LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA
PRESENTED BY
MRS. MACKINLEY HELM

p

A

HISTOEZ
OF

THE JEWISH PEOPLE
IN

THE TIME OF JESUS CHRIST.

EMIL SCHUREE,

D.D.,

M.A.,

PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF GIESSEN.

Being a Second and Revised Edition of a " Ma/iU(cl of the History of J^ew Testament Times."

Seconö

2)iviöion.

THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF PALESTINE, AND OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE, IN THE TIME 01?" JESUS CHIIIST.

TRANSLATED BY

SOPHIA TAYLOK AND REV. PETER CHRISTIE.

VOL.

II.

NEW YORK:
C

HAR

I.

E S

S C

R

I

B

XER

'

S

SONS.

1891.

THE PORTIONS OF THE TRANSLATORS RESPECTIVELY ARE—
By Miss
Vol.
I.

Tayloi:.

pages 1-119, and page 30G to end.

Vol.

II.

pages ]-24'2.

By Rev. Petek
Vol. Vol.
I.

Ciikistie.

pages 150-305.

II.

page 243 to cud.

The Sections run on from
Preface,

the First Division, which, as explained in the

in preparation.
III.,

Volume

completing this Division,

is

in the

prc.'^.s.

CONTENTS OF DIVISION

II.

VOL.

II.

§ 26.

Pn.\RtSKF,S
I.

AND SaddüCEES,
.

The

Pharisees,

.

II.

The Sadducees,

.

§ 27.

School and Synagogue,
I.

II.

The School, The Synagogue,
68.

Organization of the Community, 55.

Order of Divine "Worship, 75.

Appendix.
§ 23.

—The Shemah and Shemoneh Esreh,

Life undeii the Laav,
I.

General Observations,

..... .29 ...... ...... ...... ......
4
.
.
.

PAGB

.12
44

.

.

.

-

46
52

Officers, 62.

Building.s,

.

.

83

90

90

II.

The

Sanctification of the Sabbath,

.

.

.

.96
.

III.

Laws concerning Cleanness and Uncleanncss,
.

.

.

106

IV. Externalism of Religion,

.

.

.

.

HI
120 126
129

V, Errons,

§ 29.

The Mkssianic Hope,
I.

Relation to the older Messianic Hope,
Historical Survey,
.

II.

III.

Systematic Statement,

...... .... ......
.

.

.

.137
154

Last Tribulation and Perplexity, 154.
runner, 156.

Elias

as tlie

Fore-

The Appearing
165.

of the Messiah,

158.

Last
of the
168.

Attack of the Hostile Powers, 164.
Hostile

Desti-uction
of

Powers,
of.

Renovation

Jerusalem,

Gathering
in

the Dispersed, 169.
170.

The Kingdom

of Glory

Palestine,

Renovation of the World, 177.

General Resurrection, 179.

The The Last Judgment, Eternal

Salvation and Condemnation, 181.

Appendix.

I

— The Suffering Messiah,

.

.

.

.184

vm
§ 30. Tin:
I.

Essenkk,
Til."

Facts,

....... .......
tlie

CONTENTS.

nan
188 192

Organization of

Cüniniunity, 192.

Ethics

Customs, 198.
II.

Theology and riiilosophy, 202.

Nature and Origin of Essenism,

....
.
.

— Manners and
205 219

§31. Judaism IN THE Dispersion
I.

—Proselytes,
Italy, 232.

.

Extension, 220.

Lands of the Euphrates, 223.
225.

Syria and

Asia Minor,

Egypt, 226.

Cyrenaica,

231.

Greece

and the
II,

Islands, 232.

Constitution of the Communities,
1.

Internal Organization,
Political Position,

2,

III.

Equality in regard to the Riglils of Citizenship,

IV. Religious Life,

v. The Proselytes,
Different Kinds, 311.

.... ..... ...... ...
. .

243
243

.

.

.252
.

.

270
281
291

.

.

Proeelytes of the Gate, 316.

Baptism

of Proselytes, 319.

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDÜCEES.
The Literature.

For the older

literature, see

Carpzov, Apparatus

hisf.-crit.

pp. 173, 204,

and

Daniel, art. " Pharisäer," in Ersch and Gruber's Encydopädie, § 3,
vol. xxii. p. 18.

Trjglandius,

Trium

scriptoriim illiistrium de
Sera7-ii, D)-usii. S'caligeri

tribus

Judaeorum

sectis syn-

tagma, in quo

opuscula quae eo pertinent

cum

aliis junctim exhibentur.

2 vols.

Delphis 1703.

Ugolini, Trihaeresium sire dissertatio de tribus sectis Judaeorum {Thesaurus

antiquitatum sacrarum, torn. xxii.

;

and other dissertations

therein).

Joh. Gottlob Carpzov, Apparatus historico-criticus antiquitatum sacri codicis
(1748), pp. 173-215.

Grossmann, De Judaeorum

disciplina arcana.

Part

i.-ii.

Lips. 1833-1834.
Lips. 1836-1838.

The same, De The same, De Pharisaeismo Judaeorum Alexandrine.
pliilosopliia

Sadducaeorum.

Parti.-iv.

Part

i.-iii.

Lips.

1846-1850.

The same, De
und Künste,
ii.

collegia

Pharisaeorum.

Lips. 1851.

Daniel, art. "Pharisäer," in Ersch

and Gruber, Allgemeine Encylclop. der

Wissensch.

§ 3, vol. xxii. (1846) pp. 17-34.

Winer, Realwörterb.

244-248 (Pharisäer), and 352-356 (Sadducäer).
i.

Lutterbeck, Die neutestamentliclien LeJirbegriffe,

(1852) pp. 157-222.

Reuss in Herzog's

Real-Enc, 1st

cd. xi. 1859, pp.

496-509 (Pharisäer),

and

xiii.

1860, pp. 289-297 (Sadducäer).

Müller (Alois), Pharisäer und Sadducäer oder Judaismus und Mosaismus.

Eine

Tiistorisch-pliilosophische

Untersuchung

als

Beitrag zur Religionsthe Viennese

geschichte Vorderasiens (^Report
phil.-hist. class, vol.

of

the Session

of

Academy,

xxxiv. 1860, pp. 95-164).
Israel, iv.

Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes

357 sqq., 476 sqq.

De

Wette, Lehrb. der hebr.-judischen Archäologie (4th ed.), pp. 413-417.
iii.

Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael,
Jost, Gesch. des

356

sqq.,
i.

382 sqq.
197 sqq., 216 sqq.
101-158.
ii.

Judenthums und seiner Secten,

Geiger, Urschrift

und Uebersetzungen der

Bibel, pp.
vol.

The same,
pp.

Sadducäer
DIV.
II.

7ind
II.

Pharisäer {Jud. Zeitschr.

1863,

11-54.

VOL.

A

2

§

20.

rilAIUSEI S

AND SADDUCEES.
seine Geschichte,

Also printeil separately).
Part
i.

The same, Dns Judeuthum und
So sqq.
iü.

(2nd

ed. 180.'.) p.

Grätz, Geschichte der Jiakn, vol.

(3rd cd. 1878) pp. 91 sqq., GiT-örj?

(note 10).

Dereubourg, Histoire de

la Palestine, pp.

7Ö-78, 119-144, 452-456.
Parteien {Zeitschr. für

Hanne, Die Pharisäer und Sadducäcr
250-282.

als jiolitischc

wissensch. Theol. 1867, pp. 131-179, 239-263).

Keim, Geschichte Jesn,

i.

Holtzmanu

in

Weber and Holtzmaun,
Prot.

Gesch. des ]'olLes Israel,

ii.

124-13.5.
Zeitrjesrh.

Hausrath in

d.
i.

Kirchenzeitung, 1862, Nr. 44.

The same,

2nd

ed.

117-132.

The same

in Schenkel's ßihellexikon, iv.

518-529.

Ginsburg,

arts.

"Pharisees" and " Sadducces," in

Kitto's Cyclopaedia nj

Biblical Literature.

Twisletou, the same article in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible.

Kuenen, De

(jodsdienst

van

Israel,

ii.

338-371, 45G sqq.

The same,

Thc'l.

Tijdschrift, 1875, pp.
A\"ellbaiisen,

632-650 (advertisement of Wellhausen's work).
die

Die Pharisäer und

Sadducäer.

Eine Untersuchung zur

inneren jüdischen Geschichte.

Greifswald 1874.
Paris 1877.

Cohen, Les Pharisiens.

2 vols.

Weber, System der cdlsynagogalen palästinischen Thealogie.
Keuss, Geschichte
546, 548-554.

Leipzig 1880.

der heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (1881), § 396,

Baneth, Ueher den Ursprung der Sadokäcr und Boethosäer {Magazin für die
Wissensch.
des Judenth.

Jahrg.

ix.

1882,

pp.

1-37,

61-95.

Also

separately as a Leipsic doctorial dissertation).

Hamburger, Real-Enc.für Bibel und Talmud, Div.
(art.

ii.

(1883) pp. 1038-1059
:

" Sadducäer,"

etc.

Comp,

also

the

articles

" Amhaarez,"

"Chaber," "Chassidim," "Zaddikim").
Montet, Essai sur
les

origines des partis saduceen et pharisien et leur histoire

jusqu^a la naissance de Jesus- Christ.

Paris 1883 (comp. Theol. Lilztg.

1883, p. 169).
Sieffert,
art.

"Sadducäer" and "Pharisäer,"
210-244.

in Herzog's lieal-Enc,

2nd

ed. xiii. 1884, pp.

The Testimony of Josephus.
Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8.

14

:

^apLcraloi
vöfjujia

fiev
ttjv

ol

SoKovvT€<i

fier

uKpißeia<i

i^7]y6i(70ai

ra

Kai

tt/jwtt/j/

a-jrdyopre'i

aipeertv, eifxap/xivTj t€

Kai 6ea> irpoaiLirrovcn TrtivTa, kul to fitv

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCI.ES.

3
toIs dvOpcc€ifiapfievi]V
ei<;

iTpdrreiv ra SiKaia koI
TTOi?

fxtj

Kara to
et9

•rrXeia'Tov

iirl

KelaOat,

ßorjdeiv

Be

eKaarov koI

rrjv

'^v)(rjv
(Tcofjia

8e
rrjv

iraaav /xev
ro)v

acpOaprov, fxeraßaiveLv
fiovrjv,
ri-jv

he

erepov

dyadow

he
he,

tcov

(pavKcov

diSiM
Tay/ua,

TL/jLcopia

KoXd^eaOai.

HahhovKa'ioi

to

heuTepov

TTjv fiev

eifMapfievrjv iravT air acriv

dvacpovcrt, Kac tov
iir

deov e^o)
dvOpoiiroiv

Tov hpdv

TL

KaKov

i)

i(f)opäv TiOevTai,, (pacrl he

eKXoyfj TO re Kokov koX to kukov
yvcojir^v

trpoKeTcydai,

Ka\ to Kara
he ttjv

eKacTTW tovtcov eKaTepw
KoX
TCL^i

Trpoaievai.

Wv)(ri<i

hiafxov7]v

Kad^ 'Aihov

TifJb(üpLa<i

Kai TCfid^ dvaipovcri.
ttjv
€«'9

Kal

^apicraloL

p,ev

<pi\dWr)\oi re
XcihhovKalwv
re eTri/uH^Lat hh

Kal

to

kocvov

afioi'oiav

daKovvTe'^,

Kal tt^o?

aWT^Xof? to

7/^09 dypicoTepov, at
irpo^i

tt/jo? tol'9 oßoiov<i u7rrjveZ<; «09

dWoTpiovi.
xiii.

Antt.

5.

9

:

Kara
at

he tov '^povov tovtov Tpel^ alpecret<i
irepl

TMV

^lovhaloiv

^aav,

twv
/xev

dvOpanrivcov

irpayfiaTtov
rj

hta(f)6po)<;

vTreXdfxßavop'
i)

wv

rj

^apcaatcov iXeyero,

he

XahhovKaioov,

TpiTrj

he

^Eaar)va)v.
elvai

01

ixkv

ovv ^apcaalot
tlvo. S'

TLva Kal ov irdvTa

Trj<; elfiapfxevi]';

Xeyovacv epyov,
fii]

e^' eavT0t<; viräp-^eiv, avfißaiveiv re Kal

yiveadai.

To

he

Twv 'EcrarjVMV

761/09
pbrj

irdvTmv
/car'

ttjv

elixapjxevrjv
'^r](j)ov

Kvplav uTrocpai-

veTat, Kal firjhev o

eKeiVTj<;

dvOpanroL'i diravTa.
elvat

XahhovKaloL he

ttjv

fiev

eip,apfievrjv

dvaipovcnv, ovhev

TavTTjv d^LovvTe<i, ovhe
vetv,

KaT avTrjv

to, uvOpciiirtva Te\o<i
ct)?

\ap.ßd-

aTravTa
rjfiä'^

h' i(f>

rjfuv

avTol^ TiOevTat,,

Kal twv

dyaOdv

auTiov^

auTov<i yivofievov^; Kal to.

')(eipoy

nrapd r}t^eTepav

ußovXiav
Antt.
la-)(yv

\a/j,ßdvovTa<i.
xiii.

10.

5

:

[01 ^apiaaloi] Toa-avTrjv e^ovat

tijv

irapa

tm

TrXTjOet a)9

Kal KaTa ßaacXem^ tl XeyopTe^ Kal

KaT

dp'^tepeo)<i ev6v<;
xiii.

irLGTeveadai.
".4XXa)9 tc koI
(pvcrec
7r/309

Antt.

10. G
01

:

Ta9 KoXdaeci

ermeiKW e^ovaiu
Ibid.:
No/JLifxa

^apiaatoi.
irapehotxav tco
ht'jfia)

ttoWu Tiva

oi ^apicratoi

ex TraTepoiv

8i,aho^P]<;,

uTrep ovk dvayiypaTTTat iv

T0t<i

Mcovaeoy'i

4

§ 20.

PIIAHISEES

AND SADDUCEES.

vofxoi^,

KoX Sia Tovro ravra to XahhovKaiwv yevot; iicßuWei,
t'lyelcrdai

Xeyov eKelva helv
TrapaSocreco'i

pofiifxa
fiij

ra yeypafifieva, ra

S'

tcov

Trarepcou
Bia(f)opa<;

Tqpelv.

Kal

Trepl

tovtcov

^r]T}]aei'i avTol<i

koI

yeveadai avveßatve fi€yd\a<;, roiv
to he
Srjfxo-

fiev

XaSSovKaioov

tov<; evTropov^ fiovov nreidovTcov,

TiKov ov^

€7r6fj,€vov avTOL'i e^ovTcou,

Tcov St ^apicrai(üv to 'ir\?]6o^

avfjifia^ou e-^ovTcov.

Antt. xvii.
err

2.

4

:

'Hv yap

fxopLov

tl

'lovhalKwv avdpcoTTCov
iraTpiov
vc/mov,
i)

e^aKpißcoaec

fieya

(fypovouv

tov

avToi<i

-^aipetv TO delov

TrpoaTroioufievcov, ol?

vttPjkto

yvvaiKU>vZTL<i'

^apcaaloi koXovvtui^, ßacriXevcn Svvufievot fidXiaTa avTiTrpdaaeiv,
Trpo/xTjOet'i,

kuk tov irpoviTTOv

et?

to

iroXe/xeli^

re kui

ßXdiTTetv

iirrjpfxevot.
:

Antt. xviii. 1, 2

'lovSaioL'i (fii\oao(f}lai,

Tpel<i

i)aav e« toC
Kat,
r)

irdw

dp')(aLOV

twv
TpLT-rjv

TraTpio)v,

?;

re

twv 'EacnjvMV
o'l

tcov

XahZovKaiwv

Se i(f)L\oa6(f)ovv
rjficv

^apiaaloi Xeyofxevoi.
ev
8e
Trj

Kal Tvy-^dvet, fxevTOt irepl avTwv ßißXw TOV ^lovBaiKOv TToXefiov,
vvp avTuiv eir
§

elprjfieva

BeuTepa
Kal

/ivrja-Orjcro/xac

Ofico^

6\i.yov.

3

.

O'l

Te

yap ^apiaaloc

t7jv

hiaiTav i^evTeki^ovaiv, ovBev
re o A.0709 KpLva<i 7rape8(OK€v
7repi,p,d-)(7)Tov

eh TO

fxaXaKoüTepov ivSihövTe'i,
eirovTai
o)v
Trj

wv

dyaOatf,
(jyvXaKTjv

ijyefiovia,

rjyovfievoc

ttjv

virayopevetv

rjdkXrjae.

Tifxyj^

ye

to2<;

ijXlklo,

irporjKouai Trapa'^copovcrtv, ov8ev

eV

dvTiXe^eL tcov elcrrjytjOevTe elfiapfMevri
tt)«?

Twv TavTa

dpdcrei eTraipofxevot.

Updaaeadai
6eu>

to,

irdvTa d^covvTe<;, ouBe tov dvdpwTreiov to ßovXofMevov

eV

avToh

6pfi.f]<i

d(paLpovvTat, BoKijaav tu>

Kpaatv

yevecrdat,

Kal TO} eKeiVT)^ ßovXevTrjpiw Kal tcov
Trpoa-^wpelv fieT
dpeTfj<i
i)

dvOpccnrcov to deXrjcrav

KaKia^;.

^

AddvuTov

Te Icyyyv

Tah

ylTuyah

TTtcrrt?

avToh

elvai, Kal inro '^9ovü<; BiKaiooaeit

Te Kai

^ These words of hostility to tlie Pliarisees ;ire evidently not the production of Josephus, but copied by him from Nikolaus Damascenus (couiii. Derenbourfj, p. 123, note). They are the more valuable as a corrective to

the flatteringly coloured representation of Josephus.

