, theii iiifying
" lear wisdom is nearly equal, for of all terrors the imaginbut we ol) ary are the most terrible. The laws restricting marserve tiiat nothing unnerves and airitates an old riage have in general a similar tendency, degeneracy [lerson more than the prosiiect of a long journey. being the penalty of a departure from those which Thus rej^rded, it l)ecome8 a fine and subtile toucli forbid eonimixture of near kin. Michel Lt^vy reAlt readiness to marks on the salubrious tendency of the law of in the description of decrepitude. haste is arrested, and a numb despondency succeeds. marital .separation (Lev. xv.) inijiosed (Levy, Traite " is still d' Hii(jtem\ p. 8). The precept also concerning Tiie "flourisiiing" of " tiie almond- tree more obscure; but we observe this tree in Palestine purity on the necessary occasions in a desert enblossoniinij wiien others show no sij^n of vefjetation, eampmeiit (I)eut. xxiii. 12-14), enjoining the reno ill ty[)e, turn of the elements of ))roductiveness to the soil, ami when it is winter all around perhaps, of tiie old man who lins survived his own would ])rol)ably become the basis of the municipal Youth- regulations having for their object a similar purity contem|)oraries and niany of his juniors.'' The consequences of its neglect in such ful lusts die out, an<l tiieir oruans. of which "the in towns. encampments is shown by an examjile quoted by is perhaps a fiiiure, are relaxed. prasshop|)er " The " silver cord " may be that of nervous sensa- Michel Li'vy, as mentioned by M. de Laniartine I.engUi of life was regarded as a mark tion,'' or motion, or even the spinal marrow itself. {ih. 8, 9). I'erh.ips some incap.acity of retention may be sijiii- of divine favor, and the divine lejiislator had pointed " jiitciier out the means of ordinarily insuring a fuller meafied by tiie "coiden bowl broken;" tiie i)roken at the well" suj^uiests some vital supjjly sure of it to the people at large than could, accordPerdcran;;ement jier- ing to physical laws, otherwise be hojied for. stoppiiiii; at the usual source haps of the dif,'estlon or of the respiration; the haps the extraordinary means taken to jirolong vitality may be referred to this source (1 K. i. 2), and ' wheel .shivered at the cistern," conveys, tlirou<;h (he image of the water-lifting process familiar in there is no reason why the case of 1 lavid should lie
as the sayin;;
in tlie

" mountains of nioleliills."

at first less obvious;

way " "



the notion of the blood, pumped, as it were, throuiili the vessels, and fertilizing the whole system for ' the blood is the life."

deemed a singular one.


may also compare

to a

ap](aient influence of vital

warmth enhanced



register of the tokens of


lead us to exjiect great care for the preservaof health and strength; and this indeed is found to mark the Mosaic system, in the regulations eoncerniiii; diet, the "divers washings," and the


nay, e\en in cirimputed to a corpse These served not only the cerecumcision' itself. self-con.sciousness to monial purpose of im|)arting the Hebrew, and keeping him distinct from alien admixture, but had a sanitary aspect of rare wisdom, when we regard the country, the climate, and

Tlie laws



had the


of tempering

by a just admixture of llie organic sultstaiices of the animal and vegetable kingdoms the regimen of liebrew families, and thus providing for the vigor of future aijes, as well as checking the stimulus which Hermon, the predominant use of animal food gives to the portable

miraculous degree, but liavint;, perhaps, a physical law as its basis, in the cases of Klijah, Elisha, and the sons of the widow of Zarephath, and the Shunammite. Wunderbar <i has collected several examples of such influence similarly exerted, which however he seems to exaircerate to an absurd pitch. Yet it would seem not against analogy to suppose, that, as pernicious exhalations, miasmata, etc., may jiass from the sick and affect the healthy, so there should be a reciprocal action in favor of health. The climate of Palestine afforded a great range of e. ;/. a long temperature within n. n.arrow compass, sea-coast, a Ioul; <leep v.alley (that of the .lordan), a broad flat plain (Ksdraelon), a large jwirtion of talile-land (.ludah and Ephraim), and the higher elevations of Carmel, Talior, the lesser and greater




partakes of nearly







be ascribed



climates.'' In October its rainy .season In November with moist Mesterly winds.

often enjoyed by the Hebrew race'" amidst epidemics devastatint; the countries of their The best and often the sole possilile exersojourn. Moses could cise of medicine is to prevent disease. not legislate for cure, but his rules did for the great mass of the people what no therapeutics howthey gave the best ever consummate could do, ucurity for the public health by provisions incor-


the trees are bare.




In llecendier snow and ice are never lie long, and only during the

north wind's prevalence.

the end of


and the "

cold disajipears at latter r.ain " sets in.

through March to the middle of April, when common, turrents swell, and the .At the end of April beat rises in the low (grounds. the hot season begins, but preserves moderation till
tliundcr-storms are

a Compare also pprhaps the dictum of the slothful mau, Prov. xxii. 13. "There is a lion In the way."'
b In the iuime stniin Juvi>iml "Iloic

Michel L6Ty quotes Hallt' as acknowledging the


x. 24S-5) Wiys

iKciiii dill vivciitiliiiH, lit rciioviitA


salutary character of the prohibition foeat pork, which he .says is " giget a une alteration du tixu grai.sseux tri'S analogue li la dcgenOresccnce leprcuse,"
.'" This was said of the Jews in lyindon during the cholera attack of 1849. nihilsrIi-Tnhni'i/. Mfd. 2tcR Heft, I. I), pp. 15-17. i;


niiiUiH in liictibiii hiqiic

ViTpotiio TFKtrore ct ninrfl vrstc HcncHL'iinl." c Dr. Mend {Mnl. Siicr. tum, swohi by a ruptiin;, is
Ifii-d h.v



the Hhapv of the

T T V aKpi?, Vulg.


thinks that the scronifant to be tj])lie renders the




banD"*"! nOer -;:






ilor. r>/'.,

xl. 7, 8.


Irom the

find hints o( the nerves proree<linf( in pnirs brnlii, both in tlio Talmudii'iil writeni and in

He xpcaks of the result ensuing from shaking hiindi) with one's friends, etc. A The pos.-^e.usinn of nn abundance "f Nilt tended to banish much disease (I>. Ix. (title) 2 Sam. viii. 18 1 Salt-pits (Z-pli. ii. 9) are still dug by Chr. xvili. 12). Kiir the us* the Arabs on the nlinre of the IVa 1 Sea. nf salt to a new-born infant, Ez xvi. 4, comp. Qalen
; ;


Siiiiil. lib.




Seo bolow in the test.


September becomes extreme; and during all this period rain seldom occurs, but often In September it commences heavy dews prevail. to be cool, first at ni<;ht, and sometimes the rain The migration with bes^ins to fall at the end of it. the season trom an inland to a sea-coast position, from low to high ground, etc., was a point of social development never systematically reached during But men inthe Scriptural liistory of Palestine.
June, thence

mosis and pa7rrphymosis)


mentioned as jccurring commonly in those regions, but only to the uncircumcised. [t is stated by Josephus ( Cont. Ap. ii. I.']) that Apion, ajfainst whom he wrote, having at
derided circumcision, vvas circumcised of neby reason of such a boil, of which, after sufiering great pain, he died. Philo also appears to speak of the same benefit when he speaks of the " anthrax " infesting those who retain the foreskin.


habiting the same regions for centuries could hardly fail to notice the connection between the air and moisture of a place and human liealth, and those
lavored by circumst:inces would certaiidy turn tlieir Tlie Talmudists speak of knowledge to account.

JNIedical authorities

have also stated that the ca-

pacity of imbibing

syphilitic virus is less, and that this has been proved experimentally by comparing .Jewish with other, e. y. Christian popula-

which a further stripping d off the skin from thu most insupportable of all, eomi)ig hot and dry from part, and a custom of sucking the blood livm the the deserts, producing abortion, tainting tlie babe wound was in a later period added, owing to the yet unborn, and corroding the pearls in tlie sea. attempts of .Jews of the JNIaccabean period, and Further, they dissuade from perlbrming circumcis- later (1 Mace. i. 1.5; .Joseph. Ant. xii. 5, 1: ion or venesection during; its prevalence {Jtbniaotli, comp. 1 Cor. vii. 18) to cultivate heatlien practices. It is [CiKCUMCisiDN.] 72 rt, np. Wunderbar, 2tes Heft, ii. .4.). The reduction of the remainstated that " the marriage-bed placed between north ing portion of the pi\eputium after the more simple and south will be blessed with male issue operation, so as to cover what it had exposed, {Berachoth, li, ib.), which may, Wunderbar thinks, known as epUpnsmm, accomplished by the eLasticity be interpreted of the temp*-ature when moderate, of the skin itself, was what this anti-.ludaic pracand in neither extreme (which tliese winds respects tice sought to effect, and what the later, more comIf tlie plicated and severe, operation frustrated. ively represent), as most favoring fecundity. To these fact be so, it is more probably related to the phe- were sulyoined the use of the warm-bath, before nomena of magnetism, in connection with which and after the operation, pounded cummin as a stypthe same theory has been lately revived. A num- tic, and a mixture of wine and oil to heal the ber of precepts are given by the same authorities wound. It is remarkable that the tightly swathed in reference to health, e. //. eating slowly, not con- rollers which formed the first co\ering of the newtracting a sedentary habit, regularity in natm-ai born child (Luke ii. 7) are still retained among operations, cheerfulness of temperament, due sleep modern .lews at the circumcision of a child, effec(especially early morning sleep is recommended), tually preventing any movement of the body or but not somnolence by day (Wunderbar, ui siij).). limbs (Wunderbar,/ p. 29). No surgical operation The rite of circumcision, besides its special sur- beyond this finds a place in Holy .Scripture, unless

the north wind as preservative of life, and the south and east winds as exhaustive, but the south as the

(Wunderbar, 3tes Heft, p. 27). The operation itself* consisted of originally a mere "^ incision

some notice in connection with the general question of the health, longevity, and fecundity of the race with whose history it is Besides lieing a mark of the covenant identified.
gical operation, deserves

indeed that adverted to under the article Eunuch. [Eunuch.] The Talmudists speak of two operations


one known as


was perhaps also a pro- jSTrn (gasfrofoinin), and intended to assist test against the phallus-worship, which has a re- parturition, not necessarily fatal to the mother; mote antiquity in the corruption of mankind, and the other known as ^tS^H Hl^^lp {hysterotoof which we lia\e some trace in the Egyptian myth mia, sectio ccexarea), which seldom practiced It has been asserted also (Wunderbar, of Osiris.

and a symbol of



3tes Heft, p. 25), that


distinctly contributed to

save in the case of death in the crisis of labor, or

increase the fruitfulness of the race,


to check

inordinate desires in the individual.

effects in

Its beneficial

such a climate as that of Egypt and Syria, tending to promote cleanliness, to prevent or reduce irritation, and thereby to stop the way against various disorders, have been the subject of comment to various writers on hygiene." In particular a troublesome and sometimes fatal kind of boil {phtjIS

attempted on the living, was either fatal, or at powers of maternity. An operation is also mentioned by the same authorities having for its object the extraction piecemeal of an otherwise inextricable foetus {ibid. pp. b-i, Wunderbar enumerates from the Mishna &c.). and Talmud fifty-six surgical instruments or pieces of apparatus of these, however, tlie following only

least destructive of the

are at


alluded to in Scripture.^

cutting in-

o See some remarks ia Michel L^vy, Traki d'Uy^iine, Paris, 18.50: " Rieu de plus rebutant que cette
sorte de malproprete, rien de plus tarorable

account of the entire from the it seems, from is said to be also practiced among the natives of Mada fragment of a rare work on the healing art by an r^dscar, " qui ne paraissent avoir aucuue notion du anonymous Turkish author of the 16th century, in Tudaisme ui du Mahometisme " (p. 11, note). the public library at Leipsic. The Persians, Tartars, b There is a good modern account of circumcisioji etc.. have furnished him with further illustrations. jx the Dublin Mediral, May 19, 1858, by Dr. 3 Yet it by no means follows that the rest were not
This writer gives a


au devel- process

oppement des accidents svphilitiques."


now Turkish mode

in practice, with illustrations

of operating, g-athered,

.oseph Hirschfeld (from Oestereich.




Scriptural times, "


being a well-known


as the


a word meaning "cut."

to expose."

d Called the 37"^~1D, frm 17"1D, "


many useful discoveries have long been kept as family secrets." Thus an obstetrical forceps was found in a house excavated
fact in the history of inventions that

at Pompeii, though the Greeks and

Meziza, from t'SZD, " to



aounteracted a tendency to inflammatioa.

Romans, so far at their medical works show, were unacquainted with the instrument (Paul .Mg. i. 652, ed. Sydenham Soc.l



sweet cane (Acorn* atlnmus), cinnamon,

itrument, called "^1!S,

" muriiJi.% absynth, jasmine, narcissus, madder, curled supposed a " sharp stone mint, fennel, endive, oil of cotton, myrtle, myrrh,

Such was prohably the yEthiopian (Ex. iv. 25). ("tone" mentioned hy Herodotus (ii.SG), and I'liiiy si)e:iks of what he calls Ttsln sdinin, a.s a sim-

Imlanum, (jiilbunum, frankincense, stwax, nard, gum of various trees, musk, Zijjporah seems to have cau^iit bl<(Un byznntiiia ; and these minerals ilar implement. bitumen, up tiie first instrument whicli came to hand in iier iiatrum, borax, alum, clay, aetites," quicksilver, Tlie husband. apprehension for tlie life of her The following prepara litharge, yellow arsenic.

" knife "


of Josh. v. 2 was probably a


refined instrun-.ent for the

same purpose.




mentioned (Ks.

0) as

used to bore througli the


of the

bondman who

known: T/ieriiicus, an antidote prepared from serpents; various medicuial drinks, decoction e. (/. from the fruit-bearing rosemary; of wine with vegetiibles; mixture of wine, honey, and jiepper; of oil, wine, and water; of asparagus
tions were also well




have been a sur-

and other roots

gical instrument.


seat of delivery called in Scripture



steejied in wine; emetics, purging draughts, soporifics, potions to produce al)ortion or fruitfulness; and various salves, some used cosmetically,'' e.


remove hair



wounds, and

by the TalmudisU ~!3a:'tt (comp. 2 K. but some have doubted xix. 3), "the stools;" whether tiie word used by Moses does not mean rather the uterus itself a.s tliat which moulds " and Delivery upon a seat or stool shapes tlie infant. is, however, a common practice in France at this day, and also in Palestine. Tiie " roller to iiind " of Ez. xxx. 21 was for a broken limli, as still used. Similar bands wound with the most precise accuracy involve the uiummies.

The forms of medicaments were other injuries.' cataplasm, electuary, liniment, plaister (Is. i. 6; Jer. viii. 22. xlvi. 11, Ii. 8; Joseph. B. J. i. 33,

5), powder,


decoction, essence, syrup,

some chemical knowledge, e. <j. the calcination of the gold by Moses; the effect of "vinegar upon nitre"'-" (Ex. xxxii. 20; Prov. xxv. ^0; comp. Jer. ii. 22); the mention of " the apothecary " (Ex. xxx. 35; Ekicl. X. 1 ), and of the merchant in " powders " (Cant,
trace occurs of


iii. G), shows that a distinct and important branch which the " potsherd " of of trade was set up in these wares, in which, as at Job was a substitute (Job ii. 8). a modern druggist's, articles of luxury, etc., are Ex. xxx. 2-i-i) is a prescription in form. It may combined with the remedies of sickness .see further, l)e worth wiiile also to enumerate tlie leadins^ sul) Wunderliar, Istes Heft, pp. 73, ad Jin. Among the stances which, according to W^inderbar, composed most favorite of external remedies has always been a much the liath. the pharmacopoeia of the Talmudists As a preventive of numerous disorders which will atlord some insight its virtues were known to the Egyptians, and the more limited one into tlie distance which sejiaratcs them from the scrupulous levitical bathings prescribed by Moses IJesides such ordinary would merely enjoin the continuance of a practice leaders of Greek meiiicine. appliances as water, wine (I.uke x. ^i), beer, vin- familiar to the Jews, from the example es[)ecially of as the priests in that country. egar, honey, and milk, various oils are found Besides the signifiopolialsamuni* ("balm of (iil&id"), the oil of cance of moral purity which it carried, the use of rose, palma christi, walnut, sesanium, the bath checked the tendency to become unclean eilive,*" myrrh, colocynth, and fish; figs (2 K. xx. 7), dates, apples by violent perspirations from within and effluvia (Cant. ii. 5), ponie^cranales, pistachio-nuts,'' and from without; it kept the porous system in play, almonds (a produce of Syria, but not of Egypt, and stopped the outset of much disease. In order (ien. xliii. 11); wheat, barley, and various other to make the sanction of health more solemn, most grains; garlic, leeks, onions, and some other com- oriental nations have enforced purificatory rites by mon herbs; mustard, jjepiier, coriander seed, gin- religious mandates and so the Jews. A treatise gei, preparations of teet, fish, etc., steeped in wine collecting all the dicta of ancient medicine on the or vinegar; wlicy, eggs, salt, wax, and suet (in of the bath has l>een current ever since the replaisters), gall of fish (Tob. vi. 8, xi. 11), aslip.s, vival of learniiii;, under the title De Bulnvis. Accowdung, etc.; fasting-saliva,/ urine, bat's blood, cording to it Hippocrates and (!alen |)rcscril)e the and the following rarer herbs, etc.: nmmeisision, bath medicinally in |>eripneumonia rather than in tnvnta i/etUilU, saffron, mandr.agora, Lawsonin spi- burning fever, as tending to allay the pain of the tuisii (Anib. ///('rt/(a), juniper, l)room. poppy, acacia, sides, chest, and back, promoting various secrepine, lavendur or rosemary, clover-root, jujiib, hys- tions, removing lassitude, and suppling joints.




sop, fern, satnpiuchum,

milk-thistle, laurel,



hot bath



for those


In Jer. xviii. 3 the s:ime worrl appears, rendered " " \rhtlg " iu tlic A. V. niiiriiin, '' fniiiies or a Hiat which givvs shape to the work of the potttT.


and Pliny



xxviii. 7) ascril)e similar vir-

tucti to it.


See Tacit. Hist.

v. 7,


Orelli's note

ad he.

c Tacitus, ibid. v. 6.

CnmoieiKlcd by


Bpecific for the bite of

Said by I'liny to be a specific against abortion (N. H. xxx. 44). A Antimony was and is used as a dye for the eyelids, the knhol. See BosenmUller in the Bibluat Cab(/

e serp.'nt (i'lin.

H. N.

inet, xxvii. (io.


xxiii. 78).

Khaxos )i|ionl<s of a fish named sahot, the gall of Which lienlcd iiiHanied eyes (ix. 27) and I'liny says, ' Cii'lioiiyini fel clciitrioes 8uiint et cnrnes ocuiorum iiilDTViicUAii conHuniit " (A'. //. xxxii. 24).

The Anibs suppose that a cornelian stone (th

Ifipi.i, Vii.




but in .loscph. Ant.



6, SiinJoni/x), laid hoiiiorrhagc.


rm a


will etav

/ Comp. Mark

viii. '23, .loliii.



also the


k "^iHS meaning natron

the g.^ ptian kind waf

by TncltJB (Hist.


Rl) of a nsqucHt niado of





between Naukratis and Meuipblr

IwpntAiLU >t .\lexiuidria.

Galen (De

5im;rf. Ftuull.

Oab. xxTil

p. 7).

Those, on the confrom Uckcn (De Bain. 464). trary, wlio have looseness of the bowels, wlio are languid, loathe their food, are troubled with nausea )r bile, should not use it, as neither should tiie After exhausting journeys in the sun lipileptic. the bath is commended as the restorative of moisThe four objects ture to the frame (450-458 ). which ancient authorities cliiefly proposed to attain by bathing are 1, to warm and distil the elements of the body throughout the whole frame, to equalize whatever is abnormal, to rarefy the skin, and promote evacuations through it; 2, to reduce a dry to a moister habit; 3 (the cold-bath), to cool the frame and brace it; 4 (the warm-bath), Exercise before liathing a sudorific to expel cold. is recommended, and in the season from April till November inchisive it is the most conducive to health; if it be kept up in the other months it should then be but once a week, and that fasting. Of natural waters some are nitrous, some saline, some aluminous," some sulphureous, some bitu-



con anon, but houses soon began to include a bath-room (Lev. xv. 13; 2 K. v. 10; 2 Sam. xi. 2; Susanna, p. 15). Vapor-baths, as among the Komans, were latterly included in these, as well as hot and cold-bath ajjparatus, and the use of perfumes and oils after quitting it was everywhere diffused (Wunderbar, 2tes Heft, ii. B.). The vapor was sometimes sought to be inhaled, though this was reputed mischicvoui to the teeth. It was deemed healthiest after a warm to take also a cold bath {Paul. ^yin. ed. Sydenh. Soc. i. 68). The Talmud has it "Whoso takes a warm-bath, and does not also drink thereupon some warm water, is hke a stove hot only from without, but not heated also from within. Whoso liathes and does not withal anoint is like the liquor outside a vat. ^Vhoso having had a warm-bath does not also immediately pour cold water over him, is like an iron made to glow in the fire, but not tliereafter hardened in the water."' This succession of cold water to hot vapor is commonly minous, some copperish, some ferruginous, and practiced in Russian and Polish baths, and is said some compounded of these. Of all the natural to contribute much to robust health (Wunderbar, waters the power is, on the wliole, desiccant and ibid.). calefacient and they are peculiarly fitted for those Besides the usual authorities on Hebrew antiqul Pliny (//. N. xxxi.) ties, Talmudical and modern, Wunderbar (Istes of a humid and cold hal)it. the fullest extant account of the thermal Heft, pp. 57-6!)) has compiled a collection of gives springs of the ancients {Paul. yE(/in. ed. Sydenh. writers on the special subject of Scriptural etc. Soc. i. 71). Avicenna gives precepts for salt and medicine, including its psychological and botanical other mineral baths the former he recommends in aspects, as also its j'olitical relations: a distinct case of scurvy and itching, as rarefying the skin, section of thirteen monographs treats of the leprosy; and afterwards condensing it. Water medicated and every various disease mentioned in Scripture with alum, natron, sulphur, naphtha, iron, litharge, appears elaborated in one or more such short treavitriol, and vinegar, are also specified by him. tises. Those out of the whole number which appear Friction and unction are prescribed, and a caution most generally in esteem, to judge from references given against staying too long in the water {i/ii'L made to them, are the following: 338-340; comp. Aiitius, de Bnln. iv. 484). A sick Rosenmiiller's Natund History af the Bible, in bather should lie quiet, and allow others to rub and the Biblical Cabinet, vol. xxvii. De ^Vette, Hebraanoint him, and use no strigil (the common instru- isch-jiidisdte Atchaoloyie, 271 b. Calmet, Augusment for scraping the skin), but a sponge (456). tin. La Medecine et les Medicins des anc. Ilebveux, Maimonides chiefly following Galen, recommends in his Coinm. litteral, Paris, 1724, vol. v. Idem, the bath, especially for phthisis in the aged, as Dissertation sur la Sueur du Sang^ Luke xxii. 43, l>eing a case of dryness with cold habit, and to a 44. Pruner, Krankheiten des Orients. Sprengel, hectic fever patient as being a case of dryness with Kurt, De medic. Ebrceorum, Halle, 1789, 8vo. hot habit also in cases of ephemeral and tertian Also, idem, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Medicin, fevers, under certain restrictions, and in putrid Halle, 1794, 8vo. Idem, Versuch einer prngm. fevers, with the caution not to incur shivering. Geschichte der Arzentikunde, Halle, 1792-1803, Batliing is dangerous to those who i'eel pain in the 1821. Also the last edition by Dr. Rosenbaura, liver after eating. He adds cautions regarding the Leipzig, 1846, 8vo. i. 37-45. Idem, Nisior. Rei kind of water, but these relate chiefly to water for Herbar. lib. i. cap. i. Flora Biblica,. Bartholini, drinking {De Bain. 438, 439). The bath of oil was Thom., De morbis biblicis, miscellanea medica, in formed, according to Galen and Aetius, by adding Ugolini, vol. xxx. p. 1521. Idem, Parahjiici novi the fifth part of heated oil to a water-bath. Jose- Testamenti, hi Ugohni, vol. xxx. p. 1459. Schmidt, phus speaks {B. J. i. 33, 5) as though oil had, .Joh. Jac, Biblischer Medicus, Ziillichau, 1743, in Herod's case, been used pure. 8vo. p. 761. Kail, De morbis sacerdot. V. T. Hafn. There were special occasions on which the hath 1745. 4to. Reinhard, Chr. Tob. Ephr., Bibelkran/cwas ceremonially enjoined, after a leprous eruption heiten, ivelche im Alien Testamente vwkommen, healed, after the conjugal act, or an involuntary books i. and ii. 1767, 8vo, p. 384 book v. 1768, emission, or any gonorrhoeal discharge, after men- 8vo, p. 244. Shapter, Thomas, Medica Saa-n, or struation, child-bed, or touching a corpse; so for Short Expositions of the more important Diseaset the priests before and during their times of office mentioned in the Sacred Writings, London, 1834. such a duty was prescribed. [Baths.] The Wunderbar, R. J., Biblisch-talmudische Medicin, Pharisees and Essenes aimed at scrupulous strict- in 4 parts, Riga, 1850-53, 8vo. Also new series, ness of all such rules (Matt. xv. 2; Mark vii. 5; 1857. Celsius, 01., Hierobotanicon s. de plantis

River- bathing * was

a Dr. that the

Adams {I'anl. JEi^in. ed. Syd. Soc. i. 72) says alum of the ancients found in mineral springs

cannot liave been the alimi of modern commerce, since It is very rarely to be detected there but the aluuien pluTnostim, or hair alum, said to consist chiefly of the nilphate of magnesia and iron. The former exists, boweTor, in great abundance in the aluminous spring

of the Isle of Wight. The ancient nitre or natron waa a native carbonate of soda (ibid.). h The case of Naamao may be paralleled by Herod, iv. 90, where we read of the Tearus, a tributary of the Hebrus Aeyerai eh'ai troraixiav apiaroi, to. re oAAa ey aicecriv (fyepotna, Kal S'r) (cal a.v8pd<n KaX Iinroim


Scrijtlune dissertattones

2 parts,


1747, 8vo; Ainstelod. 1748.


of the "thirty and one kings," or petty chieftains, whom Joshua defeated on the west of the Jord;iri



bipirliluni o/ius
lOIJj, lol.



Sucrie Script arte,


Fraiicf. 107.'),

Also edited by, and with tlie notes of, Kni. SpeiiC. Itoseimiiiller, Lips. 1703, 3 vols. 4to. eer, Dt Uyiljus /Mrteoruiit ritunlUius, 'rijl>iiii;eii,
173-2, fol.

This was one of the phices within tht limits of Issuchar assigned to .Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11; 1 Chr. vii. 2!>). IJut the arrangement gave only ai
inifjerfect advant^igc to the latter tribe, lor they did not drive out the < anajinites, and wen; only able to make them tribut;iry (Josh. xvii. 12, 13;

litinhard, Midi. H.,














rtgjxm. Clir. Lid-e,

ibid. lfi'J7, 4to.

Ilsclienbacii. ("iir. Klireiifr.,




i. 27, 28). The song of Deborah brings the place vividly before us, as the scene of the great between Sisera and Harak. The chariots of


.1 tulixornm,



Sisera were gathered '-unto the river ['torrent'] of

(.ludg. iv. 13); liarak went down " from Mount Tahok " into the plain (iv. 14); "then fought the kings of Canaan in Taanach by the waters of .Megiddo " (v. I'J). The course of the Kishon is immediately in front oi




pp. 17-41.





lepra comiueiitiiliones, rec. J. D. Halm, Lu'^d. Cliaraserii, K., liecherclits sur Ic Bat. 1788, 8vo.


with his


curnctere de la lepre des J/ebreux, in Afem. de la Hoc. medic. d'enndiUiim de Paris, Jielnliim chirurt/icide de t'Armev 1810, iii. 335.

Orient, Paris, 1804.



W., De


in sucris, Jena, 1715, 4to, in his /liuei-citnl.

and the river seems to have beet flooded by a storm: hence what follows. "The rivei torrent '] of Kishon swept them away, that ancient ['
this position;

nrnl. pliihloff.

Cent. II. dec. 4, S. 93-107.



inorb. lliskicE, Jena, 1G!J2, 4to,

his Exercil.

ined. pttilol.





Idem, Dt


Ji'rami exercit.





Kxercil. Med. philvl. Cent. //. Dec.



Saulo eneryumeno, Jena, l(j85, in his Idem, med. pliiliil. Cent. I. dec. II.

l:.rn vital.

the river Kishon " (v. 21). Still we do not read of Megiddo being firmly in the occupation of the Israelites, and perhaps it was not really so till the time of Solomon. That monarch ])laced one of his twelve commissariat officers, named Baami, over " Taanach and Megiddo," with the neighl)orriver,



hood of Heth-shean and Jezreel

this reign it appears that



iv. 12).


lenum Suhmonais, Jen. 1080,


4to, in

his Exerrii.


costly works were







constructed at Megiddo

(ix. 15).


Kichh'irn's AlUjem. BihUothek,






Dr. K., .Uedica Sacr<i, 4to, Kxercitutio phHulo</ica de lUlivaica

Uf^olini, vol. xxx. p. 1061.

407- ably London. tary


suggested by


These were probimportant mih-




All the sui)sequent notices of the with military transactions.

fled when his unfortunate Joram had brought him into collision with yEyypIo, Hamburt;, 1746, 4to. Israels, I)r. A. Jehu; and here he died (2 K. ix. 27) within the H.,* Tent'iinen liiitorico-mcdicum, exiiibens cidUr- confines of what is elsewhere called Samaria (2 Chr.

vbstetiicuni orirjine, in



place -Ahaziah




nuitrum Ilebreewum


visit to

Innen iiyMtcubujicn, (luie ex TtdniiuJe Babi/bmiii) deprvmail, Gronin^en, 1845, 8vo. H. H.'^

xxii. 9).

IJut the chief historical intere.'st of Jlegiddo is


[perh. place

concentrated (MffSSa: [^at. AfSSa: Aid. Me-

Josiah's death.





(1 Ksdr. v. 32).

Necho came from Kgypt against the King of Asthe latter, and was slain at


syria, Josiah joined







xxiii. 29),



body was carried

Iranps, Ges.]




from thence to .Jerusalem

told in the Chronicles in





MayeSSiai or yiayeSSwu, [but with a number of uiiini|ortaiit variations ;] in 1 K. ix. 15 it is MaySui- [.Ua//eddo]) was in a very marked [wsition on the southern rim of the plain of Ksdkae-

Chr. xxxv. 22-24). There the fatal action is said to have taken place "in the valley of Megid<lo." The words in the LXX. are, iv tw irtSicfi MayeSSiivIA)S, on the frontier-line (speakinj^ generally) of This calamity made a deep and permanent impresthe territories of the tribes of Iss.\ciiAK and Ma- sion on the .lews. It is recounted again in 1 Ksdr. NASSKii, and commanding one of those passes from i. 25-31, where in the A. V. "the plain of Mathe north into the hill-country which were of such giddo " represents the same (ireek Words. The critical importance on various occasions in the his- lamentations for this yood king became "an orditory of Judaja (tos aua0dcreis Trjs opfiyris, on nance in Israel" (2 Chr. xxxv. 25). "In all .Jewry " they mourned for him, and the lamentaBi' avT<ii)H fiv 7) fiffoSo'i fls rrfv 'lov^aiav, Judith v. 7). tion was made perpetual " in all the nation of _ Megiddo is usually spoken of in connection witli Isniel" (1 Esdr. i. 32). " Their grief was no landTaakacii, and frequently in connection with flood of present passion, but a constant channcll of Mkthsha.n and Ji-;/.i!i;i;l. This combination sug- continued sorrow, streaming from an annuall foiu)P'sLs a wide \iew alike over .lewish scenery and tain " (Fuller's Pi.<:f/idi Si;/lit of Pal, aline, p. 165). The first mention occurs in Josh. Thus, in the language of tlie projihets (Zech. xii. Jewish history. xii. 21, where Mcgiddo appears as the city of one 11), "the mourning of Iladadrinunon in the vallei
detjiil (2


Intcrrst on

a This writer hao ccveral monofcmphs of much of the Sydenham Society's publicatioDS Mr. H. Ramsey of Cheltenham, and Mr. J. Cooper Forster of Quy's lloiipiml, London, for their kindness in revising and correcting this article, and that on bKPRosY, in their turiex. Tht writer is romarkHble for rari'full.v abstainl..,; puKiuige through Mie press at the sniiic time that h from auy refervnco to the 0. T., uvuii whcru 8ucb would does not wUU to imply any reHpoM8il>llity on their part

detached pointa, all to be found in his DisifTtationes Acail. MnJir.. Jona, 17th and 18th cen>>


luoKt np|KM<ito.


writer wi.^hex to arknowlt'd)^ bis obliipitions

Pi-ufL-xfior ot'


Dr. Uollcston, Liiiacrc




dnenhill of Hastings


Adams, editor of leTerol

save Dr. Ilobert o fur as they iiru rul'erred to by name. \\i\ also greatly iLKsislt-d liiui with tlie results of Sim large actual experience io oriental pathology.
stait'iiients containcii in Cheiii,

he opinions or




should be added that by Professor Stanexpression for the deepest and most despairing ley (!i. c)- P. p. 339) they are supposed rather to b grief; as in the Apocalypse (Kev. xvi. 1(5) Akima- "the pools in the bed of the Kishon" itself. The GKDDON, in continuance of the same imagery, is same author regards the " plain (or valley) of Mepresented as the scene of terril)le and final conflict. giddo " as denoting not the whole of the EsdraFor the Septuagintal version of this passage of elon level, but that broadest part of it which is Zechariah we may refer to Jerome's note on the innnediately opposite the place we are describing " Adadremnion, pro quo LXX. trans- (pp. 335, 336). passage. The passage quoted above from Jerome suggests tulerunt 'Powvos, urbs est juxta Jesraelem, qufe hoc olim vocabido nuncupata est, et bodie vocatur a further question, namely, whether Von Raumer That the is right in "identifying el-LejJim also with MaxMaxiniianopolis in Canipo Mageddon." prophet's imagery is drawn from the occasion of iniianopolis, which the Jerusalem Itinerary places .losiah's death there can be no doubt. In Stanley's at 20 miles from Csesarea and 10 from Jezreel." iS. (/ P. (p. ;J47) this calamitous event is made Van de Velde (Memoir, p. 333) holds this view to He thinks be has found the true Havery rivid to us by an allusion to the " Egyptian be correct. archers, in their long array, so well known from dadrimmon in a place called Jiuimnaneh, "at the For the mistake foot of the Jlegiddo-hills, in a notch or valley about their sculptured monuments." in the account of Pharaoh-Necho's campaign in an hour and a half S. of Tell MetzeUim " and


of ]\Icj^iddoii " becomes a poetical

Herodotus, who has evidently put Misdol by mistake for Jlegiddo (ii. 149), it is enough to refer to The Egyptian Biihr's excursus on the passage. king may have landed his troops at Acre but it is far more likely that he marched northwards along the coast-plain, and then turned round Carmel into the plain of Esdraelon, taking the left bank of the Kishon, and that there the .lewish king came upon him by the gorge of Megiddo. The site thus associated with critical passages of .Jewish history from .Joshua to .Josiah has been Robinson identified beyond any reasonable doubt.

would place the




Megiddo on



suggesting further that its name, " the tell of the Governor," may possibly retain a reminiscence of Solomon's officer, Baana the son of Ahilud.






[pldin of Megiddo rather than


campus MayedireSiov e/CK-OTrroyueVou The extended form of the preceding name


occurs only in Zech.


In two other cases

at the end of the



[Vat.] retain the


did not visit this corner of the plain on his

journey, but he was brought confidently to


name, namely, 2 K.


and 2 Chr.


conclusion that Metriddo was the modern el-LeJjiin, which is undoulitedly the Legio of f^usebius and

[Vat. Ma7e5aaii/, Ma-yeSojr, but Rom. Alex, in both places Ma763f<], though it is not their general custom. In tnis passage it will be observed
that they have translated the word.

Jerome, an

important and well-known place



their day, since they




as a central point

from which to mark the position of several other


MEHET'ABEEL [4 syl] (bs^tp'^np

(El) a benefactor, Fiirst]


quarter (Bib. Bes.