§

2<;.

niARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

5

Ti/xa'i

at? apeTrj<i

rj

KUKi'a^ eTrtTjjSeucTt? eV reo

ßiw

yeyove, Kai ral^

fxkv eipyfjiov dtStov irporideadai, Tai<; Be pacrrcöi^rjv

tov dvaßiovv.
Kal

Kai

8t'

avTo,

T069

re

S;;/iOi?

iriBavcoTaTOi
lepcov

rvy^dvovai,

oTToaa 6eia ev-^dv re e^erat Kal
eKeivcov rvyx^dvouai irpaacrofieva.

iroDjaeo)'^ e^rjyyjaet rfj
dpeTpj'i

Ei<; ToaovSe

avroi<i

at 7roXet9 efiaprvpi]crav iTriTrjSeuaei rov eVt irdcn Kpeiaaovo'; eu
re
rfi

StaLTr)
:

tou ßjou Kal

\cyoi<i.
tol<;

§

4

Sa88ovKaLOL<; Se ra? ^p'v^d<; o X0709 avva(f)avL^ei.

(TcofiaaL, ^uXa/c?}? 8e ovSaficov

tcvwv /^eraTroLrjaL^
ao(f)La'i
i)v

avTo'i<;

i)

rccv

vcfiiov Trpo^

yap tou^ SiSaaKÜXov^
dpiOjxovaLV.
El<i

p-eriacriv,

d/jL(f)i-

Xoyelv apertjv

oXlyov; re ävhpa<;
d^itiiixacn,
err

ovro<i

6

\0709

d(f)LK€TO,

TOU? /xevToi 7rpcoTou<; TOi?

irpäcraeTai

re vrr' avrcov ovSev co? elirelv oirore

yap

dp'^d^ rrapeXdoLev,
S"

aKOVCTLw^ fiev Kal

Kar

dvdyKa<i,
firj

rrpoo-^copova-i

ovv

ol<i

6

^apLcralo<i Xeyei, Sid ro
irXi'jdeaiv.

dv dWw<i dveKrou<; yeveaOai

rot<;

A/ltt. XX. 9. 1

:

a'lpecnv

he pberrjet ri^v

XahhovKaiwv

o'lrrep

elal rrepl rd<;
i'jBt)

Kpiaea

difxol rrapd irdvra^ rov<; 'louSalov;, Kadco<;

SeSjjXcoKafiev.
fill.
,

Vita, 2,

:

7]p^dfn]v TroXcreveaOat

rfj

^apiaauov

aipicrei,

KaraKoXov6u>v
Xeyofievrj.

7)

rrapaTrXijaiö'i iarc rfj rrap

"EXXrjai. SrcoiKfj

Vita,
vofii/Ma

38

:

rrj<i

Be ^apLaalcov

aipeaea><;,

oi rrepl

rd irdrpta

BoKovai rouv aXXwv aKpißeta

Btacjiepeiv.

THE TESTIMONY OF THE
(a)

iMISHNA.

On Periishim and Zadduldm.
:

Jadajim

iv.

6

:

" The Zaddukim said to the Perusliiin

\Ye must blame

you, Perushim, for maintaining that the Holy Scriptures defile the hands,

while antagonistic books (dT'DH
of

''-|3D

or perhaps

DTDH

''"IDD

= the

books

Homer) do not
;

defile the hands.

To

this

Rabban Johanan ben Sakkai
ass are clean,

replied

Is this

then the only thing of the kind, for which the Perusliiin
?

can be reproached

They

also eay:

The bones of an

and

;

6

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDÜCKES.
To which they
replied
:

those of the high priest Johanau unclean.

Bone«

are decUired unclean according to the proportion of affection, lest perhaps

some one should make spoons of the bones of
Hereupon he replied
affection,
:

his father or his mother.

So too

is it

with the Holy Scriptures only a proof of

when

it is

declared that they defile the hands, while antagonistic

books (the books of Homer) are not loved, and therefore contact with them
does not defile."
Ibid. iv. 7
:

"The Zaddukiui
what
:

said also

:

We

must blame you, Perushim,
clean.

for declaring

is

poured into an unclean vessel to be

The

Perushim replied

We

must blame you, Zaddukim,
clean.
:

for declaring a channel
also said
:

coming out of a buryiug-place to be

The Zaddukim

We

my ox or my ass does harm, I owe compensation and if my man-servant or my maid-.servant does harm, I am free. If I must pay compensation for an ox or an ass, to whom I have no legal obligations, why should I not owe compensation for what my manservant and maid-servant do, to whom I have legal obligations? They
must blame you, Perushim, for saying
;

If

replied

:

That which applies to an ox and an

ass,

which have no reason,
reason.

cannot apply to a man-servant or maid-servant,
they might,
if I

who has

For

else

make them augiy,

set fire to the field of another,

and force

me

to

pay expenses."
8
:

Ibid. iv.

"

A

Galilaeau heretic- once said

:

I

blame you, Perushim,

for

writing in a writing of divorcement the

name

of the governor with that of
thee, Galilaeau heretic,

Moses.

for nevertheless writing the

The Perushim answered name
:

We

must blame

of the governor

and the name
Wiio

of

God

upon one page, and besides
For
I
it is

this the

former above and the
:

latter below.

written in the Bible (Ex. v. 2): Pharaoh said

is

Jahveh, that

should obey

Him and
7
:

let Israel

go

'

V
is,

Chagiga
defiled

ii.

" The garments of Am-haarez are Midras (dIIO, that
for

by pressure)

Perushim
;

;

those of the Perushim are Midras for

those

who

eat the heave
;

those of the latter are Miilras for those

who

eat

holy things

and those

of the latter are Midras for those

who

sprinkle the

water of purification."®
2

According to the best authorities (Cod. dc
'h'h^

cditio princcps

lioasi 138, Cambridge MS., of the Mishna, 1492), the reading here and further on should

be

2

On

''pnV instead of >^>^3 pothe meaning of Am-haarez

(pXH

DJ?), see

farther on.

" Those

who

and those belonging to them, ''those who eat the holy things" are the ministering priests. Each subsequent category stands a degree higher in holiness and purity than the preceding one, on whicli account the garments of the preceding are unclean and unlawfid for them
eat the heave" are the priests

§ 2Ö.

PHARISEES AND SAUDÜGEES.
to say
:

7

Sota

iii.

4

:

"R. Joshua used
(^t^^'^D

A

foolish saint, a wise sinner, a

Pharisaic
world.'"»

woman
vi.

HB'N) and the

sufferings of

Perushim destroy the

Krubin
in a
in

2

:

" Rabban Gamaliel relates

:

A

Zaddxki once lived with us
Sabbath intercourse)

Maboi (a

street fenced off for the purpose of freer

Jerusalem.

Then ray

father said

:

Bring quickly

all

your goods into the

Muboi, before the Zadduki can bring anything there, and
for you.

make

it

unlawful

R. Judah quotes the saying differently

:

Do

quickly what you

have to do in the Maboi before the Zadduki brings anything there, and

makes

it

unlawful for you."*
i.

Makkolh

6

:

" False witnesses are only to be executed, when sentence

has been passed upon one found guilty through them.

The Zaddukim say

:

Only when he has been already executed
life for life.

;

because
this,

it Ls

said (Deut. xix. 21),
it is

But the learned have refuted
shall

because

said (Deut.

xix. 19)

you

do to him as he thought to do to his brother.
still

His

brother therefore
In

exists."

Para

iii.

3

the

ordinary printed text has only D'pnv.

Better

authorities have DTD-*^

Para

iii.

7

:

" The priests

who burned

the red heifer, were purposely

declared unclean on account of the Zaddukim, that they might not assert,
that the heifer was prepared the setting of the sun."

by such only

as

had become clean through

comp, in
*

illustration.

Levy, Neuhehr. Wörlerb.

s.v.

DllfO

(iii-

33

sq.),

and the

translation in the Mishna published under Josl's direction.

The meaning seems to

be, that the world cannot continue with a

com-

bination of irreconcilable contrasts.

Expositors indeed explain

it

differently.

See Surenhusius' Mishna,
^

iii.

The explanation

of the difficult

218 sqq. Mishna

is

doubtful, and the difficulty

is

increased by the uncertainty of the reading in the last sentence (see the note in Jost's Mishna^ and the commentary in Surenhusius, ii. 108 sq.). At
all

events however Gamaliel moans, according to the
his father placed the
Israelite.

first

reported form of
level

his speech, to say, that

Zadduki on a

with

For when several Israelites Jointli/ deposited anything before the beginning of the Sabbath in a space fenced off, on which their houses abutted, they thereby made this space their private tenement, within which it was lawful even on the Sabbath to carry in and out. Those however who had taken no part in such depositing were excluded from this privilege. * So Cod. de Rossi 138, the Cambridge MS., and the cditlo princeps of the Mishna (Naples 1492\
another (rigidly legal)

:

8
Nidda
iv.

§ 20.

PllAUlSEES

AND SADDUCEES.
ZatMukini arc,
if

2

:

"

Tlie dauglitcrs of the

they walk

in

the

ways

of their fathers, equal to Samaritan

women.

If

they walk openly in
R. Joses says

the ways of Israel, they are equal to Israelitish

women.
it is

They are
walk

all

looked upon as Israelitish women, unless

proved that they

in the

ways

of their fathers."

(h)

On Chahcr and Am-haarcz.
takes upon himself to be a Chaber ("I3n) sells

Dcmai

ii.

3

:

"He who

neither fresh nor dry fruits to the Am-haarez (|*"isn Dy), buys from

them

no

fresh, does

not enter their houses as a guest, nor receive them as guests
R. Judah says
:

within his walls.

He must

also breed no small cattle,^ not

be frivolous in oaths and jokes, not
the other
this

defile himself

with the dead, must on
:

hand wait

in the school-house.

He was however answeied

All

does not amount to the main thing." Dcmai vi. 6 " If a Chaber and an Am-haarez inherit from their father,
:

who was an Am-haarez,
this place

the former

may
to

say

:

Do Do

thou take the wheat in
this, I

and

I will

take the wheat in that place, thou the wine of

of that place.

But he may not say
"

him

:

thou take wheat and

I

baiiey

;

tiiou the moist, I the dry." ^
vi.

Demai
and

12

:

If

an Am-haarez says to a Chaber
loaf,

:

Buy me a bundle
:

of vegetables,
is free

buy me a

the latter
tithing.

may buy
But
if

without special remark
I

from the duty of

he added

buy

this for

myself and that for

my

friend,

and they get mixed, he must
(z.f.

tithe all,

even

if

the latter were a hundred

a hundred times as great as his

own ").
Shehilth v. d

= Giitin

v.

9

:

"One woman may
mill

lend to another,

who

is

suspected about shebiith (the eating of the fruits of the seventh year), a
flour sieve, a corn sieve, a

hand

and a

gather or to grind.

Tiie

wife of a Chaber
sieve,

Am-haarez a
to grind
flour she

flour sieve

and a corn

but may not help her to may lend the wife of an and may also help her to gather,
stove,

and

to

winnow.

But when once water has been poured on the
it

may no

longer handle

with her,' for one must not

assist

the

"

Because shepherds do not spare their neighbour's
This
is in

field.

8

the interest of the correct tithing of

all

the different crops by

the Chaber.

The reason of this See the connnentary.
'•>

is

found

in the

laws concerning clean and unclean.

§ 2Ö.

niAKISEES AND SADDUCEES.

9

transgressor.

Besides, this latter lias

been only allowed for the sake of

peace, jnst as one

may

in the seventh year wish success to the labour of

the Gentiles, but not to that of an Israelite, etc."
Bikicurim
first-fruits
iii.

12

:

" R. Judah says:

A

priest

may make a

present of the

only to a Cliaber."
vii.

Tohoroth

4

:

''If

the wife of a Chaber has left the wife of an
is

Am-haarez grinding
mill stops
;

at the mill in her house, the house

unclean

if

the

but

if

it

goes on grmding, only that

is

unclean which the
there are

woman women
is

could reach by stretching out her hand.
there, all
is,

If

two such

according to R. Meir, unclean, because while the one

grinding, the other can touch everything, but according to the learned,

only that which each could touch by stretching out her hand."

Tohoroth

viii.

5

:

"If the wife of an Am-haarez enters the house of a
his son, his daughter, or his cattle, the

Chaber to fetch out

house remains

clean, because she has

no permission to stay there."

ThQ priests and

scribes

were the two influential factors which

determined the inner development of Israel after the captivity.
In Ezra's time they were
still

virtually identical.

Froui the

commencement
two

of the

Greek period they were more and more

separated, and about the period of the

Maccabaean

conflict

parties sharply contrasted with each other

were developed

from them.

The Saddnccan party proceeded from the ranks
the party of the Pharisees from the scribes.

of the priests,

We
the

know

these two parties from the testimony especially of

New

Testament and Josephus as two

circles

in liostile

opposition to each other.

But we shut out beforehand the
if

comprehension of their nature,

we view

the contrast between

the two as one really the result of opinion.

The Pharisees
first

were by nature

the rigidly legal,

the Sadducees in the
certainly were driven

instance only the aristocrats,

who

by

the historical development into
legality,

tliat

opposition to Pharisaic

which

however formed

no

fundamental

element

of their nature.

Hence we gain but a
the

distorted image

by

opposing the differences between them to each other point by
point.

On

the contrary,

characteristic

feature

of

the

10
riiaiisces arises

§

2iJ.

i'HAKISKIiS AXE)

SADDUCEES.
Sadducees

from their

l&jal tendency, that of the

from their

social position}°

I.

THE PHARISEES.

Tlie Pharisees

were simply those who were specially exact
of

about the interpretation and observance

the

law, hence

they were the rigidly

legal,

who

spared themselves no pains
"
^^

and privations in
sidered to

its

punctual fulfilment.

They were con"

interpret the law with accuracy."

They valued
of

themselves upon their accurate interpretation of the law of
their fathers."
^^

"

They renounce the enjoyments
^*

life

and

in nothing surrender themselves to comfort."

Hence they
scribes.

were those, who seriously and consistently strove to carry out
in

practice

the ideal of a legal

life

set

up by the

And

this is to say, that they

were the

classic representatives of

that tendency, which the internal development of Israel altogether

adopted during the post-exilian period.
in general applies in a specific
It

What

applies to this

manner

to the Piiarisaic party.

of

was the germ proper, which was distinguished from the rest the mass only by its greater strictness and consistency.
law, in that maturity of
it

Hence the

complication which had

been given to

by the labours of the scribes during the
all its

course of centuries, was the basis of
this out in

efforts.

To carry
all its

every point was the beginning and end of

endeavours.

Hence

all

that has been said above (§

25. III.)

^"^ The above expressed thought, that the contrast between the two was not one of opinion, was first precisely formulated by Wellhausen.

^^

Bell. Jud.

ii.

8.

14:

:

oi

OOKOvvTe;
v6,ui/aoi

y.-.-i

oix.pißtia.g

i^n'/uaQxi ru.

uöftifiot'

Vita. 38: oi Vipl


4
1.
:

-zürpt»
;

Zokov/ji

ruu

a£>.Xwv ecy.pißn'ec oioiCptpnv

Comp. Acts
^^

xxii. 3, xxvi.
2.

Antt. xvii.

5 Phil. iii. 5. iv i^ux-pißLan f-sy*
:

(Pp^j'j'jVv

roO -zuTplov uöf^ov.
ovli:/ ii;

1' Anlt.
iiidiöovre;.

xviii.

3

r-/,v

oixirccy t^ivrOJ^ovaiu,

to /Lf.schxx.uTipov

§ 26.

rilARISEES

AND SADDUCEES.

11

Oil

the

development of Jewish hiw by the labours of the and
all

scribes,

that will be adduced farther on (§ 28) on

tlie

nature of Jewish legalism, serves to characterize Pharisaism.
Tlie legalism

there

described

is

just the Pharisaic.
of the

But

as

Pliarisaism rests

upon the foundation
did
it

law as developed

by the

scribes, so

also

in

its

turn govern the farther
the Pharisaic party had

development

of

Jewish law.
all

When

once been formed as such,
all

the more famous scribes, at least

those
its

who

influenced the future development, proceeded

from
their

midst.

There were indeed Sadducean
left

scribes.

But

work has

no trace behind

it

in

history.

All the

influential scribes belonged to the Pharisaic party.

This
fact,

may
that

be assumed as self-evident, and
in the few cases in

is

confirmed by the

which the party position

of the scribes is

named, they are as a rule designated as Pharisees."
After what has been said,
it is

self-evident, that the Pharisees
also

would declare not only the written Thorah, but
" oral

the

law

"

developed by the scribes as binding.

This whole

multitude of enactments

now

passed as the correct exposition
Zeal for the

and further development of the written Thorah.
one implied zeal for the other. Joseph us,
laivs

Hence

it

is

expressly said in
the iieople
(e/c

"

The Pharisees have imposed upon

many

taken

from

the

tradition

of

the fathers

irarepayv

^laSo^rjf;),

which are not

vjritten in the laiv of Moses}"

When

John Hyrcanus forsook the Pharisees, he abolished the laws which they had introduced Kara rrjp iraTpcpav TrapdBoa-iv,
and
at the restoration

under Alexandra they were
also testimony is given to

re-enacted.''^

In the
tion in

New

Testament

the estima-

which the Pharisees held the

irapdSoa-i^ roiv irpea-2).

ßvrepwv
^^ Aiitt.

(Mark
XV.
1.

vii.

3

;

Matt.
34: ri;

xv.
kocI

That

the

same

1: Tluhluu 6 <ba,piucc'io;
4.

^xyActg 6 rqvrov fix^nT^;.
'

Also Antt. XV. 10.

Acts

v.
:

iu

Y xy.eOaYi'K.
yivüVi
ÖS

Joseph.

T'7ta,

38

o §£ 2('^(yj/

oitoj

tu awjihpiv <P»pi<7cc7o; ös/öfceiu —ohiug yAv \ipo<jo>.vu,av, 7}v
ic

a(p6op» X»y,irpoi>, r^; oi fpxpi<rxiuv uipiaeu;.

^5 A7itt. xiii. 10. 6.

An ft.

xiii.

IG. 2.

12

§

21;.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

standpoint with regard to this 7rap(i8oai<: was represented by the
entire
p.

body of Jewish Eabbinisni has ah-eady been shown
sq.).

(vol.

i.

334

The Halacha

or traditional law, as developed
scribes,

and

settled

by the labours of the

was declared

to

be

as legally binding as the written Thorah.
said
:

R. Eleasar of

Modein
the

He who
x^L^')

interprets Scripture in opposition to tradition

(np^np

has no part in the world to come."

Among

reasons for
are

which the tempest

of

war bursts upon the country,

named among

others, " People
('"'^Pns

who

interpret Scripture in

opposition to tradition"

n^"^).^^

The

traditional inter-

pretation and the traditional law are thus declared absolutely

binding.