Two of

the distances are given thus: 15 miles from

nbel). The daughter of Matred, and wife of Hadad,or Hadar, the eighth and last-mentioned king of Edom, who had Pai or Pau for his birthplace o> chief city, before royalty was established among the Israelites (Gen.xxxvi. 39). Jerome (de Nomin. the form Mettabel, which i. 350~35ti). About a month later in the same Hehr. ) writes the name in he renders " quam bonus est Deus." year Dr. Rol)inson was tliere, and convinced himHe self of the correctness of his former opinion. (STT]^ [one famous, noble]: too describes the view over the plain, northwards to in Ezr., MaovSd, [Comp. Aid.] Alex. MeiSa; in the wooded hills of Galilee, eastwards to Jezreel, Neh., Mi5o, [Vat. FA.] Alex. MeetSa: Mahida), and southwards to Taanach, Tell MetzeUim being a family of Nethinim, the descendants of Mehida, also mentioned as on a projecting portion of the returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii hills which are continuous with Carmel, the Kishon 52; Neh. vii. 54). In 1 Esdr. the name occurs j" Both the form Meeda. being just below (Bib. Res. ii. 116-119). writers mention a copious stream flowing down ("ITIP {jyi-ice, ransom]: Max</v this gorge (March and April), and turning some

Nazareth and 4 from Tnanach. There can be no doubt that the identification is substantially correct. The n^ya ireSiOv Aiyeoivos ( Onomnst. s. v. ro/3aSiiv) evidently corresponds with the "plain (or Moreover elvalley) of JMegiddo '' of the 0. T. Lcjjun is on the caravan-route from Egypt to Damascus, and traces of a Roman road are found near the village. Van de Velde visited the spot in 18.52, approaching it through the hills from the He describes the view of the plain as S. W." seen from the highest point between it and the sea, and the huge tells which mark the positions of the " key-fortresses " of the hills and the plain, Tiianuk and el-Lejjun, the latter being the most considerable, and having another called Tell Mi/zellim, half an hour to the N. W. (Syr. cf Pul.

MeTa0eri\; Alex. MerjTa0eri\; [Vat. MeiraTjA.; EA. MirariX:] Metabeel). Another and less correct form of MehetABEL. The ancestor of Shemaiah the prophet who was hired against Nehemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat (Neh. vi. 10}. He was probably of priestly descent; and it is not unlikely that Delaiah, who is called his son, is the same as the head of the 23d course of priests in the reign of David (1 Chr.
xxiv. 18).

Samaritan Cod.


[see abovej.


MeT(l3er]\: Meet-



Here are prob- [Vat.]; Alex. Maxeip= Mahir), the son of Cheably the "waters of Megiddo" of Judg. v. 19, lub, the brother of Shuah, or as he is described in
niiUs before joining the Kishon.

o The writer of

this note


visited the spot



!n years before (1842), and confirmed Robinson's conidentifying " the wnters of Megiddo," and Ja;3n

1843, p. 77

remains of the ancient Legio (Bibl. Sac. Ritter's Gfograp/iy of Pal., Gage's trans "

lation, 17. 330).



the father of Asclia " (1 Clir.

the earlier days of their settlement in I'aL'$)tin< harassed and oppressed Israel. Maon, or tlie Jlaonites, probably inhabited tiie country at the back of the gre:it range of Seir, the modern esh-i>/icrtili, which Ibnns the eastern side of the Wm/y tl

LXX., " Caleb



In the Targuni of It. Jo.scph, Mehir i\i>as " Penij;," its Chaldee equivalent, both


signif}in!^ " price."

where at the present day there is still a town of the same name'' (Burckhardt, Syria, Aug. 24). omit; [Conip. Aid. MoAaSiTTjsO MoUitlilln), a And this is quite in aceurdnnce with the terms of word occurrinj; once only (1 iSani. xviii. 19), as 2 Chr. xxvi. 7, where tlie Meliuniiu are mentioned the description of .\driei, son of liarzillai, fo wliom witli "the Arabians of Gur-baal," or, as the LXX. It no douttt Saul's dauj^liter Meral) was married. render it, I'etra. denotes that he liclonj^ed to a ])lace called MeiioAnother notice of the !Meliuninis in the reign laii, but whether that was Abel-Meholah afterwards of Ilezekiah (cir. is. c. 72G-0'J7) is found in 1 Chr. tiie native place of Klisha, or another, is as luiceriv. 41.^^ Here they are spoken of as a pastoral tiiin as it is whether Adriel's father the wellpeople, either themselves Hamites or in alliaiice known liarzillai tiie Gileadite or not. G. with Hamites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in
[patron.]: Alex,
o fioeuKadeiT-ns;




and bs;*np tents. They had l)een .settled from "of old," . e. aboriginally, at the east end of the Valley of Gedor Ma\e\flj\; [Comp. Aid.] or Gerar, in the wilderness south of Palestine. A Alex. Moi'^A: Mnuiiel), tiie son of Irad, and connection with Mount Seir is hinted at, though fourth in descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). Kwald, obscurely (ver. 42). [See vol. i. p. 879 b.] Here, regardins? tiie genealogies in Gen. iv. and v. as however, the A. V. probably following the transsubstantially the .same, follows the Vat. LXX., lations of Luther and .Juiiius, which in their turns considerinj; Mahalaleel as the true reading, and the follow the Targum treats tiie word as an ordivariation from it the result of careless transcripnary noun, and renders it "habitations; " a readIt is scarcely necessary to say that this is a tion. ing now relinquished by scholars, who understand The Targum of Onkelos the word to refer to the people in question gratuitous assumption. (Gesefollows the Hebrew even in the various forms which nius, 1'lies. 1002 ", and Kvtes on Burckhardt, 10G9 the name assumes in the same verse. The rcshitoBertheau, Clironik). Sjriac, Vulgate, and a few M.SS. retain tiie former A third notice of the Mehunim, corroborative of of the two readings; while the Sam. test reads



[prob. smitltnof (j(kI\:

those already mentioned,



in tlie narrative

vWrr^Q, which

appears to have ben followed by

of 2 Chr. XX. in ver.



every reason to believe that

the Aldine and Complutensian editions, and the







1 ' the Ammonites " sliould be read as Maonites," who in that case are the " men of Mount Seir" mentioned later in the narrative

" the



true, fniih-

(vv. 10, 22).

fut] : 'Afjidy- Mfiiimdm), one of the se^en eunuchs (A. V. "chamberlains,") who served before Ahasnerus (Esth. i. 10). The LXX. appear to have read



(C3^j?^, without
the article

these passages, including the last, the render the name by ol Meivoioi, the Mina;ans, a nation of Arabia renowned for their traffic in spices, who are named by Strabo, Ptolemy, and other ancient geographers, and whose In






ascertained to have been the S.


finlinhiUinls, dwellers: Vat.]

[Kom. portion

of the great Arabian peninsula, the west-

Moovvlfx.:] Alex. Moovvet^i'- Muniia), Ezr. ii. 50. Elsewhere called and Meunim; and
in the parallel list of 1 Ksdr.

ern half of the modern Hadraniaut {Diet, of GeBochart has pointed out Ofjrajiliy, "Jlinaii").



cap. xxii.), with reason, that distance


alone renders

Me'unim [Vat.]:



be the


impossible that these Mina>ans can of the Bible, and .also that the peo-

Araliian peninsula are Shemites, wiiile oi Meii/aiof [Kom.]; Alex, oi ple of the Mivaioi: AiiimoniUB), a people against whom king the Meunim appear to have been descended from Ham (1 Chr. iv. 41). But with his usual turn Uzziah waged a successful war (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although so different in its" dress, yet the for etymological speculation he endeavors nevername is in the original merely the plural of Maon theless to estalilisli an identity l)etwcen the two,

on the ground that Cam at-Manaiiil, a place two a nation named amongst those who in days' journey south of Mecca, one of the towns
not 80 violent as

The instances of 11 being omployeJ to render the itrango llcbrow guttunil Ain are not frequent iu the
A. V.
" Hebrew " (^"I^IS?)

looks to an English reader.


It is


a simple transposition of two




In earlier vor-

kIom was "Ebrew'' (comp. Shakespeare,

I'art I.


2, So. 4)



it is

supported by the LXX., and by




oflcncst encountered.

Josephns (Ant.


2,'Apo^es); and by modern




but identical with the Uo-

scholars, as Do Wctte (Bibd), Ewald (Ge.^rh. iii. 474, note). A reverse transposition will be found in the

brew Maon.
c Hero the Crtliib, or original Hebrew text, has \U}nim, which is nearer the Greek cfiuivalent than Mef.nim or Mrnnlm.


<l The text of thl3 pnnMigc is accurately n followg The chlliireu of Mcxil) and the children of Amnion, lor the fraternal relation between the two nations " the words " other would not comn ag;ilnst Israel in their own dress, but f nd with them of the Ammonites disguised themselves as Ammouites." (Jerome, Vm' laaide " being interpolated by our truiiMlators. "Hie change from " Ammouites " to " Mohiialm " Is H't/T. ad loc.)

Syriac version of Judg. x. 12, where " .\mmon " is read for the " Maon " of the Hebrew. The LXX. make but hero there is tlie change again in 2 Chr. xxvi. 8 no apparent occasion for it. The .lewi.sli gloss on 2 Chr. xx. 1 is curious. " By Ammonites Kilomites arc meant, who, out of respect




of habita- close similarity to each other, and occur nowhere G. tions," and might therefore be equivalent tq the else.

the Minaeans, signifies tbe

" horn


Meoniiii. i'n^b'Q & [place, base] LXX. Josephus {Ant. ix. 10, 3) calls them " the [Rom. Vat. Alex. FA.J] 'omits; [FA.3 Maxva-'i who adjoined Egypt,'" and speaks of a Arabs Mockona), one of the towns which were re-inhab3ity built by Uzziah on the Red Sea to overawe ited after the Captivity by the men of Judah (Neh. them.


should infer that it was situated far to the south, Minaeans were a colony from the " while the mention of the " daughter towns Maonites and Mount Seir, who in their turn he appears to comider a remnant of the Aniorites (see (n"1D2, A. V. "villages") dependent on it seem

Ewald {Geschichte,


323, note) suggests that





being coupled with Ziklag,


the text of the

to the translaevident from the fact that they tors of the LXX. not only introduce the name on the occasions already mentioned, but that they further use it as

same page). That the Minaeans were famiUar

show that it was a place of some magnitude. Jlekonah is not mentioned elsewhere, and it does not appear that any name corresponding with it has been yet discovered. The conjecture of Schwars that it is identical with the Mechanum, whica

Zophar tbe Naama- Jerome"-' {Oiioinasticon, "Bethmacha") locates b&thite, one of the three friends of Job, is by them tween Eleutheropolis and Jerusalem, at eight miles presented as " Sophar the Minaean," and " Sophar from the former is entirely at variance with the
equivalent to


In this connection it is king of the Minaeans." not unworthy of notice that as there was a town called JIaon in the mountain-district of .Judah, so there was one called Naaniah in the lowland of the same tribe. El-Minyay, which is, or was, the first station south of Gaza, is probably identical with Minois, a place mentioned with distinction in the Christian records of Palestine in the .5th and 6th Le Quien, centuries (Keland, Pakestina, p. 899 Oriens Christ, iii. 669), and both may retam a Baal-jieon, a town on trace of the Minseans. the east of .Jordan, near Heshbon, still called Ma'in, probably also retains a trace of the presence of the Maonites or Mehunim north of their proper

above inference.




{delivered by Jeho-


MaATias; [Vat. Alex. FA. omit:]

who, with the men of GibeoB and Mizpah, assisted in relniilding the wall of Jeru salem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 7).
.Ueltias), a Gibeonite,




>" [S'"-] ^at. and Ales. Tisch. [in 2d ed., but Me\x' ^'^

7th and 8th eds.] Melcki). 1. The son of Janna, and ancestor of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke iii. 24). In the list given by Africanus, Slelchi appears as the father of Heli, the

intervening Levi and Matthat being omitted (Hervey, Gene'il. p. 137). 2. The sou of Addi in the


The latest appearance of the same genealogy (Luke who returned iii. 28). Amongst the from the Captivity with Zerubbabel. (n*3b^ [Jehovah's king]: follownon-Israelites from whom the Nethinim ing the precedent of what seems to have been the MsAxias: Melcliiris), a priest, the father of Pashur He is elsewhere called Malchiah and foundation of the order were made up, we find (.ler. xxi. 1). (See Malchiah 7, and Malchijah their name (Ezr. ii. 50, A. V. "Mehunim; " Neh. Malchijah.
in the Bible is in the lists of those

name Mehunims


A. V. "Meunim"). Here tliey are men- 1-) the Nephishim, or descendants of MELCHI'AS (MeXxias: Mekhias). 1. Tbe Naphish, an Ishniaelite people whose seat appears same as Malchiah 2 (1 Esdr. ix. 26). to have been on the east of Palestine (1 Chr. v. 19 ), 2. [Vat. MeAxeiar.] Malchiah 3 and and therefore certainly not far distant from MiCan Malchijah 4 (1 Esdr. ix. 32). the chief city of the Maonites. G. 3. ([Vat. MeAxe'asO Malachias.) The same


tioned with





[see below]



(1 J^sdr. ix. 44).

ed\a(r<Ta 'UpaKcaV- Aquce Jercon ['?Vulg. Mtjnrcon] ), a town in the territory of Dan (.Josh,





mon, and

46 only); named next in order to Gath-rimin the neighborhood of Joppa or Japho. ernors of Bethulia (Jud.
lexicographers interpret the

Alex. Sinc^. MeAxii'iA; Sin. SeAATj/i] ) Charmis, the son of Melchiel, was one of the three govdifferent reading,
vi. 15). The Vulgate and the Peshito gives the




meaning has a

" the yellow waters." No attempt has been made name Manshnjel. it with any existing site. It is difficidt (MAxre56/c: [Melchisnot to suspect that the name following that of Me- edech]), the form of the n.ame Melchizedek hajjarkon, har-Rakon (A. V. Rakkon), is a mere adopted in the A. V. of the New Testament (Heb. corrupt repetition thereof, as the two bear a very v., vi., \di.).
to identify


a The institution of the Nethinim, i. e. " the given ones," seems to have originated in the Midianite war (Num. xx.xi.), when a certain portion of the captives was " given " (the word in the original is the same) to the Levites who kept the charge of the Sacred Tent (vv. 30, 47). The Gibeonites were probably the next accession, and the invaluable lists of Ezra and Neheniah alluded to above seem to show that the captives from many a foreign nation went to swell the numt)er3 of the Order. See Mehunim, Nephusim, Harsha, Sisera, and other foreign names contained in these

Caph by K, which they usually reserve for the Koph. Other instances are Kithlish and Kjttim. c This passage of Jerome is one of those which completely startle the reader, and incline him '.o mistrust altogether Jerome's knowledge of sacred topography He actually places the Beth-maacha, in which Joab

besieged Sheba the son of Bichri, and which was one of the first places taken by Tiglath-Pileser on his entrance into the north of Palestine, among the mountains of Judah, south of Jerusalem A mistake of the same

found in Benjamin of Tudela and Hap-Paroni, Maon of David's adventurt: in th< * Oui translators have here represented the Hebrew neighborhood of Mount Carmel.


place the




Augustine ( Qmesl. in Utn. Ixxii. ^'^^] '^" 0/>j>. iii. 3'JO), and ascribed by .Jerome (/. c.) to MeAx*"''" [MeAx'"^* Origen and Didymus, that Melchizedek was an Mtlchisuii), a son of Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 4".J, xxxi. angel. The Fathers of the I'ourth and fifth centuAll erroneous manner of representing; the ries record with reproljation the tenet of the Mel2). uame, wliioh is elsewhere correctly given Mal- cbizedekians that lie was a Power, Virtue, or Influnot

: '


haps, but less widely ditiused,


the 8uppition





tzetlek [kin;/





Mf\x"^^^^'<' '^''"

ence of God (August. (It Jherisi/jus, 34, 0pp. viii. II; Theodoret, //leret. fub. ii. (i, p. 332; I''|)iphan. llcer. Iv. 1, p. 4U8; compare Cyril Alex. Gliiph. in Gen. ii. p. 57) superior to (Jlirist (Chrysost. Iloin.

king of Salem and priest of the iMost High G(h1, who met Abnim in the Valley of Sliaveh [or, the level valleyj, which is the king's valley, brought out hreail and wine, Messed Ahram, and Tlie received tithes from him (Gen. xiv. 18-20). other places in which Melchizwlek is mentioneil are Ps. ex. 4, where Messiah is described as a priest forever, "alter the order of Alelchi/.edek," and Heb. v., vi., vii., where these two passages f tlie O. T. are (juoted, and the typical relation of .Melchizeilek to our Lord is stated at great

in Mclc/u'z. 0pp. vi. p. 2G!>), and the daring conjecture of Hieracas and hia Melchizedek was the Holy (ihost (ICpiphan. Iher. Ixvii. 3, p. 711 and 1/. h, p. 472). Epiphanius also mentions (Iv. 7, p. 474) soice lueiahen of the church as holding the erroneous opinion that Melchizedek was the Son of God ap|)earing in human form, an opinion which St. Ambrose (De



followers that

3, 0j>p. t. i. p. 288) seems willing to and which has been adopted by many modem critics. Similar to this was a .lewish opinion that he was the Messiah ((tpucl Deyling, length. There is something surprising and mysterious in OOs. Sacr. ii. 73, Scluittgeii, /. c. compare the the first a[)i)earance of .NIelchizedek, and in the Book Sohar ap. Wolf, Citrie Phil, in Ileb. vii. 1). IJearing a title .Modern writers have added to these conjectures iul>se(iuent references to him. ivhich .lews in after ages would recognize as desig- that he may have been Ham (.lurieu), or a denating their own sovereign, bearing gifts which .scendant of Japhet (Owen), or ot Sliem (npud recall to Christians the Lord's .Supper, this Ca- Deyling, I. c), or even Enoch (Hulse), or Job Other guesses may be found in Deylnaanitc crosses for a moment the path of Abram, (Kohlreis). and is unhesit;itingly recognized ;is a person of ing (/. c.) and in Pfeifi'er (De persona McMi.


Dis- 0pp. p. 51). All these opinions are unauthorized higher spiritual rank than the friend of (lod. many of them seem appearing as suilderdy as he came in, he is lost to additions to Holy Scripture It is an essential the sacred writings for a thousand years; and then to be irrecoiicilaljle with it. a few emphatic words for another moment bring part of the Apostle's argument (Ileli. vii. 6) that him into sight as a ty|)e of the coming Lord of ilelchizedek is "without fatlier," and that his David. Once more, after another thousand jears, "jx'digree is not counted from the sons of Levi;" the Hel)rew Christians are taught to see in him a so that neither their ancestor Shem, nor any other proof that it w:is the consistent purpose of God to son of Noali can be identified with .Melchizedek;

His person, his and again, the statements tliat he fulfilled on earth and the scat of his the offices of Priest and King and that he was sovereignty, have given rise to innumerable discus- "made hke unto the son of God" would hardly The way Bions, which even now can scarcely be consideretl as have been predicated of a Divine Person. settled. in which he is mentioned in Genesis would rather The fiiitli of early ages ventured to invest hrs lead to the immediate inference that Melchizedek Perhaps it woidd was of one blood with the children of Ham, among ))erson with sujjerstitious awe. be too much to ascribe to mere national jealousy whom he lived, chief (like the King of Sodom) of

the Levitical priesthood.

relation to Christ,


the fact that .Jewish tradition, as recorded in tiic Targums of I'seudo-Ioiiathan and Jerusalem, and

Perhajis it is not too a settled Canaanitish tribe. much to infer from the silence of Philo (Abraham, in IJa-shi on Gen. xiv., in some cabalistic (ajid xl.) and Onkelos {in Gen.) as to any other opinion, It certainly was the opinion Bochart, P/hi/c-/, pt. 1, b. ii. 1, G9) and rab- that they held this. binical (ap. Si;h(ittgen, /lor. Iltb. ii. 64-5) writers, of Josei)lius (B. ./. vii. 18), of most of the early pronounces Melcliizedek to be a survivor of the Fathers {npiid Jeronw, I. c). of Tiicodoret {in Gtn. Deluge, the patriarch .Sliem, autluirizcd by tlic Ixiv. p. 77), and ICpiphanius {/la-r. Ixvii. p. 716), superior dignity of old age to i)less even tlie fatlier and is now generally received (see Grotius in Ileltr.;
of the faitiifni, and entitled, as the paramount loril of Canaan ((Jon. ix. 20) to convey (xiv. 19) his

ii. ii.

Conimenlnry in,
















313, ed. 1854).


tiviinf/cliim {Oi>i>.


entirely devoted

so Melchizeilek

I'.useb. Pritp. and dwelling-place heathen wxs the prevailing Kvanij. i. !)), not self-appointed (as Chrysostom Horn, in Gen. xxxv. 5, cf. Heb. v. 4). opinion of the .Jews in his time; and it is ascribed suggests, to the Samaritans by l^piphaiiius, liter. Iv. G, p. but constituted by a special gift from God, and 472. It Wivs afterwards eml)r;iced by Luther and recognized as such !)) Him. Alelchizedck combined the offices of priest and Melnnchthon, l>y our own countrymen, H. Hrougliton, .Selilen, Fjghtfoot (Chm-. Marco prinm. ch. x. kiiiii, a.s was not uncommon in patriarchal times. Xothins is said to distiiiguisli his kingship from 1, 2), .la<-kson {On the Cni'l, b. ix. 2), .and bnt the It should be note<l that this that of the contemporary kings of Canaan by many others. Tippositioii does not ap|)ear in tlic Targum of emphatic words in which he is described, by a title

to a roiisideration of the person of Melchizeilek, slates that this

wxs a priest among (Philo, Abnih. xxxix.


as Ifcdaam was a prophet, tlie corrupteil


a pr'^sun^ption



was not received

bv the .lews

after the Christian era





with the Fathers.

I'^jiinlly old, jier-

a "priest of the never uiven even most High God," as blessing .\braliam and n-ceiving tithes from him, seem to imply that his jriesthood
to Alir.-vhani, as

souielhing more (see Hengstenberg, Christol, Vs. ex.) than an ordinary patriarchal priesthood, such as Abram liimsclf and other heads of families And altliough it has been (Job i. 5) exercised.

placed by Josephus {Ant.


and bj

mediaeval and modern tradition (see I*>wald, (iesch. iii. 23iJ) in the inunediate neighborliood of Jerusa-

observed (Pear.son, On the Creed, p. 122, ed. IS-i^J) that we read of nc jtiier sacerdotal act performed by JNIelchizedek, but only tluit of blessing [and
receiving tithes, Pfeifler], yet


be assumed

that he was accustomed to discharne all the ordinary duties of those wlio are "ordained to otler





concede (with



3; and we might and others) that

possibly preceded

his regal hospitality to

Abram was

by an unrecorded without implying

siiccrdotal act of oblation to

tliat his



was in
Ps. ex.

as recorded in Genesis, a sacrifice.

The "order

of Melchize.lek,"


4, is

king between Melchizedek and opinion that there is every probability that Mount t'hrist as tyjie and antitype is made in the Ep. to Gerizim is the place where Melchizedek, the priest Eupolennis (ap. the Hebrews to consist in the following particulars. of the Most High, met Abram. Each was a priest, (1) not of the Levitical trilie; Euseb. Prasp. Evang. ix. 17), in a confused version (3) whose beginning of this story, names Argerizim, the mount of the (2) superior to Abraham and end are unknown (4) who is not only a priest, Most High, as the place in which Abram was hosTo pitably entertained. (4.) Ewald {Gesch. iii. 239) but also a king of righteousness and peace. these points of agreement, noted by the Apostle, denies positively that it is Jerusalem, and says that human ingenuity has added others which, howevei-, it nnist be north of .leru.s.alem on the other side of stand in need of the evidence of either an inspired Jordan (i. 410): an opinion which Riidiger (Gesen. There too Profeswriter or an eye-itness, before they can be received Thesaurus, 1422 6) condenuis. as facts and applied to establish any doctrine. Thus sor Stanley thinks that the king's dale was situate, J. .Johnson {Unbloody Surrifice, i. 123, ed. 1847) near the spot where Absalom fell. Some .Jewish writers have held the opirnon that asserts on very slender evidence, that the Fathers who refer to Gen. xiv. 18, understood that Mel- Melchizedek was the writer and Abram the subject See Deyling, Obs. Sncr. iii. 137. chizedek offered the bread and wine to God and of Ps. ex. It may suffice to mention that there is a fabulous hence he infers that one great part of our Saviour's Melchizedekian priesthood consi.sted in offering life of Melchizedek printed among the spurious And Bellarmine asks in what works of Athanasius, vol. iv. p. 189. bread and wine. Reference may be made to the following works other respects is (,^hrist a priest after the order of Waterland, who does not lose sight in addition to those already mentioned: two tracts Melchizedek. of the deep siiinificancy of Melchizedek's action, has on Melchizedek by M. J. H. von Elswick, in the replied to dohnson in his Appendix to " the Chris- Thesnurus Notus Theulof/.-pIiilulotjtcus ; L. Bortian Sacrifice exjiLained," ch. iii. 2, Wor/cg, v. gisius, Historia Critica Melchisedeci, 1706; GailBellarmine's question is sufficiently lard, Melchisedeciis Chrislus, etc., 1686; M. C. 165, ed. 1843. answered by Whitaker, Dhputntion on Scripture, Hoffman, De Afelchisedeco, 1669; H. Broughton, Quest, ii. ch. x. 1G8, ed. 1849. And the sense of Treatise of Melchizedek, 1591. See also J. A. the Fathers, who sometimes expressed themselves Fabricius, Cod. Pseudepi;). V. T. ; P. Molinteua, Vales, etc., 1640, iv. 11; J. H. Heidegger, Hist. in rhetorical language, is cleared from misinterpretation by Bp. .lewel, Replij io Hitrding, art. xvii. Sacr. Patriarcharum, 1671, ii. 288; Hottinger, {Works, ii. 731, ed. 1847). In Jackson on the linnead. Disput. ; and P. Cunaeus, Be Republ. Creed, bk. ix. 2, ch. vi.-xi. 955 ff"., there is a Heb. iii. 3, apud Crit. Sacr. vol. v. W. T. B. lengthy but valuable account of the priesthood of Melchizedek; and the views of two different theo(MeAea [Tisch. MeAea] Melea). logical schools are ably stated by Aquinas, Siimma The son of Menau, and ancestor of Joseph in thi
Riid priest.

explained by Gesenius and liosenniiiUer to " manner"=''Ukeness in official dignity "



lem that the name of a later king of .Jerusalem. Adonizedec (Josh. x. 1), sounds like that of a legitimate successor of Melchizedek: and that Jewish writers {cp. Schiittgen, Hor. Heb. in Heb. vii righteousness, as a name of Jeru2) claim Zedek salem. (2.) Jerome {0pp. i. 44U) denies that Salem is .Jerusalem, and asserts that it is identical with a town near Scythopolis or Bethshan, which in his time retained the name of Salem, and in which some extensive ruins were shown as the He supports tuis remains of Melchizedek's palace. view by quoting Gen. xxxiii. 18, where, howevei-, the translation is questioned (as instead of Salem the woi'd may signify "safe"); compare the mention of Salem in Judith iv. 4, and in .John iii. 23. (3.) Professor Stanley {S. <f P. pp. 237, 238) is of





22, 6,

and Turretinus, Theedoijia,

fruitful source of discussion
site of




genealogy of Jesus Christ (Luke





has been


(Tybp =kin(j:


1 Chr.


Salem and Shaveh, which cer- 35, MeAax, U^^- MeAxT7A,] Alex. MaAcoe; in tainly lay in Abrani's road from Hobah to the 1 Chr. ix. 41, MaXd-x, Alex. MaAaJX^ Melech). plain of Mainre, and which are assumed to be near The second son of Micab, the son of Merib-baal Tiie various theories may be briefly or Mephibosheth, and therefore great-grandson of to each other.
found in the

enumerated as follows; (1) Salem is supposed to have occupied in Abraham's time the ground on which afterwards Jehus and then Jerusalem stood ind Shaveh to be the valley east of Jerusalem through which the Kidron flows. This opinion, abandoned by Keland, Pal. 833, but adopted by Winer, is supported by the facts that Jerusalem is called Salem in Ps. Ixxvi. 2, and that Josephus {Ant. i. 10, 2) and the Targums distinctly assert
their identity: that the
18), identified

.Jonathan the son of Saul.


Keri, ^'Zi'^^

ovx- [Vat.] Alex. MaAoux-

'AuaAThe gjime


6 (Neli.


14; comp. ver. 2).

king's dale (2 Sara, xviii.


(MeAiTTi: [Melita]], Acts xxviii. i, This island has an illustrious the modern Malta. place in Scripture, as the scene of that shipwreck of St. Paul which is described in such minute An attempt detail in the Acts of the Apostles. has been made, more than onco, to



17 with



com ect





Finally, the course pursued in this conclusion of the voyage, tirst to Syracuse and then to Kbegiumi

sccuirence with another island, hearini? -He same name, in the Gulf of Venice; and our hest course here seems to Imj to give briefly tlie [Kjints of evi-

deuce by which the true state of the case has been


contributes a last link to the chain of arguments by which we prove that Melita is MdUa.

take St. Paul's ship in the condition in about a day after leavinj; Fair Havkns, i. e. wlieii slie was under the lee of ('laui)a (Acts xxvii. IG), laid-to on the starlward " " underirirders tick, and strenirthcned with


which we

find lier

[Ship], the boat tming just taken on iward, and ICuhothe Rale blowino; hard from the K. N. E. ( ci.YDOX.] (2.) Assuniiiii; (what every practiced

would allow) tliat the slii))'s direction of drift would be about W. by N., and lier rate of drift about a mile and a half an hour, we come at once to the conclusion. I>y measuring tiie distance on the chart, that siie woidd lie brousrlit to tiie coast of (3.) A Malta on the tliirteenth day (see ver. 27).
BJiip drifting in tliis direction to

the place traditionto that






Hay would come

spot on the coast without touciiing any other part The coast, in fact, trends of the island previously.
Tliis may be seen on tliis bay to the S. E. consulting any map or chart of Malta. (4.) On Kmirti Point, wiiicli is the soutiieasterly extremity of the bay, there must infallil)ly iiave been breakers,


Now the with the wind blowing from the N. E. alarm was certaiidy caused liy breakers, for it took place in the night (ver. 27), and it does not appe;vr that the passengers were at first awai'e of tiie danger which became sensible to the quick ear of tiie " sailors." {b.) Yet the vessel did not strike: and this corresponds with the position of tlie point, wliicli would be .some little distance on the port side, or to the left, of tiie vessel. (6.) Off this point of the coast tlie .soundings are 20 fathoms
(ver. 28),

and a



in the direction


fathoms (ib-)(7.) Though tlie danger was imminent, we shall find from examining the cliait tliat there would still be time to anchor (ver. 2!J) iiefore striking on the rocks (8.) Witli liad iiolding ground there would have l)een great risk of the ship dragging her anchors. Hut the bottom of St. In I'urdy's Paul's Bay is remarkably tenacious.



they are



/Jireclioim (p.
tlio c.ables




said of



" while Bnchors

hold tiiere

no danger, as


never start."

(9.) 'i'he otiier geological

ch.aracteristics of the

place are

harmony with

the narmtive, which describes the creek as having in one jilace a sandy or muddy tieach (K6\irov
aiyia\/>u, ver. 3!)), and which states tiiat the lx)W of the siiip was held fast in the shore, while tlie stern was exposed to the action of the


Eor particulars we must refer to waves (ver. 41). the work (mentioned below) of Mr. Smith, an accomplished geologist. (10.) Another point of local namely, that as detail is of considerable interest the ship took tiie ground, the place obsprve<l to be SiGaAairo-OT, t. e. a connection was noticed l>etween two apparently separate pieces of water. We shall see, on liMiking at the chart, that this woidd lie the case. The small island of Salmonettn would at first appear to be a part of Malta itself; nit the passage would open on the right as the vessel jiasscil to the place of shipwreck. (1 1.) Malta .Mexandria and is in the track of KJiips betwix-n




established to denion.stration.


be worth while to notice one or two objections. It is said, in reference to xxvii. 27. that the wreck took place in the .Adriatic, or Gulf of Venice. It is urged that a well-known island like Malta could not have been unrecognized (xxvii. .19), nor " barbarous " (xxviii. 2). its iiihal)itants called And as regards the [Hauhahoi'.s, Amer. ed.]


occurrence recorded in xxviii .3. stress is laid on the facts that Malta has no poisonous serpents, and To these objections we reply iit hardiv anv wood.



this corresponds with

the fact that

the " Cnstor and I'ollux," an .Alexandrian vessel which ultimately eonveyed St. Paul to Italy, hud





(Acts xxviii. 11).


once that .Apkia. in the languaire of the period, denotes not the Gulf of Venice, but the ojien sea lietween Crete and Sicily; that it is no wonder if the sailors did not recognize n strange part of tli coast on which thev were thrown in stormy weather, and that they did recognize the place when th*j

4id leave the ship (xxviii. 1)"; that the kindness




Rome by means

of a voyage enibracing

Syracuse; and that the soundiugs on its shore do not agree with what is recorded in the Acts. An amusing passage in Coleridge's Table Talp savaj^es, and that the word denotes simply that they did not speali Greek and lastly, that tlie pop- (p. 185) is worth noticing as the last echo of what The question has is now an extinct controversy. alation of Malta has increased in an extraordinary Hianner in recent times, that probably there was been set at rest forever by .Air. Smith of Jordan abundant wood there formerly, and that with the Hill, in his Voyaije and Shipwreck of Si. Paul, the
recorded of the natives (xxviii. 2, 10) shows they not ' barbarians " in the sense of being

destruction of the wood many indigenous animals would disappear.'' In adducing positive arguments and answering objections, we have indirectly proved that jNIelita in the Gulf of Venice was not the scene of tlie shipwreck. But we may add that this island could not have been reached witliout a miracle under the circumstances of weather described in the narrative; that it is not in the track between Alexandria and Puteoli; that it would not be natural to proceed


published work in which


was thoroughly

It had, however, been previously treated in the same manner, and with the same results, by Admiral Penrose, and copious notes from his JISS. are given in The Life and Itpislh'sof Si. Paul. In that work {2d ed. p. 426 note) are given the names of some of those who carried on the controversy in the last

investigated from a sailor's point of view.



ringleader on the Adriatic side of

the question, not unnaturally was Padre Georgi. a

St Paul's Bay.
Benediotino iionk connected with the Venetian or (under the governor ot Sicily) appears from ii scripAustrian Meleda, and his Paulus Nanfragus is tions to have had the title of Trpairos MfAirai'tov, He was, however, not the first or Primus Melitensium, and this is the very phrase Extremely curious. We find it, at a which St. Luke uses (xxviii. 7). [Publics.] Mr. to suggest this untenable view. much earlier period, in a Byzantine writer. Const. Smith could not find these inscriptions. Thera I'orphyrog. De Adni. Imp. (c. 36, v. iii. p. 164 of seems, however, no reason whatever to doubt their authenticity (see Bochart, Opera, i. 502; Abela, the Bonn ed.). As regards the condition of the island of Melita, Descr. Melitce, p. 146, appended to the last voluma when St. Paul was there, it was a dependency of of the ^'i/ii^MiV/es of Gr.aevius; and Pioeckh, Corp.


province of Sicily.


chief officer

Insc. vol.



Melita, from


position in

and precept. The chapter might seem merely intended to give us information concerning the ships and seaby information that they learnt on what island they faring of the ancient world and certainly nothing in were cast. In this instance as what they learned the whole range of Greek and Roman literature does What if it was not that " the island is Melita " but " is called teach us so much on these subjects. ((caAeiTai) Melita," they were probably told this by the divinely ordained that there should be one large pas one, and just one that sage in the New Testament people whom the wreck of the ship had brought down If " the .sailors " as distinguished from could be minutely tested in the accuracy of its nier to the coast. and that it should have the others " recognized the land " it would naturally circumstantial particulars apve been the sea-view which was familiar to them, been so tested and attested just at the time when such had failed to recognize the island from accuracy is most scarchingly questioned ? " (Lectures nn and yet they the sea, though they had seen it in full daylight (ver. the Chriracler of St. Paul, IIulse<an Lectures for 1864.) The particulars in which this accuracy of the narrative II. 39) before landing. b * There is a passage in another of Dean Howson's shows itself are well enumerated in .1. R. Oertel's Faulv-s

may have

(iniyvta<Tav or probably iwiyvixifxev),

been, as far as respects the verb by recognition or

works respecting these verifications of Luke's accuracy in (ler ApostMseschir/ite. pp. 107-110 (Halle, 1868). KlosKhjcn belongs also to this place. ' Nothing is more ternianu Vin'/icicp Lucanrr seu de itimrarli in libra Ado >ert!iin than that the writer was on board that ship rum asservati auctnre, Gotting. 1866) argues from interftnd thai he tells the truth. It might be thought nal characteristics that the writer of this itinerary (Acts itrange that .so l.irge a space, in a, volume which we xxvii. and xxviii.) must have been an eye-witness, and oelieve to be inspired, should contain so much cireum- was the Luke who wrote the other parts of the book.

4tutial detail

with so


of religious exhortation


fniita alone,

such as cucumbers, pumpkins, melons, which are known by the generic name tialech." The Greek iriwwu, and the Latin pepo, ap[3ar to be also occasionally used in a generic sense. According to Korskal (Dfscr. pltint. p. ]G7) and Hasselqi'ist {Trav. 255), the Arabs designated the water-

the Mediterranean, and the excellence of its harbors, has always licen important both in couiincrce and


It w;is


of the I'lioeiiicians at an

early period,


their lant;uar;e, in a


continued to be spoken there in St. Paul's ((ie.senius, Versuch iib. die mail. Spmclie. day. 1-roin the Cartliajxinians it passed l^ipz. 1810.)''
to the lioinaiis in the Second I'unic







honey and



fabrics, for excellent buililing-stone,



a well-

known breed

of do<;s.

corsairs from

few yeare l)efore St. Paids his native province of Cilicia

made Melita a frequent resort; and thi-ou^di subsequent periods of its history. Vandal and Arabian, The Chrisit was olten a.ssocialed with piracy. tianity, however, introduced liy St. I'aul was never This island had a lirilliant period under extinct. the knights of St. .lohn, and it is associated with he most exciting i)assaj;es of the struggle between
the Kreiich and English at the close of tlie last No century ami the beginning of the present. island so small has so great a history, whether biblical

or political.

J. S-


MELONS (C"*nt3?S,''
pi'jMmex) are

(ibdttkhhn: Trfirovis-

{Cucumis meio.)

mentioned only in the following verse: " We remember the fish, which wc did eat in Kgypt freely; the cucumliers, and the melons," etc. (Num. xi. 5); by the Hebrew word we are probably to miderstand both the melon {Cucuniia vielu) and the water-melon {CucuibUa cUrullus), for the Arabic


while the same word was used with denote other plants belonging to the order Cucurbitacece. Though the watermelon is now quite connnon in Asia, Dr. Koyle thinks it doubtful whether it was known to the ancient Egyptians, as no distinct mention of it is made in Greek writers; it is uncertain at what time



specific epithet to

the Greeks applied the term ayyovpiov (ciiytiria) to the water-melon, l>ut it was probably at a comparatively recent date.
for this fruit is

The modern Greek word

Galen (f/e Fuc. Alim. ii. 5G7) speaks of the common melon (Cvcumis melo) Serapion, according under the name ^TjAoTreVcoj'. to Sprengel {Comment, in JJitiscw: ii. 1G2 ), restricts the Arabic baiikli to the water-melon. The watermelon is by some considered to be indigenous to India, from which country it may have been intro7 \"v.-:_ duced into I'-gypt in very early times; according to Prosper Alpinus, medical Arabic writers sometimes use the term biiiikh-huU, or aixjurid Indica, to denote this fruit, whose common Arabic name is according to tlie same authority, biitikli el-Mm>vi (water); but Ilasselquist says {Trar. 25G) that this name belongs to a softer variety, the juice of which, when very ripe, and almost putrid, is mixed with rose-water and sugar and given in fevers; he observes that the water-melon is cidtivated on the banks of the Nile, on the rich clayey earth after the Cucurbita cilntUus. inundations, from the beginning of May to the end of July, and that it serves the I'"gy]itians for meat, nonn Bingidar, haiekh, which is identical with the drink, and physic; the fruit, however, he says, should Hebrew word, is used gcnerically, as we learn from lie eaten "with great circunjsiiection, for if it be Prosper Ali)inu3, who says (liiriim yJuji/pt. J Hat. \. taken in the heat of the day when the body is warm, This observation 17) of the t^gyptians, "they often dine and sup on i)ad consequences often ensue."

n For the results of this investigation see also their langua((e to the old Punic, yet it contains nothErsch and Oruber's Enri/klo/iai/if, art. " Arublen." The int; which may not far more natuniUy l>e explained The Slaltc'se .\nibic is such Maltese liingunne approm-hes so nearly to the Anihic out of the modern Anibic. that the islandom are rc:i<lily unclerstooj in all the port.* that travellers in Arabia and I'ale.'sliuc olteu cbtain U. ot Afrieu and Syria. At the time of the .Samceu irrup- their guides in Malta. tion Malta was overrun by Anibs from whom the coni6 From roof n'^?, transp. for FHili ( yf-uuo). umn people of the island derive their orij^in. Their iliilect is a corrupt Antbie, interwoven at the same Precisely similar is the derivation ol time with many words from the Itjilian, ,Sp:inisli, and " to coolt." AlthnuKh the anrestml w<-n<i>v. from nfTrrai. Gesenius couipores the Sjnillata Cthei F^umpean lancunKes. Itrhte of the Maltose uiuy dispose thein to truce baeic buJiecas, the V'rsnch poileifues.




no doubt applies only to persons before tliey Lave Fiirst (Lex. s. v.) suggests its connection with the become accliiiiatized, lor the native Egyptians eat Hebrew nazar, " to guard." W. L. B. Thecouinion melon {Cuthe Iruit with impunity. {K6ivros Me^cumis iiU'lo) is cultivated in the same places and [Maxlius, T.J ixios)^ 2 Mace. xi. 34. ripens at the same time with the water-melon; ME]\rPHIS, a city of ancient Egypt, situated but the fruit in Egypt is not so delicious as in this country (see Sonnini's Ti-acds, ii. 328); on the western bank of the Nile, in latitude 30 6 " A N. It is mentioned "by Isaiali (xix. 13), Jeremiah the poor in Egypt do not eat this melon.
the East," says Kitto (note on " who recollects the intense gratitude which a gift of a slice of melon inspired while journeying over the hot and dry plains, will readily comprehend the regret with which the Hebrews in

16, xlvi.

14, 19),

and Ezekiel (xxx. 13,



xi. 5),

Arabian desert looked back upon the melons of It is variously interpreted e. ^. Egypt." The water-melon, which is now exten- y''e"=good. " " tomb of the good man " sively cultivated all over India and the tropical " haven of the good " the abode of the good " " the gate of the Osiris parts of Africa and America, and indeed in hot Gesenius remarks upon the two intercountries generally, is a fruit not unlike the common blessed." melon, but the leaves are deeply lobed and gashed, pretations proposed by Plutarch (De Jsid. eiOs. 20) namely, opfxos ayadwu, " haven of the good," the flesh is pink or white, and contains a large quantity of cold watery juice without much flavor; and Tciipos 'OaipiSos, " the tomlj of Osiris "

under the name of Noph; and by.Hosea (ix. 6) under the name of Moph in Hebrew, and MkmPiiis in our English version [LXX. Me/j.(pis, Vulg. MeinpliU]. 'I'he name is compounded of two hieroglyphics " Men " foundation, station; and "


the seeds are black.

to need description.

The melon


too well


Both these plants belong

that " both are applicable to Memphis as the sepulchre of Osiris, the >fecropolis of the Elgyptians,

Cucumber family, and hence also the haven of the blessed, since the which contains about sixty known genera and 300 right of burial was conceded only to the good." species Cucurbitu, Bryonia, Muinordict, Citcii- Bunsen, however, prefers to trace in the name of mis, are examples of the genera. [Cucumbeu; the city a connection with Menes, its founder. The Greek coins have Memphis ; the Coptic is Memjt, Gourd.] W. H. * Had the faith of the children of Israel been or Mtiiji and Memf; Hebrew, sometimes Moph (Mph), and sometimes Noph; Arabic Memf or such as it ought to have been they needed not to Men/ (Bunsen, KyypVs Place, vol. ii. 53). There have murmured at the loss of the Egyptian melons, can be no question as to the identity of the Noph inasmuch as Palestine and Syria are capable of proof the Hebrew prophets with Memphis, the capital ducing the best species
the order





of them. W.ater-melons of lower Egypt. through Palestine, and tliose


of Jafta are


for their

are carried to

points on the coast,

They and trans-


Though some regard 'lliebes as the more ancient the monuments of Memphis are of higher an

ported to the inland towns on camels as far as and Hamath and Aleppo, before the season when they ripen in those districts. I'hey are among the cheapest and most widely diffused of



the fruits of the East.

In most parts of Syria

tiquity than those of Thebes. Herodotus dates its foundation from Menes, the first really historica' king of Egypt. The era of .Menes is not satisfactorily determined. Birch, Kenrick, Poole, \\\\kinson, and the English school of Egyptologists eenerally, reduce the chronology of Manetho's lists, by making several of his dynasties contemporaneous

melons go by the generic name of ^.isj, '

while their specific names are yelluu) Boltikh for the

musk-melon, Jaffa BoU'ikh for those from that city, green Boltikh for the water-melon. It is not, however, the custom to name other plants of the cucur" Bottikh." bilacecB The cucumber, and the Elaterium, etc. have all their appropriate generic names. G. E. P.

2717 (Kawliiison, Ilcroit. ii. 342; Poole, Algypl. p. 97). Tlie (Jerman Egyptologists assign to Egypt a much longer chronology. Bunsen fixes the era of Menes at b. c. 3643 {Egypt's Place, vol. ii. 579); Brugsch at b. c. 4455 {Hislitire Egypte, i. 287); and Lepsius at b. c. 3892 (Konigsbuch der alien JEgiipler). Lepsius also registers about 18,000 years of the dynasties of gods, demigods, and prehistoric kings, before the accession (^V^'a [overseer-]). The A. V. of Jlenes. But indeterminate and conjectural as is wrong in i-egarding JMelzar as a proper name; it the early chronology of Egypt yet is, all agree that is rather an official title, as is implied in the adthe known history of the empire begins with Menes, dition of the article in each case where the name who founded Memphis. The city belongs to the " the earliest periods of authentic history. occurs (Dan. i. 11, IG): the marginal reading, The LXX. steward," is therefore more correct. The building of Memphis is associated by tradi\_rntlier, Theodotion] regards the article as a part of tion with a stupendous work of art which has perthe name, and renders it 'A/j-epadp [so Alex. Rom. manently changed the course of the Nile and tho Vat. AfieAadS: the LXX. read 'A0ieaSpi]; the face of the Delta. Before the time of Menes the Vulgate, however, has MnUis'ir. The melznr was river emerging irom the upper valley into the neck subordinate to the " master of the eunuchs: " his of the Delta, bent its course westward towrird the office was to superintend the nurture and education hills of the Libyan desert, or at least discharged a f the young; he thus combined the duties of the large poi'tion of its waters throuuh an arm in that tfreek TiaiSaycoyo? and rpocpevs, and more nearly direction. Here the generous flood whose yearly resembles our " tutor " than any other otHcer. As inundation gives life and fertility to Egypt, was io the origin of the term, there is some doubt; it is largely absorbed in the sands of the desert, or eenerally regarded as of Persian origin, the words wasted in stagnant morasses. It is even conjectured woi faM giving the sense of "bead cup-bearer;" that up to the time of Menes the whole Delta wa
B. c.


instead of successive.




era of Planes from


n. c. 2G!J0;

dates the Stuart Poole,



the B(ir(u/(i and


to the

an uninbabitalile marsh.

The rivers of Damascus, he further excavat<!d a lake outside the town, now lest' themselves in tlie north and west, comnuuiicating with the
which was

the marshy lakes of tlie great desert plain southeast of the city. Herodotus informs us,

same way


the eastern boundary " (Herod,



upon the authority of the M;;y|itiaii [iriests of his time, tiiat Menes " by bankini; up the river at the bend which it forms alwut a liuiidred furloni:s south of Memphis, laid the ancient ciianncl dry, while he dug a new course for tiie stream half-way lietween the two lines of hills. 'I'o this d.iy," he continues, "the elhow which the Nile forms at the point where it is forced aside into the new ciianncl is guarded witli the greatest care liy the Persians, and
streniftiieried every year;

for if the river

were to

burst out at this place, and [lour over the



Zuyder Zee, or 8t. Petersburg defended by the mole at Cronstadt from thetiulf of linland, or more nearly like New Orleans protected by its levee from the lieshets of the -Mississippi, and drahied by Lake I'ontchartrain, Memphis was created upon a marsh reclaimed by the dyke of Menes and drained liy his artificial lake. New t)rieans is situated on the left bank of the Mississippi, about ItO miles from its mouth, and is protected against inundation by an enibankment 15 feet wide and 4 feet high, which extends trom

From this description Amsterdam dyked in from

appears, that

would be dauiier of Mempliis l)eing completely overwhelmed by the flood. Men, the first king, having thus, by turning the river, made the tract where it used to run, dry land, proceeded in the

120 miles above the city to 40 miles below it. Lake Pontchartrain affords a natural drain for the marshes that form the margin of the city upon the east. The dyke of ^lenes began 12 miles south first place to build the city now called Memphis, of Memphis, and deflected the main channel of the which lies in the narrow part nf lv_rviit: .itter wliiili river alxiiit two miles t/i tlie e:istward. Upon the



Sphinx and Pyramids at Jlempliis.

the houses or inhabited quarters, as was usual in the creat cities of antiquity, were interspersed with irrigating: the plain beyond the city in that direc- numerous gardens and jmblic areas. tion, while an inumlation was guarded airainst on Herodotus states, on the authority of the priests, that side by a lanje artificial lake or reservoir at that Menes " built the temple of Heplupstus, which
rie of the Nile,


a canal still conducted a portion of waters westward throuirh the old channel, thus

Abousir 'I'he skill in cntrineerint; which these works required, and which their remains still indicate, arijues a hitrh dein'ee of material civilization, at in the mechanic arts, in the earliest known
period of I'/jyptian history.

stands within the city, a vast edifice, well worthy







whom Herod-



sagacity of >renes appears



Llephnpstus was Pinh, the mnker of all material things" (Wilkinson in Hawlinson's Hirofl. ii. 289; Pi'i/i was Hunsen, luiyfti'a Place, i. 007, 384).

otus thus identifies with




would at once command the l>elta and hold tlie kev of upper F,<jypt, controlliii;; the conimerce of tlie Nile, defended upon the west by tlie Libyan mountains and desert, and in the eaat by the river and it.s artificial embankment*. Tlie climate of Memphis mav lie inferred 4t)m that of the modern Cairo about 10 miles to the north which is the most equable that Kgypt tflTopdg. The city is s.aid to have had a rtrcumlocation of his capital


worshipiied in all Kirypt, but under different representations in diflerent Notiies: ordinarily "as a

lidldinir before



him with Itoth hands the Xilomor emblem of stability, combined with the of life" (Hunsen, i. .382). Hut at Memphis


of aliout 19 miles (Died. S'c.




prominent that the primiti^'e sanctuary of his temple was built bv Menes; successive monarclis greatly enlarsred and beautified the structure, by the addition of courts, porches, and colossal ornaments. Herodotus and Dioionii

his worship so

(escribe several of these additions

and restorations,
in the western


Sut nowliere give a complete description of the temple with measurements of its various dimensions (Hexod. ii. 99, 101, 108 110, 121, 136, 153, 176; According;; to these Diod. Sic. i. 45, 51, 62, 67). authorities, Sloeris built the northern gateway Sesostris erected in front of the temple colossal statues (varying from 30 to 50 feet in height) of himself, his wife, and his four sons; Khampsinitus built the western gateway, and erected before it the colossal statue3 of Summei" and Winter; Asychis built the eastern gateway, which " in size and beauty far surpassed the otlier three; " Psammeti;

quarter of the city, toward the desert; since Strabo describes it as very much exposed to sand-drifts, and in his time partly buried by masses of sand heaped up l)y the wind (xvii. 807). The sacred cubit and other symbols used in

measuring the rise of the Nile were deposited in the temple of Serapis. Herodotus describes " a beautiful and richly ornamented inclosure," situated upon the south side of the temple of Ptah, which was sacretl to
Proteus, a native

Mempbite king.

Withisi this

chus built the southern gateway; and Amosis presented to this temple " a recumbent colossus 75 feet long, and two upright statues, each 20 feet high." The period between Menes and Amosis, according to Brugsch, was 3731 years; but according to Wilkinson only aljout 2100 years; but upon either calculation, the temple as it appeared to Strabo was Strabo (xvii. 807) the growth of many centuries. describes this temple as " built in a very sumptuous as regards the size of the Naos and manner, both The Dromos, or grand avenue in other respects." leading to the temple of Ptah, was used for the
celebration of bull-figlits, a sport pictured in the

there was a temple to " the foreign Venus " (AstarteV), concerning which the historian narrates a myth coimected with the Grecian Helen. In this inclosure was ' the Tyrian camp " (ii. 112).

temple of Ua or Phre, the Sun. and a temple of the Cabeiri, complete the enumeration of the sacred
buildings of Memphis.
Tlie mythological system of the time of

ascribed by
religion of

Menes i? Bunsen to " the amalgamation of the " religion Upper and flower Egypt;

liaving " already united the two provinces before the



a-iimals alone

no captive or gladiator being comThe


these fights were probalily between


nelled to enter the arena.

having been

power of the race of This in the Thebaid extended itself to Memphis, and before the giant work of ]\Ienes converted the Delta from a desert, checkered over with lakes and morasses, into a blooming garThe political union of the two divisions of den." the country was effected by the builder of Jlemphis. " Menes founded the Empire of EtjypU by raising
the people

trained for the occasion, were brought face to face

the prize being from a little provincial station to that of an histori and goaded on by their masters awarded to the owner of the victor. But though cal nation" {Egypt's Place, i. 441, ii. 409). The Necropolis, adjacent to Memphis, was on a the bull was thus used for the sport of the people, scale of grandeur corresponding with tlie city itself. he was the sacred animal of Memphis. Apis was believed to be an incarnation of Osiris. The " city of the pyramids " is a title of Memphis The sacred bull was selected by certain outward in the hieroglyphics upon the monuments. The symbols of the indwelling divinity; his color great field or plain of the Pyramids lies wholly upon being black, with the exception of white spots of a the western bank of the Nile, and extends from pecuUar shape upon his forehead and right side. Aboo-Roiisli, a little to the northwest of Cairo, to The tan pie of Apis was one of the most noted Mei/dooin, about 40 miles to the south, and thence It stood opposite the in a southwesterly direction about 25 miles further, structures of Memphis. southern portico of the temple of Ptah and Psam- to the pyramids of Howara and of Binhmii in the Lepsius computes the number of pyrametichus, who liuilt tliat gateway, also erected in Fnyimra. front of the sanctuary of Apis a magniticent colon- mids in this district at sixty-seven; but in this he supported by colossal statues or Osiride pillars, counts some that are quite small, and others of a nade, Not more than half this numsuch as may still be seen at the temple of Medeenet doubtful character. Habou at Thebes (Herod, ii. 153). Through this ber can be fairly identified upon the whole field. colonnade the Apis was led with great pomp upon But the principal seat of the pyramids, the Jlemstate occasions. Two stables adjoined the sacred phite Necropolis, was in a range of about 15 mile." Diodorus (i. 85) de- from Sakkara to Gizeh, and in the groups here revestibule (Strab. xvii. 807). scribes the magnificence with which a dece;xsed Apis maining nearly thirty are probably tombs of the was interred and his successor installed at Jlemphis. imperial sovereigns of ^Memphis (Bunsen, Egypt's


inhabited the valley of the Nile


place appropriated to the burial of the sacred








was a gallery some 2000 feet in length by fields of Memphis " as a most important testimony 20 in height and width, he\vn in the rock without to the civilization of Egypt (Letters, Bohn, p. This gallery was divided into numerous 25; also Ckronologie ikv Aeyypter, vol. i.). Th(!se the city. recesses upon each side; and the embalmed bodies royal pjTamids, with the subterranean halls of A| is, of the sacred bulls, each in its own sarcophagus of and numerous tombs of public officers erected on granite, were deposited in these " sepulchral stalls." the plain or excavated in the atljacent hills, gave to A few years since, this burial-place of the sacred Memphis the preeminence which it enjoyed as " the bulls was discovered by M. Mariette, and a large haven of the blessed." Memphis long held its place as a capital; and number of the sarcophagi have already been opened. These catacomlts of unimmied bulls were approached for centuries a Momphite dynasty ruled over all from Memphis by a paved road, having colossal Egypt. Lepsius, Bunsen, and Brugsch, agree in regarding the 3d, 4th, 6th, 7th, and 8th dynasties lions upon either side. At Memphis was the reputed burial-place of Isis of the Old Empire as Memphite, reaching through During a por'Diod. Sic. i. 22); it had also a temple to that a period of about a thousand years. myriad -named " divinity, which Herodotus (ii. tion of this period, however, the chain was broken, 176 describes as " a vast structure, well worthy of or there were contemporaneous dynasties in other notice," but inferior to that consecrated to her in parts of Egypt. The overthrow of ilemphis was distinctly preBusuns, a chief city of her worship (ii. 59). MemIn hia ' burdan phis had also its Serapeium, which probably stood dicted by the Hebrew prophets.




E^vpt," litaiah says, " The princes of Zoan are the citadel (IJerodohut, iii. c. t)l), and e.specially to " become foo's. tlie princes of Noph are deceived that part of the fortifications within which waa (Is. xix. V-i). Jeremiah (xlvi. 19) declares that inclosed the temple of the chief divinity of the " Noph sliall be waste and desolate witliout an city. Osiris is sometimes styled " the great king

Ezekiel predicts:


saith the

in the chief city of the


of the white walls.'


will also destroy the idols,



The second, which was the more common name

of the city, Miii-nefi-, signifies literally vwnsic dorm. Hrugsch regards the commonly-received

cause [their] iniai;;es to ceasb out of Noph ; and there shall l no more a prince of the land of Esjypt." The latest of these predictions was uttered nearly GOO yeai-s before (.'hrist, and half a

analogy of


with the Afuph or Xnjih of the

as of slight authority, and preNcpli with AV//u, which apijears in

Hebrew Scriptures
fers to identify

century before the invasion of I'Xvpt 'O' Canihyses (cir. B. c. 52.5). Herodotus informs us that Cambyses, enr:i<;e<l at the opposition he encountered at Memphis, conmiitled many outrages U|)on the city.

the hieroglyphics under the form of "the city of





Inscli riflen,


166 and

He killed the sacred .Apis, and caused his priests to " He Ojjened the ancient sepulchres, be scouri^ed. and examined the bodies that were buried in them. He likewise went into the teinjile of Hephaistus
. .




Pfi-pliih, " the

of tlie city was Jla-ptnh or JJephaiHouse or City of Ptah "

Another name frequently given to the monuments is Tupiincli; this was particularly and made ijreat spurt of the imai^e. went also into the teni])ic of the Cal)eiri, whicli applied to the sacred quarter of the goddess Basil, and signifies " the ^^'orld of I.ife." Bnigsch it is unlawlul for any one to enter except the priests, and not only made sport of the images but even traces here a resemblance to the second clause in Memphis never recov- the surname of Joseph given by Pharaoh (Gen. xli. burnt tliem " (Her. iii. o7). The 45), which the LXX. render by <pavrix- Brugsch ered from the blow inflicted by (.'ambyses.

Memphis on


Alexandria hastened its decline. The Caliph conquerors founded Kostiit (Old Cairo) upon the opposite bank of the Nile, a few miles north of Memphis, and brought materials from the old city The Arato build their new ca])ital (a. d. 638).
rise of

this title as equivalent to ns pai-tn-ptmch, which nieai.s " this is the Governor of Tnpanch" Joseph l)eiiig thus invested with authority over

bian physician, Abd-el-I^tif,






13th century, de.scribes


ruins as then

marvelous lieyond descrii)tion (see Ue Sacy's translation, citeil by IJrugsch, f/istoire cV lit/ypte, p. 18). 'iliia Abulfeda, in the 14th century, speaks of the remains in almost unliroken continuity from Menes. which Jlarietteof Memphis as inunense; for the most part in a is the "New Table of Abydos

quarter of the cajiital, and bearing " I.ord of the World of Life." The royal grandeur of Memphis is attested by the groups of pyramids that mark the burial-place of her lines of kings; but a rich discovery has now brou;;ht to light a consecutive list of her sovereigns
that sacred




state of



some sculptures of



came upon

in 1805, in the course of his explora-

gated stone

retained a remarkable freshness of


tions at that primitive seat of monarchy,


and which

has faithfully reproduced in his work. At length so complete was the ruin of Memphis, Inscriptions upon the great temjileof Abydos show that for a long time its very site was lost. Pococke that this erected by Sethos I. and further ornaliecent explorations. mented by his son, who is known in history as the could fmd no trace of it. L'lxin one lobby of the temple esiKjcially those of Messrs. Mariette and Linant, second llameses. have brought to light many of its anticpiities, Sethos and Kameses are depicted as rendering which have been dispersed to the museums of homa<:e to the Gods; and in the inscription appear Kurope and America. Some specimens of sculp- 130 proper names of divinities, together with the tui'e from .Memphis adorn the Iv.'yptian hall of tlie names of the places where these divinities were Upon the opposite lobby Hritish .Musemn; other monuments of this great jiarticularly worshipped.



are in

the Abbott .Museum

canals of




The dykes and




form the

the same persons, the king and his son, are represented in the act of homage to their royal prede-

of the system of irrigation for lx)wer Kgy|)t; the


of .Meet



nearly the centre of the ancient capital.


Thus the

and an almost perfect list is given, embraThis cing seventy-six kings from Menes to Sethos. discovery has important bearings u[ion the chrocessors,

and the general outlines of Meiiiphis are nearly nology of the Kiryptian I'liaraonic dynasties. There restored; but "the images have cejised out of are now four monumental lists of kings which serve for comparison with the lists of Manetho and Noph, and it is desolate, witliout inhabitant." J. P. T. the Turin Papyrus: (1.) The Tablet of Karnak, on * In the six years which liave elajised since the which Tutlimosis HI. appears sacrificing to hib preceding article was written, much has been inedi'cessor.s. sixty-one of whom are represented by (2.) The Tablet of brought to light concerning the antiquities of their portraits and names. Memphis, both liy exjiloration and by discussion, .\bydos, now in the IJritish Museum, which repreand there

hardly a point in the topograjjhy or

sents liamesses-Sesothis receiving


the history of the city which remains in obscurity. The illustratetl work of Mariette-IJey, embodying the results of his excavations, when completed, will
restore the lirst capital of

(3.) from Ins royal predecessors, fifty in number. The Tablet of Sa(|(|arah. discovered by Mariette in

in great part, to

original grandeur.


ap|icani uiK>n


monuments under

three distinct names: the first its name as the capital of the corresponding A'l'mc or district; the second it.s profane, and the thiril its sacred

1804, in a private tomb in the nccrojiolis of Memphis, which represents a royal scribe in the act of adoration before a row of fifty eight rojal cartouches. (4.) The 1UW Tablet of Abydos leseribed above. When these four niommieiital lists are taliulated with one another, and with the lists of


The f\nl, Sibl-h'it, is r name White Walls "

Manetho and the Turin i'apyrus, the correspond"the City ences of names and dynasties arc so many and so originally given to minute as to prove that they all stand related i

jjme traditional
series of kins;s



His reign, which lasted ten which was of com- of Israel, b. c. 772. mon anthority. Their variations may be owing in years, is briefly recorded in 2 K. xv. 14-22. It part to diversities of reading, and in part to a has been inferred from the expression in verse 14, preference for particular Icings or lists of kings in '* from Tirzah," that Menahem was a general under contemporary dynasties; so that while, in some Zechariah stationed at Tirzah, and that he brought instances, contemporary dynasties have been drawn up his troops to Samaria and avenged the murder upon by different authorities, no lalilet incor- of his master by Shallum (.Joseph. Anl. ix. 11, 1; Now, Keil, Thenius). porates contemporary dynasties into one. In religion Menahem was a steadfast adherent of since the date of Sethos I. falls within the fifteenth century, li. C, it is obvious that to allow for a the form of idolatry estalilished in Israel by JeroHis general character is described by .Josesuccession of seventy-six JNIemphite kings from boam. Menes to Sethos I., and for the growth of the phus as rude and exceedingly cruel. The conmechanic arts and the national resources up to the temporary prophets, Hosea and Amos, have left 3 point indicated at the consolidation of the empire melancholy picture of the ungodliness, demoralizaunder Menes, the received Biblical chronology be- tion, and feebleness of Israel; and FZwald adds to tween the Flood and the I'^xodus must be some- their testimony some doubtful references to Isaiah what extended. We await some more definite and Zechariah. In the brief history of iMenahem, his ferocious determination of the Hyksos period, as a fixed jjoint of calculation for the preceding dynasties. treatment of Tiphsah occupies a conspicuous place. Bunsen (vol. v. pp. 58, 77, and 103) fixes the era The time of the occurrence, and the site of the " the beginning of chro- town lia\e been doubted. Keil says that it can be of Menes at 305!i is. C. nological time in Kgypt, by the settlement of the no other place than the remote Thapsacus on the system of the vague solar year;" this is a reduction Euphrates, the northeast boundary (1 K. iv. 24) of of about 600 years, for in vol. iv. p. 490. he placed Solomon's dominions; and certainly no other place Menes at 3623 b. c, and he also demanded at least bearing the name is mentioned in the Bible. 6000 years before JMeiies, for the settlement of Egypt Others suppose that it may have been some town and the development of a national life. This, how- which Menahem took in his way as he went from ever, is not hiotory but conjecture but the new Table Tirzah to win a crown hi Samaria (Ewald); or (For a that it is a transcriiier's error for Tappuah (.Josh, of Abydos is a tangible scale of history. comparison of these several tablets, see the Eerue xvii. 8), and that Mer.ahem laid it waste when he ArcheoUif/ique, 1864 and 186-3, Houg^, Jiecherclies returned from Samaria to Tirzah (Thenius). No sw k'S Monuintnts Htsturiques, andDlimichen, Zeit- sufficient reason appears for havinir recourse to such conjectures where the i)lain text presents no insuperschrifl fill- Ayypt. Sprache, 1864.) J. P. T. able difficulty. The act, whether perpetrated at (]3^a^ [a Persian title]: the beginning of Menahem's reign or somewhat Mouxa'oj: Mumuchan). One of the seven princes later, was doubtless intended to strike terror into of Persia in the reign of Ahasuerus, who " saw the hearts of reluctant subjects throughout the the king's fiice," arid sat first in the kingdom (Esth. whole extent of dominion which he claimed. A i. 14). They were " wise men who knew the times " ]irecedent for such cruelty might be found in the (skilled in the planets, according to Aben Ezra), l)order wars between Syria and Israel, 2 K. viii. and appear to have formed a council of state; 12. It is a striking sign of the increasing degraJosephus says that one of their ofhces was that of dation of the land, that a king of Israel practices interpreting the laws {Ant. xi. 6, 1). This may upon his subjects a brutality from the mere sugalso be inferred from the manner in which the royal gestion of which the unscrupidous Syrian usurper


question is put to them when assembled in council " According to law what is to be done with the

recoiled with indignation.

But the most remarkable event in Menahem's ^ueen Vashti?" Memucan was either the presi- reign is the first appearance of a hostile force of dent of the council on this occasion, or gave his Assyrians on the northeast frontier of Israel. King opinion first in consequence of his acknowledged Pul, however, withdrew, having been converted from wisdom, or from the respect allowed to his advanced an enemy into an ally by a timely gift of 1000 age. Whatever may have been the cause of this talents of silver, which Menahem exacted by an
priority, his sentence for Yashti's disgrace was assessment of 50 shekels a head on 60,000 Israelites. approved by the king and princes, and at once put It seems perhaps too much to infer from 1 Chr. v. ' and the king did according to into execution The 26, that Pul also took away Israelite captives.

the word of




16, 21).


The name

of Esther


him with



the grandson of

The reading

of the Cethib,

or written text, in ver. 16


W. A. W.

xc. in ver.




xiii. 1] Mavar}iJL [Alex. Mavativ, 14:] Mana/iem), son of Gadi, who " slew

the usurper Shallum and seized the vacant throne

of Pul (LXX. Phaloch or Phalos) appears according to Kawlinson {Bitmpton Lectures for 1859, Lect. iv. p. 133) in an Assyrian inscription of a Ninevite king, as Phallukha, who took tribute from Samaria) Beth Khumri {^= the house of Omri as well as from Tyre, Sidon, Damascus, Idumsea, and Philistia; the king of Damascus is set dowu as giving 2300 talents of silver besides gold and copper, but neither the name of Menahem, nor the

a Ewald (Gesch. Isr. iii. 598), following tlie LXX would translate the latter p,art of 2 K. xv. 10, " And Kobolam (or Keblaam) smote him. and slew him, and "eigned in his stead." Ewald considers the fact of uch a kiug's existence a help to the interpretation and he accounts for the silence of tf Zech. xi. 8 Bcripture as to his end by saying that he may have Uirown himself across the Jordan, and disappeared


It does not the subjects of king Uzziah. appear, however, how such a translation can be made to agree with the subsequent mention (ver. 13) of Shallum, and with the express ascription of Shallum's Thenius excuses th death (ver. 14) to Menahem. translation of the LXX. by supposing that their MSS.

may have been

theory of Rwald.

in a defective state,


ridicules tb

uoount of

his tritate

11 is reiidered in the A. V. " and that furnish the drink

stated in the inscri])tion.

given, probalily



last clause of Is. Ixv

Hawlinsun also says that in anotlier inscription


of .Menahcin



take of the stone-cutter, as a tributary of Tiglutlipileser.

unto that number'''' ("*pt2v), the marginal

Mcnaheni died
his son PekaLiah.

in peace,

and was succeeded by


T. B.

reading for the last word being " Meni." That the word so rendered is a pro|)cr name, and also the proper name of an olject of idolatrous worship



the reading of the A. V. ed.

other early eds.




Mi:nan, which

cultivated by the Jews in Babylon, is a supposition which there seems no reason to question, as it is in 31 for accordance with the context, and every probaA. liility
to recommend it. But the identification of Meni with any known heathen god is still uncertain. The versions are at variance. In the LXX.

[Uec. Text, MoiVai'; Tisch. Treg. with Sin. 15I-X MfVfd; l..iclini. Mfvfu in hrdckets {X oniit.s it); Krasiiius, .Md., (Jerbelius, (IIoHnajus, fUtvafi, whence the reading Mk.nasi, A.



the word



I^tin version of the clause

rendered ^ TvxVt "fortune" or "luck '' is " impletiu




IJogardiis (154.3),

in Liter eilitions:]


Utvav, like A. V. dcemoni potioneni;" while Symmachus (as quoted The son of Mattatha, by Jerome) must have had a different reading,

one of tlie ancestors of .Joseph in the genealogy of ''SQ : minui, " without me," which Jerome interJesus Christ (Luke iii. 31). Tiiis name and the following ^lelea are omitted in some Latin MSS., prets as signifying that the act of worship implied and are believed by Ld. A. Hervey to be corrupt in the drink-offering was not peifomied for God, l)ut for the daemon (" ut doceat non sibi fieri sed {GtnealoijHs, p. 88). dajmoni"). The Targum of Jonathan is very (S3P: Mo^'^, Theodot.: Mane). vague "and mingle cups for their idols;" and The first word of the mysterious inscription written the Syriac translators either omit the word alto-


which Daniel read the doom of the king and his dynasty gether, or had a different reading, perhaps "IQv, Some variation of the same (Uan. V. 25, 2G ). It is the l'e;il past participle of the Idiiw, " for them." kind apparently gave rise to the siijjer earn of the Chaldee n3!3, menah, " to number," and thereVulgate, referring to the "table" mentioned in the

upon the wall of




fore signifies


numl>ered," as

in Daniel's interjtre-


clause of the verse.

to the


the old versions



hath numbered
finished it."


meiidli) thy

we come

kingdom and


A. AV.


(yi(Vf\aos), a usurping highobtained tlie office from Antiochus Kpi-

(cir. n. c. 172) l)y a large britie (2 JIacc. iv. 23-25), and drove out .lason, who had obtained it When he negnot long before by similar means. lected to piy the sum which lie had promised, he was summoned to the king's presence, and by plundering tlie Temple gained the means of silencing the accusations which were brought against him. By

a similar sacrilege he secured himself against the conse(iuences of an insurrection which his tyranny had excited, and also procured the death of Onias (vv. 27-34). He afterwards hard pressed by Jason, who, taking occasion from his unpopularity, attempted unsuccessfully to recover the high-priestFor a time he then hood (2 Jlacc. V. 5-10). disappears from the history (yet comp. ver. 23), out at last he met with a violent death at the hands of Antiochus Kupator (cir. u. c. 1G3), which seemed in a jxiculiar manner a providential punish-


of his sacrilege

(xiii. 3, 4).

According to Josejihus (AnI. xii. 5, 1) he was a younger brother of Jason and Onias, and, like Jason, changed his proper name ()ni;is for a (jreek In 2 M.accal)ees, on tlie other hand, be is name. called a brother of Simon the Benjamite (2 Mace. iv. 23), whose treason led to the first attempt to If this account l)e correct, plunder the Temple.
the profanation of tlie sacred office was the more marked by the fact that it was transferred from the family of Aaron.
B. F.