And

it is

consequently but consistent when devia-

tion from these

is

declared even
It

more culpable than deviation
is

from the written Thorah.
trary
itself."

more culpable
than contrary
is

to

teach con-

to the lorcccpts
^^

of the

scribes,

to the

Thorah
it is

If the

traditional

interpretation

binding,

in

fact this

and not the written law which decides in the

last

instance.

Nor
of

is

anything else than this established Pharisaic

principle

tradition

meant by the

rhetorical

expression

of Josephus, that the Pharisees do

not allow themselves to

oppose the injunctions of those
Certainly there
is

who

precede them in

age.^*^

infinitely

more

insight in these words of
is

Josephus, than in the assertion of Geiger, that Pharisaism
"
^^

the principle of progressive development," and that Protesis

tantism

only " the
its

full reflection of

Pharisaism."

As
and

in

position towards the law, so too in its religious
vieivs

doginatic

does

Pharisaism

simply

represent the

orthodox standpoint of later Judaism.
following points are brought
forward,

In this respect the

some from the
characteristic
of

New
the

Testament,

some

from

Josephus, as

Pharisees in contradistinction to the Sadducees.

"
i'-"

Ahoih

iii.

11.
xi. 3.

1« ^°

Abolh
Antt.

V. 8. xviii. 1. 8.

Sanhedrin

21

Geiger, Sadducäcr und Pharisäer (separate reprint), p. 35.

§ 2G.

niAlIISEES

AND SADDÜCEES.
every soul
is

13
imperishable,

1.

The Pharisees teach

" that

but that ouly those of the righteous pass into another body, Mhile those of the wicked are, on the contrary, punislied with
eternal torment "
^'
;

or, as it is said in

another passage,

"

they

hold the belief that an immortal strength belongs to souls,

and that there are beneatli the earth punishments and rewards
for those (souls),

who

in life devoted themselves to virtue or
is

vileness,
latter,

and that eternal imprisonment

appointed

foi'

the
^'

but the possibility of returning

to life for the former."

The Sadducees, on the other hand, say
rection
(fxr)

that there

is

no resurxii.

elvat

uvaaraaiv, Matt.
xxiii.

xxii.
iv.

23
1,

;

]\Iark

8

;

Luke

XX.

27; Acts

8; comp.
tlie

2).

"They deny

the continuance of the soul and
of the world below."
^*

punishments and rewards

"

According to their teaching, souls
^^

perish together with bodies."

What

is

here represented in a

philosophizing style as the doctrine of

tlie Pliarisees, is

merely

the Jewish doctrine of retribution and resurrection, already
testified

by the Book of Daniel (Dan.
literature,

xii. 2),

by

all

subsequent

Jewish

and

also

by the

New

Testament, as the

common

possession of genuine Judaism.

The righteous

will

rise to life eternal in

the glory of the Messianic kingdom, but

the unrighteous will be punished with eternal torment.
is

Nor

the essence of this faith the mere opinion of a philosophical

school

with respect to

immortality,

but that upon which

depends the direct religious interest of the personal salvation
of each individual.

For

this appears

to be guaranteed only

on the assumption of a resurrection
great weiglit
said, that he
is

of the body.

Hence
it is

so

laid

upon

this, that in

the Mishna
tlie

even
not to

who

says, that the resurrection of

dead

is

he inferred
-2 Bell.

from
ii.

the law, has

no part in

the v:orld to comc^^

Jud.

8. 14.

to the Pharisees the doctrine of the transmigration of souls passage following.
23

That Josephus does not intend by this to ascribe is proved by the
2* Bell. Juil.
ii.

Ann.

xviii. 1.

;3.

8. 14.

25 Antt. xviii.

1.4.

26

Sanhcdrin

x. 1,

14

§

2.!.

PIIAUISKES

AND SADDUCEES.

The Sadducees, by denying the resuiTection and immortality in general, renounced at the same time the entire Messianic
hope, at least in that form which later Judaism had given
it.

And
2.

it

was they and not the Pharisees who

point of later Judaism

— from
(Acts

the stand-

represented a sectarian opinion.

The Pharisees
while
the

also

taught the existence of angels and
xxiii.
S).

spirits,

Sadducees denied them

This statement of the Acts, though not confirmed by other
testimony,
is

nevertheless thoroughly trustworthy, as in entire

accordance with the picture which we elsewhere obtain of the

two

parties.

That in

this

respect also

the Pharisees repre-

sented the general standpoint of later Judaism needs no proof.
3.

Josephus
views

ascribes

also

to

Pharisees

and

Sadducees

different

concerning
"

freedom.

The Pharisees
of

human make everything depend on fate
Divine
providence

and

and on God, and teach that the doing of good
the
affair

is

indeed chiefly

man, but that
"

fate

also

co-operates in every
is

transaction."

^

They

assert, that

everything

accomplished
will of

by

faith.

They do not however deprive the human
it

spontaneity,

having pleased God that there should be a

mixture, and that to the will of fate should be added the

human
"

will

with
all

its

virtue

or

baseness."^'

They
;

say, that

some but not
^^

things are the

work

of fate

some things

depend on the
not."

will of

man

as to

whether they are done or

The

Sadducees deny fate entirely, and place God
of doing or providing anything evil.
evil

beyond the

possibility

They

say, that

good and

are at man's choice,
"

and the

doing of the one or the other at his discretion.'^

They deny

"
-•*

Bdl. Jud.

ii.

8. 14.
1.

The above translation rests upon the reading to ^^ Antt. xiii. 5. 9. by Bekker. 3** Bell, Jud. The reading tov hov s'l« rou ^pecv n kukov >? ^>i ii. 8. 14. opxv (for icpopäcu) -ziSivroci., still defended by Keim, i. 2^1, is quite a useless The conjecture, -which has been again abandoned by modern editors.
Antt. xviii.
3.

6o//iGciv

for Tw h'hviaxvri adopted

sj

word i^opxv

is,

as Passow's Lexicon already shows,

the only

technical

§

2(5.

PHAKISEKS ANÜ SADDUCEES.
it is

15
affairs are

fate

by

asserting that
to

nothing, and that
its

human

not brought
contrary
of

pass

by

means.

They

ascribe

on

the

all to us,

maintaining, that

we

are ourselves the cause

our prosperity, and that

we
first

also

incur misfortune through
it

our

own

folly."

®^

At the

glance

seems very strange to
religious parties of

meet with such philosophemes among the
Palestine,

and the suspicion

arises, that

Josephus not only gave

a philosophic colouring to religious views, according to his
fancy, but that without further

own

ceremony he imputed philosophic
which
is

theories to his countrymen; a suspicion

increased

when

we

also

add his statements concerning the Essenes, whence results

the systematic statement, that the Essenes taught an absolute
fate,

the Sadducees utterly denied

fate,

and the Pharisees struck

out a middle path between the two.
suspicion
still

And

to

strengthen our

more, Josephus expressly assures us elsewhere,

that the Pharisees corresponded to the Stoics, and the Essenes
to the Pythagoreans.^'*

In fact the very expression
to

elfiapfievq,

which

is

utterly

impossible

any

Jewish

consciousness,

proves that

we have

at least to deal with a strongly Hellenized
Still
it is

colouring of Jewish views.

merely the garment
itself is

which

is

borrowed from Greece.

The matter
says,

genuinely
strip

Jewish.
off its

For

after

all,

what Josephus

when once we
this, that

Greek form,

is

nothing more than

according

to

the Pharisees everything that happens takes place through

God's providence, and that consequently in
wdiether good or bad, a co-operation of

human actions also, God is to be admitted.
For,

And

this is

a genuine Old Testament view.
strict

on

the

one

hand, the
expression
iii

comprehension of the idea of the Divine

the whole Greek language for the divine supervision of the

world, and indeed not only in the sense of inspicere, but also in that of
prospiccre, providcre.

The Hebrew ns^
it.

in

the saying of Akiba, quoted

farther on, corresponds witli
^'^

Antt.

xiii.

5. 9.

On

-jroipx, c.

ace.,

meaning through,

see Passow, iL

669% above.
»2

Vita,

2,ßn.; Antt. xv.

10. 4.

16

§ JC.

rilAÜlSEES

AND SADDUCEES.

onniipotence leads to a conception of

good or bad, as effected by God,*^

human actions, wlietlier On the other hand, the Old

Testament lays quite as much emphasis on the moral responsihe himself incurs guilt and punishment if he bility of man
;

acts wrongly, as
rightly.

he also gains merit and reward

if

he acts
of
its

And

for later

Judaism the moral independence
hope

man was

a fundamental thought, a primary assumption of

zeal for the law

and

its

for the future."

Both

lines

of

thought are genuinely Jewish.

It is higldy probable in itself,

that the reflection of the learned and educated was directed

towards the antinomy involved in them and sought to find a

means

of reconciling them.

Nay, we have distinct testimony
Eabbinical Judaism did in fact

that this

was the

case, that

make

the problem of Divine Providence and
its thought.^'*

human freedom

the subject of

This

is

not however to say, that

the three possible standpoints, (1) absolute fate, (2) absolute

freedom, (3) interposing inspection, were each represented in
so systematic a

manner

as Josephus states

by the three

parties
is

of Essenes, Sadducees

and Pharisees.

This systematizing

certainly the weakest point in the representation of Josephus.
Still

there

may

be a certain amount of truth in

it.

It

may

be, that in the

view of the Essenes the Divine,

in that of the

Sadducees the

human
the
is

factor occupied the foreground.

In any

case the Pharisees embraced with equal resolution both lines
of
33

thought

:

Divine

omnipotence and providence and

lu these words

the Old Testament view comprised iu the excellent

disquisition of

De

Visser,

De daemonohcjie van
ix.

htt

Oude Testament (Utrecht
'ipyx
iif/.av

188Ü), pp. 5-47.
3*

Comp.

Theol. Litztg. 1881, col. 26.

Comp.

e.g.

Psalt. Salom.

7

:

o

dio;,

rx

iv

tKKoyri kui

e^ovatec rij; ^'V-^vti ij^uv, rov

ttoivi'joii

ötx,xio>}Vvf,v x.xi

ciQiKiocu lu

spyoi; %itpuv

35

See especially, Hamburger,

Real-Enc, Div.

ii.

p.

102

sqq.

(art.

"Bestimmung"). Also Gfrijrer, Das .luhrhnndert des Heih, ii. Ill sqq. Langen, Das Judentimm in Palästina, p. 381 sqq. The Apostle Paul is a l)roof of how much Jewish couscionsness was occupied with the problem in
question.

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SAUDUCEES.
responsibility.

17

human freedom and
to exist beside

That the one continued
is

and notwithstanding the other

emphatically
"

stated in a saying of

Akiba

:

n:^n3 niL'hni >idv ^bn,
is

Every

thing

is

beheld (by God), but freedom

given (to man)."

Herein also the Pharisees represent not a sectarian opinion,
but the correct standpoint of Judaism.
the Pharisees was the

In

politics

too the standpoint

of

genuinely Jewish one of looking at political questions not from
a political, but from a religious point of view.

The Pharisees

were by no means a
Their aim,
political,
viz.

" political " party, at

least not directly.

the

strict

carrying out of the law, was not

but religious.

So far as no obstruction was cast in

the
It

way

of this, they could be content

with any government.
of

was only when the secular power prevented the practice
they gathered together to oppose
in a

the law in that strict manner which the Pharisees demanded,
that
it,

and then really

became

certain
to

sense a political party, opposing even
external
force.

external resistance

This took place not

only at the time of the oppression by Antiochus Epiphanes,

but

also

under

the

Jewish

princes

John Hyrcanus and
the
other

Alexander Jannaeus, who opposed Pharisaic ordinances from
their

Sadducaean

standpoint.

On
who

hand,

the

Pharisees had, under Alexander,
their

left

the whole power in

hands, a leading position in

the

government, which

however they used only
demands.

for the carrying out of their religious

To

politics

as

such they were always compara-

tively indifferent.

It

must however be admitted, that there

were two different

religious points of view, especially at the

time when Israel was under heathen government or under

government friendly

to

the heathen, from which to judge of

the political situation, and that according as the one or the
other was placed in the foreground, an opposite demeanour

would be maintained towards

it.

The idea

of the Divine

Ahoth
II.

iii.

15.

Derenbourg,
II.

p.

127, note, refers also to Sifre, § 53.

DIV.

VOL.

B

18

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

Frovidencc might be

made

the starting-point.

Thence would
over Israel

result the thought, that the

sway
it

of the heathen

was the

will of

God, that
over

was

He who had
to

given to the
for

Gentiles power

His people

punish them

their
last

transgressions, that this

government of the Gentiles could

only so long as
this

it

was the will of God.

Hence

first

of all
;

chastisement of

God must be

willingly submitted to

a

heathen and moreover a harsh government must be willingly
borne,
if

only the observance of the law was not thereby

prevented.

From

this

standpoint the Pharisees Polio and

Sameas,

er/.,

exhorted their fellow-citizens to submit to the rule

of Herod.^"

In the time also of the great insurrection against

the Eomans,

we

see the chief Pharisees, like

Simon the son

of

Gamaliel, at the head of that mediatizing party,

who

only

joined in the insurrection because they were forced to do so,

while

they

were in heart opposed

to
at,

it.^

An

entirely

different result

however was arrived

when

the thought of

Israd's election

was placed

in the foreground.

Then the
to

rule

of the heathen over the people of

God would appear
means

as

an
for.

abnormity whose abolition was by
Israel

all

be striven
alone,

must acknowledge no other king than God

and

the ruler of the house of David, wliom

He
and

anointed.

The

supremacy

of the

heathen was
it

illegal

presumptuous.

From

this standpoint

was questionable, not merely whether

obedience and payment of tribute to a heathen power was a
duty, but whether
xii.

it

was lawful (Matt.

xxii.

17 sqq.; Mark
it

14

sqq.

;

Luke

xx.

22

sqq.).

From

this standpoint, as

seems, the majority of the Pharisees refused to take the oath
to Herod.^^ It

may

be supposed that this was the specially
people and the Pharisees.

popular standpoint, both with the

Indeed

it

must have been such, since every non-Pharisaic
it

government, even when
=^

did not prevent the practice of the
^*

Aiiti. xiv. 0. 4,

XV.

1. 1.

Com. on Simon, Bell

Juil. iv. 3. 9.

Ann. XV.

10. 4, xvii. 24.

§

2G.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
its free exercise.

19

law, involved a certain compromise of
it

Hence

was a Judas of Galilee founded the revolutionary party of the Zealots.^'* Indifferent then as Pharisaism at first was to politics, the
revolutionary current, which in the time of Christ was continually increasing

Pharisee, one Saddulvos,

who

in

conjunction with

among the Jewish
influence.

people,

must be

set to

the account of

its

The

characteristics of Pharisaism hitherto described
it

show

no peculiarity by which
exilian

may
So
it

be distinguished from postfar as it is

Judaism in

general.

only regarded as

an

intellectual

tendency,

is

simply identical

with

that

adopted by the Judaism of the post-exilian period, at least in
its

main branches and

classic representatives.

Still it

formed

a

2>«''>'iy

within the nation, an ecdesiola in ecdesia.

In one of

the two passages in which Josephus, or rather his authority

Nikolaus Damascenus, speaks of the refusal of the oath by the
Pharisees,

he

designates

them

as

a

fxapLov

rt

'lovSaiKcov

avdpcoTrav, and states their

number

as six thousand.'*^

This

leads us to infer a definite boundary

of their circle.

In the

New
also

Testament

also

and in Josephus the Pharisees evidently
In the same sense
in

appear as a decided fraction of the people.

must

their

name be
stat.

explained.

It

is

Hebrew
the

D"'tJ'nsi/*

in

Aramaic

pK'^lS,

emphaf.
literally

i<**^"'"!5,

whence
"

Greek
"
is

^apiaaioi.

That

this

means

the

separated

undoubted.
term.

The only question can

be, to

what

to refer the
all

Are they those who separate themselves from

uncleanness and all illegality, or those

who

separate themselves
for

from certain persons

?

The

first is

spoken

by the circumfrom

stance, that in Eabbinic

Hebrew

also the

substantives HB'ns
seil,

and
all

ri^K'"'"i3

occur with the meaning
P)Ut if

" separation,"

uncleanness.'*^*

only a separation from unclean*^
;

*^ Antt. xviii. *2

41 comp. i. 6. Jadajim iv. 6-8 Char/ign ii. 7 <2a Sabim v. 1 VNCDJ^O inC'ns
; ; :

Anti. xvii.

2. 4.

Sota
"iPlx!?,

iii.

4.

" After he was separated from

20
ness, without

§

26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
to persons,

any reference

were intended, other
" clean,"

positive epithets

would have been more obvious (the
like).

the "just," the "pious," or the

Besides, a separation

from

uncleanness

is

at

the

same time a separation from
is

unclean persons.
included,
it

If

then the latter
to

in

any case

to be

seems obvious

derive

the

name from

that

" separation,"

which took place in the time of Zerubbabel and

then again in the time of Ezra, when Israel separated from
the heathen dwelling in the land and from their uncleanness

(Ezra

vi.

21,
is

ix. 1,

x.

11; Neh.

ix. 2, x.

29).

Wellhausen

however

in

the right
all

when he

objects to this, that this

separation, to

which

Israel then submitted,

had about

it

nothing characteristic of the Pharisees.*^

For the Pharisees

must have
separation

their

name from a

separation,

which the bulk of

the nation did not undergo with

them

;

in other words, from a

made hy them, in

consequence of their stricter view of

the notion of uncleanness, not only

from

the uncleanness of the
to

heathen, hut also

from

that with

ivhich, according

their view,

that

a great portion of the people were o,ffected. It was in this sense they were called the separated or the separating, and
they might have been so called from either praise or blame.

They might

so

have called themselves, because they kept as
all

far as possible from

uncleanness, and therefore also from

contact with unclean persons.

Or they might have been
by

so

named

in a reproachful sense

their adversaries, as " the

separatists,"

who

for the

sake of their

own

special cleanness

separated themselves from the bulk of the nation.*^

The

latter

what

defiled him."
life."

Tohoroth

iv.