[3 syl.] (Wfveffdfvs; Alex.



father of Ai-oi^

u>nii;b 3 (2 Mace.


commentators, and their judgments equally conflicting. Jerome ( t'omm. in Js. Ixv. 11) illustrates the passage by reference to an ancient idolatrous custom which prevailed in I^gypt, and especiaUy at Alexandria, on the last day of the last month of the year, of placing a table covered with dishes of various kinds, and a cup mixed with mead, in acknowled<.'ment of the fertility of the past year, or as an omen of that which was to come (comp. Virg. y/s'/i. ii. 763). But he gives no clew to the identification of Meni, and his explanation is evidently suggested by the renderings of the LXX. and the old Latin version; the former, as he quotes them, translating Gad by "fortune,'' and Meni by "daemon," in wliich they are followed by the latter. In the later mythology of I'iypt, as we learn from Macrobius (Siitiini. i. 19), ^ai/xwv and Tvxv were two of the four deities who jMesided over idrth, and represented respectively the Sun and Moon. A passage quoted by Seliien ((/e JHs ^'j/r/s, Si/nt. i. c. 1) from a MS. of Yettius Valens of Antioch, an ancient astrologer, goes to prove that in the astrological Language of his day the sun and moon were indicated by Soi^a'i' and tvxv^ ** This cirbeing the arbiters of human destiny-" cumstance, coupled with the similarity between Meni and M'^;' or Mvvri, the ancient name for the moon, has induced the majority of commentators to conclude that Meni is the Moon god or goddess, the Ikiis Lnnus, or Deo Litiia of the Bonians; masculine as regards the earth which she illuminea {ttrrm mat-itus), feminine with n-spect to tlie sun {tiolis wxw), from whom she receives her light. This twofold cJiaracter of the moon is by David Millius to be indicated in the two n.'imea Gad and Meni, the former feminine, the latter masculine {Diss. v. 23); but as liotli are niascu*

< KAiipoi TTJt Tvxijs (coi ToO Jat'fxorof aynialvovaiv Tlio order of the words lii-re HAioi/ Tf KoX 'S.tKTivr\v. bTor tho reciTod reading of the LXX. wmmt to


reading giren by Jerome




fact that, in Oen. jxx. 11,

^D, gad,




one in Hebrew, his speculation falls to tlie ground. \ye Moyne, on the other hand, regarded lioth words SIS denoting the sun, and his double worship among the Egyptians: Gad is then the goat of Alendes, Mnevis worshipped at Heliopolis. and Mtiil The opinion of Huetius that the Meni of Isaiah and the Mrji' of Strabo (xii. c. 31) both denoted the sun was refuted by Vitringa and others. Among those who have interpreted the word literally "number," maybe reckoned Jarchi and Abarbanel, who understand by it the " number " of the



was that


was a star

because the ancient idea of the moon full of moisture, with which

Tlie etymology it filled the sublunary regions.'' given by Gesenius is more probable; and Meni personification of fate or destiny, would then be the

under whatever form





was the planet Venus, which was known to Arabic astrologers aa "the lesser good fortune" (the planet .Jupiter being the "greater"), it is impossil)le to say with certainty; nor is it safe to reason from the worship priests who formed the company of revelers at the of Mannh by the Arabs in the times before Mo least, and later Hoheisel ( Obs. <l dij/ic. Jes. loca, hammed to that of Meni by the .Jews more than a But the coincidence ie Kimchi, in thousand years earlier. p. 340) followed in the same track. his note on Is. Ixv. 11. says of Meni, " it is a star, remarkable, though the identification may be inW. A. W. complete. and some interpret it of the stars which are numbered, and they are the seven stars of motion," * (avepw-ndpeaKoi) is a
this form, as GeseniiLS maintains,





wliich came into use with Tyndale's transIt is like "eyelation (Ep. vi. 6; Col. iii. 22). (Lex. Pentayl.) to service " in this respect, which occurs in the same "the number and multitude" of the idols, while passages. H. according to others it refers to " Mercury the god (nn^:?p : hirh NoDc{ * of numbers;" all which are mere conjectures, quol homines, tot sententke, and take their origin from Alex, and Vulg. translate freely) in Judg. xx. 43 name of a the play upon the word JNIeni, which is found in has been regarded by some critics as the margin of the the verse next following that in which it occurs place, and is put as such in the A. v., but in the text is rendered " with ease."

the planets.

Biixtorf (Zex. Ihbr.) applies






of the stars whicli were wor-


(" therefore will I

to the



umdnUM) you



and which

supposed to point to


from the verb

origin of the




But the


of Noah, as

it to be the same as Manahath in 1 Chr. viii. 6, whence the patronymic jNIanahethites, If a town be meant, it was in the 1 Chr. ii. 54. tribe of Benjamin, and on the line of the retreat of the Benjamites before the other tribes at the siege

Fiirst takes

It is held to given in Gen. v. 29,'* shows that such plays upon of Gibeah (comp. Judg. xx. 41 fi'.). words are not to be depended upon as the bases be a proper name in Luther's version. But the On the supposition, however, that word has more probably its ordinary signification etymology. of in this case the etymology of Meni is really indi- either "with ease" (Hterally "quiet" as the opThose who posite of toil, trouble), witii reference to the almost cated, its meaning is still uncertain. understand by it the moon, derive an argument for unresisted \'ictory of the other trilies over the panictheir theory from the fact, that anciently years stricken Benjamites; or " place of rest," /. e. in every But such place where the men of Benjamin halted for a were numbered by the courses of the moon. Gesenius {Comm. ilb. d. Jesain), with more proba- moment, their pursuers fell upon them and trampled bility, while admitting the same origin of the word, them to pieces (^n2''"1'Tn), like grapes in the gives to the root mdndh the sense of assigning, or wine-press. distributing,'' and connects it with mandh,'^ one of It should be said that the name reappears in the the three idols worshipped by the Arabs before the margin of the A. V., Jer. li. 59 : " Seraiah was a time of JNIohammed, to which reference is made in prince of jNIenucha, or chief chamberlain," where the Koran (Sura 53), "What think ye of Allat, reads " was a quiet prince." The Bishops' and Al-Uzzah, and Afrinnh, that other third god- the text Mannh was the object of worship of " the Biljle (connecting the word with the previous verb) dess? " translates " chased them diligently " or (margin) tribes of Hudheyl a^\A Khuzd'ah, who dwelt between " from their rest." On the whole, it appears to Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh, and as some say, of the easy to discover any better sense This the writer not tribes of Ows, El-Khazraj, and Thakeek also. H. than that suggested in the A. V. idol was a large stone. demoUshed by one Saad, in the 8th year of the Flight, a year so fatal to the (I'lbN

idols of

Arabia" (Lane's







pref. pp. 30, 31, from Pococke's Spec. Hist. Ar. p. D''D?127P [see below]: [Vat.] HAwi/yuotoce/ieiv; But Al-Zamakhshari. the com- [Rom. 'HAoDj'yuacoj'ei'iju;] Alex, and Aquila, Bpihs 93, ed. White). mentator on the Koran, derives Manah from the anro^^eirSt'Tuiv. qu^e respicit quercum), an oak, or


_A>0, " to flow," because of the blood which

terebinth, or other great tree

for tlie translation

of the

flowed at the sacrifices to this idol, or, as Millius

Hebrew lon by " plain " is most probably incoiTCct, as wiU be shown under the head of

o " And he called hia name Noah (HD), saying,

b Like

the Arab.


mana, whence


This one shall comfort us," etc.




Yet no one would derive ri3, nOach, from


"death," iUjuO, "fate," "destiny."

c g\jijO.


The play on the word may be




moist star

Upon whose
Uttint you for the sword."

influence Neptune's empire stands."

tained without detriment to the sense if we render Heni ' destiny," and the following clause, " therefore
will I

SiiAKESP. Rami.
e The presence of the article seems to indicate " Meni " was originally an appellative.






formed a well-known object in Tliat Jacob's oak and .Joshua's oak were tht in the days of tiie Judges. It is same tree seems still more likely, when we observe in the remarkable correspondence between the circumleast inidcr this name only Judg. ix. ;{", where Ga;d l)cn-lClied standing in the stances of each occurrence. The point of .Foshua'a gateway of Shechein sees the amlmshes of Aliinie- address his summary of the early history of the is tliat they slioidd " put away the foreii'n lech coiiiini; towards the city, one by the middle nation [literally, " navel"] of the land, and another "by gods which were among them, and incline their hearts to Jehovah the (jod of Israel." Except in the way (^T??!P) of Elon-Mconenim," that is, the the mention of Jehovah, who had not revealed road leadini; to it. In what direction it stood with Himself till the Exodus, the words are all but idenr^ard to the town we are not told. tical with those in which Jacob had addressed his The meaning of Mconcnim, if interpreted as a followers; and it seems almost impossible not to Hebrew word, is enchanters," or " oiiservers of believe that the coincidence was intentional on times," as it is elsewhere rendered (Deut. xviii. 10, loshiia's part, and that such an allusion to a wellThis known 14; in Mic. v. 12 it is "soothsayers"). pa.ssage in the life of their forefather, and connection of the name with magical arts has led which had occurred on the very spot where they to the suggestion'' that the tree in question is were standing, must have come home with j^eculiar identical with that beneath which .lacol) hid the force to his hearers. foreign idols anil anmlets of his household, before I5ut while four of these were thus probably one ^oing into the presence of God at the consecrated and the same tree, the oak of Meonenim for the ground of IJetliel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the inference reasons stated above seems to have been a distinct seems hardly a sound one, for meonciiim does not one. mean " encliant'(-/i^s " but " enchan/trs," nor is It is perhaps possible that M^nenim may have there any ground for coiniecting it in any way with originally been ^laonini, that is Maonites or Meamulets or images; and there is the positive reason hunim a tribe or nation of non-Israelites elsewhere igainst the identification that while this tree seems mentioned. If so it furnishes an interesting trace to have been at a distance from the town of Shechem, of the presence at some early period of that trilie that of .Jacob was in it, or in vei'y close proximity in Central Palestine, of which others have been to it (the Hebrew particle used is D^, which im- noticed in the case of the Ammonites, Avites, Zemarites, etc. [See vol. i. p. 277, note b.] G. |dies this).

which antral Palestine mentioned at

Five trees

Shechem 1. The oak



mentioned in connection with





of the

(not " plain " as in A. V.) of Jloreh,

dwellini/g, Ges.: see Eiirst]

Mafadl; [Vat. Mava-

where Aliram made his first halt and built his first Promised Land (Gen. xii. 6). 2. That of .lacob, already* spoken of. 3. " The oak which was in the holy place of Jehovah" (.Josh. xxiv. 2(i), l)eneath which .losluia get up the stone which he assured the ])eople had heard all his words, and would one da}' witness against them. plain,' as 4. The Elon-Muttsab, or " oak (not in A. V.) of tlie pillar in Shechem," beneath which Abimelech was made king (Judg. ix. 6). 5. The Klon-Meonenini. The first two of these may, with great probability, The second, third, and fourth, agree be identical. in being all 8|)ecitled as in or close to the town. Joshua's is mentioned with the definite article
iltar in the

Comp. Mawi/aOei-] Maonathi).



sons of


younger brother of Caleb

In the text as it now stands there probably an omission, and the true reading of i;J and 14 should be, as the Vulgate and the Complutensian edition of the LXX. give it, " and
(1 (^hr. iv. 14).

the sons of Othniel, Ilathath

and Meonotbni
It is


not clear whether this last phrase implies that he founded the town " of Ophrah or not: the usage of the word " father
in the sense of

Meonothai begat Ophrah."

" founder "


not uncommon.

beauty, Ges.]



Chron. and Jereni.



"the oak"



the latter











it was Jacob's tree, or its seems further |)ossil)le that during the confusions which prevailed in the country after Joshua's death, the stone which he had erected beneath it, and which he invested, even though only in metaphor, with qualities so like those which the C'anjuitiites attributed to the stones they worshipped that during these confused times this famous tilock may have become .sacred among the L'anaanitcs, one of their " mattseljahs " [see Idoi,, vol. ii. p. 111!) /<], and thus the tree have acquired the name of " tl" oak of .Muttsab " from the fetish below it.

therefore possible that


Mat(padS: Alex.e Mv<paae: }fephan(h, }[iph(mt), a city of the Heubenites, one of the towns de()endent on Hcshbon (Josh. xiii. 18), lying in the district of the Mishor (comp. 17, and Jer. xlviii. 21, A. V. " plain "), which prol)ably answered to the m()dern />V/Av/. ft wa.s one of the cities allotted with their snlmrbs to the Alerarite l.vites (.Josh. xxi. 37; 1 Chr. vi. 79; the former does not At the time of the exist in the Kec. Ilebr. Text). conquest it w;is no doubt, like Heshbon, in the bands of the .-Vniorites (Num. xxi. 26), but when .Icremiah delivered his denunciations it had l)een recovered by its original possessors, the Moabites




in the

above passages with


o Gesenlus {Tlus. 51 b), incantatores aad Zaubrrer; and Kiirgt, Waiirfoger. Ttie root of the word

h See Stanley, S. If P.. p. 142. c The name is given In the LXX. nn follows
xlil. 18, Moi<J.a(i5,


T3V, probably connected



the eye, which

boirKSO proinhiiMit a part in Uastern niaf(ic. Of this Uiere id n trace in tlic rex/iicit of tlie Vulgiite. (See SeseD. Thm. W'i, 1053 uIno Divination, vol. i. pp.

.37, t^v Ma./)^ Mae<^Aa, Alex, t <l>aa0: Jur. xlviii. (xxxi.) 21, Mwi^at, Alex. [? Mw^ofi, nccordiug to Bjtber].

Alex. M^</iaae; xxi.

vi. 79,






Diboii, .Taliazah, Kirjatliaim, and other towns, which

for the change, etc.



different it

for ex-

have been identified with tolerable certainty on the north of the Arnoii ( IVndi/ Mojeb); but no one appears yet to have discovered any name at all resembling it, and it must remain for the further investigation of those interesting and comparatively In the time of Eusebius untrodden districts. (Onoiiuist. Mripad) it was used as a military post for keeping in check the wandering tribes of the desert, which surrounded, as it still surrounds, the cultivated land of this district. The extended, and possilily later, form of the name which occurs in Chronicles and .Jeremiah, as if J/e! Phfiath, " waters of Phaath," may be, as in Other cases, an attempt to fix an intelligible meanG. ing on an archaic or foreign word.

ample, from the case of .lerub-besheth, where the

alteration is

mentioned and commented on.


the facts are as above stated, whatever explanation may be given of them. 1. Saul's son by Kizpah the daughter of Aiah,



He and his brother concubine (2 Sam. xxi. 8). Arraoni were among the seven victims who were to the Gibeonites, and by surrendered by David them crucified in sacrifice to -Jehovah, to avert a The fiimine from which the country was sutlering. seven corpses, protected by the tender care of the mother of jMe()hibosheth from the attacks of bird and beast, were exposed on their crosses to the fierce sun of at least five of the midsummer At months, on the sacred eminence of Gibeah. the end of that time the attention of Uavid wag Qierh. to the called to the circumstance, and also possibly

Sim., Ges.




fact that the sacrifice


failed in its purpose.


[Alex. yiifxcpi^oaSai, exc. 2 Sara. is. 11, 13;] .Joseph. Mf/xcjyi&oa-dos- Miplnbo.tedt), the name borne by two members of the family of


method was

the bones of Saul and

blanched and withered remains of Alephibosheth, his itseff is perhaps worth a brief conbrother, and his five relatives, were taken down from Bosheth appears to have been a favorite the crosses, and father, son, and grandsons found at appellation in Saul's family, for it forms a part of last a resting-place together in the ancestral cave the names of no fewer than three members of it When this had been done, of Kish at Zelah. But in " Ish-bosheth and the two Mephi-bosheths. God was entreated for the land," and the famine the genealogies preserved in 1 Chronicles these [Rizpah.] ceased. names are given in the different forms of Esh-baal 2. The son of .Jonathan, grandson of Saul, and and Merib-baal. The variation is identical with nephew of the preceding. that of Jerub-baal and Jerub-besheth, and is in 1. His life seems to have been, from beginning accordance with passages in .Jeremiah (xi. 13) and The name of to end, one of trial and discomfort. Hosea (is. 10), where Baal and Bosheth appear his mother is unknown. There is reason to think to be convertible, or at least related, terms, the that she died shortly after his birth, and that he latter being used as a contemptuous or derisive was an only child. At any rate we know for cersynonym of the former. One inference from this tain that when his father and grandfather were would be that the persons in question were origislain on Gilboa he was an infant of but five yeara nally* named Baal; that this appears in the two old. He was then living inider the charge of hia fragments of the family records preserved in Chronnurse, probably at Gibeah, the regular residence of icles; but that in Samuel the hateful heathen name Saul. The tidings that the army was destroyed, has been uniformly erased, and the nickname the king and his sons slain, and that the Philistines, support to Bosheth substituted for it. It is some spreading from hill to hill of the country, were this to find that Saul had an ancestor named Baal, sweeping all before them, reached the royal housewho appears in the lists of Chronicles only (1 Chr. hold. The nurse fled, carrying the child on her viii. 30, is. 36). But such a change in the record shoulder.* But in her panic and hurry she stumbled, supposes an amount of editing and interpolation and !Mephibosheth was precipitated to the ground which would hardly have been accomplished withwith such force as to deprive him for life of the use out leaving more obvious traces, in reasons given These early misforof both f feet (2 Sam. iv. 4).


.Jonathan were disinterred from their resting-place at the foot of the great tree at Jabesh-Gilead, the

his son


his grandson.

The name


o Translated

in A. V. "


give Hi-xapla, pp. 594, 599, 614). Also Procopius Gazaeus, Sriiolia on 2 Sam. xvi. No trace of this, however, appears in any MS- of the Hebrew text.

Some of the ancient Greek versions of the Hexapla the name in Samuel as Memphi-baal (see Bahrdt's



no doubt about

this being the real


the rains (October) but it is also worthy of notice that the LXX. have employed the word efrjXiafeii', " to ex It is also remarkable that on the pose to the sun." only other occasion on which this Hebrew term ia used^Num. xxv. 4 an express command was given that the victims should be crucified " in front of the

ing of the word '^XT', translated here and in


sun." e This

XXV. 4 " hanged up." (See Michaelis's Supplement, No. and Fiirst, Handivb. also Gesenius, Tkes. 620 1046 5396.) Aquila hais kva-nriyvvixL. understanding them to have been not crucified but impaled. The Vulgate reads crucifixerunt (ver. 9), and qui affixi fuerant (13).
; ;

Jo.sephus arrb TMr but it is hardly necessary, for in the East children are always carried on the shoulder See the woodcut in lAne's Mod. Egyptians, ch. i

the statement of


vii. 5,


p. 52.









nTT^, T t'
is its

also rendered " to


hang "

in the A. V.,


/ It is a remarkable thing, and very characteristic of the simplicity and unconsciousooss of these ancient records, of which the late Professor Blunt has happily illustrated so many other instances, that this information concerning Mephibosheth"s childhood, which contains the key to his

in the

whole history, is inserted, almost by accident, in the midst of the narrative of his uncle's death, with no apparent reason for the insertion, or connection between the two, further than that 2 Sam. iv. 12 and elsewhere. of their being relatives and having somewhat mmiUu d This follows from the statement that they hung names. from barley harvest (April) till the commencement of 119
in the story of the five kings at

real signification.

this latter

word which


as if

account of the indignities practiced on Saul's body, 2 Sam. xxi. 12, on Baanah and Kechab by David,




3. An inten-al of about seventeen years now pasae^ and liis perand the crisis of David's life arrives. Of Mephional del'oriuily ;is is oiteii the case where it has beeii tiie result of accident seems to iiave exercised bosheth's behavior on this occ.-jsion we |)Ossess twc his own (2 Sam. xix. 2-l-;j0\, and that k depressin;; and depreciatory iuHucnce on his cliar- accounts They are naturally at variancj cter. He can never li>rj;et that he is a pour lame of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). (l.).Ziba meets the king on hia lave (2 Sam. xix. 20), and unahle to walk: a de;id with each other. dog (IX. 8j that all the house of his father were dead flight at the most opi>ortune moment, just as David (xix. 28); that tlie kinu' is an an;,'el of C;o<l {it/- 27), undergone the most trying jtart of that trying and he his alject df|>i-ndent (ix. 0,8). He receives day's journey, has taken the last look at the city the slanders of Ziha and the liarshmss of David alike so peculiarly his own, and completed the hot and He is on with a sulinussive ec]uaniniity wliich is quite touch- toilsome ascent of the Mount of Olives. The foot, and is in want of relief and refreshment. ing, and which cfllttually wins our sympathy. There stand a 2. After the accident which thus emhiltered his relief and refreshment are there. with couple of strong he-asses ready saddled for the king whole existence, Meiiiiihoshcth was carried the rest of his family lie\ond the .Ionian to the or his household to make the descent ujion; and mountains of Gilcad, where he foinid a refuge in there are bread, graft's, melons, and a skin of wine; the donor of these welcome gifts ia the house of Machir l>en-.\nimiel, a powerful (jadite and there or Manassite shcykh at lA)-debar, not far from Ziba, with resjiect in his look and sympathy on Of course the whole, though offered I^Iahanaim, whicli durin;; tlie reign of his uncle his tongue. the Ishhosheth was the liead-ipuvrters of his family. as Ziba's, b the property of Jlephibosheth By Machir he was hrought up {.los. Ant. vii. 5, asses are his, one of them his own <^ riding animal: But 5), there he married, and there he was living at the fruits are from his gardens and orchards. Where is a later period, when David, having completed the why is not their owner here in person'!' the "son of Saul " ? He, says Zilia, is in Jerusasuiijugation of the adversaries of Israel on every lem, waiting to receive from the nation the throne side, had leisure to turn his attention to claims of The of his grandfather, throne from which he has other and hardly less pressing descriptions.

tunes threw a shade over his wliole


solenm oath which he had sworn to the father of Mephilmsheth at theii critical interview by the stone ICzel, that he "would not cutoff'lsis kindness from tlie house of .lonathan for ever: no! not when .Jehovah had cut off the enemies of David each one from the face of the earth " (1 Sam. xx. 15); and again, tliat " Jehovah should he between Jonathan's seed and his seed for ever" (ver. 42), was naturally the first thing that occurred to him, and he eagerly inquired who was left of the house of l^aul, that he might show kindness to him for Jonathan's sake So completely had the family of (2 Sain. ix. 1). the late king vanished from the western side of Jordan, that the only person to be met with in any way relatc<] to them was one ZiiiA, formerly a slave of the royal house, but now a freed man, with a family of fifteen sons, who by arts which, from the ghnipse we subsequently have of his character, are not difiicult to understand, must have acquired considerable sul)staiice, since he was jjossessed of an establishment of twenty slaves of his own. [ZiisA.] From this man David learnt of the existence of IJoyal nicss('nL,'ers were sent to the Mephibosheth. house of Machir at l,o-debar in the mountains of Gilead, and by them the jirince and his infant son MiciiA were brought to .Jerusalem. The interview with David was niarkcil l)y extreme kindness on tlie part of the king, and nn that of Mephibosheth by the fear and humility which has been pointed out as characteristic of him. lie leaves the roval presence with all the property of his grandfather restored to him, and with the whole family and establishment of Ziba as his slaves, to cultivate the land and harvest the produce. He himself is to he a daily guest at D.avid'8 table. I'roni this time forward he
resided at Jerusalem.

been so long unjustly excluded.

fessed that the tale at first sight


must be cona most plausible




and that the answer of David is no more thaii be expected. So the base ingratitude of





ruin he deserves,

while the loyalty and thoughtful courtesy of Ziba

are rewarded once more reinstating hiui in the position from which he had been so rudely thrust on Mephibosheth's arrival in Judah. (2.) Mephibosheth's story which, however, he had not the opportunity of teUing until several days later, when he met David returning to his kingdom at the western bank of He .Jordan was very difTerent to [from] Ziba's. had been desirous to fly with his patron and benefactor, and had ordere<l Ziba to make ready his ass But Ziba had that he might join the cortege. deceived him, had left him, and not returned with the asses. In his helpless condition he had no alternative, when once the opportunity of accompanying David was lost, but to remain where h was. The swift pursuit which had been made

the possessions of his master, thus


Ahimaaz and Jonathan





shown what

risks even a strong


man must

But all run who would try to follow the king. that he could do under the circumstances he had done. He had gone into the deepest mourning posIroiii the very day th&t sible for his lost friend. David left he had allowed his beard to grow ragged, and unfcnded, his his crippled feet were unwashed That David did not linen remained unchanged. disbelieve this story is shown liy his revoking the judgment he had previously given. That he did not entirely reverse his decision, but allowed Ziba to retain possession of half the lands of Mephilxisbetb, is probably due partly to weariness at the whole

a Tlic word used both in

xvi. 1, 2,



2<5, is

in hla Qiurst. Hfb.

the correct


p<iMd to Kor tlic



the strong


n fiinn animal, as op-



on this passa^re, to the effect that of the Hebrew is not " undressed." " ill-iniule " non illotii peJibtis, icil

tliR slio-nsK,



ncc Issaciiar. vol.




Ki.isiiA, vol.

b Tlie KHiiic

717 a. niournlug a David for hla child


nxcd for ridiiiK prdilnui inferiis alluding to fiilsc wooden feet whirh 1180 a; for the he wa norustomcd to wear. the The Hebrew word same to both Teet and beard, though rendered in A. V.


"drwsed" and "trimmed






ningiilar .Icwish tradition

()mTTed by


our word

" done.''


mainly to the conciliatory frame of mind in wliich he was at that moment. " Shall then any man be put to death this day? " is the Ziba probably key-note of tlie whole proceeding. was a rascal, who had done his best to injure an innocent and helpless man but the king had passed his word that no one was to be made unhappy on this joyful day; and so iMephibosheth, who believed
transaction, but



to suppose



the interval of eight

himself ruined, has half his property restored


him, while Ziba

to be.


better off than he

was before the

king's Hight, and far better off than he deserved


\vriter is

aware that

this is

not the view

generally taken of JMephiljosheth's conduct, and in psrticidar the opposite side has been maintained

which elapsed between David's return to Jerusalem and his deatli, Jlepliibosheth's painful may without diffilife had come to an end. culty believe that he did not long survive the anxieties and annoyances which Ziba's treachery had brought upon him. G. * The arguments which favor the side of Mephibosheth on this question of veracity between him and Ziba are somewhat fully stated above. It is due to an impartial view of the case to mention also some of the considerations on the other side, to which the reader's attention has not been called. .Josephus supports this view, which was probably


prevalent among the Jews of his day. Jerome ingenuity by the late Pro- names it as the early Christian tradition; and fessor Blunt in his Undesiyned Coincidences (part modern commentators (Henry, Janiieson, Kitto. But when the circumstances on both and others) urge the same opinion. No tradition, ii. 17). Bides are weighed, there seems to be no escape from of course, reaches back to the period, and any inthe conclusion come to above. iMephibosheth could ference is legitimate which is fairly deducible from offer a few considerations have had nothing to hope for from the revolution. the record itself. It was not a mere anarchical scramble in which to balance some of the preceding.

much cogency and


had equal chances of coming to the top, but war between two parties, led by two individuals, Absalom on one side, David on the other. From Absalom, who had made no vow to .Jonathan, it is obvious that he had nothing to hope. Moreover, the struggle was entirely confined to the tribe of Judah, and, at the period with which alone


(1.) The relation of Ziba to Mephibosheth could not have been degrading and trying. It would have been a poor return for the information which enabled the king to reach the object of his favor, In delegating to inflict an injury on the informer.

an old servant of Saul the care of his late royal masters grandson with his restored estate making we are concerned, to the chief city of .Judah. What him the steward of his property and (in his helpmore lessness) the virtual guardian of his person, David chance could a Benjamite have had there?especially one whose very claim was his descent conferred an honorable trust, and placed Ziba in a from a man known only to the people of Judali more important post than he occupied before. The as having for years hunted their darling David novel suggestion that the king " rudely thrust through the hills and woods of his native tribe; him from a better position, and that he harbored " and least of all when that Berijamite was a poor, nervous, rancor as one who had been " thrust down timid cripple, as opposed to Absalom, the handsom- 'brought into bondage" from which he sought est, readiest, and most popular man in the country. escape, has no apparent basis. (2.) The open kindness which Ziba rendered Again, Mephibosheth's story is throughout valid and consistent. Every tie, both of interest and of king David was not only most opportune, but waa gratitude, combined to keep him faithful to David's also bestowed at an hour when there was no prospect As not merely lame, but depri\ed of the of reward, if it did not even involve some risk. cause. use of both feet, he must have been entirely depend- He could not have reasonably anticipated that the ent on his ass and his servant: a position which monarch, in his own extremity, would confiscate Ziba showed that he completely appreciated by not his master's estate (against whom he volunteered only making off himself, but taking the asses and no charge) and announce its transfer to himaelf. their equipments with him. Of the impossibility of If, withal, what was "offered as Ziba's " was "the flight, after the king and the troops had gone, we property of Mephiboslieth," would not the king And would the servant be so presuming Lastly, we have, not his own know it ? have already spoken. And what is there in statement, but that of the historian, to the fact if the fact were so patent? that he commenced his mourning, not when his all his conduct to countenance the conjecture of " tendencies hostile to David " ? supposed designs on the throne proved futile, but (3.) It would be natural for Mephibosheth (as on the very day of David's departure (xix. 2-i). So much for iMephibosheth. Ziba, on the other David's ready credence shows) to imagine that dishand, had everything to gain and nothing to lose sension in the royal family and civil war might by any turn affairs might take. As a Benjamite result in bringing him to the throne. As between and an old adherent of Saul all his tendencies David and Absalom, he had nothing to hope from must have been hostile to David. It was David, the latter and much from the former; but this moreover, who had thrust him down from his inde- deadly breach between them may have awakened and these failing, the counterpendent position, and brought himself and his fif- hopes of his own teen sons bick into the bondage from which they charge against Ziba wouki be the natural cover and had before escaped, and from which they could now defense of his course, if the charge of the latter He were true. be delivered only by the fall of Mephibosheth. had thus every reason to wish his master out of the (4.) The proposal of IMephibosheth, when half way, and human nature must be different to what the estate was restored to him, to allow Ziba to a token of his indiflference to it is if we can believe that either his good offices to keep the whole David or his accusation of IMephibosheth was the property, from genuine joy at his benefactor's safe will not, of itself, mislead any one who is return result of anything but calculation and interest. With regard to the absence of the name of familiar with eastern phrases and professions of aa The speech was purely oriental Mephibosheth from the dying words of David, friendship. which is the main occasion of Mr. Blunt's strictures, was Ziba's previous acknowledgment. at any rate it is quite allow1 18 most natural (5.) Aside from the charge of Mephibosheth,




in self-exculpation, the character of

who seems


have been

one of tu

nnimpeached, and there is no indication that I)av;-1 withdrew his confidence from him. (G.) The final award of David is far more reconeilahle with iiis belief of Mci)hil)oslictirs i;uilt, than

wealtliy sheikhs of the eastern

part of Palestine,

whom the house of Saul always maintained To Adriel she bore five sons, who an alliance. formed five of the seven members of the house of Saul who were given up to the Gibeonites by David, To pity tlie son of .loiiatlian, in his of Ziba's. Jehovali on the sacred abject destitution, and permit him to retain half and by them crucified to [Kizpah.] of his forfeited possessions, would accord with hill of"{;il)eah (2 Sam. xxi. 8). The Authorized ^'ersion of this last passage is David's known magnanimity and befit bis day of The Hebrew text has " the triumph. " The key-note of the whole proceetling," an accommodation. Michal, daughter of Saul, which she to which Jlr. Crove properly refers, is certainly five sons of " [in the A. V. " whom she brought not less in harmony with this construction than bare to Adriel
It would lie the reverse of mag- up for Adriel"], and this is followed in the I-XX. with the other. nanimous, and positively wronj;, to reward tlie and Vulgate. The Targum explains the discif pancy "treachery" of Ziba, and permit iiim to hold half thus: "The five sons of Merab (which Michal, of his master's estate as the fruit of falsehood and Saul's daughter, brought up) which she bare." etc. Nothing The Peshito substitutes Merab (in the present state fraud of which he had been convicted. " Nadab ") for JMichal. .1. H. Michaelis, could justify or excuse this decision but the iinio- of the text

cence of Ziba, or doubt in the king's

the conflicting stories

Hebrew Hible (2 Sam. xxi. 10), susrgests that were two daughters of Saul named Michal, as there were two Elishamas and two Kliphalets among position. Probably the most feasible solution )avid's sons. (7.) The argument of I'rof. lilunt (see above) based on the omission of Mophil)oshctlrs name from of the difficulty is that "iMichal" is the mistake " Merab." * But if so it is the dying messages of David, is not fully met by of a transcriber for the suggestion tiiat the former may have died " in manifest from the agreement of the versions and though known to of .losephus {Anl. vii. 4, 30) with the present the interval of eight years" text, that tlie error is one of very ancient date. be living some four years after (2 Sam. xxi. 1,7) Is it not possible that there is a connection befor even if he were dead, he had left a son and grandsons (1 Chron. viii. 34, Sb) and David's tween Menib's name and that of her nephew


mind between

in his tliere


a possible sup-

covenant with Jonathan pledged him to ])rotect his Mkhir-Baal, or Mephibosheth as he is ordinarily G. If iMcpIiibosheth proved called V offspring "for ever." faitliful when rebellion was rife, whether he were [3 syl.] C^^"^*? [rebeUhn, obnow living or dead, it would be difficult to account [Vat. Vlapta :] FA. uliwicy, Ges.] 'Afxapia for the omission of any allusion to this tender trust Mapaia- Afurnin). A priest in the days of Joiakim, It is to be in the parting charge to Solomon. He was one of the " heads of the son of .leshua. noted, moreover, that on his return to the capital the fathers," and representative of the priestly have forgiven Mepliibosheth David appears simply to fainily of Seraiah, to which Ezra belonged (Neh. and remitted half the jienalty of confiscation. There The reading of the LXX. xii. 12). 'Afiapla, is no evidence tliat fnjin this time the latter was a is supported by the Peshito-Sjriac. guest at the royal table as he had been before. In view of this diflference of opinion between [rebellions, [3 syl.]




writers on the subject, and in the alisence of all evidence in the premises except that of the unsup-



testimony of the parties at variance, our

conclusion is that we cannot safely pronounce either tliougli it is evident enough of them " a rascal "

Maptr^A, [Vat. MapeiTjA.] in 1 Chr. vi. 6, 7, 52; Mapaidod, [Vat. Map/xwO,] 1 Chr. ix. 11; Mapecid, [Vat. Mapfpccd,] Kzr. vii. 3; Maptiie, Neh. xi. 11; Alex. MapaieeO, 1 Chr. vi. 6, 7, Kzt.

that there was rascality between them.








[increase, f/rowth]:


l'>,r. vii.

Ghr. vi. 52; Mapiaid, 1 Chr. ix. Merdioth, except 1 Chr. ix. 11, MiiVidtitli). 1. A descendant of Kleazar


Alex, also Mep(^$\ .'oseph. MtpSBv- -^^f'"*). tl'e eldest daughter, po.ssiljly the eldest child, of king She first appears after the Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 4"J).
victory over Goliath and the I'hilistines, when David had become an inmate in Saul's house (1 Sam.
xviii. 2),

the son of Aaron, and head of a priestly house. It w:us thought by Lightfoot that he was the immediate predecessor of Eli in the oflice of high-priest,

and that

at his death the high-priesthood changed Irom the line of Eleazar to the line of Ithamar

of his friendship wilh .lonatlian. . In accordance with the ])romise which he made before the engage-

He is called descendants were Zadok and Ezra. elsewhere Mkkemoth (1 ICsdr. vii. 2), and Mahianother ment with Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul betrothed Meral) iMoTii (2 Esdr. i. 2). It is aj)parently MiTaioth who comes in between Zadok and Ahitub to David (xviii. 17), l>ut it is evidently implied tiiat Chr. ix. 11, Neh. one ol jcct of thus rewarding his valor was to incite in the genealogy of Azariah (1 MeKiioth are further feats, which might at last lead to xi. 11), unless the names Ahitub and

and inmiediately

after the






his illustrious

D.avid's hesitation transposed, which is not improbable. death by the Philistines. 2. {Mapide; [Vat. Alex. EA'. omit:] Mamat a.s if he did not nnich value the honor the houses of priesta, any rate before the marriage Merali's younger sister iolli.) The head of one of time of .loiakim the son .f Jeshua waa aiichal had dis()layed her attachment for David, which in the He is elaerepresented by Ilelkai (Neh. xii. 15). and Mcrab was then married to Adriel the Me-


The omission of the name In the LXX. Is remarkIn the Viitlrnn Codi-x it occurs in 1 Sam. xiv. The Alexiiinlrlne M.S. omit* it tiiere, and 18 only. 'jiMftK it In xviii. 17 nnd It).

that Mlchftl In the present text must be nn error II. A. Perret-OentU of niomory or a copyist's tni.atnl<e. Hnl>stitut<>s Memb for Michal in his version published

by the

!iocii'li Blblii/iir



I'nrif (18t>f>).

Kcil deci'ls (Hiht.




A. T. in loc.)

There called

xii. 3),




a confusion

and head of the third great division (nnQtt?^)

of the Levites, the Meraiute.s, whose designation in Hebrew is the same as that of their progenitor,

made between

the letters



Feshito-Syriac has


in both passages.