12

:

niK'ns

mnD,

" The cleanness of the
died,
said
:

separated

Sota

there has been no

ix. 15: "Since Rabban Gamaliel the elder more niB^nsI mnp. Aboth iii. 13: "R. Akiba
nitJ'''"iQ" (*-f-

Vows
*^
••'

are a fence for the

they serve for

its

maintenance and

preservation).

Wellhausen, Pharisäer und Saddticäcr, p. 7G sqq. This view, though intermiugled with other points of view,

is

also the

prevailing one in the explanations of the Fathers and the Rabbis.

See Clem.,

§ 2G.

PIUraSEES AND SADDUCEES.
original

21
For
it is

was certainly the

meaning
it

of the

name.

not probable that they gave
self-designations

to themselves.

Other positive
to them,
of

would have been more obvious

and
"

in fact they first appear in history under the
(see

name

Q*TPD
the

below).

Their adversaries
This also
explains

however called them
wliy the

separatists."

occurs in our oldest Kabbinical authority the
chief

name so seldom Mishna in the
;

passage in the
xi.

mouth

of an adversary

and only twice

Homil.

28

:

o'i

tlatv oiCpupiaf/Avoi kccI ret vofii/ax oi;
c. 1
:

yiuy-y-unli tuu a-Wuv
Pliarisaeos, qiii addita-

ttMIov iioÖTig.

Pseudo-Tertulliau, adv. haer.

menta quaedam legis adstruendo aJudaeis divisi stmt, unde etiam hoc accipere ipsum quod habent nomen digni f ueruut. Origenes, Comment, in Matt, xxiii. 2 (^Opp. ed. Lomraatzsch, iv. 194) Qui autem luajus aliquid profitentes dividunt se ipsos quasi meliores a nudtis, secundum hoc Pharisaei dicuntiir, qui interpretantur divisi et segregati. Phares enim divisio appelhitur. Idem, Com:

ment. in Matt, xxiii. 23 sqq. (Lomniatzsch, iv. 219 sq.)

:

Similiter Pharisaei
noli

sunt omnes qui justificant semetipsos, et dividunt
mihi appropriare, quoniam mundus sum.

se

a caeteris dicentcs:

Interpretantur autem Pharisaei,

secundum nomen Phares, divisi, qui se ipsos a caeteris diviserunt. Phares, autem dicitur hebraica lingua divisio. Idem, Comment, in Matt, xxiii. 29 (Lommatzsch,iv. 233): Recte Pharisaei sunt appellati, id estpraecisi,quispiritua]ia

prophetarum a corporali historia praeciderunt. Idem, Comment, in Joann. vol. vi. c. 13 (Lommatzsch, i. 210) 0/ oi (Pxpiaxhi, an x.xrx ro ovouu övzig B/j;Idem, Comment, in Joann. vol. xiii. c. öi,fi'n. pnf^iuot Tivi; xetl arocaioiOitg. (Lommatzsch, ii. 113) ^»ptaxiuv 3=' ruu cc^o^r/jp/ifciuuv kcci rriv 6sixv sv6rr,ret
:
:

eiiro'hu'KtKÖTUv' ^»piijciioi yoip epfcriusvoi/rcci'

oi

ii'/;py,/nsvot.

Epiphanius, haer.

16, 1

:

^^JyouTO
T^v

öS

^o-piaxlni

ö<s6

to
T'/ji/

ctj:aoiaii<.ivovg

tivxi uiiTw; d-xo

tu»

oi'K'Kuv, S/«

idiho'TTiptciaodpYiijKiHiLU

TTxp

cti/Toli viuoficiafiiv/ii/.

<^xpi; yacp

Kxrx
c.

TYiu

'Eßpxihx

'ipf4.r,uivsrxi etipopiafio;.
ii.

Hieronymus, contra Luciferianos,

23 {_Opp. ed. Vallarsi,

197)

:

Pharisaei a Judaeis divisi propter

quasdam

observationes superfluas

nomen quoque a
:

dissidio susceperunt (according

to Pseudo-Tertullian, comp, below, note 89).
xxii.
illi

Idem, Comment, in Matt.
et divisi vocabaiitur

23 (Vallarsi,

vii. 1.

177)

Pharisaei traditionum et observation um, quas

o-vTipucetg vocant, justitiam praeferebant,
;

unde

a

popido

Sadducaei autem, qui interpretantur
erant.

justi, et ipsi

vendicabant
:

sibi

quod non
"

Nathan ben Jehiel declares

in the

Aruch

SIH

d")Q

A

Parush

is

one who separates himself from

all

uucleanness, and from

unclean food, and from the people of the land, who are not careful what they eat." For further testimony, see Buxtorf, Lex Chald. col. 1851 sq. ;
Drusius,
p.

De

tribis sectis

Judaeorum,

lib.

ii.

c.

2;

De Wette,

Archäologie,

413.

22
besides."
IMiarisees

§

•2o-.

PIIAKISEES ^VND SADDUCEES.

The

last

-

named

fact

certainly

shows

that the

on their part accepted the party name when once

naturalized.

And

they might well do

so, for

from their stand-

point the " separation "

from which they obtained the name

was one thoroughly piaiseworthy and well-pleasing to God. If the name Perushim shows that the Pliarisees appeared
as " separatists " in the eyes of their adversaries, another

name

shows us their own view of

their character

and community.
(ünan), " neigh-

They
bours,"

called
this

themselves

merely Chahcrim

term being, in the language of the Mishna and

of ancient Piabbinical literature in general, exactly identical

with that of Perushim,
the passages given above

It is self-evident
(vol.
ii.

from the matter of

p. 8),

that a Chaber in
tJie

them

everywhere means one

wlio strictly observes

law, especicdhj

the laws relating to cleanness

and

imcleanness.
so,

And
it

indeed the

term comprises
those

all

those

who do
by

and therefore not merely
For
is

who
in

are

scholars

profession.

not the

unlearned,^^ but as the tenor of the passages shows, the bulk
of

those

whom
"

no

strict

observance of the law can be
"
;

assumed, the
**
ii.

people of the land
is

(p.'?;'

^T)" who form the

The
;

chief passage
iii.

Jadajim

iv.

6-8

the

two other passages, Chagiga
IZiÖit/,;,

7
*^

Sota

4.
is

The unlearned
ii.

called, in contrast to the learned, tDi'in,

Rush hashana

8.

The notion

of the

Chaber includes both the

t^i^nn

and the DJnlogie, p.
*''

See Weber, System der allsynagogalcn palästinischen Theo-

122

sq.

Am-haarez is the people who dwell in the land, but do not belong to Tlie expression however is not used as a collecthe community of Israel. tive term only, but also to designate an individual, e.g. au Am-haarez (i.e. one of the people of the land). See in general, Dcmni i. 2, 3, ii. 2, 3, iii. 4, Maaser sheni iii. 3, iv. 6 Chagiga ii. 7 Gittin Shebiith v. 9 vi. 9, 12 V. 9; Edujoth i. 14; Ahoth ii. 5, iii. 10; Horajoth iii. 8; Kinnim iii. 6;
; ; ;

;

Tuhoroth
iv. 5.

iv. 5, vii. 1, 2, 4, 5, viii. 1, 2, 3,

5

;

Machshirin

vi.

3

;

Tehul jom.

Wünsche, A'eue Beiträge zur Erläuterung Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 54-56 (article der Evangelien, p. 527 sq. "Am-haarez "). The older literature in Jo. Christph. Wolf, Curae philol. See the expositors in general on John vii. in Nov. Test, on John vii. 49. 49 (Lightfoot, Schottgen, Wetzstein, Lampe, and others').
"Weber, System, pp. 42-44.

§

2ü.

rilARISEES

AND SADDUCEES.

23
Middle Ages,
of the Rabbis,

contrast.

Hence the usage

of language of the
is

according to whicli a Chaber

a

"

colleague

"

a scholar, must not be imported into these passages of the
Mishna.'**

On

the contrary, Chal)er

is

in the latter

any one
This
3
:

who

strictly observes

the law, including the 7rapa86aeL<i tcjv

irpeaßvTepcov,
**

and

is

thus

identical
liy

with

Pharisee.''"

lu this sense

e.g. it is

explained

Jlaiinonidos on Denial

ii.

I3n

pi DDH T-dSt Xnp:. Elias Levita iu the 'rishbi,s.v., explains -i:in by Qin l^H, "colleague of tlie Rabbi," i.e. one who has indeed received the ordination of scholars, but is not yet a public teacher
•T'D^n^
ISip"'

D^nn D^ö2n

(see

the passage

e.g.

in

Ugolini,

llics.

xxi.

907

;

Carpzov,

Apparatus,
;

The majority of Christian scholars follow Elias Levita see the list of them in Ursinus, AntujuUatcs llchraicae, c. S (Ugolini, Thes. xxi. I bring forward only the 907), and in Carpzov, Apparatus, p. 143.
p. 142).

following: Scaliger (Elenchis
s.v.),

triliaeresii Serarii, c. 10),

Buxtorf

(^Lex.

Chald.

Otho {Lex. Rahhin.
vetcre, lib.
ii.

s.v.),

Wagenseil
571).

{.Sota,

p.

1026

sq.),

Vitriuga
is

{De synagoga
"l3n

c. 10, p.

This explanation however

in

opposition to the Mishna and the older Rabbinical literature.

Of

coui-se

u)ay here too denote the colleagues (companions) of a scholar or a judge {e.g. Edujoth v. 7 Sanhedrin xi. 2). But where it is merely used as a terminus technicus, without statement of any special reference, it differs from can and nan T'oi'D, and denotes a wider circle than these. Comp. e.g. Kiddushin o'3^ (iu Levy, Neuhehr. Wörterh. s.v. i^n) X3X1 ''D''3n JIDX
;
:

"i3n,

"You

are scholars, and I n^i

Dan T'n^n nnn

am only a Chaber." Shahhath 11^ rinn " Under a Gentile and not nan nnn inn nnn xh
:

''ij,

under a Chaber, under a Chaber and not under the pupil of a scholar" (the passage is already quoted in the Arucli. s.v. i^n, in explanation of tliis term on its meaning, see Weber, System, p. 142). Bcchoroth 30^ *"i3~i ^2p^ N3n
;
:

üh^ ^3M bp^
{chaberuth)
if

T-iv

Q3n I'Dhn
so
in

ib'-asi

nnan
of
it

':

Cian, "He who
must
he
'''

will take

upon himself the decrees
the

^jan biph inv nn^an of the association

do

presence

three

chaberim

;

even

is

the pupil of a scholar, he must do
identity oi parush
7 with

in the presence of three

chaberim."

and chabtr results chiefly from a eomparison of Demai ii. 3 (see the passages above, vol. i. pjj. 385, 386). In the first passage Am-haarcz and Parusb, in the latter Aui-haarez and Chaber are contrasted, and that in such wise, that in both passages the Am-haarez is the unclean, by whose garments the Parush and Chaber are respectively defiled. Evidently then the two latter are identical. Riglitly therefore does Nathan ben Jehiel give to D''ti'"nS in the Aruch {s.v. l^f^Q, and indeed with a
Chagiga
ii.

The

citation of the passage Chagiga

ii. 7) the explanation jn"'^in p^31Kn pi^nn in mnt32, "They are the Chaberim who eat their profane food in cleanness." Comp, especially the excellent discussion of Guisius on Demai ii. 3 (in
:

24
gives US

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
iusiglit of

however a deeper
It so
far

the self-estimation of

rharisaism.

stands on a

level

with the general
it

Judaism of the post-exilian
tion
of

period, that to

also the popula(1)
Tlie

Palestine

is

divided
i.e.

into

two

categories:
"i?n

congregation of Israel,
"

the Chaberim, for

means simply

neighbour," fellow-countryman,^" and (2) the people dwelling

in the land.

In the eyes of Pharisaism however the former

term

is

restricted to the circle of those,

who

strictly observe

the law together with the entire irapaBoat,'; twv irpeaßvrepwv.
All besides are Am-haarez, and therefore do not belong to the

true congregation of Israel.

Consequently Pharisaism
ecclesiola

esti-

mates

itself as

very specially the

in

ecclesia.

Only
true

the circle
Israel,

of

the Pharisaic

association

represents the

who
their

perfectly observe the

law and have therefore a

claim to the promises.'^

And

demeanour practically agreed with

this theoretical
all

estimation.

As an

Israelite

avoided as far as possible

contact with a heathen, lest he should thereby be

defiled, so

did the Pharisee avoid as far as possible

contact with the
in the

non-Pharisee, because the latter was to

him included

notion of

the unclean

Am-haarez.

"The garments

of the

Suienhusius' MisJma,

i.

caput secundum

(Hamburg

on Matt.

iii. 7 (0pp. ii. MeanSystem der altsynagogakn pialästinischen Theologie, pp. 42^6, 77. ings corresponding to the correct one are found in Levy, Chald. Wörterb. Hamburger, Real-Enc. s.v. ar\2n- Tlie same, Neuhehr. Wörterb. s.v. inn.
ii.

Edzardus, Traclatus Talmudici Avnda Sara 1710), pp. 531-534. Lightfoot, Horae Hehraicae Weber, 2711^). Jost, Gesch. des Judenth. i. 204.
83).

1-26-129 (article "Ciiaber").
'"

I3n may
is

however

The above of course have in itself very different meanings. the only possible one in accordance with tlie usage of Old Testa-

ment language, when
foreigner)

it is used in contrast to pXH ÜV- "I3n is undoubtedly used in this sense in ChnUin xi. 2, where it stands in contrast with npj (a

also in the passage quoted above (note 48) from Shabbath 11», where it stands midway between M3 and D3n TiD^TI*i The question " who is ray neighbour ? " (Luke x. 29) was therefore To Jewish consciousness it was in fact au quite seriously intended. important question, who was to be acknowledged as a Chaber.
;

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDÜCEE3.
for the

25
Cluiber does

Am-hanrez are unclean

Perusbim.

"^^

"A

not go as a guest to an Am-haarez nor receive

him

as a

guest within
left

his

walls." '^^

" If

the wife of a

Chaber has

the wife of an Am-haarez
is

grinding in her house, the
;

house

unclean

if

the mill stops

if it

goes on grinding, only

unclean so far as she can
etc.^*

reach by stretching out her hand,"
relate,

When

then the Gospels

that

the
"

Pharisees

found fault with the free intercourse of Jesus with

publicans

and
ii.

sinners,"

and with His entering into their houses (Mark
ix.

14-17; Matt.

9-13; Luke

v.

27-32),

this

agrees

exactly with the standpoint here described. did in fact " separate
to
"

The Pharisees
far as

from the people of the land, so
with
them.
;

avoid

close

intercourse

Hence

the

name
stand-

Pcrusliim was rightly given

them

nay, from their
it.

own

point they had no reason for rejecting

This
calling

exclusiveness
it

of

Pharisaism
sect, as
is

certainly justifies

the

an

aipecri^,

a

done both in the

New
classic

Test. (Acts
it

XV. 5, xxvi. 5)
fact,

and by Josephus.

Nevertheless

remains the

that

it

was the legitimate and

representative of post-exilian

Judaism

in general.

It did

but
its

carry out
principle.

with

relentless

energy the

consequences

of

Those only are the true Israel who observe the
strictest

law in the

manner.

Since only the Pharisees did

this in the full sense, they only

were the true

Israel,

which

was related

to the

remaining bulk of the people as these were

to the heathen.

Not
and

till

after these general characteristics of Pharisaism
its

had

been discussed could the question concerning
its

origin arise
to its

history be briefly sketched.
it is

Viewed according
in general.
is

essence,

as old as legal

Judaism

When

once

the accurate observance of the ceremonial law

regarded as

the true essence of religious conduct, Pharisaism already exists
*-

Ckagifja

ii.

7.

*3

Demai

ii.

3.

**

Tohoroth

vii. 4.

Compare

tlie

passages quoted in note 47.

"

26
ill

§

-2(3.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
another question liowever

principle.

It
sect,

is

when

it

first

appeared as a
in
this

as a fraction within the Jewish nation.

And

sense

it

cannot be traced farther back than to the
conflicts.

time of the Maccabaean
(ol ^AaLSaloi,
i.e.

In these the

" pious

^''T^ü),

who

plainly formed a special fraction
ii.

within the people, also took part (1 Mace.

42,

vii.

12

sqq.).

They fought indeed on the
their fathers, but they
party.^^

side of

Judas

for the

religion of

were not identical with the Maccabaean
represented, as

They evidently

may be

inferred from

their

name, that

strictest

party which upheld with special

zeal the observance of the law.

Hence they are

the

same
the

parti/,

whom

1Ü6

again meet with some decades later binder
It appears that during the

name of

Pharisees.

Greek period, when the

chief priests and rulers of the people took

up an increasingly
themselves more
of its

lax attitude towards the law, they united
closely into an association

of such

as

made a duty
then the

most punctilious observance.
raised the standard to
fight

When
for

Maccabees

the faith of their fathers,

these " pious " took part in the conflict, but only as long as

the faith and the law were actually contended
this

for.

When

was no longer the

case,

and the object

of

the contest

became more and more the national independence, they seem Hence we no longer hear of them under to have retired.
Jonathan and Simon.

Not

till

Jolm Hyrcanus do they again
of "Pharisees,"

appear, and then under the

name

no longer

indeed on the side of the Maccabees, but in hostile opposition
to them.

The course

of affairs

had brought

it

to pass, that

the priestly family of the Maccabees should found a political

dynasty.
planted.
its

The ancient high
The Maccabees
inheritance.
political

-

priestly family

had been supinto

or

Asmouaeans had entered
this,

political

But with

tasks which were

essentially
55 Tliis

had

devolved upon

them.

The

chief

who rightly

has been well pointed out especially by Wellhausen (pp. 78-8G), identifies the Chasidim with the Pharisees.

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

27

matter in their eyes was no longer the carrying ont of the
law, but
the maintenance

and extension of
of these

their

political

power.

The prosecution however

political

objects

could not but more and more separate them from their old
friends the " Chasidim " or " Perushira."

Not

that they had
itself

apostatized from the law.

But a secular policy was in
was

scarcely reconcilable with that legal scrupulosity and careful-

ness which the Pharisees required.

It

inevitable, that

sooner or later there should be a breach between them and
their

two opposite pursuits.

This breach occurred under John
his

Hyrcanus.

At

the

beginning of

government,

lie

still

adhered to the Pharisees, but afterwards

renounced them
of the breach
is

and turned

to the Sadducees.

The occasion
place
in

related by Josephus in
itself,

a legendary style.'^

But the
Hyrcanus,

fact
is

that this

change

took

under

thoroughly
forth
priest
find
-

authentic.

And
were

consequence

the

Pharisees the

opponents of the
such
not

we henceAsmonaean
under

princes.

They
also

only
I.,

John

Hyrcanus,

but

under

Aristobulus
latter,

and
as

especially

Alexander Jannaeus.

Under the

who

a
it

fierce

warrior entirely disregarded the interest of religion,

came

even to open revolution.

For six years Alexander Jannaeus

with his mercenary troops was in conflict against the people
led

by the

Pharisees.^^

And what he
laid

at

last

attained

was

only the external intimidation, not the
opponents.
Pharisees

real

subdual of his

The

stress

upon
of

religious interests

by the
side.

had won the bulk
no cause

the

nation

to

their

Hence

it is

for surprise, that

Alexandra

for the sake

of being at peace with her people

abandoned the power

to the

Pharisees.

Their victory was
affairs

now

complete, the whole con-

duct of internal
of

was

in their hands.

All the decrees
re-

the Pharisees

done

away with by Hyrcanus were
life

introduced, and they completely ruled the public
56 Antl. xiii. 10.

of the

5-6.

"

Antt.

xiii.

13. 5.

28
nation.**

§ 2G.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
continued in
all

And

this

all

essentials

even during

subsequent ages.

Amidst

the

changes of government,

under Eonmns and Herodians, the Pharisees maintained their
spiritual
side.

hegemony.
this

Consistency with principle was on their
procured
the

And

consistency
is

them the
in fact the

spiritual

supremacy.

It

true

that

Sadducaean high priests

were at the head of the Sanhedrin.
influence

But
in

decisive

upon public

affairs

was

the hands, not of the
of the

Sadducees, but of the Pharisees.
nation
hands.®*
so that

They had the bulk
especially were
in

as

their ally/^ the

women

their

They had
all acts

the greatest influence

upon

the congregations,
sacrifices

of public warship, prayers and
to

were

performed according

their inptnctions.^^

Their sway over

the masses was so absolute, that they could obtain a hearing,

even when they said anything against the king or the high
priest,® consequently they

were the most capable

of

counter-

acting the designs of the
tJieir officicd

kings.*'*

Hence

too the

Sadducees in

acts adhered to the

demands of

the Pharisees, because

othervnse the multitude

would not have

tolerated

themP*
is

This

great influence actually exercised

by the Pharisees

but the
up.

reverse side
It

of

the

exclusive position which they took
their requirements

was just because
in

stretched so
Israelites

far,

and

because they only recognised as true

those

who
so

observed them

their

lull

strictness,

that

they

had

imposing an

effect

upon the multitude, who recognised in

these exemplary saints their
leaders.
58 A7itt. xiii. 16. 2. *^ Antt. xiii. 10. 6 *" Antt. xvii. 2.
^^
:

own

ideal

and

their legitimate

to t^i'^^oc
oti v-tttikto

(Tiififixx,ov v/jjutuv.
vi

4

:

yvvcctx.ui/'lTt:.

Antt. xviii.

1.

3: rolg 3^^o/f Tr/öatj/wraro; Tvyy^ü-uovat
** Antt. xvii. 2. 4.
*^*

».t.>..

«2 Antt. xiii. 10. 5.

Antt. xviii. 1. 4,

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.

29

II.

THE SADDUCEES.
is

The nature
the
Pharisees.

of the

Sadducees

not as evident as that of

The scanty statements furnished by docudifficulty be

ments can only with
point of sight.

brought under a single
lie

And

the reason of this seems to

in the

nature of the case.
sistent

The Sadducees
like

are

no simple and conso to speak

phenomenon
one,

the

Pharisees, but

a

compound
points.

which must be apprehended from

different

The most

salient characteristic is that they are

aristocrats.
" 'J'hey

Josephus repeatedly designates them as such.

only

gain the well-to-do, they have not the people on their side."^

"This doctrine has reached /ew individuals, but these are of
first

the

consideration."

^

When

Josephus here says, that this
is

doctrine has
his as

reached but few, this
of

quite consistent with

manner

always depicting Pharisaism and Sadduceeism
tendencies.
is,

philosophical

Taking

off

this

varnish,

his

actual statement

that the Sadducees were the aristocrats,

the

wealthy

{eviropoi,),

the
is

persons

of

rank

{irpwrot

Totf

d^icüfiaaiv).

And

that

to

say, that they chiefly belonged

to

the

priesthood.

For

from the

commencement
it

of

the

Greek, nay from the Persian period,

was the

priests

who

governed the Jewish State, as

it

was

also the priesthood in
people.''^

general that constituted the nobility of the Jewish

The

New

Testament
that

testifies

superabundantly and Josephus
families

expressly,

the

high-priestly

belonged
is

to

the

Sadducean party .^
first
^^

Eightly however as this view
it

for the

time expressly advocated by Geiger,
Antt.
xiii.

must not be

so

10. 6:

roiif iiiz-öpovs y^ovou -Trudovruv, to

os onf4.0TiKov oiix

fTröfiivov »iirol; V/covtcuu.

^^Antt.xy'ni.X.A:: el; ö'Ktyous »i/opxi oZro; öhoyo^

d^Uiro^rou;
.4««. xx. 9.

fiii/TOi

•TrpuTovi roig ü^iöjfAxat.

"

Joseph. Vita,

1.

68

^cts

v.

17

j

1.

30

§ 26.

I'HAItlSEES

AND SADDUCEES.

understood as to

make

the Sadducees nothing more than the
contrast of Sadducees and Pliarisees

party of the priests.
is

The

not a contrast of the priestly and the strictly legal party,

hut of aristocratic priests and strictly legal persons.
Pliarisees

The
the

were by no means

in

hostile

opposition

to

priests as such.

On

the contrary, they interpreted the legal

enactments concerning the revenues of the priesthood abundantly in their favour, awarding to them
in
full

measure,

pressed down, shaken together and running over, their heaveofferings, tithes, first-born,
etc.,''^

and decidedly acknowledging
rank of the priests in the

the greater sanctity and higher
Theocracy.^"

On

the other hand too, the priests were not all
to

thoroughly
in the
last

hostile

Pharisaism. the

There
first

were,

at

least

decades before, and

decades after the

destruction of the temple, a large

number

of priests

who them-

selves belonged to the Ptabbinical class."

Hence

the opponents

of the Pharisees were not the priests as such, but only the
aristocratic priests
:

those

who by
it

their possessions

and

offices

also occupied influential civil positions.

In view of these
Geiger's
'3

facts

is

an interesting conjecture

of

—which
in

he

indeed expresses as a certainty
tlic

that

Comp,

the

Mishna

treatises

Demai,

Tenimolh, Maascroth,
^ficlras

Challa, Bikkurim, Bechuroth.
'0

Chagiga

ii.

7

:

The garments of the Perushim are held as

(unclean) for those
Ilorajoih
tlie
:

who

eat

of

the

heave-oiferings

(i.e.

the

priests).

Precedence was also given to iii. 8 hir\U''h ^lS ^"hb Dllp pDpriests in the reading of the Scriptures in the synagogues.

was already testified {Chofjiga ii. 7) of Joses ben Joeser, that he was a TiDn in the priesthood. One Joeser, who was captain of the temple and therefore a priest, belonged to the school of Shammai {Orla ii. 12). In Josephus we meet with a 'lö^apog hpccTiAnv yivovg, <i>ttpt(rctiog x,ctl Josephus was himself both priest and Pharisee uvTog (Joseph. Vita, .39). Vita, i. 2). There is mention moreover (Edujoth viii. 2) of a Rabbi Judah (
^i It

ha-Kohen and {Edujoth
Rabbi Chananiah D''3nbn
Asariah (see vol.
i.

viii.

-l;

Ahoth
i.

ii.

S) a Rabbi Joses ha-Koheu.

]\ü (see vol.

p.

o68) and Rabbi Eleasar ben

372 sq.) are renowned among priestly scribes. Rabbi Ishmael and Rabbi Tarphon are said to have been priests (see vol. i. pp. 373 and 376).
p.

;

§

-20.

rilARISFES

AND SADDUCEES.
D^'p^'nv,'"

31

the Sadducees derive their
that Zaddok the
office at
it

name

XaohovKatoi^^ from
priestly

priest,

whose family had exercised the

Jerusalem since the time of Solomon.
be considered as settled, that the

may now

At all events name must not,
first

as 'was formerly often thought, be derived from the adjective

VT^r but from

the

proper
i

derivation the change from

name to u

pi'iv/^
is

For in the

inexplicable,"^ while
P'^'^'^)

on
is

the other hand the pronunciation

Zadduk (SaSSovK,

undoubtedly guaranteed by the concurrent testimony of the
Septuagiut,"^ of Josephus," and of a vowel-pointed
;

MS.

of the

''* So are they called in the Mishna, Jadajim iv. 6-7 Erubin vi. 2 Makkoth i. 6 Para iii. 7 Nidda iv. 2. The singular is in Erubin vi. 2. 'pnv, 'which in the Cod. dc Rossi is pointed ip^Ti* (Kametz and Pathach
;
;

being often interchanged in this manuscript; in the other passages the is not vowelized). '^ So in Josephus and the Xew Testament.
'*

name

So already

in

many

of the Fathers,

e.g.

Epiphanius,

Tiacr.
rvj;

14

:

l'j^ovo-

f^ü.^O'j(jt Bs oiiTot

ixvrov; "Eocd^ovKctiov;,

Z'/iö-v

d'Tird

OiKxionvvn;

iTrix.'k'/ic-ug

oofiufiivri;.

lihix, ya-p ipfirivivircii otKxioai/vYi.
:

Hieronymus, Comm.

in Matt.

xxii.

Sadducaei autem, qui interpretantur justi. 23 (Vallarsi, vii. 1. 177) In recent times the derivation from pi'nv has been again advocated oy

Derenbourg {Histoire, p. 78) and Hamburger (Enc. p. 1041). '^ That this is the only possible derivation has been most carefully shown by Montet (Essai siirles origines des partis saduceen et pharisien, pp. 45-60).
Keim, Hanne, Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1867, p. 167. Hausrath, Zeitgesch. L 118 Bibellex. iv. 520. Wellhausen, p. 45 sqq. Kuencn, De godsdienst van Israel, ii. 342 sq. Theol. Tijdschr. 1875, p. 639. Hilgcnfeld,
i.

Comp,

also besides Geiger, Hitzig, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, p. 469.
sq.

274

;

;

Zeitschr. 1876, p. 136.

Oort,

De naam Sudduceen
heil.

{Theol. Tijdschrift, 1876,
T.'s, §

pp. 605-617).
''''

Reuss, Gesch. der
xiii.

Schrift A.

396.

Sieffert in

Herzog's Real-Enc, 2nd ed.

230.

Wieseler indeed feigns an adjective zadduk, for the existence of which
in the 0. T., according to the statement of
all

however the proof is fctill due. " The name Zadok occurs
Brecher's Concordance
passages in Ezekiel, Ezra and
;

(1876), in

53 times.
xl.

Amoug
46,

these

in

ten

Nehemiah (Ezek.

xliii.

19, xliv. 15,

xhdii. 11 Ezra vii. 2; Neh. iii. 4, iii. 29, x. 21, xi. 11, xiii. 13), the LXX. has the form Ixooovk, i.e. according to the correct text, which certainly has in some passages to be restored by the revision according to the MSS. of

the printed text.
^'^

A

Pharisee

^kIIovko;

is

mentioned Antt.

xviii.

1.

1.

Comp,

also

;

"92

§

•2(J.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES-

Mishna"^
is

for the proper

name Zadok.
D"'Dn"'U

The party name D-pnv
Boethos or
D'D"nip''DX

thus related to pnv as

to

to

Epicuros.

The

further

question,
is

from

vjhat

Zadok

the

Sadducees derive their name

of less certain decision.

An
it

apocryphal legend in the Aboth de-Eahhi Nathan traces
a supposed disciple of Antigonus von Socho

to

named

Zadok.**

But the legend
of
it

is

useless notwithstanding the vigorous defence
tlie

by Baneth" (1) because cannot, on account of their late

Aboth de-Eabbi Nathan
at all regarded

origin, be

as

historical authority for our period, (2) because especially

what

Avuvixg "SxooovKi, Bell. Jud. ii. 17. 10, 21. 7, where IxIIovkI cannot mean " Sadducee," the person in question being, according to Vita, 39, a
Pharisee.
''^

In the Cod. de Rossi 138 the
(or

vowelized in a minority of passages;

almost always
changed),
viz.

p^ny
in
;

p!|"nv,

Rabbi Zadok is indeed only where this is the case it is Pathach and Kametz being often interof
still

name

the

following

passages,

Pea

ii.

4

;

Tcrumolh

x.

9

"Antigonus of Socho received the c. 5: from Simon the Just. He said Be not like servants, who serve their Lord for the sake of reward, but be like those who do service without regard to recompense, and be always in the fear of God, that your Antigonus of Socho had two reward may be double in the future.
tradition
:

Shahbath xxiv. 5 Pesachiin iii. ^'^ Aboth de-Rabbi Nathan,

6, vii. 2, x. 3.

disciples,

who taught
said
:

their turn delivered
its

it

moaning and
?

thus
his

Is it possible

They delivered it to their pupils, who in Then they stood up and tampered with What then did our fathers think, when they spoke that a workman should work all day and not receive
his saying.

to theirs.

wages in the evening? If our fathers had known, tliat there is a future and a resurrection of the dead, they would not so have spoken. Then they stood up and renounced the Thorah, and a twofold schism proceeding from them branched off Sadducees and Boethosees, the Sadducees after the name of Zadok, the Boethosees after the name of Boethos." See the passage also in Tailer, Tractalus de patribus (London 1654), p. 33.
life
:

Geiger, Urschrift, p. 105.

Ilerzfeld,

iii.

382.

"Wellhausen, p. 46.

Taylor,

Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (1877), p. 126. Baneth, Magazin für die Wissenschaft des Jiidenthians, ninth year, 1882, p. 4 (here is found the The Boethosees ('•Dn''13)7 who are also once translation given above). mentioned in the Mishna {Mcnachoth x. 3), derived their name from the
high-priestly family Boethos in the time of

Hence they
81

Herod (see vol. i. p. 204). any case related to the Sadducees. Baneth, Magazin f. die Wissensch. des Judenth. ix, 1882, pp. 1-37,
are in

61-95.

§ 26.

THAKISEES AND SADDUCEES.
is

33

is

said of the Boethosees

certainly erroneous (see note 80),

and

(3) because the legend contains
:

no

tradition, but only a

learned combination
tality of the
soul,

the Sadducees,

who denied

the immor-

being said to have embraced this heresy

through a misunderstanding of the saying of Antigonus of
Socho, that
reward.^^

we ought

to

do good without regard

to

future

Thus there

is left

us only the choice of deriving

the

name
in

of the Sadducees from one Zadok,

unknown

to us,

who

some time equally unknown founded the party
or
of

of the

aristocrats,

referring
is

it

to

the

priestly
is

race of
e.g.

the

Zadokites.

The former
Montet,^^

possible,

and
is

preferred

by

Kuenen and
probable.^*

but the latter

certainly the

more
the

The

posterity of

Zadok performed
time
of

priestly service

in

the

temple

from

the

Solomon.
all

After
sacrifice

Deuteronomic reformation, which interdicted

out

of Jerusalem, the rites there carried on were alone esteemed
legitimate.

Hence Ezekiel
to the "

in

his

ideal

picture

of

the

theocracy awards
of officiating
xl.

Zadokites

" (pi*lV ^33)

alone the right
(Ezek.

as priests in the

temple at Jerusalem
Ezekiel's

46,

xliii.

19, xliv. 15, xlviii. 11).

demand did

not indeed entirely prevail oq the restoration of worship after
the captivity, since some of the other priestly races were also
able to maintain their rights.*^
Still

the Zadokites formed

the pith

and chief element of the priesthood in the postThis
is

exilian period.

seen especially from the circumstance,

that the Chronicler in his genealogy traces back the house of

Zadok
82

to Eleasar, the elder son of

Aaron, thus giving us to
of

Comp. "Wellhausen,

p.

46.

The saying

which the combination depends, is found Aboth i. 83 Kuenen, Dc godsdienst van Israel, ii. 342 sq.
p. 639.
8* 85

3.
;

Antigonus of Socho, on See vol. i. p. 352.
T/ieol. TijdscJirift,

1875,

Montet, Essai,
all

p. 59.

So think
This
is
(i.e.

named

in note 75, except

Kuenen and Montet.

to be inferred

of Eleasar
to
fill

Chron. x. besides the line the Zadokites), the line of Ithamar also appears as authorized
fact, that in 1
II.

from the

the priestly service.
II.

DIV.

VOL.

C

34

§

21].

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
Zadokites had,
if

understand, that
first

tlie

not the only,

still

the

and nearest claim

to the priesthood (1 Chron. v.

30-41).

This procedure of the Chronicler at the same time proves, that
the

name

of the ancestor of this race

was

still

vividly

rememalso.

bered in his times, and therefore in the Greek period

Consequently a party which attached
priests might very well be

itself to

the aristocratic

named
its

the

Zadokitian or Sadducaean.

For though the
piiy
""pii^

aristocratic priests
still

wore but a fraction of the

they were

authoritative representatives

and

their tendency the Zadokian.^

This distinctive
cratic

character, being

mark of now

the Sadducees,
settled,

viz.

their aristo-

the further

mark must

next be added, that they acknowledged only the written Thorah
as binding,

and on

the other

hand

rejected the entire traditionary

interpretation
course
is

and further development of the law during the of centuries by the scribes. " The Sadducees say, only what
is to

written

be esteemed as

legal.

On

the contrary, what

has come
observed."

down from
®^

the tradition of the fathers need not be

So

far

removed were they from the principle

of

absolute authority as held
it,

by the

Pharisees, that they thought
to

on the contrary, commendable

oppose their teachers.®

It is evident, that of the 7rapdSo(Ti'i

what was

in question

was simply a rejection
of the entire

twv Trpecrßvrepwv, and therefore
completion and application

mass of legal decisions which had been made by the Pharisaic
scribes
for

the

of
tlie

the

written

law.