Of Merari's personal history, beyond the fact of his Jacol) into Egypt, and 23) as "searchers out of un- birth before the descent of seventy who accompanied derstanding." The name does not occur elsewhere, of his being one of the we know nothing whatever (Gen. and is probat)ly a corruption of " Medaii " or .Jacob thither, At the time of tlie Exodus, and the " IMidian." Junius and Tremellius give Afednvcei, xlvi. 8, 11). wilderness, the Merarites conand their conjecture is supported by the appearance numbering in the sisted of two families, the IMah.lites and the Mushites, of the Midianites as noniade merchants in Gen. two Rons, or the xxxvii. Both Bledan and Midian are enumerated iMahli and jMushi being either the among the sons of Keturah in Gen. xxv. 2, and are son and grandson, of Merari (1 Ohr. vi. 19, 47). Their chief at tliat time was Zuriel, and the whole closely connected witli the Dedanira, whose " travelnumber of the family, from a month old and upling companies," or caravans, are frequently alluded years old to 50 Fritzsche suggests wards, was 6,200 those from 30 to (Is. xxi. 13; Ez. xxvii. 15). were 3,200. Their charge was the boards, bars, that it is the Marane of Pliny (vi. 28, 32). pillars, sockets, pins, and cords of the tabernacle


only with the article prefixed, namely, ^"I^Jpn.

(Me^pai': Merrha).

The merchants

Meran and Theman

are mentioned with

Hagarenes (Bar.




and the




the tools connected with


C^~l~ip [unhappy, sorrourful,







Alex, Kepapei, Meppapei, and once Mapapei lonietimes Mepapei- Merar'i]), third son of Levi, Ithamar the sou of Aaron.

In the encampment their place was to the north of the tabernacle; and both they and the Gershonites were " under the hand " of




to the heavy

Table of the Mekabitss.

Levi (Ex.
vi. 16-19;






ahli. (1

Chr. xxiv. 30).






Bani= Bunni

(Neh. zl.


chief of the house of the father of the families of Merari in the time of Moses




iii. 3.5).


Asainh, chief of 2*20 Merarites in the time of David (1 Chr. vi. 44. 4.5, XV. 6). Buttliis genealogy is doubtless imperfect, ns it gives only 10 generations


Jaaziah or Jaaziel,

Chr. xv.

18, x.xiv. 26, 27.


from Levi





Zaccur or Zechariah

Ibri or






(vi. 44, 27).

Eleazar (xxiii.

(xvi. 3S, 42,


Galal or


Zeri or


21, 22,

xxiv. 28).


Hashabiah Matti(it. 3, 19,


Kishi, Kish (xxiii. 21), or

Kushaiah (it.



3, 9).

(ib. 3, 15).

(t6. 3,21).


10, IB), (xvi. 38).

(t6. 3, 11)

vi. 45).

Ethan, called Jeduthun, head of the singers in the time ot



(vi. 4-1-47;
1, 3, 6).

XV. 17.19; xvi. 41,42;

(xxvi. 10).

Hilkiah Teba- Zechaiib. 11).




Sons of Jeduthun, Shemaiah and Uzziel," in time of Hezekiah (2 Chr. x.xix. 14).
" Obadiah (or Abda) the son of Shemaiah, the son of Galal, the son of Jeduthun," after the return from captivity (IChr. ix. 16; Neh. xi^U).

Rish the son of Abdi, and Azariah the son Jehalelel, in reign of Mezekiah
(2 Chr. xxix. 12).



Shemaiah, after the return from captivity (1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xi. 15).

A Mahli "

Shereblah, in time of Ezra, "of the sons (Ejr. viii. 18); corrupted to Asebebia (I Esdr. viii. 47).

Jeshaiah, of the sons of Merari, in the time of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 19).

Hashabiah, of the sons of Merari, in the tira of Ezra (Ezr. viii. 19), called Asebi and Assanias (1 Eidr. viii. 4S, M).




nature of the uwterials wliich thcj- had to carry, four waL;oi;s and eiglit oxen were assigned to them Wid in tlie march both they and the (Jershonites followed iinniediatuly after the standard of .ludah, and before that of Iteuben, that they mi<:lit set up
ihe Tabernacle against the arrival of the Kohatliitos

perhaps be that Jeduthun was th patronymic title of tlie house of which Ethan wa? .kduthun might the head in the tinte of David, have been the brother of one of Ethan's direct ancestors before Mashabiah, in which case Hasha-







2li-o3, 4-2-45,

vii. 8, x.

In the division of the land by .loshua, the Merarites had twelve cities assi<,'ned to them, out of Heulien, dad, and Zebuhm, of which one

was Kanjotli-Gilead, a

city of refuge,




times a freijuent subject of war between Israel and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, ;U-40: 1 Chr. vi. 63, 77^81). In the time of David Asaiali was their chief, and assisted with 220 of his family in bringing up the Afterwards we find the Meraark (1 Chr. xv. C). rites still sharing with the two other Levitical families the various functions of their caste (1 Chr.
xxiii. 0, 2l-2-"i).


a third part of the singers

and musicians were .Merarites, and Ethan or .leduthun was their chief in the time of David. sons of .leduthun above thirty years of age

in 1 Chr. xxv. 3, li) might be the same as Hosah and Obed-edom seem Hashabiah in vi. 45. to have been other descendants or clansmen of lived in the time of David; and, .leduthun, who if we may argue from the names of Mosah's sona, .Siniri and Hilkiah, that they were descendants of Shamer and Hilkiah, in the line of Ethan, the inference would be that .iedutiiun was a son either of Hilki.ah or Amaziah, since he lived after Hilkiah, but before Hashabiah. The great advantage of this supposition is, that while it leaves to Ethan the patronymic designation Jeduthun, it draws a wide distinction ijetween the term "sons of .leduthun" and "sons of Ethan," and explains how in David's time there could be sons of those who are called


a tliird jtart of the door-keepers they filled othces, 1 Chr. xxvi. 10), at the same [.Iedutiiun.] were Merarites (1 Chr. xxiii. 5, G, xxvi. 10, lli), time that Jeduthun was said to be the chief of the In like manner it is possible that .laaziah unless indeed we are to understand from ver. li) singers. that the doorkeepers were all either Kohathites or may have been a brother of Malluch or of Abdi, Merarites, to the exclusion of the Gerslionites, which and that if .Abdi or Ibri had other descendants In tlie days of Hezekiah besides the lines of Kish and Eleazar, they may does not seem probable. the Merarites were still flourisiiing, and Kish the have been reckoned under the headship of Jaaziah. Bon of Al)di, and Azariah tlie son of .lehalelel, took The families of Merari which were so reckoned were,
their part with their brethren of the two other Levitical families in promoting the reformation, and

wrifying the house of the Lord (2 Chr. xxix. 12,

After the return fro)r. captivity Shemaiah represents the sons of Merari, in 1 Clir. ix. 14, Neh. xi. 15, and is said, with other chiefs of the Levites,
to have "

according to 1 Chr. xxiv. 27, Shoham, Zaccur (apparently the same as Zechariah in 1 Chr. xv. 18, wliere we probably ought to read " Z. son of Jaaziah," and xxvi. 11), and Ibri, where the LXX. A. C. H. have 'n$Si, 'AySal, and 'A/35i.

had the oversight of the outward business There were also at that of the house of Ciod." time sons of .leduthun under Obadiah or Abda, the
Bon of Shemaiah
little later


(Mepapi; [Vat. Vitpapfi; Sin.] Alex, in 1, Mepopei; [Sin. in xvi. 7, Mapapei:] Merari.) The lather of Judith (Jud. viii. 1, xvi.

in great

* MERA'RITES Ol"^!? Mepapi, Vat. -p*,: .\fcriiritw), descendants of Merari, Num. xxvi. 57. want of Levites to A. journey from Babylon to .Jerusalem, " a man of [Mkkaki 1.] ;;ood understanding of the sons of Mahli " was A'lM, (VT?':?^ found, whose name, if the text here and at ver. 24
again, in the time of Ezra,

(1 (.'hr. ix.

16; Neh.



when he was accompany him on his



not given. " Jeshaiah also of the sons Q\"l~lp : (ei-ra ciominantium), that is, of double of Merari," with twenty of his sons and brethren, Gerebellion (a dual form from the root "^"ij^ came with him at the same time (Ezr. viii. 18, }'J)ff^hrb. p. 791 6), lUit it seems pretty certain that .Sherebiah, in ver. scnius, Thes. p. 819 ; Fiirst, the Chalda'ans, and to 18, is the name of the Mahlite, and that both he alluding to the country of and Hashabiah, as well as Jeshaiah, in ver. 19, were the double cajitivity which it had inflicted on the This is the opinion of Invites of the family of Merari, and not, as the nation of Israel (.ler. 1. 21 ). The (jesenius, Fiirst, Michaelis {Hibilfur Unijthhrlvn), actual text of ver. 24 indicates, priests.
is correct, is

copulative 1 has fallen out before their

ver. 24, as




in this sense the



taken by




versions which the writer has consulted, excepting


appears from ver. 30 (see also 1 Chr. ix. 14; Neh. xii. 24). The preceding table gives the princijial descents.
&s far as
it is

that of Junius and Treinelliiis, which the A. V. The has followed here. in other instances








k p


possible to ascertain


I'ut the

4ni0rj6i, etc., tiike the root in its second sense of

true position of Jajiziah, M.ahli,


and Jeduthun

" bitter."


Here too, as elsewheie, it is difiicult to when a given name indicates an individual. and when the family called after him, or the head
of that family.



.Vcrmrim), [Acta

xiv. 12,] properly Hermes, the (ireek deity, whom sometimes no less diflicidt to the Romans identified with their .Mercury the god In the <!rcek mythol;lecide whether any name which occurs repeatedly of commerce and bargains. dfsignatcs tlie same person, or others of the family ogy Hermes was the son of Zeus and Maia the daughter of .Atlas, and is constantly represented aa who bore the same name, as c. </. in the case of Mahli, Ililkiah, Sliiniri, Kishi or Kish, and others. the com])anion of bis father in his wanderings upon As regards the confusion between Ethan and Jedu- earth. On one of these occasions they were trav-

a Their



Jokncam, Kartah, Diuinah, and


.Tazer, In





lour In


Hephaath, io iteuben

lUuioth. Mahanuim. Hoslibou.

though the tlal

But in 1 Clir. tI., Instead of th* only Kimmon iind Tabor are named Is givru as twelve iu ver. 08

Phrygia, and were refused hospitality by %l\ s;ve Baucis and Philemon, the two aged peasants uf whom Ovid tells the chairaing episode in his Mtldm. viii. G20-724, which appears to have formed part of the folk-lore of Asia Minor, and strilvingly illustrates the readiness with which the simple people of Lystra recognized in Barnabas and Paul the gods who, according to their wont, had come down They called in the likeness of men (Acts xiv. 11). Paul " Hermes, because he was the chief speaker," identifying in him as they supposed by this characteristi'", the herald of the gods (Hom. 0<L v. 28; Ilym. in Harm. p. 3), and of Zeus {Od. i. 38, 84; //. xxiv. 333, 461), the eloquent orator {Od. i. 86 Hor. Od. i. 10, 1), inventor of letters, music, and He was usually represented as a slender tlie arts. lieardlcss youth, but in an older Pelasgic figure he Wliether St. Paul wore a beard or was bearded. not is not to be inferred from tins, for the men of Lystra identified him with their god Hermes, not from any accidental resemblance in figure or appearance to the statues of that deity, but becau.e of the act of healing which had ijeen done upon
filing in


attiibated to

the Qtuestiones in




his sons Jether

According to this, Ezra was Amrani; and iMered were Aaron and Moses; Epher was Eldad, and Jalon Medad. The tradition goes on to say tliat jMoses, after receiving tht

put away being the daughter of Levi: that Amram did so, married Bithiah, the again, and begat Eldad and Medad. daughter of Pharaoh, is said, on the same autliority, " by Moses, because she forto have been " taken sook idols, and was converted to the worship of the true God. The origin of all this seems to have been the occurrence of the name "Miriam" in 1 Chr. iv. 17, which was reiferred to Miiiam the sister of Moses. Rabbi D. Kimchi would put tlia first clause of ver. 18 in a parenthesis. He makes Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh the first wife of Mered, and mother of Miriam, Shammai, and Ishbah; Jehudijah, or "the Jewess," being his second wife. But the whole genealogy is so intri cate that it is scarcely possible to unravel it. W. A. W"
in the desert, enjoined his father to


mother because she was

his aunt,


man who was lame from


his birth.




upitek, A. W.





i\aaTi)piou: propiliatorium). This appears to have been merely the lid of the Ark of the Covenant, not another BTirface affixed tliereto. It was that whereon the blood of the yearly atonement was sprinkled by the high-priest; and in this relation it is doul)tful whether the sense of the word in the Hebrew is based on the material fact of its " covering " the Ark, or from this notion of its reference to the "covering'" (. e. atonement) of sin. But in any case the notion of a "seat,"' as conveyed by the name in English, seems superfluous and likely to mislead. Jehovah is indeed spoken of as "dwelling" and even a-s "sitting" (Ps. Ixxx. 1, xcix. 1) between the cherubim, but undoubtedly his seat in this conception would not be on the same level as that on whicli tliey stood (Ex. xxv. 18), and an enthronement in the glory above it must be supThe idea with wliich it is connected :s posed. not merely that of "mercy," but of formal atonement made for tlie breach of the covenant (Lev. xvi. 14), which the Ark contained in its material vehicle the two tables of stone. The communi-


^d>Q, [Vat. UepeifxaiQ;']

Alex. Uapfxixid, Ezr.

33; -paixdid, Neh. iii. 4; yiepa/xcid, Neh. iii. 21: 1. Son of MereiDoth, [Marimuth, Merimnth]).

Uriah, or Urijah,


priest, of tlie family of


or Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of priests

established by David. On the return from Babylon the children of Koz were among those priests who were unable to establish their pedigree, and in consequence were put from the priesthood This probably applied as polluted (Ezr. ii. 61, 62). to only one family of the descendants of Koz, for

Meremoth is clearly recognized as appointed to weigh and register the gold and silver vessels belonging to the Temple, which Ezra had brought from Babylon, a function which priests and Levites alone were selected to In the rebuilding discharge (Ezr. viii. 24-30). of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah v' llnd Meremoth taking an active part, working between
in Ezr. viii. 33,

a priest, and

and the sons of Hasseuaah who restored iii. 4), and himself restoring the portion of the Temple wall on which abutted

the Fish Gate (Neh.

the house of the high-priest Eliashib (Neh. iii. 21). Burrington {Genealogies, ii. 154) is inclined to



" from
of the

to Jloses are represented as made the Mercy-Seat that was upon the Ark
vii. SiJ;

two mentioned






same name

as distinct persons, but his reasons do

called "

Testimony" (Num.

comp. Ex. xxv.

not appear sufficient.

22, XXX. 6); a sublime illustration of the moral relation and responsibihty into which the people

were by covenant regarded as brought before God.

In 1 Esdr. son of Iri."







H. H,

ME'RED ("T^tt [defection,




1 Chr. iv. 17;

* The A. V. ed. 1611 follows the Geneva verMer/moth in Neh. iii. 4, 21; comp. MoopdS Mehemoth 3 The Bishops' Bible also reads Chr. iv. Men'moth in Neh. iii. 21 and xii. 3. A.
sion in reading

This name occurs in a fragmentary 18 Mertd). genealogy in 1 Chr. iv. 17, 18, as that of one of the sons of Ezra. He is there said to have taken to wife BiTHiAH the daughter of Pharaoh, who is enumerated by the Rabbins among the nine wlio entered Paradise (Hottinger, Smegma Orientale, 315), and in tlie Targum of R. Joseph on p. Chronicles is said to have been a proselyte. In
ihe same


2. (Mopi/icifl; [Vat. lepa^oifl; FA. XoJtepaiUOjfl :] layman of the sons of Baiii, who

had married a foreign wife after the return from Babylon and put her away at Ezra's bidding (Ezr.
x. 36).


(Mspa^aJ0; [Vat.




Targum we

find it stated that Caleb, the

ion of Jephunneh,



Mered because he
the counsel

Alex. FA.' omit, FA.-^, or more probably a fiwd:] Merimuth.) family of priests, who sealed the covenant with (Neh. x. 5). The latter supposition ig Nehemiah
in xii. 3,

Rom. Vat.

withstood or rebelled against



more probable, because

occurs, with




3 the

the spies, a tradition also recorded by Jarchi. But another and very curious tradition is preserved


others of the


name among


who went up with


a century



of the latter explanation that in some of the Uivek versions of 1 Chr. viii. and ix. the name is given tr.ace of the same thing ia as JMempbi-baal.

In the next generation, that is, in the days nf Joiakiui the son of .leshiia, the representative of the family of Mcrenioth was Helkai (Neh. xii.

the reading; iMcraioth in that passage being an








Tlie A. V. of

IGU had




reading of the Alex. LXX. given not a mere error, then there ia

Hke the perhaps some connection between the name of Mcrib-ljaal and that of bis aunt Merab. Neither name and that ME'RES (Dnn [Vat. Alex. FA. omit; Ishbosheth is it clear why this a difierent form of should be given in in Comp. Mf'pey:] Afares). One of the seven conn- these genealogies to what they are in the historical sellors of Aliasucrus king of I'eisia, " wise men narrative. But for this see Isn-nosiiKTH and wliich knew tlie times " (ICstii. i. 14). His name iMki'HI-hosheth. G.

"Mcrinioth" in Neh. [x. and] Geneva version. [Mici(i;.Moru l.j


xii. 3,

W. A. W.


not traceahle

in the


wiiieh in this passage



suggests tiiat mdrslid, "worthy," which

a. V.)

(quoted hy (Jesenius, Thes. it is derived from the Sanskrit














prohahly also the origin of Marof anotlier Persian counsellor.

MER'IINIOTH is the reading of the A. V. Kill in Neh. iii. 4, 21, x. 5, and xii. 3, for which the more coriect fnrm, " Mercmoth," has * been substituted in later editions. [Mekkmotij


("n7'""? [see below]



xx. 13,

in Jer.


xxvii. 14;





7; ayriKoyia




Deut. xxxii. 51; AoiSopi'o xx. 24: In Kx. xvii. 7 we read, " he called of the place Massah and Meribah," "

Num. Num.

5(x; D'-'it. MaiojSa/c; Alex. FA. MeoiSaxO '^lervdac/i) is mentioned once only in Scripture, namely,

where the

peo]ile niurnnired, and the rock was [For the situation see liKriiiDUi.] The



also given


Kadesh (Num.

xx. 13, 24,

xxvii. 14;



51 ' Meriliah-kadesh "), be-

cause there also the jjeojjle, when in want of water, Btrove with (Jod. There, however, Moses and Aaron incurred the I)i\ine displeasure because they " believed not," liecause they " rebelled," and
"sanctified not

where Bel and .Merodach are coupled and threatened with destruction in the It has been connnonly concluded from this passage that Bel and Merodach were separate gods; but from the Assyrian and Babylonian in.scriptions it appears that this was not exactly the case. Merodach was really identical with the famous Babylonian liel or Belus, the word being probably at first a mere epithet of the god, which by degrees superseded his proper appellation.


of Babylon.




midst" of the


Impatience and .self-willed assumption of plenary power are the prominent features of their behavior ill Num. XX. 10; the "speaking to the rock" (which perhaps was to have l)een in Jehovah's name) was neglected, and another symbol, suggestive

rather of themselves as the source of power,

In sjjjte of these i)hiin

was substituted.



tinctive features of dilibrenee between the event at

Kadesh and that at liephidim some commentators have regarded the one as a mere duplicate of the other, owing to a mixture of earlier and later

H. H.
occurrence, and

Still a certain distinction appears to have been maintained between the names. The golden image in the great Temple at ljab3lon seems to have been worsbiiiped distinctly as Bel rather than Merodach, while other idols of the god may have represented him as Merodach rather than Bel. It is not known what the word Merodach means, or what the special aspect of the god was, when worshipped under that title. In a general way 15cl-Merodach may be said to correspond to the Greek Jupiter. He is "the old man of the gods," "the judge," and has the gates of heaven under his especial charge. Nebuchadnezzar calls him " the great lord, the senior of the gods, the most ancient," and Neriglissar "the

first-born of the gods, the layer-up of treasures."


^''^P, except on In the






JMeri-baal [siri/e aijainst Banl],


jM.SS. the fuller




Babylonian history he seems Nebo, Nergal, Bel-Nimrod, Anu, etc.) the worship of the people, but in the later times he is regarded as the source of all power and lilessings, and thus concentrates
earlier period of

to share with se\eral other deities (as

Mept0aa\; [in 1 Chr. ix. 40, Vat.] Map/8aaA, in his own person the greater part of that homage [.Sin. Mapi0a\, Mapd^aaW] Alex. Mf^pi^aaA., and respect which previously been divided
the various gods of the I'antheon. Aetronomically he is identified with the planet Jupiter. His name forms a frequent element in the appellations of Babylonian kings, e. ;/. IMerodach-Baladan, tion are, that in the history no other son Imt Meph lOvil-Merodach, Merodacl>-adin-akhi, etc.; and is ibosheth i.s a.scribed to; that ]Mei)hifound in this position as early as B. c. 1050. (See boshetb, like Merib-l)aal, had a son named Micah; the /'ss'iy by Sir II. H.awlinson "Cn the litliyUm and tliat the terms " bosheth " and " baal " apof the Biibylonidiis iind Assyrians," in Hawlinson's pear from other examples (c. </. Ksh-Baal Ish /IeruilottL% i. 627-G31.) G. H. bosheth) to lie convertible. "What is the signifi(?flS")p cance of the chani;e in the Ibrmer part of the name,
of .Saul (1 Clir.

son of .lonnthan the son doubdcss the s.ame person who in the narrative of 2 Samuel is called MKriii-iio.siiKTii. The reasons for the identifica-




34. ix. 40),



and wliether
the two

it is

MapoiSax BaAoSoi/; [Vat. MaicwSaxi and 1, does not appear Vat. and .Mux. omit BaAoSof:] 3fi^r(xl'ich-lialii\a have been ascertained. It is perhaps in favor iliiii) is mentioned as kini: of Babylon in the days of He/.ekiah, l)otli in the second boik of Kings (xx. 12) and in Isaiali (xxxix. 1). In the former a Chiding, or strire, nS"*"';!?^ HBtt TreipourMW ])lace he is called Bkkodacii-Balauan, by th

more than a

clerical error betv/een



tiu Xoi8op7)<Ti, aluo avTuKoyii. Dent, .xxxiii. 8.


" ter^ptation,"

ready intcp-liange of the letters




was familiar to tlie Jews, as it has been to many Tlie orthography " MeroJach " is, jther nations.
since this element in the undoubtedly identical with the appellation of the famous Bab3lonian deity, who is always called " Merodach,"' both by the Hebrews The name of Meroand by the native writers. dach-Baladan has been clearly recognized in the appears under the form It Assyrian inscriptions. in o*' Marudachus-lialdanes, or iMarudach-Baldan, fragment of Polyhistor, preserved by Eusebius & (CJiroii. Can. pars i. v. 1); and under that of



There is some doubt as to the time at which Merodach-Baladan sent his ambassadors to Hezekiah, for the purpose of infjuiring as to the astro-

however, to be preferred



nomical marvel of which Judaa had been the scene According to those commenta(2 Chr. xxxii. 31). tors who connect the illness of Hezekiah witli one or other of Sennacherib's expeditions against him, the embassy has to be ascribed to JNIerodach-Baladan's second or shorter reign, when alone he was contemporary with Sennacherib. If however we may be allowed to adopt the view that Hezekiah 's illness preceded the first invasion of Sennacherib

(or rather Mardoc-empal ) in the by several years (see abo\e, ud voc. Hezkkiah, Josephus abbrevi- and compare Kawlinson's Ihrodotus, i. -479, note2), famous "Canon of Ptolemy." ates it still more, and calls the monarch simply synchronizing really with an attack of Sargon, we " Baladas" {Ant. Jud. x. 2, 2). must assign the embassy to Merodach-Baladan'a The Canon gives jNIerodach-Baladan {Mnrdoc- earlier reign, and bring it within the period, b. c. from b. c. 721 to 721-709, which the Canon assigns to him. New empal) a reign of 12 years and makes him tuen succeeded by a the 14th year of Hezekiah, in which the embassy B. c. 70y


certain Arceanus.

Polyhistor assigns

him a


months" reign, immediately before lilibus, or Belibus, who (according to the Canon) ascended the It has commonly been seen that throne B. c. 702. these must be two different reigns, and that Merodach-Baladan must therefore have been deposed in
B. C. 70y,

and have recovered

bis throne in B. c.


when he had a second period of dominion The inscriptions contain exlasting half a year.
Sargon states tliat press mention of both reigns. in the twelfth year of his own reign he drove

Merodach-Baladan out of Babylon, after he had ruled over it for twelve years; and Sennacherib first year he defeated and tells us that in his expelled the same monarch, setting up in his place "a man named Belib." Putting all our notices together, it becomes apparent that Merodach-Baladan was the head of the popular party, which resisted the Assyrian monarchs, and strove to maintain tlie independence of the country.

should fall (2 K. xx. 6; Is. xxxviii. 5), appears to This was the year of Merohave been a. c. 7i;J. dach-Baladan's first reign. The increasing power of Assyria was at this period causing alarm to her neighbors, and the circumstances of the time were such as would tend to draw Judcea and Babylonia together, and to give The astronomrise to negotiations between them. ical marvel, whatever it was, which accompanied the recovery of Hezekiah, would doubtless have attracted the attention of the Babylonians; but it was probably rather the pretext than the motive for the formal embassy which the Chaldaean king The real dispatched to Jerusalem on the occasion.
oliject of

the mission was most likely to effect a league between Babylon, Judsea, and Eijypt (Is. XX. 5, 6), in order to check the growing power of Hezekiah's exhibition of " all his the Assyrians.''

(2 K. xx. 13) would thus have mere display, but a mode of satisfying tain whether he was self-raised or the son of a the Babylonian ambassadors of his ability to supThe league, howe^'e^, former king. In the second Book of Kings he is port the expenses of a war. styled " the son of Baladan " but the inscriptions though designed, does not seem to have taken Sargon, acquainted probably with the incall him '-the son of Yaijin;''^ whence it is to be effect. presumed that Baladan was a more remote ancestor. tentions of his adversaries, anticipated them. He Fdcjiii, the real father of Merodach-Baladan, is sent expeditions both into Syria and Babylonia possibly represented in Ptolemy's Canon by the seized the stronghold of Ashdod in the one, and which in some copies replaces the completely defeated Merodach-Baladan in the other. name Jugaeus name Elulaeus, as the appellation of the immediate That monarch sought safety in flight, and lived for predecessor of Merodach-Baladan. At any rate, eight years in exile. At last he found an opporIn b. c. 703 or 702, Babylonia from the time of Sargon, Merodach-Bal.adan and tunity to return. the Assyrian yoke was his family were the champions of Babylonian inde- was plunged in anarchy pendence and fought with spirit the losing battle thrown off, and various native leaders struggled for

precious things"
been, not a

It is uncer-

of their country.


kinsr of

whom we

are here

the mastery.

treating sustained two contests with the power of

Under these circumstances the exiled monarch seems to ha\e returned, and recovered his
His adversary, Sargon, was dead or dying, and a new and untried prince was about to rule He might hope that the reins over the Assyrians. of government would be held by a weaker hand, might stand his ground against the and that he son, though he had been forced to yield to the father. In this hope, however, he was disappointed. Senn.acherib had scarcely estalilished himself on the throne, when he proceeded to engage his people in wars; and it seems that his very first step was Merodachto invade the kingdom of Babylon.
abbreviation of the name has many parallels. (Sea Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 4.36, note 1.) b Josephus expressly states that Merodach-Baladac sent the ambassadors in order to form an alliance with Hezekiah {Ant. Jud. x. 2, 2).

Assyria, was twice defeated, and twice compelled

to fly his country.

His sons, supported by the king of Elam, or Susiana, continued the struggle, and are found among the adversaries of EsarHaddon, Sennacherib's son and successor. His grandsons contend against Ass/iur-bnni-pril, the son of Esar-Haddon. It is not till the fourth generation that the family seems to become extinct, and the Babylonians, having no champion to maintain their cause, contentedly acquiesce in the yoke
of the stranger.

n In tlie uncial writing A is very liable to be mistaken for A, and in the ordinary manuscript character is not unlike S. M. Bunsen was (we believe) the 1^ Ijrst to suggest that there had heen a substitution of he S for the \ in this instance. See hi.s work, E^ypt^s Place in Universal History, vdl. i. p. 726, E. T. The




of Josephas {Ant.
v. 5, 1), that the second Jabin " belonged to the city Asor (Hairor), wiiich lay above the lake of Seniechonitis." There is no reason to doubt that the Hazor of the first and the Hazor of the second Jabin were one and the same place and as the waters of Meroiu are named in connection with the tbi-mer it is allowable to infer that they are identical with the lake of

Baladan had obtained a body of troops from bis all}', the king of .Susiaiia; but beiiiiaclifrib defeated llie combined army in a pitched battle; alter wliicli he ravaged tiie entire country, destroying 7U walled cities and 8^0 towns and villages, and carrying vast numbei's of the (teople into


iv., V.)


fled to


the islands

(Fox 'JalUifi) Assi/ridii 'J'tjrU, p. 1 ) tracts probably now joined Seniechonitis. But it sliould be reniemliered that 10 the continent and succeeded in eluding the this inlerence is really all the pnnif we have, while search wliicii tlie Assyrians made for him. If we against it we have to set the positive statements of may believe I'ol^iiistor however, this escape availed Josephus and Kusebius just quoted; and also the him little. That writer relates ("jj. Kuseb. Cliiwi. fact that the Ilelirew word J/e is not that com (Mil. i. 5), that he was soon after put to death liy monly used for a large piece of st;inding water, but Klibus, or IJelibus, the viceroy wiioin Sennacherib rather Yum, "a sea," which was even employed apjKiintcd to represent him at Babylon. At any for so small a body of water .as the artificial poml rate he lost his recovered crown after wearing it lor or tiiiik in Solomon's Temple. This remark would about six months, and spent the reminder of his have still more force if, as was most proliably the case, the lake was larger in the time of Joshua than days in exile and oliscurity. G. 11. it is at present. Another and greater oljection, which sliould not be overlooked, is the ditticulty CnS2 \_icaltrs of tlie litiylit, or from above]: attendant on a flight and pursuit across a country rh vSwp Maptiv [Vat. Mappwi/, and so Alex. ver. so mountainous and impassable to any large nuuibers, as the district which intervenes between the 7J; Alex, in ver. 6, Mfppaiv'- i((jme Mvruin), a The tremendous ravine of the place memorable in the history of the conquest of IlitUh and Sidon. Lildny and the height of Kulut t s-Sliuk if ixie only Here, after Joshua had gained possesi'alestine. two of the obstiicles which stand in the way of a sion of tlie southern jiortions of the country, a As, however, the lake in confederacy of the northern chiefs assembled under passage in this direction. " waters of the leadership of Jabin, king of Hazor (.losh. xi. ipicstioii is invariably taken to be the Merom," and as it is an interesting feature in the 5), and here they were encountered liy Joshua, and completely routed (ver. 7). The battle of Alerom geograjjliy of the upper part of the Jordan, it may was to the north of Palestine what that of Beth- lie well here to give some account of it.

the luoutli of the Eupiinitcs "


horon had been to the south, indeed more, for tliere do not a|)](car to have been the same number of important towns to be taken in detail after tliis victory that tliere had been in the former case. The name of iMerom occurs nowhere in the Bible but in the passage above" mentioned; nor is it found in Josephus. In his account of the battle (Artl. V. 1, 18), the confe<lerate kings encamp " near Beroth, a city of U])pcr tialilee, not far from



region to wliich the


of //uhli







a depressed plain

Kedes;" nor


there any mention of water.

commencing on the north of the foot of Mtij Ayun and Tell tl-R(i(lij, and extending southwards to the bottom of the lake which bears the same name Bd/ir tl-I/iilt/i. On the east and west it is incKjsed between two parallel ranges of hills; on the west the highlands of Upper Galilee the .Jtbtl In ^<fiil; and on the east a broad ridge or table-land
or basin,

the slopes which lead up to the

the Umimnslicon of Kusebius the name is given as of basalt, thrown oft' i)y the southern base of Her" Merran," and it is stated to be " a village twelve mon, and extending downwards beyond the llulvh miles distant from Seijaste (Samaria), and near till lost ill the liigli ground east of the lake of TiThe latter rises abruptly from the low l>othaim." It is a remarkable fact tliat though iicri;is. by common consent the "waters of Merom " are groui.'d, but the hills on the western side break

through which the Jordan down more gradually, and leave a tract of undulattiie ing talile-laiid of varying breadth lietween them and jUS between Banias and the Sea of Galilee This basin is in all aliout 15 miles lon^; Seniechonitis of Josephus, and liahr tl-IIulch of the plain. the modern Aralis yet that identity cannot be and 4 to 5 wide, and thus occupies an area al>out that of the lake of 'I'ilierias. It is the proved by any ancient record. The nearest ap- equal to proach to proof is an inference from the statement receptacle for the drainage of the highlands on each
'dentified witli the lake


a The mentioD of the name



in re^ioiie Meromt

in tbc A'ulgato of

is onlj'


It is

Judg. a




probably a very ancient


transference of the words niti.''




rightly rendered in the A. V. "in

the Held," and


high jilaces of no cunncction with Mcroni.


2M'X"'*'''''^> "'' 2ic)iifX'"*'"''^*'i Ai'finj {Ant. v. 5,

This name does 1; B. J. iii. 10, 7, iv 1, 1). not occur in any part of the Ilible; nor has it iK'en For the dlsrovercd in any author except Josepliufi. pO!>Kihle derivalioiis of it. Bee Ittland (Pill. 2G2-2iU), and the HUuiniar.v of Stanley (S. If P. p. S'Jl nnlr). I'o thetie it should be added that the nnme Srmnkli A wiiilv of that name Ui not confined to this liiko. the principal torrent on the east of the S*'tL of iR

inline derived from or connected with Hul, or nioru uocurately Chul, who appears in the lists of Ocn. x. a lu th one of the sous of Anim (Svria, ver. 23). Arabic version of Siuidiuh of this pasfUige, the name of form of the modern namo Hul is given exiictly in the elHiMeh. Joiiephns (Ani. i. G. 4), in his account of the descendants of Noah, give.s Hul as OuAot, while

lie iilso

calls the district

in question Oi<Aa0a (,Anf. XT.

The Word both in Hebrew and Anibio Kcenia the low land (se have the force of depi*ession .Mii'haelia, >'///<'. Nos. (187, 720); and Miclmelis niout



Miggi'sts that



the root of the












suflirieiitiv iiiodilled to tninsforui it into af

intelDgihlc Greek

word (Idem,

l>ijicilegxum ,




but more especially for the waters of the Afaj Aijuii, an elevated plateau which lies above it amongst the roots of the great northern mountains In fact the whole district is an of Palestine. enormous swamp, which, though partially soHdified at its upper portion by the gradual deposit of detritus irom the hills, becomes more swampy as its length is descended, and at last terminates in the lake or pool which occupies its southern extremity. It was probably at one time all covered with water, and even now in the rainy seasons it is mostly subDuring the dry season, however, the upmerged. per portions, and those immediately at the foot of



the rolling plain thus formed is very fertile, and This cultivated cultivated to the water's edge.'' district is called the Avd tl-Khnii, perhaps " the

undulating land," el-Khnit c being also the name which the Arabs call the lake (Thomson, Bibl. Sacra, 199; Kob. Bibl. Jics. 1st ed. iii. App. 135, 136) In fact the name IJilleh appears to belong rather to the district, and only to the lake as occupying a It is not restricted to this spot, portion thereof. but is applied to another very fertile district in northern Syria lying below IJnmali. A town of the same name is also found south of and close to the Kasimhjeh river a few miles from the castle of the western hills, are sufficiently firm to allow the Hunin. Arabs to encamp and pasture their cattle, but the Supposing the lake to be identical with the lower part, more immediately bordering on the lake, " waters of Merom," the plain just spoken of on ita is absolutely impassable, not only on account of its southwestern margin is the only spot which could increasing marshiness, but also from the very dense have been the site of -Joshua's victory, though, as
thicket of reeds which covers
difficult to

say where the



begins, but

it. At this part it is swamp terminates and the down on both sides the

the Canaanites chose their own ground, it is difficult to imagine that they would have encamped in a position from which there was literally no escape. But this only strengthens the difficulty already expressed as to the identification. Still the district of the Huleh will always possess an interest for the Bib-

shores are perfectly well defined.