The opinion of many Fathers, that
Comp,
especially, Wellhausen, Pharisäer
Israels,
i.

Sadducees

acknowledged only the Pentateuch, but rejected the prophets,^
^''

und Sadducäer, pp. 47-50.
Also Kuenen, Zadok en de
****

Idem, Gesch.
*"

127-13Ü, 230 sq.
xviii. 1. 4.
i.

Zadokieten (Tkeol. Tijdschr. 1869, pp. 463-509).
Antt.
xiii.

10. 6.

Comp,

Atiit. xviii. 1. 4.

*^

Origenes, Contra Cclsum,

49 (Opp.

cd.

Lommatzsch,
in
ij

xviii.

fcövov oi

Moaiug Trctpctoex^f*'"'^' t«*? ßlß'Kov; Ixuaoit; »j Comment, in Matlh. vol. xvii. c. 35 (on Matt. xxii. 29,
:

Ixöooi/Kxtoi.

93) oi Idem,
:

Lommatzsch,
r^v
uofitK'/iu
Tr'het'j
.

iv.
.

166)

TO<j 1t)idh(ivx,uloi;

f/,'/j

Trpoaii,uiy(n:

ci'KKriV

yooOp'/iv

.

Toi/g '2eiOQovKxiov:,

an

y-vj

-Trpoaiiy.fjoi

raj

iiiig

ru

uö^uu '/px(pxi

uvt »i.

§ 26.

PHAiaSEES AND SADDÜCEES.

35

is

not confirmed by documentary authority, and has therefore
scholars.''"

been given up as erroneous by modern
these

Beside
tlie

main

principles,

on which the Sadducees opposed
specific

entire Pharisaic tradition,

legal

differences
interest.

between

Sadducees and Pharisees have but a minor

A

innu-

ber of differences of this kind are mentioned in Eabbinical
literature.^^

Some

of these notices cannot

however be esteemed
So far as they are

as historical tradition, especially the statements of the very
late

commentary on Megilloth Taanith.

trustworthy, they are so isolated and unconnected that no unifying principle can be perceived in them, and certainly not
that discovered

by

Geiger, viz. an advocacy of priestly interests

by the
TovTo

Sadducees.®^

In penal

legislation the

Sadducees were,
iv.

Ihid. vol. xvii. c.
ÖS (P'yiaofA.iv,

36 (on Matt.

xxii. 31, 32, in
Tirspl

Lommatzsch,

169)

:

kxI dg

on

/avpia ovuxfuuog

tov VTrxpy^nv r^y

f/.i^.'hovdctu ^w/jv

TO/f dudpu^oii '!rot.pxöi(sd»t cctto Trpotpviruu 6 '2urtjp, tovto ov 'TmrolriKiv Oix. to
roiig

SoeSSoKÄÄjovj

fiovrju

-TrpotjUadxi

tYiU

'M.uaeag

'ypec.<p^u,

as(p'

'^;

Ißov'hviS/i

Hieronymus, Comment, in Matth. xxii. 31, 32 Hi quinque tantum libros Moysis recipiebant, pro(Vallarsi, vii. 1. 179) phetarum vaticinia respuentes. Stultum ergo erat inde prof erre testimonia, cujus auctoritatem non sequebantur. Philosophumena, ix. 29 '7:-po(p-/iTxt;
BLvrovg avXhoytafAu IvaaxTiaxi.
:

:

Si ov 7rpo(rix'>^'^"'t «'^^ (iihiv kpinYivei/ovTsg.

°^^^ irkpoi;

rwi

(jo<polg,

xXijy fiöva rcf
:

S/ae 'Sloxjia; 'Jouv*

Pseudo-Tertullian, adv.haer. c. 1 Taceo euim Judaism! Dositheum inquam Samaritanuui, qui primus ausus est prophetas quasi non in spiritu sancto locutos repudiare, taceo Sadducaeos, qui ex hujus erroris radice surgeutes ausi sunt ad banc haeresim etiam resurrectionem carnis negare. With this corresponds almost verbally Hieronymus, contra Luciferanos, c. 23 (Vallarsi, ii. 197): Taceo de Judaismi haereticis, qui ante adventum Christi legem traditam dissiparunt quod Dosithaeus Samaritanorum princeps prophetas repudiavit: quod Sadducaci ex illius
haereticos,
:

radice nascentes etiam resurrectionem carnis uegaverunt.
^o It is still defended e.g. by Serarius, Trthaeresium, lib. ii. c. 21. Against him, see Scaliger, Elendms trihaeresli Serarii, c. 16 Drusius, De Iribus sectis Jndaeoriim, lib. iii. c. 9. Further literature in Carpzov, Apparatus, p. 208 sq.
;

Winer /^TFÄ ii. 353 91 Comp. Herzfeld,
652 sqq., note 10.
risäer, pp. 13-25.

sq.
iii.

385 sqq.

Jost,

i.

216-226.

Grätz, 3rd ed.

iii.

Geiger,

Urachrift, p. 134 sqq.

Derenbourg,

Israel,

ii.

Montet, p. 92 Against Geiger, see especially Wellhausen, as above.

456 sqq. 236 sqq.

p. 135 sqq. Wellhausen, pp. 56-75.

Sadducäcr und PhaKuenen, De godsdiemt van Hamburger, ii. 1047 sqq.

36

§

2»;.

niAiiisEES

and s.vuducees.

according to Josepliiis, the more, and the Pharisees the less
severe.*"^

This
strictly

may

be

connected with the fact that the

former
latter

adhered to the letter of the law, while the
its

sought to mitigate

severity

by

interpretation.

In

one point mentioned in the Mishna the Sadducees even went

beyond the demands of the law.
not only
if

They required compensation,
xxi. 32,

an ox or an ass (Ex.

35

sq.),

but also

if

a man-servant or a maid-servant had injured any one.^

On

the other hand, they insisted that false witnesses should be

put to death, only when the accused had already been executed
in

consequence

of

their

false

witness

(Deut. xix.

19-21),

while the Pharisees required that this should take place so
soon as sentence had been passed.^^
the
latter

Thus

in this instance

were the more

severe.

These differences were

evidently not differences of principle.
in qiiestions of ritual.

The same

is

the case

For here too a difference
of,

of principle

can only so far be spoken
as

that the Sadducees did not regard
e.g.

binding Pharisaic decrees with respect

to

clean and

unclean.

They derided

their

Pharisaic opponents on account
their laws of

of the oddities

and inconsistencies into which

cleanness brought them.®"

On
far

the other hand, the Pharisees
" if

pronounced

all

Sadducees unclean,

they walk in the ways

of their fathers,"®^

How

however the Sadducees were
itself,

from renouncing the principle of Lcvitical uncleanness in
^^ Antt. XX. 9. 1
:

'2xooovx,ui6iv, o'lvsp tiul Tnpl
xiii.

tx;

Kpiaet? ui^ot -jrotpA TrduTXi
(pixjit

rav; 'lov'hxiovg.
^*

Antt.

10. 6:

' A'K'ho);

te k*\

'^pog

rcc-;

Ko'KÜaei;

iTTiitKug 'i'^ovatv oi <l>cipia»7oi.

Jadajim

iv. 7^.

For the wording of these and the following passages,

see above, p.
95
'"'

384 sqq.

Makkoth i. 6. The attacks of the Sadducees upon the Pharisees, mentioned Jadajim iv. 6 and 7*, can only be meant in derision. For the Sadducees would certainly not have gone in for "antagonistic books" defiling the hands {.Jadajim iv. 6), or for declaring that the "stream" which flows in pouring from a clean vessel into an unclean is clean {Jadajim iv. 7"). They
are only deriding the Pharisees for their peculiarities.
»^

Nidda

iv. 2.

§ 26.

rilARISEES

AND SADDUCEES.

37

appears from the fact of their demanding even a higher degree
of cleanness for the priests

who burnt

the red heifer, than

tlie

Pharisees
in

did.^^

Tliis

last is

at the same time the only point
i.e.

which a certain amount
is

of priestly interest,

of interest in

priestly cleanness,

perceived.
tliat

With
"

respect to the festival
"

laws

it

is

mentioned

the

Boethosees

(who must be on

regarded as a variety of the

Sadducees)

maintained that the
offered

sheaf of first-fruits at the Passover

was not to be

the second day of the feast, but on the day after the Sabbath
in the

week

of the festival,^

and that consequently the
xxiii. 15),

feast
to
is

of Pentecost, seven weeks later (Lev.

was always

be kept on the day after the Sabbath.^*'

This difference

however so purely
to the exegetic

technical, that it merely gives expression

view of the Sadducees, who did not acknowIt certainly

ledge tradition.
ance.^"^

never had any practical importof

The only

difference

importance in the law of
of the

festivals,

and especially in the interpretation
is

law of

the Sabbath,

that the Sadducees did not acknowledge as

binding the confused mass of Pharisaic enactments.^"^
98
9^

The

Para

iii.

7.

is to say, that they understood by the n3C*, day of the feast, but tlie weekly Sabbath. The traditional interpretation, which understands by it the first day of the feast, and therefore by " the day after the Sabbath " the second day of the feast, is the correct one. See Wellhausen, pp. 59 sq., 67. Adler, Pharisäixinns und Sadducäismus und ihre differirende Auslegung dc.f n3t^'^ DinOD (Monats-

Mcnachoth
xxiii. 11,

x. 3.

That

Lev.

not the

first

schr.

für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jiidenth. 1878, pp. 522 sqq., 568 sqq.,

1879, p. 29 sqq.).
i"0 Chagiga ii. 4. Those who say ri3L"n "ins (Pentecost falls on the day after the Sabbath) are indeed here spoken of only in general. But

mvy

that the Sadducees (Boethosees) are intended must certaiiily be admitted,

according to Mcnachoth
^^1
10-

x. 3.

Comp. Wellhausen, p. 59 sq. It might indeed be thought, from EruUn

vi. 2,

that the Sadducees

also observed Pharisaic subtleties with respect to

the Sabbath.

For the
purpose

case

is

there assumed as possible, of a Sadducee depositing something, in a
in an artificially fenced off space for the

manner quite Pharkaic,
day.

of securing to himself the right of freer

movement

therein on the Sabbath

In truth, however, the connection shows that the Sadducees were

38

§ 26.

I'lIAKISEKS

AND SADDUCEES.
is

dificience in principle then

between the two parties

confined

on
tlie

the ivhole to this general rejection

of Pharisaic tradition by

Sadducees.

All other differences were
if

such as would

necessarily result,
tion

the one did not acknowledge the obligaexegetical
tradition.

of the

other's

Nor must
fact,

it

be

thought, that the Sadducees rejected Pharisaic tradition according to
its

entire tenor.

Quite apart from the

that since

the time of Alexandra they had no longer carried out their

views into practice, they also theoretically agreed with Pharisaic tradition

in some, perhaps
obligation,

in

many

particulars.

They

only denied
opinion.

its

and reserved the right of private

In

this rejection of the legal tradition of the Pharisees, tlie
tlie

Sadducees represented
the Mritten law.

older standpoint.

They stopped

at

For them the whole subsequent developalso represented a like,

ment was without binding power. They
chief of

one might say archaic, standpoint by their religious views, the

which have already been spoken of

(vol.

ii.

p. 1

2 sqq.)

(1)

they refused to believe in a resurrection of the body,
in a future life,
;

and retribution

nay in any personal continuity

of the individual

(2) they denied angels

and

spirits

;

(3) lastly,

they maintained, " that good and evil are at the choice of man,

who can do

the one or the other at his discretion," and con-

sequently, that

God

exercises

no influence upon human
tlie

actions,

and that man and

is

therefore himself

cause of his
the two

own

prosperity

adversity.'"^

With regard

to

first

points, the

Sadducees undoubtedly represented the original standpoint of
among
those

who

did not observe

tlie

" law of Eruh.'"

Tlie

purpose of
iiis

a Sadducee in such an action could only have been to annoy
saic neighbour,

Phari-

who was

thus deprived of the space so occujiied by the

Sadducee.
^"^

Halevy,

Traces (Vaggadot sadaceiiines dans
viii.

le

Talmud

(^Ilevue

des

1884, pp. 38-56), tries to point out traces of these Sadducaean views even in the Talmud. They are, however, very inetudes juives, vol.
distinct.

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
later Jewish.

39
For

tlie

Old Testament, in distinction from the

with the exception of the Book of Daniel the Old Testament
also

knows

of

no resurrection of the body, and no retribution
is to

in another world in the sense of later Judaism, that

say,

no personal salvation of the individual

after this earthly life,

nor any punishment in the world to come for the sins of this
life,

but only a shadowy continued existence in Sheol.
is

So

too

the belief in angels and demons, in the development
it

which
ment.

subsequently attained,

still

foreign to the

Old Testa-

The Sadducees then

in both

these respects remained

essentially at

the more ancient standpoint.

Only we must
the contrary,

not indeed say, that their special motive was the conservative
feature, the
is

cleaving to the old as such.

On

it

evident that a certain amount of worldliness was the result
superior
political

of the

position of the Sadducees.
this world,

Their

interests

were entirely in

and they had no such

intensively religious interest as the Pharisees.
their slighter

Hence

it

was

amount

of religious energy

which made the older
it is

standpoint seem sufficient for them.
in their case, as
also intervened.

Nay,

probable that

men

of rank

and

culture, illuministic motives

The more

fantastically the

imaginary

reli-

gious sphere of Judaism was fashioned, the less were they able
to follow the course of its development. It is

from this point

of

view indeed

that the

stress

laid

by the Sadducees on
If the statements

human freedom
we can only
also,

is chiefly to

be explained.

of Josephus on this point are on the whole worthy of credence,

perceive in this stronger insistance upon liberty

a recession of the religious motive.
placed at his

They

insisted that

man was
that

own

disposal,

and rejected the thought
place in

a

divine

co-operation

takes

human
how
it

actions

as such.

The last-named
as " Sadducean."

particulars also

show

in part,

was just

the high aristocracy that acceded to the tendency designated

In order to understand the genesis

of this

40
tendency,

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
start

we must

from the

fact,

that the whole conduct
Persian, but especially

of political affairs

was already
in the

in the

in the

Greek period,
priest

hands of the priestly aristocracy.
of

The high
of the

was chief
duties
of

the

State,

eminent

priests

undoubtedly stood at the head of the Gerusia (the Sanhedrim
day).

The

the

priestly

aristocracy
Tliis

were
neces-

therefore quite as

much
all

political

as religious.

arily involved a very real

regard to political interests and
proceedings.

points

of view

in

their

But the more

decidedly these came to the foreground, the more did those
of religion recede.

This seems to have been especially the

case in the Greek period, and indeed for this reason, that
political

interests

were

now combined with
on a more or
less

Grcch culture.

They who then wanted must
more
with Hellenism.
in the

to effect

anything in the political world
friendly footing

of necessity stand

Thus Hellenism gained ground more and

higher ranks of the priesthood at Jerusalem,

which was in the same proportion alienated from the Jewish
religious
interest.

Hence

it

is

compreliensible, that

it

was

just in these

circles

that Antiochus Epiphanes most easily

found an admission of his demands.
of

A

portion of the priests

rank were even ready without further ceremony to exchange
for

Jewish

heathen

rites.

This triumph of heathenism was

not indeed of long continuance, the Maccabaean rising putting
a speedy end to
it.

Still

the tendencies of the priestly aristo-

cracy remained essentially the same.
longer any talk of heathen
rites,

Though there was no
of

though the special friends

the Greeks were either expelled or silenced, there was

still

among

the priestly aristocracy the same worldly-mindedness
at least comparative laxity of interest in religion.

and the same

On

the other hand, however, a revival and strengthening of

religious life

was the

result of the
"

Maccabaean
"

rising.

The

rigidly legal party of the
influence.

Chasidees
their

gained more and more
also

And

therewith

pretensions

increased

§ 26.

PHAEISEES AND SADDUCEES.
be acknowledged as true Israelites
full strictness of

41

Those only were

to

who

observed the law according to the
pretation given to
it

the inter-

ously

this

But the more strenudemand was made, the more decided was the
by the
scribes.

recusancy of the aristocrats.

It

seems as though

it

were just

the religious revival of the Maccabaean period which led to a
firmer consolidation of parties.
sistent with their principles,

The

"

Chasidees

"

were con-

and became
results

" Pliarisees."

The

high

aristocracy
last

rejected

tJie

that

Jmd

been

reached

during the

few

centiiries

in hoth the interpretation of the lata

and

the

development of religious views.
rcov

They saw

in

the

TrapdSoai'i

irpea-ßvTepwv
to

an excess of legal

strictness

which they refused

have imposed upon them, while the

advanced religious views were, on the one hand, superfluous
to their worldly-mindedness,

and on the

other,

inadmissible
lieads

by
this

their higher

culture
to

and enlightenment.
the

The

of

party belonging

ancient

priestly

race

of

the

Zadokites, they and their followers were called Zadokites or

Sadducees by their opponents.

Under the

earlier

Maccabees (Judas, Jonathan, and Simon)

this " Zadokite " aristocracy

was necessarily in the background.

The ancient high-priestly family which, at least in some of
its

members, represented the extreme philo-Hellenistic stand-

point,

was supplanted.

The high-priestly

office

remained for

a time unoccupied.

In the year 152, Jonathan was appointed

high

priest,

of the Asmonaeans,

and thus was founded the new high-priestly dynasty whose whole past compelled them at first
Nevertheless there was

to support the rigidly legal party.

not in the times of the

first

an entire withdrawal of the Sadducees from the scene.
old
aristocracy

Asmonaeans (Jonathan, Simon) The
its

was indeed purged from

more extreme

philo-Grecian elements, but did not therefore at once wholly
disappear.

The Asmonaean parvenus had
it,

to

come
it

to

some

kind of understanding with

and

to

yield to

at least a

42

§ 26.

PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES.
the " Gerusia."

portion of seats in
position
till

Things remained in this

the time of

John Hyrcanus, when the Sadducees
followers.

again became the really ruling party, John Hyrcanus, Aristo-

bulus

I.,

and Alexander Jannaeus becoming their

The

reaction under Alexandra brought the Pharisees back to

power.
duration.

Their political supremacy was however of no long
Greatly as the spiritual power of the Pharisees
to

had increased, the Sadducean aristocracy were able
at the

keep

helm
of the

in politics,

and that notwithstanding the overproscriptions of the

throw

Asmonaeans and Herod's

ancient nobility

who had

leagued with them.

The highalso

priestly families of the
to

Herod ian-Eoman period belonged
This
is

the Sadducean party.

decidedly testified for at

least the

Koman
secure

period.'"*

The

price at
at

which the Sadducees
later

had

to

themselves

power

this

period was
official

indeed a high one, for they were obliged in their
actions
actually
"

to
is,

accommodate themselves
so to speak, done

to
for

Pharisaic

views.

Nothing
office

by them,

whenever

they obtain
constraint,

they adhere, though
Pharisees
'°^

unwillingly and
as

by
the

to

what the

say,

otherwise

multitude would not tolerate them."
"With the
fall of

the Jewish State the Sadducees altogether

disappear

from

history.

Their

strong

point

was

politics.

When

deprived of this their last hour had struck.

While the

Pharisaic party only gained more strength, only obtained more

absolute rule over the Jewish people in consequence of the
collapse of political affairs, the very ground on

which they

10*

Acts

V. 17.

Joseph.

Aiitt.

xx. 9.

1.

a complete misuuderstanding to read from these words that the Sadducees only took ofBce imwillingly (so even Winer, RWB. p. 356). On the contrary, they eagerly strove for it. The words
1"^ A7itt. xviii. 1. 4. It is

dy.wjlu;

y.'iu

kxI kxt dvoiyKcc; are, as the f/Av

and

oi

prove, to be combined

with those wliich follow.

Comp. Geiger,
p. 45.

Urschrift, p. 108, note.
ZcitscJir.

The same,
Theol.

Sadducäer und Pharisäer, p. 13. Keim, i. 282, note. Wellhausen,

Hanne,

fur

tvisscnsck.

§ 26.

PHAEISEES AND SADDÜCEES.
the Sadducees.

43
it is

stood was cut

away from

Hence

not to

be wondered, that Jewish scholars soon no longer even knew

who

the Sadducees really were.
traditions

In the Mishna we
;

still

find

some trustworthy
mudic
period,

concerning them
called,

but the Tala

properly so

has

but

very misty

notion of theni.

;

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
the law
is

"

The people which knoweth not
49).

accursed " (John
of post-exilian
of the

vii.

Such was the fundamental conviction

Judaism.

And

this of itself implies that a

knowledge
all

law

was esteemed
striven after.

as the possession

worthy ahove
:

others to be
!

Hence the exhortation

To the law
:

is

sounded

abroad in every key.

Joses ben Joeser said

Let your house
(ü'''p3n)
;

be a house of assembly for those wise in the law

let

yourself be dusted by the dust of their feet, and drink eagerly
their teaching.^

Joshua ben Perachiah said

:

Get thyself a
Appoint

teacher

(31).*

Shammai
(J??!?).'

said

:

Make

the study of the law thy
said
:

special business

Eabban Gamaliel
what
is

for

thyself a teacher, so wilt thou avoid
said
:

doubtful.*
("'''PC'

Hillel
^'')-^

An ignorant man
:

cannot be truly pious

H'^t ^^

He

also said

The

more teaching of the law, the

more

life

the more school, the more

wisdom

;

the more counsel, the

more reasonable
law gains
said
:

action.

He who

gains a knowledge of the

life

in the world to

come.®

E. Joses ha-Kohen
for
it is
:

Give thyself the trouble to learn the law,

not

obtained by inheritance.'

E. Eleasar ben Arach said

Be

diligent in the study of the law.^

E. Chananiah ben Teradion

said

:

When

two

sit

together and do not converse about the
it is

law, they are an assembly of scorners, of which

said

:

sit

not in the seat of scorners.

When

however two
is

sit

together

and converse about the law, the Shechinah
them.^
E. Simon
said
:

present

among

When
ii.
ii.

three eat together at one table
"'

^Ahoihi.i.
*

^AhothlG.
«
*>

Ahoth
Aboth

i.

15.
7.

Ahoth

i.
ii.

16.

Ahoth Aboth

5.

« *

ii.

'

Aboth

12.

14.
44

Aboth

iii.

2

;

comp.

iii.

6.

:

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOCUE.
it is

45
though they ate
eat together at
as though they
in

and do not converse about the law,
of the offerings of the dead.

as

But when three
it
:

one table and converse about the law,
ate at the table of

is

God/°

K.

Simon

said

He who
is

walking

repeats the law to himself, but interrupts himself and exclaims,

How
life.^^

beautiful

is

this tree
it to
:

!

How

beautiful

this

field

!

the

Scripture will impute

him

as though he

had

forfeited his

E. Nehorai said
is

Always

travel towards a place
it

where

there

instruction in the law,

and say not that

will

come
;

after thee, or that

thy companions will preserve
thine

it

for thee

also

depend not upon
:

own

acuteness.*^

The same
and
enjoyed in
to

E. Nehorai said
teach
this

I lay aside all the trade of the world,

my

son only the

law, for
(P.ipO)

its

reward

is

world, and the capital

remains for the world
:

come.^^

The following things have no measure

the Peah, the

first-fruits,

pilgrimage, benevolence, the study of the law.
is

The
tliis

following are things whose interest (nn''3) world, while the capital
(P.!?.'])

enjoyed in

remains for the world to come

reverence for fathers and mothers, benevolence, peace-making

bastard
if

among neighbours, and the study of the laio above them all}* A who knows the law takes precedence of a high priest
he
is

ignorant,^
of the

Such an estimation

law would necessarily impel

to

the employment of every possible means for bestowing upon
the whole people the benefit of the most thorough knowledge

and practice of the law.

What

the

Pharisaic scribes had

established in their schools as the law of Israel,

was

to

become

both in theory and practice the

common
knoidcdge

possession of the

whole

nation.

For

both

the

and practice
^-

of

"
^^
^*

Ahoih

iii.

2.
iv. 14.

ii
'*

Ahoth
Peali

iii.
i.

7.

Aholh

iv.

14.

Kiddushin

1.

law,

Horajoth iii. 8. Comp, on the necessity and value of the study of the Weber, System der altsynogogakn palästinischen llicologie (1880), pp.

28-Ö1.

46
the

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
Josephus boasts of
nation, that
it

law were required.
Israelitish

as

an ex-

cellence of the

in their case neither

one nor the other received a one-sided preference, as in the
case of the Spartans,

who educated by

custom, not by instruc-

tion {e6ecnv iiraihevov, ou \070t9), and, on the other hand, of

the Athenians and other Greeks,

who

contented themselves
"

with theoretic instruction, and neglected practice.
lawgiver very carefully combined the two.
left

But our

For he neither

the practice of morals silent, nor the teaching of the law

unperformed."^®
requisite
of

The

instruction

which formed the

pre-

practice
life

began in early youth, and continued
of the Israelite.
school

during the whole
tion

The

care of its foundaof
its

rested with

the

and family, that

farther

carrying on with the synagogue.

L THE SCHOOL.
The Literature.
tJrsinus, Antiquitates

Hebraicae Scholastico-Academicae, Hafniae 1702 (also

in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol, xxi.).

Pacht,

De

eruditione Judaica

{dlssertatio,

quam praeside A. G. Waehnero
It specially treats,

examini submittet auctor J. L. Pacht), Gotting. 1742.
pp. 50-55
:

de ludis puerorum.
vol.
ii.

Andr. Georg Waehner, Antiquitates Ebraeorum,
pp. 783-804
;

(Gottingae 1742),

de eruditione Ebraeorum.

Ant. Theod. Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung des A. T. mit dem Neuen (1831),
pp. 377-384.

GfrÖrer,

Das Jahrhundert
arts.
''

des Heils,

i.

186-192.
Still

Winer,

RWB.,

Kinder" and ''Unterricht."
243, 266-268.

more

literature is

here given.
Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael,
iü.

Keim, Gesch.
Diestel, art.

Jesu,

i.

424 sqq.
Bihellex.
ii.

"Erziehung," in Schenkel's
1*

172

sq.

Contra Apion.

ii.

16-17.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
in Kitto's Cyclopaedia

47

Ginsburg,

art.

" Education,"

of Biblical Literature.
a.

S. R. Hirsch,

Ans dem

rahbiiiischen Schidlehcn.

Frankf.

M. 1871 (Progr.).

Elias van Gelder, Die Volksschule des jüdischen Alterthiuus nach talmndischen

und rahhinischeu
I^eop.

Quellen.
in

Bed. 1872 (Leipziger

Dissertat.).

Low, Die Lebensalter

der jüdischen Literatur (Szegedin 1875), pp.

195 sqq., 407 sqq.
Mos. Jacobson, Versuch einer Psychologie des Talmud

(Hamburg

1878), pp.

93-101.
Jos.

Simon, ^education
d''

et

Vinstruction des evfants chez Ics ancicns Jnifs
ed. Leipzig 1879, ü. Schulze.

apres la Bible

et le

Talmud, ord

Hamburger, Rcal-Enc. für Bibel und Talmud, Div. i. art. '' Erziehung," Div. ii. arts. "Lehrer," " Mizwa," '-Schule," "Schüler," "Unterricht."

According to the statement

of Josephus,

Moses

head ah-eady

prescribed " that boys should learn the most important laws,

because this
sperity."

is

the best knowledge and
to

the

cause of proin

"

"

He commanded

instruct

children

the

elements of knowledge (reading and writing), to teach them to

walk according to the laws, and
forefathers.

to

know

the deeds of their

The

latter,

that they might imitate
laM's

them

;

the

former, that growing

up with the

they might not trans^®

gress them, nor have the

excuse of ignorance."
zeal with
"

Josephus

repeatedly
the

commends the
carried on.

which the instruction of
all

young was

We

take most pains of

with

the instruction of children, and esteem the observation of the

laws and the piety corresponding with them the most important affair of our whole
life,"
^^

" If

any one should question

one of us concerning the laws, he would more easily repeat
^^ Antt. iv.

8.

12

:

'Mccj^xi/iroiaxu le kx\ oi Trxlos;

vpurovg rovg vof^ovg
zov; 5r«<3«f],

fixdjofix KothXtarov x.xl rij; tijoxifirjuixi xi'tiov.
^^
•^cipi

Apion.

ii.

25

:

Kxl ypxfifixrx -^xihvau
tuv
8'

tx.i'hsvai

[seil,

re Tot/f vofiov; xvxaTpi(P:a6xi kxI

'nrpoyoyc^u

tx; vpx^etg eTriarxadxt,
'xxpxiixiuaat
fcvire ax^-^/i/

T«ff fcey Ivx fiifiZurxt, Toig

'lux (rvvTpt<p6fi£i'0i ,w/iTi

dyuotxs
^^

tx.'^ai.

On
12
:

ypx(^i^x-zx

= the

elements of knowledge (reading and

writing), see Passow's

WB.

s.v.

Apion.

i.

MaXiarac

0£ -Trxvrcav

mol vxtoorpoXixv
tovtov;

<pi7^oy-x>.ovvri;,

kxI

TO (pv'h.xTTStv roil;

vöi/.(iv; y.x\ zij!/

Kxrx

"TrxpxOihofjt.ivinv

'ii/u-ßnxv 'ipyou

xvxyKXi'jXX-zd'j TcevTOj Tuii ßiov TTSTOiyii^tvot.

48
all

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

than his

consciousness,

own name. Since we leain them from our first we have them, as it were, engraven on our souls
is

and a transgression
impossible."
" Since the
^^

rare,

but the averting of punishment

In like manner does Philo express himself
their laws as divine revelations,

Jews esteem

and

are instructed in the knowledge of

them from

their
"'

earliest

youth, they bear the image of the law in their souls."

"

They

are taught, so to speak, from their swaddling-clothes by their
parents, teachers,

and those who bring them up, even before

instruction in the sacred laws

and the unwritten customs,

to
^*

believe in

God

the one Father and Creator of the world."

Josephus boasts of himself, that in his fourteenth year he had
already so accurate an acquaintance with the law, that the

high priest and chief

men

of Jerusalem used to

come

to

him

to learn particulars respecting the law.^'^

In view of

all this

testimony

it

cannot be doubted, that in the circles of genuine
their

Judaism boys were from
tion in the law was, in the

tenderest

childhood

made

acquainted with the demands of the law.**
first
it

That

this educa-

place, the

duty and task of

parents

is self-evident.

But

appears, that even in the age

of Christ, care was also taken for the instruction of youth by

the erection of schools on the part of the community.

It

does not indeed say much, when
^^

later tradition
'ipono roii;

tells

us that
otv

Apion.
*?

ii.

18

:

'Hy-uv

S'

öurii/ovv

si'

ng

v6(A(jv;, pciov

uvot

rrctvrxi

roi/uoitx to 'kuvtov.
ix^jfuu

Hoiyccp'n/v ecvo
ku

t^j

'Trpurvi; ii/öv;

xiadijaimi
Kx't

X'jTOv; SKCixy6*vo!/ri;
/TTrxuio;
^^
(A,iu

rut; -^vx^l;
i)

uj-^rtp

S'/Ktxxpxy/^ivrjv;,

6 vxpxßxiyiuu, xoüi/XTO;

Tfjg
.

koXxitiu; TrxoxiT'/KTi;.

Legat,

ad Cajum,

§ 31,

Mang.
1

tvjxi vT7ri'KXf/.!ixvovrig, kxi roi/ro iK
Iv

ii. 577 Qzöxomrx yxp xöyix roi/g voi^ovt Trpurng ijXtxix; to fcxd/if^x TrxiOivdivn;,

Txl; y^vxxi;
2^ Lerjat.

xy x'K^XT(t<p(ipijvi3 rx; tuv
§ 31,

"^ixriTxyyAvuv iiKÖvxc.
:

ad Cajum,
VTzo
i/6fiu»

Mang.

Ti'jx (fTT

xpy xvuv
hpav

yo'j'iu'j

577 Aimxyf^svov; «^ xvtuv rpoVo« kxi Trxiöxyuyuv Kxi v^YiyriTcHv, kxI ttoKv vpöii.

Tspou TUV

Kx\

iTt ru'j

xypxCfoiv iSuv,

'ivx

vofn'i^nu tov "jruTipx

kxI

iroiYiTi^u TOi> y.6af/.ov diov.

23 Vita, 2.
2*

In Christian communities also cliildrcu were instructed in the Holy

Scriptures.

Comp. 2 Tim.

iii.

15: «ttö ßpifov; iipx ypxfc/xxTx

oJox;.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

49
(nipii^n)

Simon ben Shetach already prescribed that children
should frequent the elementary schools (laon
n''3).^'^

For
for

this
all

Simon ben
kinds of
the

Shetach

is

quite

a

point

of

meeting

myths.

In any case however, in

the period of

Mishna, and

therefore at latest in the second century

after Christ, the

existence of elementary schools
Ijn

is

assumed.

There are

e.g.

legal decisions with regard to the

(servant of

the congregation),

who
Or

instructs children
it is

(nipl3^n) in

reading
shall

on the Sabbath.^^

ordained, that an idle
niö^"»

man
vh?^

not keep a school for children, onaiD pn DlK
is

Or

it

appointed, that in certain cases the testimony of an adult
(|t3p)

with respect to what he saw as a child
school (nSDH
JT»!) is valid.^®
(

in the elementary
tradition, that

Hence the

later

Joshua ben Gamla

= Jesus

the son of Gamaliel) enacted that

teachers of boys (nipirn ''^Dbo) should be appointed in every

province
six
or

and in

every tovjn,

and that children
is

of

the age of

seven should be brought to them,

by no means

known to history is the high priest of that name, about 63—65 after It must therefore be he who Christ (see above, vol. p. 201). As his measures presuppose a is intended in the above notice. somewhat longer existence of boys' schools, we may without
incredible.^^

The only Jesus the son

of Gamaliel

i.

2S Jer. 27

Kethuhoth

viii.

11 (32c above).

26
28

Shahhath

i.

3.

Kiddushin

iv. lo.

Kethuhoth

ii.

10.

Bab. Baba lathra 21»: " Rab Judah said in the name of the Rabbi: Truly it may be remembered to this man's credit Joshua ben Gamhi ia his name. If he had not lived, the law would have been forgotten in Israel. For at first, he who had a father was taught the law by him, he who had none did not learn the law. Afterwards it was ordained, that teachers of boys should be appointed in Jerusalem. But he who had a father was sent
29
!

.

.

.

.

.

.

Then it was ordained, and that boys of the age of sixteen or seventeen should be sent to them. But he whose teacher was angry with him ran away, till Joshua ben Gamla came and enacted, that teachers should be appointed in every province and in every town (|"'j;i n"'J? ^331 naniDI nno ^33), and children of six or seven years old
to school that teachers should be appointed in every province,

by him, he who had none did not go there.

brought to them."
DIV.
II.

VOL.

II.

D

50

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYXAGOGUK
to the age of Christ,
institution.

hesitation transfer
as a general

them

even though not

and established

The

subject

of instruction, as already appears
Philo,

from the above

passages of Josephus and
the law.

was

as

good as exclusively

For only

its

inculcation in the youthful mind, and
all

not the means of general education, was the aim of
zeal for the instruction of youth.

this

And

indeed the earliest
text of

instruction
Scripture.

was

in the reading

and inculcation of the
school was called

Hence the elementary
ri""?,

simply

the issn

because
is

it

had

to

do with the book of the

Thorah, or as

once expressly declared, with the text of
JT"?,

Scripture (the ^"JP^) in distinction from B''J1on

which was
at

devoted to further
only the interest

" study. "^*'

It

was therefore

bottom

in

the

law,

which made instruction in
For since in the case
of the

reading pretty widely diffused.
written
Scripture
(in

distinction
its

from oral tradition) great

importance was attached to

being actually read (see below

on the order of public worship), elementary instruction in the

law was necessarily combined with instruction in reading.

A
law

knowledge of reading must therefore be everywhere assumed,

where
existed.

a

somewhat more thorough knowledge

of

the

Hence we

find

even in pre-Christian times hooks of the

law in the possession of private individuals.^^

On

the other

hand however the
Habitual
instruction.
fulfil

difficult art of

writing was less general.**
in

practice

went hand

hand with

theoretical

For though children were not actually lound to
it

the law, they were yet accustomed to "R. Pinchas

from their youth
name
of R. Hoshaiah

30 Jer.

Megilla

iii.