In form the lake is not far from a triangle, the base being at the north and the apex at the south. Its It measures about 3 miles in each direction.
level is

placed by

Van de Velde



Lake Tiberias, Philippi, etc. The above account is compiled from the follow20 miles below, 65-3 feet, respectively above and The Sources of the Jovdim, etc. by below the same datum (Van de Velde, Meinoir, ing sources Thus the whole basin has a considerable Kev. W. M. Thomson, in Bibl. Sucra, Feb. 1846, 181). The Flasbdny river, which falls pp. 198-201; Robinson's Bibl. Res. (1st ed. iii. slope soutlnvards. almost due south from its source in the great Wndij 341-343, and App. 135), ii. 435, 436, iii. 395, 396; et-Teliii, is joined at the northeast corner of the Wilson, Lanih, etc., ii. 316; Van de Velde, Syria Ard el-f/ulch by the streams from Bnrdas and and Pal. ii. 416; Stanley, /S. cf P. chap. xi. [To Tdl tl-Kndij, and the united stream then flows on these add Tristram's Land of Israel, 2d ed., pp
miles above,


That and

lical student, from its connection with the .Jordan, above and from the cities of ancient fame which stand on Kedesh, Hazor, Dan, Laish, Caisarea. of Tell el-K/u/y, 20 its border

at 120 feet

of the

through the morass, rather nearer its eastern than its western side, until it enters the lake close to the From the apex of eastern end of its upper side. the triangle at the lower end the Jordan flows out. In addition to the ffasbdnyand to the innumeralde smaller watercourses which filter into it the waters of the swamp above, the lake is fed by independent springs on the slopes of its inclosing mountains. Of these the most considerable is the Ain el-Mell'di'di,(^ near the upper end of its western side, which sends down a stream of 40 or 50 feet in width. The water of the lake is clear and sweet it is covered in parts by a broad-leaved plant, and abounds Owing to its triangular form a in water-fowl. considerable space is left between the lake and the This appears to be mountains, at its lower end. more the case on the west than on the east, and



situation of the Beroth, at which


above) places



Josephus debated at
it is

some length by Michaelis

{Ally. Bibliothek,

No. 84), with a strong desire to prove that

Berytus, the modern Bein'it, and that Kedesh

on His argument is Lake of Hums (Emessa). grounded mainly on an addition of Josephus {Ant.

V. 1,

18) to the narrative as given l)0th

by the

Hebrew and LXX., namely, that it occupied Joshiui five days to march from Gilgal to the encampment of the kings. I'or this the reader must be referred But Josephus elsewhere Michaelis himself. to
mentions a town called Meroth, which may possibly This seems to have been a be the same as Beroth. place naturally strong, and important as a military post {Vita, 37; B. J. ii. 20, 6), and moreover


name seems sometimes

Meleha "

CO the lake itself.


" lacura

to have been applied See the quotation Ironi William of















Burckhardt did not visit it, but, possibly guided by the This undulating plain appears to be of volcanij meaning of the Arabic word (salt), says that " the S. Vf. shore bears the name of Melaha from the ground origin. Van de Velde {Syr. avd Pal. 415, 416), speaking being covered with a saline crust" (June 20,1812). of the part below the Wad;/ Fera'im, a few miles only The same thing seems to be affirmed in the Talmuil S. of the lake, calls it "a plain entirely composed of lava " and at the Jisr-Benat- Yak'ub he speaks of the (Ahaloth, end of cbap. iii. quoted by Schwai-z, p W'ilson, however, t2no(e); but nothing of the kind appears to have " black lava sides " of the Jordan. been observed by other travellers. See especially (ii 316). calls the soil of the .same part the "dtjbris of Wilson, Lands, etc ii. 163. By Schwarz (p. 29) the basaltic rocks and dykes." c The writer has not succeeded in ascertaining the aame is given as " Ein al-Ma!cha, the King's spring." substantiated, it would be allowable signification of this Arabic word. By Schwarz (p. 47) '.f this could be wheat sea,' because Jo see in it a traditional reference to the encampment it is given as " Bachr Chit, Schwarz also mentions (pp. 41, 42, 7iote) much wheat is .sown in its neighborhood." This ia jf the Kings. the following names for the lake " Sibchi," perhaps a probably what Prof Stanley alludes to when he reports " Kal- the name as Bahr Hit or "sea of wheat" (S. ^ P miatake for " Somcho," i. Semechonitis
1} ; .

merely be his translator's blunder for Chuileh, Huleh.





the high,' identical with the

Hebrew Merom


391 note).

S, 1).

limit of


the western


Galilee {B. J.


that Sisera



army and
in the


would place

somewiierc about the

alone in another direction.

In the Jewish traditions preserved

plain of Akkii.

much more



for tlie

Comto St

Hear tiie the pursuit to Sidon more

oC the C'anaanites than any to be found llukh, while it also makes the account of

mentary on the Song of Deborah attributed .lerome, Meroz, which may be interpreted as





made to signify the evil angels who led on the Canaan ites, who are cursed by Michael, the ange
of Jehovah, the leader of the Lsraelites.

i iK V\.(paQwv, Alex. MopoOajj'; in Neh. 6 Mvpuvwe'tT-ns, [Vat. -0Trjj, Alex. I'A. omit:] MtruiKil/iiles), that is, the native of a place called

probably .Meronoth, of wiiich, however, no further Two Jleronotraces liave yet been discovered. thites are named in the Bible: (1.) JiciiDKi.Mt, who had the charge of the royal asses of King David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30); and (2.) .Iauon, one of those


assisted in the repair of the wall of -lerusaleui

the return from tiie Captivity (Xeh. iii. 7). In the latter case we are possibly aflbrded a clew to the situation of Meronoth by the fact tiiat Jadon is This join his standard (JmikI ontl Buok, i. 424). mentioned between a Gibeonite and the men of argument ni.ay be better than that furnished by the Gibeon. who again are followed by the men of slight resemblance of the names, but it does not Mizpah: but no name like it is to be found among piove much. Vet the Jews have given Deborah's the towns of that district, either in the lists of Joshname to a fountain near Mtirun (Dkbohah, vol. i. ua (xviii. 11-28), of Nehemiah (xi. 31-35), or in Probably Meiran is Meroth, a place \>. 570, note). the catalogue of modern towns given by llobinson mentioned by Josepbus and fortified by him. See
(Bibl. Jtis. 1st ed.
this circumstance
iii. Append. 121-125). compare AIiiCiiKKATHiTE.

G. * The scene of the battle was near the Kisbon; but nothing in Deborah's ode or the narrative obliges us to find Meroz in just that neighborhood. The combatants were summoned from all parts of the land. Tliomson raises the question whether Meroz may not be the present Meirdii, the place of the famous .lewish cemetery, about G miles west of Safed. It would e on the way between Kedesh (Kwks), where Barak dwelt (Judg. iv. 12), and Tabor, so that as he marchetl thither from the north he would naturally summon the Merozites to



l^unier's PaliistiiM,



(4'e Aufl.).






(T""^~ia [prob.

refuge, Ges.]


Alex. Makeup: ierni Mctoz), a place mentioned only in the Song of Deborah and Barak in .ludg. V. 23, and there denounced because its inhabitants


1, in E/.v. ii.

6K Mrjpoufl:] A'mer?/.s). 37 (1 Ksdr.


EpfivpoV, corruption of 1m-



[A. V. Ps. cxx.




refu-sed to take any part in the struggle with




(Sli^^, perhaps

= WtJ^"*?*

"Curse ye Meroz, said the nieg.sengcr of Jehovah, Curse je, curse ye, its inhabitants Because they c;iine not to the help of Jehovah, To the help of Jehovah against the mighty."

Ges.: Mao-o-^; [Alex. Macrffrje-] .l/t.<'0, the name of one of the geographical limits of the .loktanites

when they












The denunciation

of this faint-heartedncss


form a |)endant to the blessing proclaimed on the

made t^liyn "in n"lDp), [as thou Sephar, a mount of the K.ast " (Gen.

x. 30).


prompt action of Jael. Meroz must have been

position of the early Joktanite colonists

in the neighborhood of the Kislioii, but its real position is not known: possibly it was destroyed in oliedicnce to the curse.

place named Merius (but iMisebius Meppdu) is named by .lerome ( Unom. " Merroni ") as 12 miles we may suppose

made out from the traces they have left in the ctlmology, languni,'e, and monuments of Southern Aral)ia; .and without putting too precise a limitation on the possible situation of Mcsiia and Sephar,
that these places must have falk?n within the southwestern quarter of the i>eninsula; including the modern Yemen on the west, and the districts of 'Oman, Mahreh, Shihr, etc., as far as Uadnuniiwt, on the east. These ceneral boimdaries
are strcngthene<I by the identification of Sephar with the ])ort of Znjari, or Db'ifiiri ; though the
site of Sejjhar

irth of Sebaste, near Dothain, but this is too far south to have been near the scene of the conflict. Far more fe;isil)le is the conjecture of Schwarz (108, and see 30), that Meroz is to be found at Merniids a ruined site about more correctly el- ^furusiills 4 miles N. W. of /iiigan, on the soutiiern slopes of the hills, which are the continuation of the so-called "Little llernion," and form the northern side of the valley ( \i'<('/;/ Jaluil) which leads directly from

may possibly be liereafter connected with the old Uiinyerite metropolis in the Yemen

the plain of .Iczrccl to have commanded the







[see Akauia, vol. i. p. 140. and Skimiah], but In this would not niat<?rially alter the question. any of Siscra's Sephar we believe we have the eastern limit of the

The town must

attempted, as the Midianites did when early settlers, wlietiier its site be the seaport or the routed by (iideon, to escape in that direction, its inhuid city; and the correctness of this supposition inhabitants might no doulit have prevented their ajipears from the Biblical record, in wliich the
HO, and have slaughtered them. El-.\[urus8iis migration is aj)parently from west to east, from the mentioned by Burckhardt Miily 2: he calls it pr()l>:ilile'course t^ikcn by the immigrants, and from Affvojizriiiiz), Cobinson (ii. 350), and others. the <.;rr:iter importance of the known western settleFiirst {/liiutlich. 780 n) g\iggests the identity of ments of the .loktanites, or those of the Yemen. If then Mcsha was the western limit of the JokMeroz with Mcrom, the place which may have given



Uh name to the waters of Mcrom, in the neighl)orVi(X)d of which Kedesli, the residence of Jael, where But puttiTig Sisera took refuge, was 8ituate<I. uide the fact of the non-existence of any town
iam>'l Mcrr)u-




be son<:ht for




But the

that have lieen



against this suggestion the

The seaport called are not satisfactory. or Moi'^^a, nientioned by Ptolemy, Pliny .Vrrian, and others (see the l>icti<maryqfGeograplii)


s. V.



But it is highly iir.probable that be known. was a town of note in classical times, but has since any such etymology should be correct, and Fiirst'a fallen into decay, if the modern Muusa be the same coTijecture that it is derived from an obsolete root, The latter is situate in about 13 40' N. signifying to keep or feed cattle, is more likely to place. be true {Concord, s. v.). lat., 43 20' K. long., and is near a mountain called When, upon the death of Ahaziah, his brother the Tliree Sisters, or Jebel Muosa, in the Admiralty Chart of the Ked Sea, drawn from the surveys of Jehoram succeeded to the throne of Israel, one of Gesenius thinks this iden- his first acts was to secure the assistance of .leCaptain I'uUen, R. N. tification probable, but he appears to have been hoshaphat, his father's ally, in reducing the iMoabites unaware of the existence of a modern site called to their fornier condition of triliutaries. The united 3faosd, saying that Muza was nearly where now is armies of the two kings marched by a circuitous Mnushkl. Bochart, also, holds the identification route round the Dead Sea, and were joined by the Mesha may possibly forces of the king of Edom. [.Iehokam.] The with JMuza (P/mlef/, xxx.)


most probable



have lain inland, and more to the northwest of disordered soldiers of Moab, eager only for spoil, Sephar than the position of Muosd would indicate; were surprised by the warriors of Israel and their There is, how- allies, and became an easy prey. In the panic but this is scarcely to be assumed. ever, a Mount Moosh," situate in Nejd, in the ter- which ensued they were slaughtered without mercy, ritory of the trilie of Teiyi {.Uanisid a,nd Mushtnrak, their country was made a desert, and the king took There have not been wanting writers among refuge in his last stronghold and defended himself 8. v.). With 700 fighting the late Jews to convert JMesha and Sephar into with the energy of despair. men he made a vigorous attempt to cut his way Mekkah and El-Mcdeneh {Phaleg, 1. c). through the beleaguering army, and when beaten E. S. P. back, he withdrew to the wall of his city, xnd 'here,


(37tt7'^n [deliverance']: Mcotrcf; Jos.


in sight of the allied host, offered his first-born son,

in the his successor in the kingdom, as a burnt-offering and Jehoram, to Chemosh, the ruthless fire-god of Moab. His kings of Israel (2 K. iii. 4), and tributary to the bloody sacrifice had so far the desired effect that Probably the allegiance of Moab, with that the besiegers retired from him to their own land. first. of the trilies east of Jordan, was transferred to the There ap(jears to be no reason for supposing that northern kingdom of Israel upon the division of the the son of the king of Edom was the victim on this monarchy, for there is no account of any subjuga- occa.sion. whether, as K. Josepli Kimchi supposed, tion of the country subsequent to the war of exter- he was already in the power of the king of Moab, mination with which it was visited by David, when and was the cause of the Edomites joining the Benaiah displayed his prowess (2 Sam. xxiii. 20), armies of Israel and .hidah; or whether, as R. Mosea and " the Moabites became David's servants, bearers Kimchi suggested, he was taken jmsoner in the When Ahab had fallen sally of the Moabites, and sacrificed out of revenge of gifts " (2 Sam. viii. 2). in battle at Kamoth Gilead, Mesha seized the op- for its failure. These conjectures appear to have portunity afforded by the confusion consequent upon arisen from an attempt to find in this incident the this disaster, and the feeble reign of Ahaziah. to event to which allusion is made in Am. ii. 1, where Bhake off the yoke of Israel and free himself from the Moabite is charged with burning the bones of the burdensome tribute of " a hundred thousand the king of Edom into lime. It is more natural, wethers and a hundred thousand rams with their and renders the narrative more vivid and consistent, The country east of the Jordan was rich to suppose that the king of Moab, finding his last wool." in pasture for cattle (Num. xxxii. 1), the chief resource fail him, endeavored to avert the wrath wealth of the Moaliites consisted in their large and obtain the aid of his god by the most costly flocks of sheep, and the king of this pastoral people sacrifice in his power. [Moab.]



The king



reigns of Ahal)


his sons .\haziah


described as ndkid (^|7.'^^), " a sheep-master,"


{V^^'D: Mapio-a;

[Vat. Mapeio-o;] Alex.

owner of herds.* About the signification of this Ma.pi<ras\ [Comp. Mwuad, Aid. Macro.'-] Mesn.) word naked there is not much doubt, but its origin The eldest son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his It occurs but once besides, in Am. i. I, wife is obscure. Azubah, as Kiuichi conjectures (1 Chr. ii. 42).

where the prophet




described as "

among He



nokedim) of Tekoah."


of Ziph.

Kimchi remarks that a herdman was






have black or white

is called the father, that is the prince or founder, Both the Syriac and Arabic versions have " Elishamai,'' apparently from the previous verse, while the LXX., unless they had a difii3rent reading

(comp. ^^p^, nakod. Gen. xxx. 32, A. V.

or, us

because 'speckled"), jheep are generally marked with certain signs so as

Buxtorf explains

seem to have repeated " Mareshah which occurs immediately afterwards.







Micra; Alex. Mcocra: Mosa.)

frmness, Fiiretj ABenjamite, son of

origin, b

which denotes an


The LXX.


untranslated (i/awcijS, Alex. but Aquila renas does the Peshito Syriac
; ,



valued except for


kind of sheep, ugly The keeper of



it 7rot(j,i/ioTpo(f)os



little remarkable that the Arabic translator should have passed over a word apparently so appropriate, (Camoos, as quoted by Bochart {Hieroz. i. c. 44), gives and followed the version of the Targum, ''an owner ' ' of Hooks." Geseuiua and Lee, however, accept tbia vn Arabic word, ^Jvjij, nakad, not traced to any the solution.

and Symmachus rpeV/iiui' ^octicj)- such sheep is following the Tar^^um and Arabic, and themidentifies with followed in the margin of the Hexaplar Syriac.

oLftJ. nakkarj, which Bochart But if this be the case, it is a




Symmachus has simply



the land

bj' his


wife Hodesh,





MS. mast have had

the readinjr St*-'^J3. '^ T

who bnre him in genitor of a race frequently noticed in Sciipture it D). The Vulgate connection with Tubal, Magog, and otiier northern nations. They appear as allies of Gog (l'>.. xxxviii.








and as supplying the Tyrians with




slaves (Kz. xxvii. 13); in

cxx. 5,'






MiffoK one of



conijinniuns of



they are noticed as one of the remotest, and at the same time rudest nations of the world. Ltoth the name and the associations are in favor of the identification

him of


bloo<l-royal of Judaii, wlio with three


Meshech with the Mvschi: the form

the l.XX. and the Vulg.
to the classical designation,

others was chosen from


the captives to


of the

name adopted by

taught "the
qualified to


tongue" of the approaches most nearly

so tliat the}' niight be while in Procopius {B. (J. iv. 2) we meet with " king Nebucha<hie/,zar another form iMtVxoi) which assimilates to the The position of the Moschi in the age (Dan. i. 5) as his iK-rsonal attendants and advisers Hebrew. During their three years of preparation of I'Jcekiel was probably the same as is descrilied (i. 20). they were maintained at the king's cost, under the by Herodotus (iii. 94), namely, on the borders of charge of the chief oi' tlie eunuchs, who ])laced them Colchis and -Armenia, where a moimtain chain conThe story of necting Anti-Taurus with Caucasus was named with "the Melzar," or chief butler. When the time after them the Muscliici MuiUvs, and where waa their simi)le diet is well known. of their probation was ended, such was " the knowl- also a district named by Stralio (xi. 4!t7-499) In the same neighborhood were the edge and skill in all learning and wisdom " which Atdsc/ncc. God had given tliem, that the king found them Ti/jarevi, who have been generally identified with The Colchian tribes, the " ten times better than all the magicians and the Hiblical Tubal. astrologers that were in all his realm " (i. 20). Cbalybes more es[)ecially, were skilled in working " chief of the metals, and hence the trade in the " vessels Upon Uaniel's promotion to be magicians," his three companions, by his influence, of " with Tyre; nor is it at all improbable were set " over the atlairs of the province of Baby- that slaves were largely exported thence as now 15ut, notwithstaiuling their Chal- from the neighlxiring district of Gwry'm. Although lon " (ii. 4',t). da>an eilucation, tliree young Hebrews were the Mo.schi were a com pnra lively unimportant race strongly attached to the i-eligion of their fathers; in classical times, they had previously been one of

Chaldayins'' (Dan. ' stand



and tlieir relusal to join in the worship of the image the most powerful nations of Western Asia. The on the [)lain of Dura gave a handle of accusation Assyrian monaiclis were engaged in frequent wars to the (.'haldioaiis, who were jealous of their ad- with them, and it is not improbable that they had
vancement, and eagerly reiMrted to the king the heretical conduct of these " Jewish men " (iii. 12) who stood so high in his favor. The rage of the kinii, the swift sentence of condemnation passed upon the three offenders, their miniculous pre.servation from the fiery furnace lieated .seven times hotter than usual, the king's acknowledgment of the God of Shadracb, Meshach, and Abednego, with their restoration to ofhce, are written in tlie 3d chapter The of Daniel, and there the iiistory leaves them. Dame " Mesiiach " is rendered by Fiirst {Unmlw.) " a ram," and derived from the .Sanskrit mcslmli. He goes on U> say tliat it was the name of the Sungod of the Ciiaida'ans, without giving any autiiority, or stopping to explain the phenomenon presented by the name of a Chalda-an divinity with an Aryan That Mesiiach was the name of some etymology. pod of the Chalda'ans is extremely probable, from the fact that Daniel, who had tlie name of 15elteshazzar, was so called alter the god of Nebuclind.lezzar (Dan. iv. 8). and that Alednego wa.s named ifter Nego, or Nebo, the Chaldsean name for the W. A. W. planet Mercury.
occupied the whole of the district afterwards named Cappadocia. In the .Assyrian inscriptions the name a|i])ears under the form of Mu.^ihii: a somewhat similar name, Mnslioush, apjicars in an Egyptian

which conimemorates the achievementa

of the third liaineses (Wilkinson, Anc. Kij.



i. 398, sulisequent history of ]Meshech is

all solid

Knobcl's attempt to connect them with


the I.igurians
are concerned,

Vblkerlnf. p.

119, <tc.)


devoid of



far as the

name and


a more jirobable hyi.

pothesis (li'awlinson,


Co2, ()53). \\. L.


hovah rtiompevses]:

[whvm Je-




Alex. MuaoWa/j.:










\:it. MoffoAoTjA, MoffaKrja, Moo-oyuaf j5:] Alex Mo(ToWafj., MafffWafita. MfffoWffxta- Miselriiiiii, A Korhitc, sou of 1 Clir. xxvi. J, 2. 9). Kore, of the sons of .Asaph, who with his seven sens and his brethren, "fsons of might," were jiorters or gate-keepers of the house of Jehovah in

[)nggcmoii\: Mo(t6x, [M((r6x- Alex. Moo-ox, ouce Moo-ok: in I's. cxx. >, and Kz. xxvii. Vi LXX. trans-

the reii;n of David. the



evidently the



[Mtsich, A. V. I's. cxx. 5,] a son i( Japheth (Gen. x. 2; 1 Chr. i. 6), and the proAffigocli),

SiiKi.KMiAii (] Chr. xxvi. 14), to whose custody I'last Gate, or principal entrance, was committed, and whose son Zecbariah was a wise counsellor,

n The exprcuHion





gible that the Psahniot

the wbolo of t)io ChulJann liUTiitiire, written iiiul Kiokcn. ft Vnrloug explnnationR have been offered to account for tlio juxtjipniiition of two sucli remote natinuR as MeWH^h and Kednr In this |ii>k<jikl>. The |y.\.\. Aimt Dot rccof^nize it as a proiwr name, but rt-iidoi-K it i)iaxpvv6r). Illtzlg flUKKeR'* the Identity of Misrili wilii It U, bowerer, qultv posXintnvifSfeh, oi Daoiascua.

very n-nson which



Meets the two nations for the regarded ns an otycctlon, namely,

other, though at the name and uncivilized character may hiiva Iwcn the groimd of the (selection, as llengslentn-rg
>;i/cncv.s frrmi e.ich




We havi' nlrcaily hnil to In lor.) suggests. notirc KiihIm'I's idea, that the Mcsoi-h In this paMiiga of 1 Chr. i. C, and the UabyloniM is the Meshi'4'h





charsje of the north gate


the sou of Kore, the son of Ehiasaph, the son of Korah " (1 Chr. ix. lU), who was cliief of the
porters (17),

and who gave his name to which perfornieJ the same office, and returned from ancestor (conip. 1 Chr. vi. 7). 8. [MoaoWofx.] Neh. A priest, son of Meshilthe Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 with Sheleniiah, leuiith, or Meshillemoth, the son of Inimer, and vii. 45), is apparently identical Mesheleniiali, and Meshullam (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 17, ancestor of Maasiai or Amashai (1 Chr. ix. 12; His name dues not occur in comp. Nell. xi. 13). W. A. W. with Neh. xii. 25). the parallel list of Nehemiah, and we may suppose [4 syl.] (bs^r^'''^ it to have been omitted by a transcriber in conse[Vat. omits;] [deliverer of God]: Mu(^ffir)\; quence of the similarity of the name which folAlex. Mao-e^ftr/A.; FA. Mao-e^e^TjA: Mesezebel). lows; or in the passage in which it occurs it may 1. Ancestor of Aleshullam, who assisted Nehehave been added from the same cause. miah in rebuilding the wall of .Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 9. [MotroWd/j..] A Kobathite, or family of He was apparently a priest. 4). Mesizabel.) One of the Kohathite Levites, in the reign of Josiah, who 2. (Meo-oi^'e^rjA " heads of the people," probalily a family, who were among the overseers of tiie work of restoration in the Temple (3 Chr. xxxiv. 12). sealed th? covennnt with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 21). 10. (MecToWdfx; [Vat. Meo-oua/x.]) One of KA. 3d band, Bao-Tj^bi^eivA 3. (Bao-Tj^^ct; the "heads" (A. V. "chief men") sent by Ezra The father of Pethahiah, and deMesezebel.) to Iddo "the head," to gather together the Levites scendant of Zerah the son of Judah (Neh. xi. to join the caravan about to return to Jerusalem

or, as is more probable, the names and Ahitub are transposed, and hi? a family descent is from i\Ieraioth as the more remote

His descent to Ahitub;



traced through

Zadok and



* In Neh. xi. 24 the A. V. more correct form, Meshezabel.


1611 has the A.

[see next






in 1 Esdr.



word]: MatreKfjLcod; Alex. Mo<To\\afxu)d Mosollamitli). The son of Imraer, a priest, and ancestor of Amashai or Maasiai, according to Neh. xi. 13, and of Pashur and Adaiah, according to 1 Chr. In Neh. xi. 13 he is called Meshilleix. 12.

M6TO(roAAa;u; [Vat. FA. Mecroi/Mesollnm.) chief man in the time of probably a Levite, who assisted Jonathan and Jahaziah in abolishing the marriages which some of the people had contracted with foreign wives (Ezr. x. 15). Also called Mosollam in 1 Esdr. ix. 14.
11. (Alex.










[Vat. Mo<ToAaMosollnmolh). An

Kxviii. 12).


one of the
(2 Chr.

12. (MocroAAa^; [Vat. with following word, One of the deMeAoucrajuaAou.uO Mosollam.) scendants of Bani, who had married a foreign wife and put her away (Ezr. x. 29). Olamus in 1 Esdr. ix. 30 is a fragment of this name.
13. ([MotroAAayU, Neh.

chiefs of the tribe in the reign of



but Vat. omits;]




iMe(; [Vat.

Alex. FA.i omit; FA.3




Jerusalem (Neh. iii. adjoining which he had his "chamlter " (Neh. iii. He was probably a priest, and his daughter 30). (D^tpP [frie^ul, associr- was married to Johanan the son of 'J'obiah the 1. iUea-oWd/x; Alex. Mecro-aA.rjj': Mes- Ammonite (Neh. vi. 18). ate]). Ancestor of Shaphan the scribe (2 K. sidam.) 14:. {Mea-ouXd/j,.) The son of Besodeiah: he xxii. 3). assisted Jehoiada the son of Paseah in restoring 2. (Moa-oWd/j.; [Vat. Mo(To\oaiJ.o9\] Alex. the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). 15. {MfO-oKKd/j.; [Vat. FA.i omit; FA.^] Alex. MoffoWafios' Mosollam.) The son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). MoaoWafi.) One of those who stood at the left 3. (Vat. [rather, Rom.] and Alex. MoffoWaft.; hand of Ezra when he read the law to the people [Vat. y^oaoKajx]) A Gadite, one of the chief (Neh. viii. 4). 16. (MeaouKdiJ..) men of the tribe, who dwelt in Bashan at the time A priest, or family of priests, the genealogies were recorded in the reign of who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh Jotham king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). X. 7).. 4 [Mo(roA.A.a/.t.] A Benjamite, of the sons of 17. iVlea-ouAXdfj.; [Vat. FA.] Alex. Me o-ouAa;!*.) Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 17). One of the heads of the people who sealed the 5. ([[n 1 Chr., MoaoWdfji, Vat. MooA.Aa^; in covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20). Neh.] Me(Tov\dfi: FA. A/j.eaov\an.) A Benja18. (Me(Tov\d/jL.) A priest in the days of Joiamite, the son of Hodaviah or Joed, and father of kim the son of Jeshua, and representative of the Sallu, one of the chiefs of the tribe who settled at house of P>zra (Neh. xii. 13) Jerusalem after the return from Babylon (1 Chr. 19. (MecroKdiJ.; [Vat. FA.l Alex, omit; FA. ix. 7; Neh. xi. 7). Likewise a priest at the same time MoffoWa/ji-] ) 6. {[MocroWdiJ.; Vat. Mao-foATj^:] Alex. Ma- as the preceding, and head of the priestly family aaWa/x.) A Benjamite, son of Shephathiah, who of Ginnethon (Neh. xii. 16). lived at Jerusalem after the Captivity (1 Chr. ix. 20. (Omitted in LXX. [but FA.-^ yioaoWafi.]) 8). A family of porters, descendants of Meshullam 7. ([In 1 Chr. MoaoWdfjt., Vat. MoeroAAo/x ;] (Neh. xii. 25), who is also called Meshelemiah (1 in Neh. MtffovXdfi; [Vat. MeiaovKafx,] Alex. Chr. xxvi. 1), Shelemiah (1 Chr. xxvi. 14), and The same as Shallum, who was Shallum (Neh. vii. 45). MoffoAAa/u) iigh-priest probably in the reign of Amon, and 21. (Mea-oWdfj.; [Vat. Me(rov\; FA.i fi^. ther of Hinuah (1 Chr. ix. 11; Neh. xi. 11). <Tovi\a, FA.8 MstrouAAoyu;] Alex. MoffoWau-)


xi. 13.

The same



J'he son of 18.) rebuilding the wall of 4), as well as the Temple wall,








This district is always charming; bu* the remainder of the region varies greatly according to circumstances. In early spring a tender and

of the j)rinces of

ri<;ht liaud coiiiiMiiy

Judah who were in the portant range, the Mons Masius of Strabo (xi. 12, of those who marched on tlie 4; 14, 2, (tc), which runs from Birehjik to

wall of .lerusalein u|X)n the occasion of its soleniii

dedication (Neh.





h.xuriant herbage covers the whole jtlain, while flowers of the most brilliant hues spring up in kmtlh). 'I'lie rapid succession, imparting their color to tlie landof JIanasseh kinjj of Judah, and mother of his .scape, which changes from day to day. As the "tnccessor Anion {2. K. xxi. I'J). sununer draws on, the verdure recedes towards the (n;^!*??;!, i. e. streams and mountains. Vast tracts of arid plain, MESO'BAITE,


Alex. MaaaaXa^iftO: ^fts.<fldaujihter of Haiuz of .lotbah, wife


below]: [Vat. FA.] o Metca/Seio; [Koni.] Alex. MftreojSi'a: (Je Ma&xbht), a title wliicii occurs only once, and then attached to the name of Jasikl, the last of David's guard

"the Metsohayah



parched, and





space, wliich ultimately


becomes a


and un-


the extended


of 1 Chron.




word retains strong traces of Zouah, one of the petty Aramite kingdoms, in which there would he uothing surprising, as David had a oertaiti conDection with tiiese Aramite states, while tliis very catalogue contains the names of Moahites, Am- early verdure, and in summer and autumn gather monites, and other foreigners. But on this it is along the banks of the two main streams and their impossible to pronounce with any certainty, as the atHuents, where a delicious shade and a rich pasture Such is original text of the passage is prol)ably in confusion. may be found during the greatest heats.
Kennicott's conclusion {Dissertation, pp. 233, 234) " is that originally the word was " the Metzobaites
the present character of the region. It is thought, however, that by a careful water-system, by deriving channels from the great streams or their afNuents, and applied to the three names pre- by storing the suijcrttuous spring-rains in tanks,

in the mountain-tract to the north, springs of water are tolerably abundant, and corn, vines, and figs, are cultivated by a stationary population; but the greater part of the region is only suited to the nomadic hordes, which in spring s[)read themselves far and wide over the vast Hats, so utilizing the


Sinjur, and

It is

by digging

an unusual thing in the A. V. to find


wells, and establishing kandls, or subterraneous aqueducts, the whole territory nnght be

rendered by

as in the present case.



is Sjixj.n.

It cannot be "the Mesol)aite" (A. V.), as Hebrew ending is not strictly patronymic. fact that the whole level country on both sides of (See Ges. Lehryeb'dnde, p. 504 f. If we abide the Siiijar is covered with mounds marking the by the reading, it nuist be a compoimd name sites of cities, which, wherever o])ened, have prelasiel-Metsovajah. The latter may take the article sented ap[3earances similar to those found on the in Hebrew from its apjxillative force. The name of site of Nineveh. [Assyria.] If even the niorr

brought under cultivation, and rendered capable of sustaining a permanent popuI:'*ion. That some such system was established in early times by the Assyrian monarchs see;ns to be certain, from the


is unknown. Kiirst supposes it to n)ean northern portion of the Mesopotamian region is " the gathering-place of .Jehovah." Different readthus capalile of being redeemed from its present have iieen suggested (see Bertheau, Biiclier character ings of a desert, still more easily might the 'Jer Chnmik). H. southern division be reclaimed and converted into MESOPOTATVIIA (C^'^rTrDnt? iidyh a garden. Itetween the 3.5th and 34th parallels, land of two rirers]: Mecronorafiia'- Meso/xtlnmin) the character of the JMesopotamian ])lain suddenly alters. Above, it is a plain of a certain elfvation is the ordinary (ireek rendering of the Hebrew Ardm-Ndhnraim, or "Syria of the two rivers," above the courses of the Tigris and luiphrates, whereof we have frequent mention in the earlier books which are separated from it by low lime-stone ranges; below, it is a mere alluvium, almost level of Scripture (Gen. xxiv. 10; Dent, xxiii. 4; Judg. with the rivers, which frequently overflow large Ui. 8, 10). It is also adopted by the LXX. to portions of it. Consequently, from the point indirepresent the D"^S']"^9 {Pnddan-Aram) of the cated, canalization becomes easy. A skillful manHebrew text, where our translators keep the term agement of tiie two rivers would readily convey used in the original ((Jen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 2, abnnilance of the life-giving fluid to every ]X)rtion 6, etc.). of the .Mesopotamian tnict below the 34th parallel. If we look to the signification of the name, we .\nd the innumeralile lines of eud>ankuient, marking must regard Meso|Kjtaniia as the entire country the course of ancient canals, siiHiciently indicate l)etween the two rivers the Tigris and the I'-u- that in the flourishing jR'riod of liabylonia a netphrates. This is a tract nearly 700 miles long, work of artificial channels cciereil the country. and from 20 to 2.J0 miles broad, extending in a [Hahyi-oma.] Boutheastcrly direction from Tilik (lat. 38 23', To this description of Mesopotamia in the most long. 39 18') to Kurno/i (lat. 31, long. 47 30'). extended sense of the term, it si.^nis proper to The Arabian geo^Taphers term it " the Island," a ap|)end a more particular account of that region, name which is almost literally correct, since a few which bears the name fxir ixctllence, l)oth in miles only intervene liotween the source of the Scripture, and in the classical writers. This is the Tigris and the I'.uphrates at 7'(7t7i;. It is for the northwestern jiortion of the tract already de.scrilted, most part a va.ft plain, but is crossed about its or the country between the great bend of the Kucentre by the ranire of the Sin/'nr hills, running phrat&s (lat. 3.5 to 37 30') and the up|)er Tigris. nearly east and west from alKHit Mosid to a little (.See piirticulavly I'tolem. (ii<it/rn/)li. v. IS, and below Ifiikk-ili; and in its northern |y)rtion it is compare Kralo.sth. aji. Strab. ii. 1, 2i); Arr. A'*7> tven mountainous, the up])er Tigris valley lieing Al. iii. 7; Ihxipp. Fr. p. 1, itc.) It consists of Separated from the Mesoiiotamian pla<'i by an ini- tlie mountain country extending from Uinlijik tc

the place




At any rate, after the first Jezireh upon the north; and, upon the south, of lend their aid at once. the great undulatinj; Mesopotaniian plahi, as far as great victory of Joab over Ammon and the Syrians The who took their part, these last " drew forth the the Sinjar hills, and the river Klidbuur. northern range, called by the Arabs Kanijuh Diujli Syrians that were beyond the river" {ib. ver. 16), towards the west and Jtbel Tur towards the east, who participated in the final defeat of their fellowIt is in countrymen at the hands of David. The name of does- not attain to any great elevation. places rocky and precipitous, but has abundant Mesopotamia then passes out of Scripture, the
springs and streams which support a rich vegetaForests of chestnuts and pistachio-trees tion. occasionally clothe the mountain sides; and about the towns and villages are luxuriant orchards and

country to which




becoming a


of Assyria, and afterwards of the Babylonian


gardens, producing abundance of excellent fruit. The vine is cultivated with success; wheat and
barley yield heavily; and rice is grown in some The streams from the north side of this places.


range are short, and fall mostly into the Tigris. Those from the south are more important. They flow down at very moderate intervals along the whole course of the range, and gradually collect the Bdlh (ancient into two considerable rivers Bilichus), and the Khabour (Habor or Chaboras)

According to the Assyrian inscriptions, INIesopotamia was inhabited in the early times of the empire (b. c. 1200-1100) by a vast number of petty tribes, each under its own prince, and all The Assyrian quite independent of one another. monarchs contended with these chiefs at great advantage, and by the time of Jehu (b. c. 880) had The fully established their dominion over them. triljes were all called " tribes of the Nairi," a term which some compare with the Ndlinrairn of the Jews, and translate " tribes of the stream-lands.''^


empty themselves into the Euphrates. But this identification is very uncertain. It apSouth of the mountains is the gi'eat pears, however, in close accordance with Scripture, already descrilied, which between the Khabimr first, that Mesopotamia was independent of Ass3ria
after the time of David secondly, that the Mesopotamians were warlike and used chariots in battle; and thirdly, that not long after the time

is interrupted only by the Sinjav but west of the Kliabrntr is broken by several spurs from the Karujah D<i(jh, having a In this general direction from north to south. district are the two towns of Orfu and Havfiiii, the former of which is tliought by many to be the native city of Abraham, while the latter is on good grounds identified with Haran, his resting-place [Hauan.] Here lietween Chaldsea and I'alestine.

and the Tigris


of l)avid they lost their independence, their country


being absorbed by Assyria, of which commonly reckoned a part.


was thenceempire,







Jlesopot.imia seems to have been divided between

the fix the Padan-Aram of Scripture "plain Syria,"' or "district stretching away from the foot of the hills " (Stanley's S. cf P. p. 129 mile), without, however, determining the extent Besides OrJ'a and of country thus designated. Ifarran, tiie chief cities of modern Mesopotamia are Mnrdin and Nisibin, south of the .libel Tm; and Diarbekr, north of that range, upon the Tigris. ( )f these places two, A'lsibin and l)i irbekr, were important from a remote antirpiity, Nlsibin being

we must

the JMedes and

of Cyrus brought

the Babylonians.

The cbnquests

then Nisibis, and Didfbekr Amida. first hear of Mesopotamia in Scripture as the country where Nahor and his family settled after quitting Ur of the Chaklees ((ien. xxiv. 10). Here lived Bethuel andLaban; and hither Abra-


it wholly under the Persian yoke; continued to the time of Alexander, being comprised (probably) in the ninth, or Assyrian satrapy. At Alexander's death, it fell to Seleucus, and formed a part of the great Syrian kingdom till wrested from Antiochus V. by the Parthians, about b. c. 160. Trajan conquered it from Parthia in A. d. 115, and formed it into a Homan province; but in A. D. 117 Adrian relinquished it, of his own accord. It was afterwards more than once reconquered by Home, but never continued long under her sceptre, and finally reverted to the Persians in the reign of Jovian, A. D.

and thus





sent his servant, to fetch Isaac a wife " of his

Qmnt. Curt.
Marc. xv.



own kindred " (t6. ver. 38). Hither too, a century of the district, compare C. Niebuhr's Voyage en and hence Arable, &c., vol. ii. later, came Jacob on the same errand pp. 300-334; Pococke's Dehe returned with his two wives after an absence scription of the East, vol. ii. part i. ch. 17; and of 21 years. After this we have no mention of Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, chs. xi.-xv.).



Dio Cass. Ixviii. 22-26; and for the description

Jlesopotamia, till, at the close of the wanderings in the wilderness, IJalak the king of Moab sends for Balaam "to Pethur of Mesopotamia" (Deut.
xxiii. 4),

G. R.


This word (nv^-'n. Mashiach),

in the

of the east" (Num. xxiii. 7), by a river {ib. xxii. 5), probably the Euphrates. About half a century later, we find, for the first and last time,

which was situated among "the moun- which answers to the word XpiarSs means anointed; and is applicable in to any one anointed with the holy oil.



its first


It is


to the high priest in Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16 and possibly Mesopotamia the seat of a powerful monarchy. to the shield of Saul in a figurative sense in 2 Sam. The kings of Israel were called anointed, Chuslian-Rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia, estab- i. 21. lishes his dominion o\er Israel shortly after the from the mode of their consecration (1 Sam. ii. 10, death of Joshua (Judg. iii. 8), and maintains his 35, xii. 3, 5, xvi. 6, xxiv. 6, 10, xxvi. 9, 11, 23: authority for the space of eight years, when his 2 Sam. i. 14, 16, xix. 21, xxiii. 1). This word also refers to the expected Prince of yoke is broken by Othniel. Caleb's nephew {ib. vv. Finally, the children of Amnion, having the chosen people who was to complete God's pur9, 10). " sent a thousand poses for them, and to redeem them, and of whose provoked a war with David, talents of silver to hire them cliariots and horsemen coming the prophets of the old covenant in all time out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria-Maachah, spoke. It is twice used in the N. T. of Jesus (.John and out of Zobah " (1 Chr. xix. 6). It is uncer- i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. "Messias"); but the Greek laio whether the Mesopotamians were perf^aded to equivalent, the Christ., is constantly applied, at first 120

e article as a


a proper name, the man of peace or rest, Iht pence-iiinker. For other derivations and interpretations see Gesenius {Thesawvs, sub voc.) and The ex- 1 lengstenberg (Chjiat'ilvi/ie, \o\. i.). Whilst wi'/n

title, exactly the Anointed One, with tl but later without the article, as a proper name, Jesus Christ.



pectation of a ^lessiaii

belons to this sul>ject: 1. aiiioii<; the Jews;

expectation of a sutierini; Messiah; 3.

and power of the expected .Messiah. Becund will be discussed under Saviol'k, and tiie The present article third under So.\ ok God.

jjtiict is far the most probal>le meaning of the 2. Tlie of The nature name, those old versions which render it " He to Of these the whom the sceptre helimys," see the Messianic a.\>-

plic:ition equally with ourselves. This then is the first case in which the promises distinctly centre in one person; and He is to be a man of peace; He will contain a r.i|)id survey of the first point only. The interpretation of particular pa.ssages nuist he is to wield and retain the government, and the nations sludl look up to Him and obey Him. [For left in a great measure to professed commentaa ditlerent view, see the art. Shiloh in this Dictors.

The earliest pleam of the Gospel is found in the account of the fall, where it is said to the serpent " I will put enmity hetween thee and the woman, and hetween thy seed and her seed; it shall Imiise thy head, and thou shall bruise his heel" ((ien. The tempter came to the woman in the iii. 15). guise of a ser])ent, and the curse thus pronounced has a reference both to the serpent which was the instrument, and to the tempter that emjiloyed it; to the natural terror and enmity of man .ajjainst the serpent, and to the conflict between mankind redeemed by Christ its Head, and Satan that deMany interpreters would underceive<l mankind. stand by the seed of the woman, the Messiah only; l)ut it is easier to think with Calvin that mankind, after they are gatliered into one army by Jesus the Christ, the Head of the Church, are to achieve a The Messianic character of this victory over evil. prophecy has been much questioned by those who gee in the history of the Fall nothing but a fable:


next passage usually quoted


of lialaam


xxiv. 17-1'J).


the proj)hecj star poinlfl

indeed to the glory, as the sceptre denotes the power, of a king. And Onkelos and Jonathan
(I'scudo) see here the Messiah.


it is


whether the prophecy is not fuhilled in Havid (2 Sam. viii. 2, 14); and though David is himself a type of Christ, the direct Messianic application of this place is by no means certain. The prophecy of Moses (Deut. xviii. 18), " I will raise them up a pro))het from among their brethren, like unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth; and he shall speak unto tlieni all that 1 shall command him," claims attention. Does this refer to the Messiah? The reference to Moses in John v. " He wrote of me," seems to point to this 45-47 passage; for it is a cold and forced interpretation to refer it to the whole types and symbols of the Mosaic Law. On the other hand, many critics woidd fain find here the divine institution of the to those who accept it as true, this pa.ssage is the whole projihetic order, which if not here, does not primitive f;emi of the Gospel, the protevangelium. occur at all. Hengstenberg thiid that it does The blessinn;s in store i'or the children of Shem promise that an order of prophets should be sent, are rem.arkably indicated in the words of Noah, but that the singular is used in direct reference to "Blessed be the Lord God of Sliem," or (lit.) the greatest of the prophets, Christ himself, without " Hlessed be Jehovah the God of Shem " (Gen. ix. whom the words would not have been fulfilled. 26), where instead of blessinj; Shem, as he had " The Spirit of Christ spoke in the prophets, and Canaan, he carries up the blessing to the cursed



in a sense the only jirophet." in

great fountain

of the


that shall follow


(1 Pet.


cused for refen'ing the words to this or that present wherein the blessings to Shem are turned into the prophet; but the .lews whom the Ix)rd rebukes narrower channel of one family "I will nuike of (.lolin V.) were inexcusable; for, having the words thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make before them, and the works of Christ as well, they thy name great; and thou shall be a blessing; and should have known that no prophet had so fulfilled I will bless them that bless thee and curse him that the words as He had. curseth thee; aiKl in thee shall all families of tlie 'I'be passages in the I'entateuch which relate to 'J'he promise earth be blessed" ((ien. xii. 2, ;{). " the Angel of the Lord " have been thought by is still indefinite; but it tends to the undoing of many to bear reference to the Messiah. the curse of .Adam, by a blessing to all the earth The second |)eriod of Messi.aiiic prophecy would through the seed of Abraham, as death had come include the time of David. In the promises of a When our kingdom to l)avid and his house "forever" on the whole earth through .\dam. (2 Sam. ljotx\ says, " Your father .Abraham rejoiced to see vii. 13), there is more than could be fulfilled sav6 my day, and he saw it and wxs glad " (.lolin viii. liy the eternal kingdom in which that of David 5t>). we are to undcrst.and that this promise of a merged and David's last words dwell on thii real blessing and restoration to come hereafter was jiromise of an everlasting throne (2 .Sam. xxiii.). understood in a spiritual sense, as a leadingliiick Passages in the I'salms are ni.inerous which are to God, as a coming nearer to Him, from whom applied to the Me.ssiah in the N. T. such are I's. came: and he desired with hope and the promise ii., xvi xxii., xl., ex. Other p.salm8 quoted in tli rejoicing ("gestivit cum desiderio," Jiengd) to beN. T. appear to refer to the actual history of anhold the day of it. other king; but only those who deny the existence " Tlie of tyjies and prophecy will consider this as an eviA great step is made in Gen. xlix. 10, sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor a law- dence .against an ulterior allusion to Messiah: such giver from lietween his feet, rmtil Shiloh come; and psalms are xlv., Ixviii., Ixix The advance Ixxii. unto him shall the gathering of tlie people be." in clearness in this period is great. The name of



the promise



earlier times

might have been ex-


derivation of the word Shiloh

if so, it




King, comes


and the Messiah


probably from the root

H vtT


of the lineage of David.






~*M, or, as Hengstenberg argues,


with his gn-at kingdom tlinl sliall be spiritual rather than temiKiml. I's. ii., xxi., xl.
in his exaltation,




N. T. to the 0. T. prophecies can bear no other meaning; it is summed up in the words of Peter; "luniiliatiou, Ps. xxii., xvi., xl. " We have also a more sure word of prophecy; After the time of David the predictions of the
In other places he

seen in suffering and

Messiah ceased for a time; until those prophets arose whose works we possess in the canon of They nowhere f^five us an exact and Scripture. conii)Iete account of the nature of Messiah; but different aspects of the trutii are produced by the various needs of tlie people, and so they are led to speak of Hini now as a ('onqueror or a -fudge, or a Redeemer from sin it is from the study of the whole of them that we gain a clear and complete This third image of His Person and kingdom. period lasts from the reign of Uzziah to the BabyThe Messiah is a king and liuler lonish Captivity. of David's house, who sliouLl come to reform and restore the .Jewish nation and purify the church, as

Tlie blessings of the restorahowever, will not be confined to .lews; the heathen are made to share them fully (Is. ii., Ixvi. ).
in Is. xi., xl.-lxvi.








there can

be no doubt that the most

it refers



the received interpretation that

to the suffering

Redeemer; and

always considered to do. 2 (comp. Matt. ii. 6) left no douljt in the mind of the Sanhedrim as to the birtliplace of the MesThe lineage of Da\id is again alkided to in siah. The time of the second Zechariah xii. 10-14.

N. T. it The passage of Micah

so in the

whereunto ye do well that yc take heed, as unto a liglit that shineth in a dark place, until the day dawn, and the day-star arise in your hearts: knowing this first, that no prophecy of the Scripture is For the prophecy of any private interpretation. came not in old time ijy the will of man but holy men of God spake as tliey were moved by the Holy Ghost" (2 Pet. i. 19-21; compare the elaborate essay on this text in Knapp's Ojntscula, vol. i.). Our Lord affirms that there are prophecies of the Jlessiah in O. T., and that they are fulfilled in Him, Matt. xxvi. 54; Mark ix. 12; Luke xviii. 3133, xxii. 37, xxiv. 27 John v. 39, 46. The Apostles preach the same truth, Acts ii. 16, 25, viii. 28-35, X. 43, xiiL 23, .32, xxvi. 22, 23; 1 Pet. i. 11; and Even if internal in manj' passages of St. Paul. evidence did not prove that the prophecies were much more than vague longings after lietter times, the N. T. proclaims everywhere that although the Gospel was the sun, and 0. T. prophecy the dim light of a candle, yet both were light, and both assisted those who heeded them, to see aright; and
: ;


the prophets interpreted, not the private long-

Temple is fixed by Haggai ii. 9 for Messiah's coming; and the coming of the Forerunner and of the
Anointed are clearly revealed in Mai.
5, 6.



The fourth
of the O. T.

period after the close of the canon


allusions in the

to us in a great measure from N. T. to the expectation of the


xxiii. 5,


sucii passages as Ps.

2, 6, 8;


Zech. ix. 9, the Pharisees and those of the .Jews who expected Messiah at all, looked for The Apostles themselves a temporal prince only. were infected with this opinion, till after the liesurection, INIatt. xx. 20, 21;



21; Acts


own hearts but the will of God, in speaking as they did (see Knapp's Essay for this explanation) of the coming kingdom. Our own theology is rich in prophetic literature; but the most complete view of this whole subject is found in Hengstenlierg's Christnlajjie, the second edition of which, greatly altered, is translated in Clark's Foreign Theological Library. See as already mentioned, Saviouk; Sox of God. * A full critical history of the Jewish expecta tion of a Messiah, with particular reference to the opinions prevalent at the time of Christ, is a desidThe subject is attended with great ditfieratum. culties. The date of some of the most important documents bearing upon it is still warmly debated See, e. y., in this Dictionary, the by scliolars.
ings of their

Daniel, Book of; Enoch, Book of; (The), vol. ii. pp. 1713, 1714, and was a skeptical school which had discarded the ex- note (on the so-called "Psalms of Solomon"); pectation altogether. No mention of Me.ssiah ap- Moses (addition in Amer. ed. on the recently pears in the Hook of Wisdom, nor in the writings discovered " .Assumption of Moses"); and VerMost of the older sions, Ancient ( Taryum). Philo; and Josephus avoids the doctrine. Inter of course with heathens had made some Jews ashamed works on the later opinions of the Jews (as those of
Gleams of a purer xxiii. 42; John iv. 25.


appear, Luke



the other hand there


of their fathers' faith.

Allix and Schottgen) were written with a polemic aim, in an uncritical spirit, and depend largely upon turn upon the earth, was common in heathen untrustworthy authorities, making extensive use, nations (Hesiod, \\''<irks and Days, 109; Ovid, for example, of the book Zohar, now jiroved to be a Mel. i. 89 Virg. Eel. iv. and passages in Euseb. forgery of the thirteenth century. (See Ginsburg, Priep. Kv. i. 7, xii. I;3). This hope the Jews also The kabbalah, etc. Lond. 1805.) Besides the books of the Old and New Testament >hared ; but with them it was associated with the coming of a particuLir Person, the Messiah. It has and the Greek Apocrypha, the principal original been asserted that in Him the Jews looked lor an sources of information on the subject are the Sepearthly king, and that the existence of the hope of tuagint Version the Jewish portion of the Sibylline a Messiah may thus be accounted for on natural Oracles, particularly Lib. III. 97-817, about 140 giounds and without a divine revelation. But the B. c. (best editions by Friedlieb, Leipz. 1852. and prophecies refute this: they hold out not a Prophet Alexandre, 2 vols, in 4 parts, Paris, 1841-56; conM. only, but a King and a Priest, whose business it the dissertations of Bleek, Liicke, Hilgenfeld, and should be to set the people free from sin, and to Ewald); the book of Enoch; the Psalms of Solomon teach them the ways of God, as in Ps. xxii., xl., (see reference above); the Assumption of Moses In these and other places too (see above); the works of Philo and Josephus ix. ; Is. ii., xi., liii. the power of the coming One reaches beyond the (which contain very little); the Book of Jubilees or Jews and embraces all the Gentiles, which is con- Little Genesis (trans, from the Ethic pic by Dilltrary to the exclusive notions of Judaism. A fair m.ann in Ewald's Jahrb. f. Bibl. wiss. 1849, pp. consideration of all the passages will convince that 230-256, and 1850, pp. 1-9G); the Second (Fonrth) 'ie growth of the Messianic idea in the prophecies is Book of Esdras (Ezra) ; the Apocalypse of Baruch )win{: to revelation from God. 'J'he witness of the (publ. in Syriac with a Latin translation by Ceiiani


expectation of a golden age that should re-




Momimentn sacra et jirofnna ix CfJd. BVil. Ambrtmnmv, torn. i. fasc. 1, 2, Mediolani, 1801-

n his




reprinted in Ugolini's TTies. Job. a Lent, Schediasma hist.-phil.

de JudcBOrvm PsewloMessiis, in Ugolini's Thes, 66); tlie ^lislina (which does not coiifain imicli Lightfoot's Works, particularly hii ed. with I,at. version and the connii. of Mainionidos xxiii. 1019-90. 'i'he Dissertations of Witsius, and Bartenora bv Snicnliusius, C vols. fol. 1G!)8- Jhne Jfebraicce. llhenferd, David Mill, and Schi ttgen J)e Sectdo J7().3, Cerni. trans, hy Kal.e, 1700-03, and by .lost, in Hebrew letters, lierl. 18;i2-34; eii,'liteen treatises fvtum, partly reprinted in Meuschen (see below); in Knglish by De Sola and Kaphall, I.ond. 1845): conip. Koppe's Excursus I. to his notes on the Ep. to the Targunis (see reference above the Targnnis of the Ephesians (N. T. ed. Kfy>jniin. vol. vi.). EisenOnkelos and I'seudo-.lonatban on the Pentateuch nienger, IMdtcktes Jtidenthnm. 2 Theile, Kt'nigsb. trans, bv i:tlieri<lge, 2 vols. Lond. 1802-0.5); the 1711, 4to, espec. ii. 047-889 (aims to collect everyearliest Midrashini {.Viiliilln, i<ij)lirfi, Slj/firi, on thing that can bring discredit on the .lews, but give*

K.\od., Levit., Nunib,.ar)d Dent.,


with a

the original of




T/nsauniis, torn, xiv.,


all the Habbiiiical passages translaSchiittgen, Iloroi Ihbr. et Talnivdiia, 2 vols.

the .lenisalem and liabvlonian Geniara, and other Dresd. 1733-42, 4to. Wis Jesug der indire Mestias. Kabbinical writings. Tliere is no complete trans- I.eipz. 1748, is substantially a German translation lation of tlie 'rahiind; but 20 treatises out of the of the treatise " De Messia," which occupies a (" Has accu39 in the .lerusali in Geniara are puiilished with a large part of vol. ii. of the Horn. I^atin version in L'golini's Tliesinirn$ (torn, xvii., nnilated a most valuable coLection of Jewish traxviii., XX., XXV.,


(torn, xix., XXV.).

and three of the Habylonian Something on the opinions of

be gathered from the Chris-

the later .lews


tian fathers, particularly .lustin

Martyr {Dhd.


Tryph.), Origen, and .leronie; and the early Christians a|)pear to have transferred many of the .lew-

concerning the Messiah to their docSecond .Advent of ( 'hrist, e. g. with reference to the apjwarance of KLi.iAit as his precursor (.see vol. i.j). 710, note,aiid add the full illustration of ). this point by Thilo, Codex Aparr. N. T. \\. 701 On the Messianic prophecies of the Old Testament the more important literature is referred to by Ilase in his Liinn Jes'c, 30 (4e Anfl.). See
ish ex])octations

trine of the


also Kiiobel, Proplictlsmiis d. //f /;?., Hresl. 1837,


but . exhibits no critical perception whatever of the relative value of the authorities which he quotes, and often seems to me to misinterpret the real tenor of their testimony." Westcott.) Stehelin, Tlie Traditions of the Jens, 2 vols. Lond. 1732-34; also 1748 with "the title Rabbinical Literature. (A rare book; in the Astor Library.) Meuschen, Nov. Test, ex Talmude illvstratnm. Lips. 1736, 4to. Wetstein, Niw. Test. Gracvm, 2 vols. Amst. 17.51-52, fol. Imm. Schwarz, Jesus Tari/nmiciis, Comm. L, H. 'J'orgav. 1758-59, 4to. G. R. De-Kossi, Delia rana aspettazinne degli F.hrei del loro Re Messia, Parma, 1773, 4to. Keil, Hist. Dogmatis de Ret/7)0 Messiee Christl et Apost. .^i-tdte. Lips. 1781, enlarged in his Ojmsc. i. 22ditions,

311 note. 328 note, and Diestel, Gescli. d. A. Test. 83, i.-xxxi. Corrodi, Krit. Gesch. des Chiliasnivs, Bertholdt, C/iristologin With 'ITieil i., Ziirich, 1781. in d. rIn-Ull. R'irche, Jena, 18011. j). 770 ff. llengsf en berg's C/n-istoloi/y f^lwnli] be compared his .1 lukewum Jesu Apostolorumqtie .Aitate, Erlang. (in the Ps(dm<s, in which his former views 1811, a convenient manual, but superficial and unCoiiiiii

See also |)r. Noyes's review of the first edition of the Christolosy, in the Christ. Kxiim. for .luly, 1834, xvi. 321-304, and
are considerably modified.






Regno CMsti,


1820, pp. 22-04: conip. his larger work, De Regno Dirino, Lips. 1829. .John Allen, Modern Judaism,

the Introduction to his New Trans, of the lleh. Projjhets, 3d ed. Host. 1800. Hengstenlierg's essay on the (lodhend af the Mi'Sf.i(di in the Old Test, was translated from his Christoloicy in the Bihl. liepos. for 1833, iii. 0.53-083, and reviewed by Dr. Noyes in the Christian F.xaviinir for January, jNIay, and July, 1830, the last two articles relating to the " Anpel of Jehovah." Sec, further, .T. I'ye Smith, Script. Testimony to the .I/cs-x/Vr//, .otii cd. 2 vols. Kdin. 1859; J.J. Stiilielin, Die messian. Wrissaijungen des A. 7'., IJerl. 1847; l.'ev. David (Jreen, The Knoir/ei/f/e and Foith of the 0. T. Saints respectinr/ the Promised Messiah, in the Bihl. Sacra for Jan. 1857, xiv. 100-199; I'rof. S. C. Rartlett. Theories of .}fe.'<sianic Prophecy, in the /ii/>l.

2d ed. Lond. 1830, pp. 253-289.


D. G. C. von






1836), i. 487-511. des Ileils, 2 Atth.



1838, e.spec. ii. 219-444 ("has given the general view of the s-ul jeet " Westcott ; too undiscriniinating in the use of bis is

F. Nork, Rabbinische Qvellen . Paridlelen zu nentest. Schriftstellen, Leipz. 1839 ("has collected with fair accuracy the sum of JewWestcott). Unino Rauer, A^jtV. ish tradition" d. ev. Gesch. d. Synoptiker (18411, pp. 391-416,

maintains that before the time of Christ there was no definite exjiectation among the .lews respecting the !\Iessiah; see in opposition the remarks of Zeller, in bis Theol. Jahrb. 1843, ii. 35-52. and Ebrard,

Sacra Kiehm,

for" Oct.


1801, xviii. 724-770; and Ed. Charakteristik d. messian. Weissa-

Krit. d. ev. Geschichte,





De' Ivferis,


1850, pp. Dresd.

in the Theol. Stud. v. Krit. 1805, pp. 3-71, 42r)l489, and 1809, pp. 209-284. t)n the genenil subject of the Jewish opinions

1840, 540-557, and elsewhere. Liicke, F.iid. in d. Ofenb.'d. Johannes, 2 Anfl. (18521, i. 7-342, valuable dissertations on the Apocalyptic literature,

concerning the Messiah the following works may be .lewish and Christian. Schumann, I'hristvs, llamh. L'obt. Young, Christology of the referred to. 3{uxtorf, Lex. Chah/. 7'< Jiahtiirii- 1852, i. 1-272. Hilgenfeld, Die jiidischt Targnws, I'.din. 1853. citm, Hasil. 1040, fob, es|)ec. coll. 1207 ti'. and 221 " De venturo Apoknlyptik in ihre geschichll. Fntiricki Ivng, .Jena, F. : also his Synayof/a dudaica, c. 60, Ant. Ilnlsius, Theol. Judaica, 1857. '.lost, Gesch. d. Judcnthums (1857-59), i. lud. Mes.sia." 172-177, 283 f., 337 (Karaites). ii. F-d. I'ocock, Porta Afcsis, etc. .394-402, BredtP, 10.")3, 4to. (of Mainionides), Oxon. 1054, see cap. vi. of the Michel Nicolas, Des doctrines rel. des Jiiifs penynt(P Misci llaiieir, "In quo vaiin' .ludnornm dant les deux sit;cles antcrieurs a fere chrelitnne, |.Iamcs Martineau], Rcsur. Mort. Scntentin' exjK-ndtmtur; " also I'aris, 1800, ]<[>. 200-310. !le W. Sehick- F.arly History of Mtssianic Ideas, in the Natittud Theol. Works, i. 1.59-213. hi.1 :n Rev. Apr. 1863, xvi. 466-483 (Book of Daniel nd rrt, Jus Ref/ivvi Ihbr. cum NolU Carpzorii (1674),




more brilliant than silver by SibyUine Oraoles), and Apr. 18G4, (Book of Enoch). Colani, Jesus-Christ et les croy- lamp-light. There is the same difficulty attending ances messldniques ile son temps^ 2 ed. Strasb. the xaA/coA/jSaco;/ (Uev. i. 15, ii. 18, A. V. " fin9 Lans^en (Gath.) Dns Jtuknthum in Palds- brass "), which has hitherto successfully resisted all 1864. Chrisli, Freib. im Br. 18G6, pp. the efforts of connnentatoi's, but which is explained tiiia zur Zuit Ewakl, Gtsch. Clirisius' u. seiner Zti/, by Suidas as a kind of electron, more precious than 391-461. 3e Ausc;. Gi tt. 18U7, pp. 135-170. Holtzmann, gold. That it was a niixe<l metal of brilliancy Die Messi'isii/ee zur Zeit Jesu, in the Jnhrb. f. is extremely probable, but it has hitherto been Keim, Gefch. impossible to identify it. In addition to the metaU t/e;.>c/(e r/(e/. 1807, .'cii. ;J89-411. Jtsu von Nazai-ii, Ziiricli, 1807, i. 2.39-250. actually mentioned in the Bible, it has been sup23) as
Zeityesc/iic/Ue, lleidelb. 1808, posed that mercury is alluded to in Num. xxxi. 23, C. A. How, The Jesus of as " the water of separation," being "looked upon 172-184, 420-433. Hani- as the mother by which all the metals were fructithe Ktaiujtlists, Lond. 1868, pp. 145-198. burijer's Heai-Euetjd. f. Bibel u. Talmud, art. fied, purified, and brought fortli," and on this acJ/i'7ir,s (Heft iii. 1869; Abth. II., giving the count kept secret, and only mysteriously hinted Mr. at (Napier, Afetid. of the Bible, Intr. p. 6). Tahmulic doctrine, is not yet published). For a comprehensive view of the whole subject, Napier adds, " there is not the sUghtest foutidation see Oehler's art. Mvsslis in \\%xzo\:^^ Real-Encijkl. for this supposition.'' With the exception of iron, gold is the most (1858) ix. 408-441, and B. F. Westcott's Inirod. Almost every country to the Sludij of the Goipels,pp. 110-173, Anier. ed. widely diffused of all met.als. in the world has in its turn yielded a certain supply, [Anticukist.] (1862). MESSI'AS {Meacrias: Messias), the Greek and as it is found most frequently in alluvial soii among the debris of rocks washed down by the torform of Messiah (John i. 41; iv. 25).

Ilausrath, Neuiesl.




was known at a very early period, and was

procured with little difficulty. The existence of other ancient nations, were acquainted with neai-ly gold and the prevalence of gold ornaments in early all the metals known to modern metallurgy, whether times are no proof of a high state of civilization, as the products of their own soil or the results of Ijut rather the reverse. Gold was undoubtedly One of the earliest used before the art of working copper or iron was intercourse with foreigners. geographical definitions is that which describes the discovered. have no indications of gold streams country of Havilah as the land which abounded in or mines in Palestiiie. The Hebrews obtained their gold, and the gold of which was i;ood (Gen. ii. 11, principal supply from the south of Arabia, and the The first artist in metals was a Cainite, Tu- commerce of the Persian Gulf. The ships of Hiram 12). bal Cain, the son of Lanieoh, the forger or sharpener king of Tyre brought it for Solomon (1 K. ix. of every instrument of copper {A. V. "brass") 11, X. 11), and at a later period, when the Hebrew and iron (Gen. iv. 22). " Al)ram was very rich in monarch had equipped a fleet and manned it with


The Hebrews,




cattle, in silcer,

as will be

and in gold" (Gen. xiii. 2); silver, Tyrian sailors, the chief of shown hereafter, being the medium of gold of Ophir (1 K. ix. 27,




was the was brough:

commerce, while gold existed in the shape of orna- thence in the ships of Tarshish (1 K. xxii. 48), the Tin is first Indiamen of the ancient world; and Parvaim (2 ments, during the patriarchal ages. mentioned among the spoils of the Midianites which Chr. iii. 6), Kaamah (Ez. xxvii. 22), Sheba (1 K. x. were taken when Balaam was slain (Num. xxxi. 22), 2, 10; Ps. Ixxii. 15; Is. Is. 6; Ez. xxvii. 22), and and lead is used to heighten the imagery of iloses' Uphaz (Jer. x. 9), were other sources of gold for Whether the ancient the markets of Palestine and Tyre. It was probtriumphal song (Ex. xv. 10). Helirews were acquainted with steel, properly so ably brought in the form of ingots (Josh. vii. 21; the words so rendered in the A. V. "wedge," lit. "tongue"), and was rapidly called, is uncertain A. V. (2 Sam. xxii. 35; Job xx. 24; Ps. xviii. .34; converted into articles of ornament and use. Ear

Jer. XV.


12 are in all other passages translated and would be more correctly copper. The " nortliern iron " of .Jer. xv. 12 is believed by com>

rings, or rather nose-rings, were





given to Rebecca were half a

mentators to be iron hardened and tf.mpered by

shekel {\ oz.) in v.-eight (Gen. xxiv. 22), bracelets (Gen. xxiv. 22), chains ((ien. xli. 42), signets (Ex. xxxv. 22), bidlcB


peculiar process, so as more nearly to cor- or spherical ornaments suspended from the neck respond to what we call steel [Steel] and the (Ex. xxxv. 22), and chains for the legs (Num. xxxi. " flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 3 are probably the 50; comp. Is. iii. 18; Plin. xxxiii. 12). It was flashing steel scythes of the war-chariots which used in embroidery (Ex. xxxix. 3; 2 Sam. i. 24; should come against Nineveh. Besides the simple Plin. viii. 74); the decorations and furniture of the metals, it is supposed that the Hebrews used the tabernacle were enriched with the gold of the ornamixture of copper and tin known as bronze, and ments which the Hebrews willingly offered (Ex. probably in all cases in which copper is mentioned xxxv.-xl. the same precious metal was lavished as in any way manufactured, bronze is to be under- upon the Temple (1 K. vi., vii.); Solomon's throne stood as the metal indicated. But with regard to was overlaid with gold (1 K. x. 18), his drinkingthe chashmnl (A. V. "amber") of Ez. i. 4, 27, cups and the vessels of the house of the forest of viii. 2, rendered by the LXX. i\iKTpov, and the Lebanon were of pure gold (1 K. x. 21), and the Vulg. electrum, by which our translators were neigliboring princes brought him as presents ves;

) ;

misled, there is considerable difficulty. Whatever sels of gold and of silver (1 K. x. 25). So plentiful be the meaning of chnshmal. for which no satis- indeed was the supply of the precious metals during factory etjnnoloLCy has been projjosed, there can be his reign that silver was esteemed of little worth sut little doubt that by fjXeKTpov the LXX. trans- (1 K. x. 21,27). Gold and silver were devoted to

the fossil resin known by that oanie to the Greeks and to us as " amber," but he metal so called, which consisted of a mixture of 'oui' parts of gold with one of silver, described by
lators intended, not

the fashioning of idolatrous images (Ex. xx. 23, xxxii. 4; Deut. xxix. 17; 1 K. xii. 28). The crown on the head of Malcham (A. V. " their king "), th
idol of the



Kabbah, weighed a


of gold, that


by Keil to
reu-oncile these


lbs. troy,

a weight so great that

two passages by gupposmg

could not \\a\e been worn b}' 1 )!ivid among tlie Tlie ordinary insignia of royalty ('2 Sam. xii. 30). great al)undance of ;:oltl in early times is indicated composition of every article by its entering into tlie of ornametit and almost all of domestic use. Among the sjioils of the Midianites taken by tlie Israelites, in their liloodless victory wiien Balaam was slain, were ear-rings and jewels to the amount of 10,750 Bhekelsof gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54), equal in value

that in the former the purchase relerred to was that of the entire hill on which the threshing-floor stood

and ill the latter that of the threshing-floor itself. But the close resemblance between the two narratives renders it difficult to accept this explanation,

are described.

and to imagine that two difierent circumstances That there is a discrepancy between the numbers in 2 Sani. xxiv. 9 and 1 t'hr. xxi. 5 is admitted, and it seems impossible to avoid

more than


of otir present money.

1700 the conclusion that the present case

in nose

shekels of gold (worth


more than


in.stance of the

same kind.



but another one excep-

is no case in the O. T. in which gold alluded to as a medium of commerce; the Hebrew coinage may have been partly gold, but we have no proof of it. Silver was brought into Palestine in the form of plates from Tarshish, with gold and ivory (1 K. x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21; ,ler. x.^'J). The accumulation of wealth in the reign of Solomon was so great that silver was but little esteemed " the king made .silver to be in Jerusalem as stones" (1 K. x. 21, With the treasures which were brought out 27). From the of I'^-gypt, not only the ornaments but the ordinary exaggerated. conclude the numbers Silver gold shields of Hadadezer's army of Syrians and metal-work of the tabernacle were made. other sources he had collected, according to the was employed for the sockets of the boards (Kx. chronicler (1 Cbr. xxii. 14), 100,000 talents of xxvi. 10, xxxvi. 24), and for the hooks of the pillars The ca])ital8of gold, and 1,000,000 talents of silver; to these and their fillets (Kx. xxxviii. 10). must be added his own contribution of .3,000 tal- the pillars were overlaid with it (Kx. xxxviii. 17), ents of gold and 7,000 of s-ilver (1 Chr. xxix. the chargers and bowls oflereil by the princes at the 2-4), and the additional offerings of the peo|)le, dedication of the t<ibernacle (Num. vii. 13, &c.), the total value of which, estimating the weight of the trumpets for marshalling the host (Num. x. 2), a talent to be 125 lbs. Troy, gold at 73s. per oz., and some of the candlesticks and tables for the hr. xx\iii. 15, 10). It and silver at 4s. 4\'/. ])er oz., is reckoned by Mr. Temple were of silver (1 Some idea of tlie large- was used for the setting of gold ornaments (Prov. Napier to l)e 93'J,92!).087/. ness of this sum may be formed by considering that -xxv. 11) and other decorations (Cant. i. 11). and in 1855 the total amount of gold in use in the for the pillars of Solomon's gorgeous chariot or world was calculated to be aliout 820,000,000/. palanquin (Cant. iii. 10). From a comparison of the diflferent amounts of Undoubtedly the quantity of the precious metals possessed by the Israelites might be greater in coii- gold and silver collected by David, it ap|)ears that equence of their commercial intercourse with the the ])r(>portioii of the former to the latter 1 to Phoenicians, who were masters of the sea; but in J nearly. Three hundred talentsof silver and thirty the time of David lliey were a nation struggling talents of gold were demanded of Hezekiali by Senfor political existence, surrounded by powerful ene- nacherib (2 K. xviii. 14); l)Ut later, when I'barmohmies, and without the leisure necessary for devel- nechoh took .lehoahaz prisoner, he imposed u^ion The numbers the land a triliutc of 100 talents of silver, and only oping their commercial capabilities. The difference given by .losephus {Ant. vii. 14, 2) are only one one tident of gold (2 K. xxiii. 33). tenth of those in the text, but the sum, even when in the proportion of gold to silver in these two cases But though gold is very remarkable, and does not ajipear to have thus reduced, is still enormous." was thus common, silver appears to have been the been explained. Brass, or more properly copper, was a native jirodThe first coniordinary medium of commerce. inercial transaction of which we possess the details iict of I'alestine, " a land whose stones are iron, was the purchase of l'",|)hroir8 field by Abraham fur and out of hills thou mayest dig cojipir'" It was so plentiful 400 shekels of silfer (den. xxiii. 10): slaves were (Dent. viii. 9; .Io!> xxviii. 2). l)Ought with i7fer ((ien. xvii. 12); /7rer was the in the days of Solomon that the quantity employed money paid by Abimelech as a compensation to in the Temple could not lie estimated, it was so Abraham ((ien. xx. 10); .lo.seph was sold to the great (1 K. vii. 47). Much of the copjier which Ishmaelite merchants for twenty pieces of sitrer David had prepared for this work was taken from (den. xxxvii. 28); and goncrally in the Old Testa- the Syrians after the (defeat of Iladadezer (2 ."^an ment, "money" in the .\. ^'. is literally s/Zrcc. viii. 8), and more was presented liy Toi, king of The market of Tyre was supplie<i with mentioned in 1 Chr. llamath. 'J'lie first payment in gold is vessels of the same metal by the merchants of xxi. 25, where David buys the threshing-flnor of .lavan, 'i'ubal, and Meshcch (Ez. xxvii. 13). There Oman, or Anuuiah, the .leliusite, for six hundred But in the [larallel is strong rea.son to believe that brass, a mixture of nhekels of //oi/ by weight." narrative of the trans.iction in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, the cop|)er and zinc, was unknown to the ancients. To But tin was price paid for the threshing-floor and the oxen is the latter metal no allusion is found. An attempt has been made well known, and from the difliculty which attendii fifty shekels of silver.

(A. V. "ear-rings") alone were taken by Gideon's army from the slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 20). These numbers, thouL'h large, are not incredibly great, when we consider that the country of the Midianites was at that time rich in gold streams which have been since exhausted, and that like tiie Malays of the present day, and the Peruvians of the time of Pizarro, they cairied most 15ut the amount of of their wealth about them. treasure jvccuniulated by David from spoils taken in war, is so enormous, that we are tempted to

tion there


n As an llliintnitinn of the enoniioua wealth which






to collect,

way to Orc\9, 2,000 tnlent nf silver, anj 3,993.000 It wo may quot gold darirs a sum which in days would Hinount

from Heroilotuii


28) the Instance of I'ythius the placed at the disposul of Xerxes, on bii

to ah<iut


millions of |>ounds sterlinfl.


"shekels of gold, a weight of 600."

ihe toughening pure copper so as to render
it fit

dishes in the British

foiuid to contain

^Museum are


it is

probable that the


of de-

by the admixture of small quanti" We are ties of tin had been early discovered. inclined to think," says Mr. Napier, ''that Moses used no copper vessels for domestic purposes, but bronze, the use of which is less olijectionable. Bronze, not being so subject to tarnish, takes on a finer polisli, and, besides, [its] being much more easily melted and cast would make it to be more extensively used than C(>p[)er alone. These practical considerations, and the fact of almost all the antique cxstings and other articles in metal that are preserved from these ancient times being composed of bronze, prove in our opinion that where the word brass occurs in Scripture, except where it refers to an ore, such as .lob xxviii. 2 and Deut. viii. 9, it should be translated bronze " (Metal, of the Bible, Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16; Job xx. 2-t; Ps. p. 6fj). xviii. 3-4) and armor (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38) were made of this metal, which was capable of being so wrought as to admit of a keen and hard edge. The Egyptians employed it in cr.tting the hardest granite. The Mexicans, before the discovery of iron, " found a substitute in an alloy of tin and copper; and with tools made of this bronze could cut not only metals, but, with the aid of a siliceous dust, the hardest substances, as ba.salt, porphjTy, amethysts, and emeralds " (Prescott, Conq. oj' Mexico, eh 5). The great skill attained by the I'^gyptians in working metals at a very early period throws light upon the remarkable facility with which the Israelites, during their wanflerings in the desert, elaborated the works of art connected with the structure of the Tabernacle, for which great acquaintance with metals was requisite. In the troul)lous times which followed their entrance into Palestine this knowledge seems to have been lost, for when the Temple was built the metal-workers employed were Phoenicians. Iron, like copper, was found in the hills of PalesoxidizinE; copper
' '

" The tin was one part of tin to ten of copper. probably obtained from Phoenicia, and consequently

that used in the bronzes in the British



been exported, nearly three thousand years ago, from the British Isles " (Layactually
ard. Nil), Jer. iv. 30, A. V. "painting"), in the form of powder, was used by the Hel)rew women, like the kohl of the Arabs, for coloring their eyelids and eyebrows. [Paint.] Further information will lie found in the articles upon the several metals, and whatever is known of


and Bub. p. 191). Antimony (2 K. ix. 30;

the metallurgy of the Hebrews under Mixing.


be discussed






Jajies, Epistle of.]

CBaiTvpom: [Aid. Merripous] ) According to the hst in 1 Esdr. v. 17, *' the sons " returned with Zorobabel. of Meterus There is no corresponding name in the lists of Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii., nor is it traceable in the Vulgate.



(nZaS"! igi^




place which

parently in

David took from the his last war with them

Philistines, ap-



viii. 1).

the parallel passage of the Chronicles (1 Chr. " Gath and her daughter-towns " is substituted for Metlieg ha-Ammah.
xviii. 1),

The renderings are legion, almost each translator having his own " but the interpretations may be reduced to two 1. That adopted by Gesenius {Tliesnur. 113j and Fliist (Hdiulwb. 102 6), in which Ammali is taken as meaning " mother-city "



(conip. 2




Metheg-ha-Ammah "the

namely of (jath, the chief town of the

If this is correct, the expression " in

bridle of the mother-city

and "


daughter-towns "




The "


mountain " in the trans-.Iordanic pears described by Josephus (B. J. iv. 8, 2),

closer parallel,

and more

passage of Chronicles is a characteristic, than it apbe.



That of Ewald

and was remarkable for producing a particular kind of palm (.Mishna, Succa, ed. Dachs, p. 182). Iron mines are still worked by the inhabitants of Kef)' Ilaneh in the S. of the valley Znhnrdni; smelting works are found at Sliemuster, 3 hours W. of Baalbek, and others in the oak-woods at Mashek (Kitter, Erdkunde, xvii. 73, 201); but the method employed is the simplest possible, like that of the old Samothracians, and the ii'on so obtained is

as meaning 190), who, taking the " forearm," treats the words as a metaphor to


express the




which David had

smitten and humbled his foes, had torn the bridle from their arm, and thus broken forever the dominion with which they curbed Israel, as a rider manages his horse by the rein held fast on his arm. The former of these two has the support of the parallel passage in Chronicles; and it is no valid chiefi3' used for horse-shoes. olijection to it to say, as Ewald in his note to the Tin and lead were both known at a very early above passage does, that Gath cannot be referred to, period, though there is no distinct trace of them in because it had its own king still in the days of Palestine. The former was among the spoils of the Solomon, for the king in Solomon's time may have Midianites (Num. xxxi. 22), who miglit have ob- been, and probably was, tributary to Israel, as the tained it in their intercourse with the Phoenician kings "on this side the Euphrates" (1 K. iv. 21) merchants (conip. Gen. xxxvii. 2.5, 36), who them- were. On the other hand, it is an obvious olijecselves prociu'ed it from Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 12) and tion to Ewald's interpretation that to control bis the tin countries of the The allusions to it horse a rider must hold the bridle not on his arm in the Old Testament principally point to its adbut fast in his hand. G. mixture with the ores of the precious metals (Is. i. (bslV^ina man of God: It must have occurred in 25; Ez. xxii. 18, 20). the composition of bronze: the Assyrian bowls aad Ma6ov(rd\a,'- Mathusael), the son of Mehujael,



large collection of these will be found in GlasPhilologia Sacra (lib. iv. tr. 3, obs. 17), together

tion of the rich district in

which Gath was


vith a singular

Jewish tradition bearing upon the


The most singular rendering, perhaps,

Aqueduct is derived from the Chaldee version, SiHttS. has that signification amongst others. Aqiiila that which
a similar rendering in the case of the

f Aqulla, \akivo'; tou v&payuyyCov, " the bridle of the

iqueduet," perhaps Tith some reference to the irriga-





Jerome, and the traditicns given .above which seems to indicate that originally there was something in the Hebrew text, now want(nbt:;>n:^, mmiofoff. ing, which gave rise to this rendering, and of which tprinij, or [wssihly man of <t durt:" VlaQovaaka'the present reading, ^XD, me, is an abbreviation. MtilJiii.<(tlii), tlie son of Knoch, sixtli in descent
fourth in descent from Cain, and father of I^mecli A. H. (Gen. iv. 18).

fatlicr of

from Seth, and

of the







("J^^^ [on the ri(jld hand, or peril. coincidence of the name Lamecli in the next genfon of (lie ri<]ht hmid^: Mfo^ff; [Vat. FA. Afioeration in both lines) some theories have been Alex. Mea/xf/^: Minmin). 1. A layman of formed, seems to be apparent rather than real. H(tv\\ Israel of the sons of Parosh, who had married a The life of Methuselah is fixed by Gen. v. 27 at foreign wife and put her away at the bidding of 9(il) years, a period exceeding; that of any other Kzra (Ezr. x. 25). He is called Maelus in 1 Esdr. patriarch, and, according to the Hebrew chronology,
bringing his deatii


to tlie preceding, on which (with


(Omitted in Vat. MS., [also in Rora. Alex. and the Samaritan, althougli FA.i FA.-*] Mei/uii/: .Uiainin.) A priest or family Bhortening his life to 720 years, gives the same of priests who went up from l{al)ylon with Zerub[Ciikonology.] On the babel (Neh. xii. 5); probably the same as Mi.iamin result as tlie Hebrew. in Neh. x. 7. In Neh. xii. 17 the name appears in A. B. subject of Longevity, see I'atkiakciis.
die six

down to the very year The LXX. reckoning makes him










the form






and hence


given in A. V. as



MeiViif; Vat.] Mtcretvajfi. ; [FA. Mfffcrftvofj.;] Klsewhere Alex. Mtfii^aifj.: Muiiiiii), Neb. vii. 52.

(2rit 'p

and Meiiukijis.


" MibAlex.'Ma/3op: Mibahar). har the son of Haggeri " is the name of one of David's heroes in tiie list given in 1 Chr. xi. The verse (38) in which it occurs appears to be corrupt, for in the corresponding catalogue of 2 Sam. xxiii.




^ow^\ Alex. Me^oo/8


in tien.,

but omits in 1 Chr.

30 we find, instead of " Mibliar the son of llaggeri," It is easy to see, "of Zobah, liani the Gadite."

Comp. Me(,aaj8'] Mezna/i).



grandfather of Melietabel, who was wife of Iladar or lladad, the last named king Mis of Kdom (Gen. xxxvi. 3!J; 1 Ciir. i. 60). name, which, if it be Hebrew, signifies " waters of


the latter be the true reading, "'

how "'^^^ -T into



Bani Ilaygadi, could be corrupted



and "*"T2n


actually the reading

gold," has given rise to





and explains it, " he is gold? " but that " Mibhar " is a corruption man, and gold was not valued in his Ii. .Joseph. Aliarbanel says he was " rich and eyes at all." of nn'v.'^ (or S^rn, ace. to some MSS.\ great, so that on this account he was called Slcz.amilslsobdh. "of Zobah," as Kennicott (DUstii. p. bab, for the gold was in his house as water." " Hag215) and Cappellus (t'rlt. tidcr. i. c. 5) conclude, gaon " (writes Aben Ezra) "said he was a refiner


of three of Kennicott's JISS. in 1 Chr., as well as of the Syriac and .\rab. versions, and the Targum of

was a


of gold, but otiiers said that it pointed to those who make gold from brass." The Jerusalem Targum of course could not resist the temptation of

not so clear, tlioui^h not absolutely impossiiile. It LXX. of 2 Sam., where, instead of "Zobah" we find iroKvSvi'dufQiSt that

would seem from the

punning upon the name, and combined the explanThe latter by the ations given by .larclii and Haggaon.
part of Gen.

both readings originally co-existed, and were read


'^n'2't2,mibchn7- hatstsdba,

thus rendered " the name of his wife was Mehetal>el, daus;hterof Xlatred, the daughter of a refiner of gold, wiio was wearied



with labor

(ST^tp^, matredd)


the days of his

If this were the, tl>e "choice of the" verse in 1 Chr. would stand thus: " I<;al the lirother of Nathan, flower of the host; Bani the Gadite." W. A. \V.


and said, somewhat similar paraphrase

he had eaten and was what is gold? and what



he turned


(uCJ-'^TS, sweet

whr, Ges.: Mor-

silver? "



Chr., Vat.

given in the Tarit is


of tiie I'seudo-.Ionatliaii, except that


Aid. Ma/3c7-a/i:] ((ien. XXV. 13; 1 ("hr.


Vlaaaa, Alex. MajScrai', .Unbgnir-). 1. A son of Ishmael



not elsewhere men-

to Matred, and not to Mezahab. Araliic \'ersion translates the nanie " water of gold,"



signification of his





which must have been from the Hebrew,


wiiile in

Targum of Onkelos it is rendered "a refiner of gold," as in the Quiegliones Ihbraicaein Paralip.,
a Thore name.
sonio diUlculty about the derivation of Inttc-r porUon of the root is ccrUtinly
"), for

an identification of the tribe sprung from him with .some one of the Aiirahamic tribes settled in .Araliia aroniatifera, and a connection with the bdlsnrn of Arabia is suggested (Bunsen, Biittlto propose





iu prophetic foresight by Knoch.

(SCO Ges. J^x.) derive it

pivon nflorwnnlfi frnin the event, or one given The later Hebraist*


(from nbti.\ " to wsiid



Clir. xxxii.






a " niisa " branch "




the constructive

(Jant. iv. 13, la. xvl. 8.


loniier iiortion


form of i"lfi, " man," the obsolete singular, of which

the plural

oved by mnoy of the older


IIubraiHts from n-^^S,

" to




This gives one or other

given nocordingly. *i-c In lyeUHilcirH Onnmnilirnii, '' iiiorteiii Bunin niisit," ' mortis Hua- anna," etc. Others niiikc it " lie dico,

and various


We ran only ilecldt of the lntorpretjitloii.>i in the text. iKitween thciii (if at nil) liy iiteriial probability, wlilcll seems to incline to the furuiur.




the Flood]


Hoiit," 8U|i|>08iiig It either





werk , Kaliich, Gew. 483). The situation of Mek- Micah and his household the case is quite different. keh is well adapted for his settlements, surrounded His one anxiety is to enjoy the favor of Jehovah as it is by traces of other Ishmaelite tribes; never- (xvii. 13); the fornuila of blessing used by his theless the identification seems fanciful and far- mother and his priest invokes the same awful name fetched. (xvii. 2, xviii. 6); and yet so completely ignorant
of the Law of .lehuvah, that the mode whicli he adopts of lionoring Him is to make a molten and a graven image, tei^aphim or images of domestic named, as was one of those of the older gods, and to set up an unauthorized priestliood, mbsam. E. S. P. first in his own family (xvii. 5), and then in the person of a Invite not of the priestly line (ver. 12)
\}lia^affdix\ Alex. MaySao-af


is lie

80n of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), perhaps named after the Ishmaelite Mibsam, for one of his brothers was






Ma(,ap; in 1 Chr., Ba^crap; [Vat. Ma^ap;] Alex. Mabsar). One of the pli3'larchs or Ma^crap " dukes " of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 42) after the death of Hadad or Hadar. They are said to be enumerated " according to their Bettlenieiits in the land of their possession;" and Knobel (Genesis), understanding Mibzar (lit. "fortress") as the name of a place, has attempted to identify it with the rocky fastness of Petra, " the
strong city "

tints disobeying, in the most flagrant manner, the second of the Ten Conmiandraents, and the provisboth laws which lay iu ions for the priesthood a peculiar manner at the root of the religious ex-


Gideon (viii. 27 ) had estal)an ephod but here was a whole chapel of " (xvii. 5), and all dedicated idols, a " house of gods to Jehovah.
istence of the nation.




dition of the Levites.

'"" ^nibtsar, Ps. '^'^Vi

story also throws a light on the conThey were indeed " divided
in Israel

in .lacob

and scattered

" in a more


10; comp. Ps. Ix. 9), " the cliff," the chasms of which were the chief stronghold of the Edomites
(Jer. xlix. 16;

sense than that prediction

usually taken to con-









Micayehu [who


Mixaias, but [Vat.] once [or more, Mai] MetAlex. Meix^i ^"'' '^"'^^ [twice] Mix^' Xaias Michas, Micha), an Israelite whose familiar story of his master and benefactor, and becoming the is preserved in the xviith and xviiith chapters oif Judges. That it is so preserved would seem to be first priest to another system of false worship, one owing to Micah's accidental connection with the too in which Jehovah had no part, and which colony of Danites who left the original seat of their ultim.ately bore an important share in the disruptribe to conquer and found a new Dan at Laish tion of the two kingdoms. a most happy accident, for it has been the means But the transaction becomes still more remarkof furnishing us with a picture of the "interior" able when we consider (3.) that this was no obscure

tain. Here we have a Levite belonging to Bethlehem-judah, a town not allotted to the Levites, and with which they had, as far as we know, no connection ; next wandering forth, with the world before him, to take up his abode wherever he could find a residence; then undertaking, without hesitation, and for a mere pittance, the charge of Micah's idol-chapel; and lastly, carrying off the property


belonged to the chief may say to the chief sacred records, and has probably no parallel in any family of the nation, for though not himself a literature of equal age." priest, he was closely allied to the priestly house, But apart from this the narrative has several and was the grandson of no less a person than the points of special interest to students of his- great Moses himself For the " Manasseh " in tory in the information which it affords as to the xviii. 30 is nothing else than an alteration of " Moses " to shield that venerable name from the condition of the nation, of the members of which
of a private Israelite family of the rural districts, which in many respects stands quite alone in the or ordinary


family in the tribe, nay, we

Micah was probably an average specimen. We see (I.) how completely some of the most
solemn and characteristic enactments of the Law had become a dead letter. Jlicah was evidently a devout believer in .Jehovah. While the Danites in their communications use the general term Eiohiin, "God" ("ask counsel of God," xviii. 5; "God hath given it into your hands," ver. 10), with
a * For oae of Stanley's finest sketches (drawn out of the iucideiits relating to this Micah), see his Jewish Omrch, i. 327-332. The fragment is invaluable as an illustration of the social and religious condition of the Hebrews in that rude age. Nothing so primitive in Greek or Roman literature reveals to us '' such details of the private life " of those nations. For some of the practical




which such a descendant would cast upon In this fact vol. ii. p. 1776 a.] have the explanation of the ranch:

debated passage, xviii. 3 " they knew the voice '' The grandson of of the young man the Levite." the Lawgiver was not unlikely to be personally known to the Danites; when they heard his voice (whether in casual speech or in loud devotion wa



in ver. 20,

True the LXX. add the molten image but in ver. 30 they agree with the Hebrew



The explanation of




chaelis {Bihfl far Un^elelirlen) is that they remarked that he did not speak with the accent of the Ephraiiurejects this notion as repug^'iant expression and the connection," and adopts the explanation given above ( (resch. tier hebr. Sprache. 15, 2, p. 55). * Professor Cassel {Rirhter und Ruth, p. 161) offers another explanation of this " voice." He UDderstamlj

teachings of this singular episode for



But Gesenius

Bee Bishop Hall's Contemplations, bk. x. 6. H. b One of a thousand cases in which the point of the sentence is lost by the translation of " Jehovah " by

alike to " the

" the Lord."

c It does not seem at all clear that the words molten image " and " graven image " accurately express the original words Pesel and Massecak. [Idol, ol. ii. p. 1121.] As the Hebrew text now stands, th ' graven image " only was carried off to Laish, and the ' molten " one remained behind vrtth Micah (xriii. 20,

that it was the sound of the bells attached to tho Levite's sacerdotal vestments, which notified the hearer* of his entering the sanctuary for worship. Se Ei.
xxviii. 35.




their inquiries

are not told) they recognized

as to wiio brouijiit iiini

iiither, wliat he did tiiere, were in tliis c:ise tlie e:iger questiuns of old acquaintances lonj; separated.

and what he had



naniitive i^ives us a most vivid idea of







country was

when " there w;is no kini^ in Israel, and every man did what w;u5 rinlit in liis own eyes," and shows how urjjently necess;iry a central aujilaced,
tliority had become. A hody of six hundred men completely armed, besides the train of their families and cattle, traverses the leni;th and l)readth of tiie land, not on any mission liir tlic ruliTor tlie nation,

neighboihood of I^ish. The records of the jouthern Dan are too scanty to permit of our fixing the date from the statement that the Danites had not yet entered on their'' allotment that is to say, the allotment specified in .lush. xix. 40-48. But that statement strengthens the conclusion arrived at from other p.assages, that tluse lists in .loshua con tain the towns ullutlcd, out not theretbre necessarily " Divide the land fxissessed by the various tribes. first, in confidence, and then possess it afterwards,'" seems to be the principle implied in such passages

.Josh. xiii. 7 (eonip. 1); xix. 4!), 51 (LXX. "so they went to take possession of the land "). The date of the record itself may perhaps l)e as on later occasions (2 .Sam. ii. 12, itc, xx. 7, 14), That, on the one hand, it I^ntirely disre- more nearly arrived at. but simply tor their private ends. gardinj; the ritflus of pri\ate proper-ty, they burst was after the beginning of the monarchy is evident in wherever they please aloni; tiieir route, and plun- from the references to the ante-monarchical times (xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 2.j); and, on the other hand, derins;; the valuables and carryinfi; ott" persons, reply

'Die all remonstrances l>y taunts and tiireats. Turkish rule, to which the same district has now the misfortune to be subjected, can hardly be worse. At the same time it is startlin<; to our Western minds accustomed to associate the blessings of order with religion to observe how religious were






" I'o ye


that in

an ephod, and teraphiin, and a graven ini.age, and a molten image? Now therefore consider what ye have to do " (xviii. 14), " Mold thy |jeace, and go with us, and be to us a father and a " {i/>. 19).
these houses there

infer from the name of lictlilehem being given as " Bethlehem-.) ndah," that it waf before the fame of I )avid had conferred on it a notoriety which would render any such affix unnecessary. The reference to the establishment of the house of God in Shiloh (xviii. 31) seems also to point to the early ])art of Saul's reign, liefore tho incursions of the Philistines had made it necessary to remove the Tabernacle and ICphod to Nob, in the vicinity of Gibeah, Saul's head-quarters. G.

we may perhaps







to the date of these interesting events, the

xxn. 18 [icho as Jehovnii]

narrative gives us no direct information beyond the

fact that

ler. Mixeas; was before the beginning of the mon- The sixth in order of the minor prophets, accordarchy; but we may at least infer that it was also ing to the arrangement in our present canon in before the time of Samson, because in this nar- the LXX. he is placed third, after Hosea and

Mix<3"'os; [VX. in ^^^t. in Mic. Meixatas'-] Miclicens).

rative (xviii.


12) we nieet with the origin of the of Mahaneh-dan, a place which already bore




of Iinlah, the

him from Micaiah the son contemponry of Klijah, he is called

Samson's childhood (xiii. 2.5, where the MouAsTiirric, that is, a native of .Moresheth, it is translated in the A. V. " the camp of Dan "). or some place of similar name, which .lerome and That the Danites had ojiponents to their establish- Kusebius call Moriusthi and idfintify with a small ment in their proper territory before the Philistines village near ICleutheropolis to the east, where forenter the field is evident from .Judg. i. 34. .lo.sephus nierly the jirophet's tomb was shown, but which in entirely omits the story of iMicah, but he places the the days of .lerome had been succeeded by a church narrative of the Invite and his conculiiiie, and the {Kjdl. Pduhe, c. 0). As little is known of the
of (iibeah
(chaps, xix., xx., xxi.)


circumst;inces of Mii'ah's





of the

document generally recognized as jiart of the SJime" other prophets. Pseudo-lCpiphanius Op. ii. p. with the story of Micah, and that document by a 24.5) makes him, contrary to all probability, of the different hand to the ))revions portions of the book tribe of Kphraim; and besides confounding him at the very begimyng of his account of the with Micaiah the son of Imlah, who live<l more period of the .ludges, before Deborah or even Ehud. than a century before, he betniys additional ignowriter is not aware rance in d<!scribing .\hab as king of .ludah. For been found in any MS. rebuking this monarch's son and succes-sor .lehoram of the Hebrew or LXX. text of the book of .ludges; for his im])ieties, Micah, according to tlie same but tlie fact of its existence in .lo.sephus has a cer- authority, w.ts thrown from a precipice, and burie<l t:in weight, especially considering the accuracy of at Morathi in his own country, hard by tiie cemethat writer when his interests or prejudices are not tery of luiakim {'T,vaKeifi, a place which apparently concerned ; and it is supported by the mention of exists only in the LXX. of Mic. i. 10), where his I'hineh.'is the grandson of A.aron in xx. 28. An sepulchre was still to be scon. The Chronicon argument airainst the date being before the time Puschale (p. 148 c) tells the s:ime tale. .Another of Deborah is drawn by Hertheau (p. 1!(7) from the ecclesiastical tra<lition relates that the remains of fact that at that time the north of Palestine w.os in liabakkuk and .Micah were reve.alcd in a vision to " .labiii king of Zebennus iiishop of I'-leutheropolis, in the reign of the possession of the (Jaiiaanites Canaan, who reigned in ll.azor," in the immediate Tlieodosius the Great, near a place called Berath(.See Aril. v. 2,






a The proofe of thiB are f^veo by Bertheau in his Commentary on tlio liook in the Kurzgrf. rxeg

xiU. 2, XTil. 7. '



abbreviated to JirT'D^D, '




p. VJ2).

yiUayknU, in Juiig. xvn.



Rtul further to


xviii. 1.

It will

obscrvcMl that the words "all

their'' are interpolnt4.'(J

by our

xxil. 13);


xxxyi. 11),

71^'2^J2, Mtchyak (1
Afic^A, or


full roriii

of the niiino

^n^^''T2. '


finally to
ix. 12).









2 Chr




apparently a corruption of Morasthi (Sozomen, H. E. vii. 29; Nicephorus, H. E. xii. The prophet's tomb was called by the in48). habitants Nephmmtemana, which Sozomen renders
Kitia, wliich



with the prophecies of Amos. It is, therefore, conceivable, to say the least, that certain portions of Micah's prophecy m,ay have been uttered in the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz, and for the probability of this there is strong internal evidence, while they The period during which Micah exercised the were collected as a whole in the reign of Hezekiah prophetical office is stated, in the superscription to and committed to writing. Caspari {Miclia, p. 78 his prophecies, to have extended over the reie;iis of suggests that the book thus written may have beeu Jotham, Ahaz, and Ilezekiah, kings of Judah, giving read in the presence of the king and the whole
thus a maxinuun limit of 59 years (b. c. 756-G97), from the accession of Jotham to the death of Hezekiah, and a minimum limit of 16 years (b. c. 742726), from the death of Jotham to the accession of Hezekiah. In either case he would be contemporary with Hosea and Anios during part of their ministry in Israel, and with Isaiah in Judah. According to Rabbinical tradition he transmitted to the prophets Joel, Nahum, and Habakkuk, and to Seraiah the priest, the mysteries of the Kabbala, which he had received from Isaiah (R. David Ganz,

on some great fast or festi\al day, and that circumstance may have been in the minds of tiie elders of the land in the time of Jehoiakini, when they appealed to the impunity wliich Micah It is evident from Mic. enjoyed under Hezekiah." 1. 6, that the section of the prophecy in which tliat must have been delivered before the verse occurs destruction of Samaria by Shahnaneser, which tock

place in the 6th year of Hezekiah (cir. b. c. 722), and, connecting the " high-places " mentioned in i. 5 with those which existed in .ludah in the reigns

Tsemach Dnvid\ and by Syncellus

Chruw><ir. p.

199 c) be is enumerated in the reign of Jotham as contemporary with Hosea, Joel, Isaiah, and Oded. With respect to one of his prophecies (iii. 12) it is distinctly assigned to the reign of Hezekiah (.fer. xxvi. 18), and was probably delivered before the great passover which inaugurated the reformation The date of the others must be deterin Judah. mined, if at all, by internal evidence, and the periods to which they are assigned are therefore necessarily Reasons will lie given hereafter for conjectural. considering that none are later than the sixth year Bertholdt, indeed, positively denies of Hezekiah. that any of the prophecies can be referred to the reign of Hezekiah, and assigns the two earlier of the four portions into which he divides the liook to the time of Ahaz, and the two later to that of

Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 4; 2 Ohr. xxviii. 4, 2.5) and .Jotham (2 K. xv. 3.5), we may be justified in assigning ch. i. to the time of one of these monarchs. probably the latter; although, if ch. ii. be considered as part of the section to which ch. i. belongs, the utter corruption and demoralization of the people there depicted agree better with what hisof tory

tains that of the

Is. ii.

t'aspari mainus of the times of Ahaz. two parallel passages, Mic. iv. 1-5,

the original and the latter Uzziah and Jotham.'' The denunciation of the horses and chariots of Judah
2-5, the former
lielongs to the times of
(v. 10) is appropriate to the state of the country under Jotham, after the long and jirosperous reign of Uzziah, by whom the military strength of tlie people had been greatly developed (2 ( 'hr. xxvi, 11-15, xxvii. 4-6). Compare Is. ii. 7, which belongs to the same period. Again, the forms in which idolatry manifested itself in the reign of Ahaz correspond with those which are threatened with destruction in Mic. v. 12-14, and the allusions in vi. 16 to the ' statutes of Omrl," and the " works of the house of Ahab " seem directly pointed at the king, of whom it is expressly said that " he walked in the way of the kings of Israel" (2 K. xvi. 3). It is impossible in dealing with internal

Manasseh (Einleiluiu/, 411), because the idolatry which prevailed in their reigns is therein denounced. But in the face of the superscription, the genuineness of which there is no reason to question, and
of the allusion


xxvi. 18, Bertholdt's to


have much weight. The time assigned to the prophecies by the only direct evidence which we possess, agrees so well with their contents that it may fairly be accepted Why any discrepancy should be per as correct. ceived between the statement in Jeremiah, that " Micah the Morasthite propliesied in the days of Hezekiah king of Judah," and the title of his book which tells us that the word of the Lord came to him " in the days of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah," The former does not it is difficult to imagine. limit the period of Micah's prophecy, and at most
jecture cannot be allowed
applies only to the passage to wliich direct allusion

evidence to


positively that

the inferences

deduced from it are correct; but in the present instance they at least establish a prolialiility, that in placing the period of Micah's prophetical activity between the times of .lotham and Hezekiah the
is correct. In the first years of Hezekiah's reign the idolatry which prevailed in the time of Ahaz was not eradicated, and in assigning the date of Micah's prophecy to this period

appears to have existed in see in the prophecy in its present form a connected whole, between the actual delivery of the several portions of it, and their collection and transcription into one book. In the case of Jeremiah we know that he dictated to





no anachronism

in the allusions to


the minds of those


Baruch the prophecies which he had delivered in the interval between the 1.3ih year of Josiali and the passages which he quotes in support of his the 4th of Jehoiakiin, and that, when thus com- conclusion (iii. 12, iv. 9, Ac, v. 5, &c., vi. 9, &c., mitted to writing, they were read before the people vii. 4, 12, &c.) do not appear to be more suita1)le on the fast day (.ler. xxxvi. 2, 4, 6). There is to that period than to the first years of Hezekiah,
leason to believe that a similar process took place

Maiirer contends that ch. i. was written not long before the taking of Samaria, but the 3d and following chapters he places in the interval between the destruction of Samaria and the time that -lerusalem was menaced by the army But of Sennacherib in the 14th year of Ilezekiah.
trous practices.

while the context in



requires a


a Knobel (Profj/ietisjniis, ii. 20) imagines that the prophecies which remain belong to the time of Hezetiah, and that those delivered under Jotham and Ahaz
jaye perished.

b Mic. iv. 1-4 may possibly, as Ewald and other* have suggested, be a portion of an older prophecy current at the time, which was adopted both by Micah

and Isaiah




earlier date.



In tlie arrangement adopted by Wells of politic and iilolatrous confidence must be re. In th (pref. to Mirah, iv.-vi.) ch. i. was delivered in nioveil before the grand consummation. last section (vi., vii.) Jehovah, by a liold poetical tlie contein|>orary reigns of .lotliani king of .Iiidaii nd of I'ekah kini? of Israel; ii. 1 - iv. 8 in those figure, is represented as holding a controversy with of Ahaz, I'ekali, and Hosea; iii. 12 Ijcing assigned his people, pleading with them in justification of to the last year of Ahaz, and the remainder of the his conduct towards them and the reasonalileness of his requirements. The dialogue form in which book to the reign of llezekiah. chap. vi. is cast renders the ])icture very dramatic Hut, at wliatever time the several prophecies and striking. In vi. 3-5 Jehovah speaks; the were first delivered, they apjiear in their present inquiry of the people follows in ver. G, indicating form a-s an organic whole, marked by a certain their entire ignorance of what was required of Three sections, omitregularity of development. them their inquiry is met by the .almost impatient ting the superscription, are introduced by the same rejoinder, "Will Jehovah be j)leased with thou' hear three sands of rams, with myriads of torrents of oilV" phrase, ^^^^Qlt'', ye," and represent i., ii-, iii. -v., natural divisions of the prophecy The still greater sacrifice suggested by the pe<jple, " vi. - vii. each conniiencing with rebukes and " Shall I give my firstborn for my transgression V The first calls forth the definition of their true duty, " to thiXKitenings and closing with a promise. section opens with a magniticent description of tlie do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly coming of .Jeliovali to judgment for tlie sins and with their God." How far they had fallen short idolatries of Israel and Jiidali (i. 2-4), and the of this requirement is shown in what follows (9-12), sentence pronounced U])on ISamaria (5-9) by the vnd judgment is pronounced upon them (13-lG). Judge Himself. The prophet, whose sympathies riie prophet acknowledges and bewails the justice are strong with Jud.aii, and especially witli tiie of the sentence (vii. 1-6), the jx"ople in repentance lowlands which gave him birth, sees the danger patiently look to God, confident that their prayer wliicli threatens his country, and traces in imagi- will be heard (7-10), and are reassured by the nation the devastating marcli of the Assyrian con- promise of deliverance announced, as following their querors from Samaria onward to .lerusalem and the |)unishment (11-13), by the prophet, who in his The impending ])unishment sug- turn presents his petition to Jehovah for the restosouth (i. U-IC). The whole concludes gests its cause, and the pro[)het denounces a woe ration of his people (14, 15). upon the people generally lor the corruption and with a trium[)hal song of joy at the great deliverviolence which were rite among them, and upon ance, like that from Egypt, which Jehovah will the false prophets who led them astray by pander- achieve, .and a full acknowledsrment of his mercy The and faithfulness to his promises (16-20). The ing to their appetites and luxury (ii. 1-11). sentence of captivity is pa.ssed upon them (10) but last verse is reproduced in the song of Zacharias is followed instantly by a promise of restoration (Luke i. 72, 73)." The predictions uttered by Jlicah relate to the and triumphant return (ii. 12, 13). The second section is addressed especially to the princes and invasions of .Shalmaneser (i. 0-8; 2 K. xvii. 4, 6) heads of the jieople, their avarice and rapacity are and Sennacherib (i. 9-lG; 2 K. xviii. 13), the derebuked in strong terms, and as they have l)een struction of Jerusalem (iii. 12, vii. 13), the Capdeaf to the cry of the suppliants for justice, they tivity in Habylon (iv. 10), the return (iv. 1-8, vii. too "shall cry unto .lehovah, but lie will not hear 11), the establishment of a thcocnitic kingdom in them" (iii. 1-4). The false prophets who had Jerusalem (iv. 8), and the IJuler who should spring The destruction of Assyria from Hethlehem (v. 2). deceived others should themselves be deceived " the sun shall go down over the prophets, and and Babylon is supposed to be referred to in v. 5, 6, I'or vii. 8, 10. the day shall be dark over them" (iii. ll). It is remarkable that the prophecies this perversion of justice and riirht, and the covet- connnence with the last words recorded of the ousness of the heads of the ])ei)ple who judged for prophet's namesake, Micaiah the son of Indah, reward, of the priests who tau^iit for hire, and of " liearken, O people, every one of you " (1 K. xxii. From this. Week {EinklUnu/, p. 539) con28). '"e prophets who divined for money, Zion should " be plouijhed as a field," and the mountain of the cludes that the author of the history, like the Temple become like the uncultivated woodland ecclesiastical historians, coiifoimdetl Micah the while 1 lengstenberg heights (iii. 9-12). Hut the threatenini; is again Monvsthite with ISlicaiah succeeded by a ])romise of restoration, and in the (C/nisloloi/y, i. 4()!l, Eng. tr.) infers that the coinglories of the Messianic kingdom the prophet loses cidence was intentional on the part of the later sight of the desolation which should befall his prophet, and that "by this very circums