1 (73(1)

:

said in the

that there were 480 synagogues in Jerusalem, and each had a Beth-Sefer and a Beth-Talmud, the former for the Mikra (the text of Scripture), tbe
latter for
3^

the Mishna (the oral tradition)."
1 Mace.
i.

Comp.

56

sq.

In the Mishna, Jcbamoth xvi. 7, a story

is

told of a Levite,

who

died on a journey, in an inn, and whose property

consisted of a stick, a travelliug-bag, and a hook of the law.
32

Comp. Winer, RWB.,

art.

" Schreibkuust."

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
e.g.

51

up.

It

was made a duty of adults
on the day

to

enjoin children to

keep the Sabbath.^^
to strict fasting

Children were to be gradually accustomed
of

atonement one or two years
Certain
points

before

the

age

when

it

was incumbent.'^*

were even binding upon children.
indeed
e.g.

to the reading of the

Tephillin, but they were so to

They were not bound Shema and the putting on of the usual prayer (the Shemoneh
Boys had
at to be present at

Esreh) and to prayer at
the
tenderest

table.^*

age in

the

temple

the

chief

festivals.**

Especially were boys bound to the observance of the feast of
Tabernacles.^^

As soon then

as the

first

signs of

manhood

appeared, the growing Israelite was bound to the full observ-

ance of the law/^ he then entered upon
duties
'""JV?

all

the rights and

of

a

full

-

grown
the

Israelite,
-

and

was

henceforth

a

"i?.^^

Thus
xvi. 6.
iii.

widely

diffused

opinion,

supported

^^
^*

Shabiath

^^^

Joma

viii. 4.

and children are released from reading the Shema and from the Tephillin, but are bound to the Tephilla (the Shemoneh Esreh), to the Mesusa, and prayer at table."
Bcraclioth

3

:

"

Women,

slaves

feasts,

"Every one is bound to appear in the temple at the chief except the deaf, idiots, children, eunuchs, mongrels, women, unemancipated slaves, the lame, blind, sick, infirm, and generally those who cannot
2"

Chagigai. 1

:

v\'alk.

WJiat
:

is

here meant by a child (}Dp) ?

According

to the school of

Every one who cannot yet ride upon his father's shoulder from Jerusalem to the temple mount. But the school of Hillel said Every one who cannot yet go up from Jerusalem to the temple mount led by his father's hand." It may indeed be inferred from Luke ii. 42, that as a rule those dwelling away from Jerusalem took part in the pilgrimages from their twelfth year. "^ Sukka ii. 8 " Women, slaves and children are free from the law of the feast of Tabernacles. A child however, who no longer needs his mother, is bound by it. The daughter-in-law of Shammai the elder once brought forth a son at the feast of Tabernacles. He then left the roof open and covered it in over the bed with branches for the sake of the child." Sukka iii. 15 "A boy who is capable of shaking the lulah is bound to keep it." 2^^ Nidda vi. 11 "A boy in whom the two hairs appear is hound to all the commands which are said in the law." The like applies to girls, with the
: :

Shammai

:

:

diflference, that

women

neither share in

all

the rights nor in

all

the legal

duties of men.
38

The expression Bar-Mizvah

is

found already in the Talmud (^Baha

52
especially
ii.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
of Lightfoot

by the remarks

and Wetzstein on Luke
to the
:

42, that the attaiunient of the twelfth year formed the
observ-

boundary between being bound and not bound
ance of the law, is in

two respects inaccurate

first,

because

a younger boy was bound by certain

precepts,

and

next

because no definite age but the signs of approaching puberty

formed this boundary.
subsequently fixed,
years.
39

Besides,

when a

definite

age

was

it

was not that

of twelve, but of thirteen

II.

THE SYNAGOGUE.

The Literature.
Maimonides, Hilchoth Tephilla (in bis great work Mishne Thorah), gives a
systematic statement of such tradition concerning the nature of the

synagogue as was held valid in

his time.

mezia 96a below, see Levy's Neuhebr. Wörterh. i. 258^), but was not generally used as the designation of a full-grown Israelite till the Middle Ages, see Low, Die Lebensalter, pp. 210, 410. 39 Thus in the appenilix (a work of the post-Talmudic period) to the "At five years old (he comes) to the reading treatise Abotb, Ahoth v. 21
:

of Scripture, at ten to the Mishna, at thirteen (mti'y \lh^ \2) to the practice of the commands, at fifteen to the Talmud, at eighteen to marriage," etc.

In a special point,

viz.

the absolute validity of the oath, the attainment of
; :

the thirteenth year was also already appointed in the Mishna see Nidda v. 6 " When a chUd is twelve years and one day old, his oaths are tested when
;

he

is

thirteen years and a day, they are valid without further ceremony."
Lebensalter,
ii.

Comp. Low, Die

Bibel und Talmud, Div.

Hamburger, Real-Enc. für 143 sqq. " Mizva." The material contributed by Lightfoot {Eorae hebr.) and Wetzstem {Nov. Test.) on Luke ii. 42 does not prove, that the twelfth year fonned the boundary between obligation On the one hand, only the views of individual and non-obliiration. authorities, which are opposed by other authorities, are on the whole dealt
p.
art.

with and on the other it is only said by them, that the strict practice of the law had to begin at twelve years of age, not that its oUixjation then began BO especially in the passages Joma 82», Kcthuboth 50*. Nor can more be
; ;

inferred from

Luke

ii.

42, than that at the age of twelve the strict practice

of the law began.

§ 27.

SCHOOL A^'D SYNAGOGUE.

53

Vitringa,

De synogoga

vetcre lihri tres: quibus turn de nominibux, structura,

originc, praefectis, ministris et sacris sijnagogarum agittir, tiim p-^aecipite

formam

regiminis et ministerii

eantm

in ecclesiam christianuvi

translatam

esse demonstratur,

Franequerae 1696.

Joh. Gottl. Carpzov, Apparatus Jdstorico cnticus (1748), pp. 307-326.

A

number

of older

monographs on

single subjects
vol. xxi.

is

collected in Ugolini's

Thesaurus Antiquitatum sacrarum,

Hartmann, Die enge Verbindung
pp. 225-376.

des Alten Testaments mit

dem Neuen (1831),

Zunz, Die goitesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden (1832), pp. 1-12, 329-360. Winer, Realwörterb. ii. 548-551, " Synagogen."
Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Jisrael,
Jost, Geschichte des Jtideiithums,
Keil,
i.

iii.

129-137, 183-226.

168

ff.

Handbuch der
444
ff.

biblischen

Archäologie (2nd ed.

1875), pp. 164

ff.,

Leyrer,

art.

" Synagogen,"

in Herzog's

Rcal-Enc, 1st

ed. vol. xv. (1862),

pp. 299-314.

De Wette,

Lehrb. der hebr.-jüd. Archäologie (4th ed. 1864), pp. 369-374.
vol.
i.

Hausrath, Neutestamentl. Zeitgesch., 2nd ed.

(1873) pp. 73-80.
(1869),
pp.

Haneberg, Die
582-587.
Ginsburg,
art.
art.

religiösen

Alterthümer

der

Bibel

349-355,

Plumptre,

Kneucker,
Sieffert,

art.

"Synagogue," in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature. " Synagogue," in Smith's Dictionary of tlie Bible. " Synagogen," in Schenkel's Bibellex. v. pp. 443-446.

Die jüdische Synagoge zur Zeit Jesu (^Beweis des Glaubens, 1876,

pp. 3-11, 225-239).

Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud,
" Synagoge."

Div.

ii.

1883, art.

Low, Leop., Der synagogale Ritus (Monatsschr. für
des Judenth. 1884, pp. 97
ff.,

Gesch.
ff.,

und Wissensch.
ff.,

161

ff.,

214

ff.,

305

364

458

ff.).

Strack, art.

"Synagogen,"

in Herzog's

Real-Enc, 2nd

ed. xv. 96-100.

A

deeper and more professional acquaintance witb the law

could only be obtained at the feet of the scribes in the Beth-

ha-Midrash

(see above, § 25).

It

was

in the nature of things,

that only a small fraction would acquire this.
of the people
it

For the bulk

was no small advantage,

if

only an elementary

knowledge should become and remain a common property.

But even

this object

was only attainable through an

institution,

64
by means
Such an

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
law was being brought nearer and
life to

of wliicli the

nearer during his whole
institution

each individual of the nation.
post-exilian

was created by
necessary

Judaism

in

the custom of the reading of Scripture on the Sabbath day in
the synagogue.

For

it is

first

of all to remark, that

the

main

ohjcct

of these

Sabbath day assemblages in
its stricter

the

synagogue was not public worship in

sense,

i.e.

not

devotion, but religious instruction, and this for an Israelite

was above

all instruction

in the law.

Josephus rightly views

the matter in this light: " did our lawgiver

Not once

or twice or

more frequently

command

us to hear the law, but to come

together weekly, with the cessation of other work, to hear the

law and

to learn it accurately."***

Nor was Philo
"

in the wrong,

when he
which

called

the

synagogues

houses of

instruction," in

" the native philosophy "

was studied and every kind
Testament
too,

of virtue taught.*^

In the

New

the hihäa-KeLv

always figures as the chief function of the synagogue.*^

The

origin of these meetings on the Sabbath in buildings erected
for the purpose,

must

at
first

any rate be sought
traces of

for in the post""IVio

exilian period.
Ps.
Ixxiv.
8,

The

them

are the ^^
era.

of

probably of the

jMaccabaean

But

their

commencement may well be transposed considerably
back, perhaps to the time of Ezra.
*"

farther

In the times of Christ
oiihi
i'Tri

Apion.

ii.

7

:

Oiix.

uaocTra,^ dx-fiOBtaocyAuov;

Sij

»j

-KoKKuKtg,

«AX

fKxuTYis

kßoofixZo; ru'j

cLKhwj 'ipyvu cKpif^ivovi

tviu

xKooctaiv rov vof^ov

iKiKsvai avTO^iyiodai kuI tovtov dx,ptßuc:
*^

sufiecvöoti/ti».

Vita Mosis,
'

iii.

27 (Mang.
TUU
sj

ii.

168):

'A(p'

ov xetl tlaiTi vuv (fiT^oaoipovoi
}(,o6vo'j

Toili ißOojüccis
iTriTTTlfiT]

lovOoiiot T/ju '^oiTotou (pi'hoao(piot,v^ rov
'TTiol

iKui/ov ocvudii/rsg

X.XI

diUpict

(tvilV.

T« y«0
x-cti

X.

01,1 OC
x,a.i

TtO'htli

X p Oa SV KT 7)ccpsrij;,
ti

ptet

T<

'inpöv iariv

oidoeaKccT^stct
ts

(fpov/imoi:

dvopix; xxl au0poav/nTrxayi;

av-jYii

^*i CtKUioavvric,

iVTsßii»;
roe,
:

öoiizfizo^
kccI

Kui

xuTci'Jourxi Kxl KXTopSovTxi

n

üväpöi-nn»

6ux.

Comp.

Legat,

ad

Cajum, § 23 (Mang. Jews) Kxl vpoaivx,«,^

ii.

508)

'Hz-larxro ovu

(seil.

Augustus of the Roman

i'^ovrxi x,xl avviivrxg s/j xi/rxg, y,xl (/.xKiarx rxlr; ispxis
(pi7^0(jo<pixi/.

ißoö/xxtg, OTf Oftf^ooioc rvju Trxrptov vxihivovrxi

"

Matt.

iv.

23

;

Mark

i.

21

;

Luke

iv.

15, 31, vi. 6, xiii.

10; John

vi.

59,

xviii. 20.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUK
on the Sabbath day
"
i.

55
was
21,

the " teaching in the synagogue

already an established and naturalized institution (Mark
vi.

2

;

Luke
"

iv.

16, 31,

vi.

6, xiii.

10

;

Acts

xiii.

14, 27, 42,

44, XV. 21,

xvi. 13, xvii. 2, xviii. 4).

According to Acts xv. 21,
(e'/c

Moses

had from generations

of old

yevewv

dp'^ai'(av)

in

every city them that preach him, being read in the synagogues

every Sabbath."
in general, trace

Josephus and Philo, and subsequent Judaism

back the whole system to Moses

himself.*^

This

is

indeed of interest only as showing that later Judaism
it

reQ;arded

as an essential element of its religious institutions.

The

utter absence of testimony forbids our thinking of a pre-

exilian origin.

The whole system presupposes above
ence of a religious community.

all

things the exist-

And
the

here the question arises,
civil

whether in the time of Christ the

and

religious

comof

munity was

so

separated

in

towns and provinces

Palestine, that the latter possessed
tion.

an independent organiza-

To gain

clearness on the subject,

we must

first

consider

that

the political constitution differed in the different towns

of Palestine.
variety

We

have seen

(vol.

i.

p.

148) that a

threefold

was

in this respect possible,

and actually

existed.

The

••^

Comp, besides the two already
;

cited passages (Joseph, contra Apiou.

ii.

17

Philo,

Vita Mosis,
viii.

iii.

27), especially Philo, fragm.

Pracp. evang.

7,

iu Vitringa, p. 283 sqq.

apud Euseb. The statement of Winer

{RWB.
chald.
i.

ii.

548, referring to his Diss, de Jonathanis in Pentat. paraphrasi

30), that the

Targums transfer the

institution to the patriarchal

period, is not quite correct.

It is certainly said in

Onkelos, Gen. xxv. 27,

that Jacob served in a house of instruction (XJQ^IK D"^!), and in Targ. ./erits. 1, Gen. xxxiii. 17, that Jacob built a house of teaching (xt^lö '3).

But

in neither case is a synagogue proper intended.

In Tai-g. Jerus.

1,

Ex.

xviii. 20, it is said,

that the father-in-law of Moses exhorted

him

to teach

the people the prayer, which they were to use in their synagogue (n^32 But here the age of the patriarchs in the stricter sense is out pnnt^'^ja).
of question.
refer to a later period.

the spirit of

So too do the other passages quoted by Winer equally It would nevertheless be quite in accordance with the Targums to transpose the synagogues also to the times of

the patriarchs.

56
Jews
in

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYXAGOGUE.

miglit be excluded from civic rights, or
civil

Jews and non-

Jews might have equal
possession
of

rights, or
first

Jews only might be
mixed popu-

them.
a
chiefly

The

two cases were possible
strongly

in

towns with

Greek

or

lation.

In both cases the Jews would, in respect of their

religious wants, be
religious

thrown back upon self-organization as a
For whether they co-operated or not in
affairs,

community.
of
civil

the

direction

the necessity of independent

organization for religious matters was the
these

same.
he

In
of

both

cases

therefore

the

question

started

must

answered
the

in

the

aßrmative,

and

consequently

the

position

synagogal community would be the same in these towns as in
those of the Dispersion.

Quite different however was the state

of affairs in towns of an entirely or an almost exclusively Jewish

population.

Here the

local authorities certainly consisted of

Jews, and the few non-Jewish inhabitants

were excluded

from the college of elders or town senate.
no doubt with respect to Jerusalem.
authorities

Of

this there is

Since then the local

had often

to

deal also with religious affairs (for

the Jewish law
affairs), it
is

knows

of

no severance of these from

civil

a priori very probable, that the matters

of the

synagogue were under their jurisdiction.

Or would a separate
?

council of elders be appointed for this special purpose

In

small places at
natural.

all

events this would have been very unin

But even
synagogues,
if

the

larger

towns, where there were
for
it.

several

there

was no occasion

It

was

enough

the necessary

officials for

each synagogue (a ruler of

the synagogue, an almoner and a minister),
for its special concerns,
ties.

who had

to care

were appointed by the local authorifor

At

least there

was no urgent reason

the formation

of a college of elders for each separate synagogue, though with

the scantiness of our material
bility

we have
in

to concede the possiit
is

of this
;

being

done.

Nay,

one case

even

probable

for the Hellenistic

Jews

in

Jerusalem, the Liber-

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE. and
vi.

57
formed
special special

tines,

Cyrenians,

Cilicians

Asiatics

evidently

separate communities (Acts

9)**

But these were

circumstances, the difference of nationality
organization
religious

making a
the

necessary.

A

separation

of

political

and

community would have been
circumstances
It

quite unnatural for the

simple

especially

of

the

smaller

places

of

Palestine.

would disagree with the character of postwhich indeed knows
religious
of the political, only in

exilian Judaism,

the form of the

community.

But there

are

not

wanting also positive
also
e.ff.

proofs, that the civil

community

as such

directed the affairs

of tlie synagogue.

In the Mishna

it is

presupposed as quite self-evident, that the synagogue,

the sacred ark, and the sacred books were quite as

much

the

property of the town, and therefore of the civic community, as
e.g.

the roads and the bathing establishment.**

The

inhabit-

ants of the

town

(i^yn

"'JS)

had therefore the

right of disposing

of the former as of the latter.^^
says, that the

When

Eleasar ben Asariah

Musaph-prayer may only be used in a town
i^D?),

congregation

("»''J?

we may

infer that the

town congresynagogue

gation included the civic
**

community

as such in the

Eoman "freed men" and their descenwhom Pompey despatched as prisoners to Rome, and who were there soon liberated by their masters (Philo, Leg. ad Cajum, § 23. M. Many of these may 568).
The
Atßipzlvoi

can only be

dants, therefore descendants of those Jews,

ii.

have subsequently returned to Jerusalem and have here formed a separate congregation. So too the numerous Hellenistic Jews from Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia and Asia dwelling in Jerusalem formed separate congregations. For the old matter of dispute as to how the passage from the Acts is to be construed, whether so as to make it mention one or two or ßve synagogues, must certainly be decided in the latter sense (so already, Vitringa,
p.

253).
*3
:

Nedarim v. 5 " Things which belong to a town are e.g. the roads, the bathing institution, the synagogue, the sacred chest or ark, the sacred books."
"If the inhabitants of a town have sold the open place the produce buy a synagogue if a synagogue, if a sacred ark, then veils for the Holy Scriptures; if then a sacred ark these, then the Holy Scriptures if these, then a book of the law."

Megilla

iii.

1

:

of the town, they

may with
;

;

;

68
worship.*^

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
consequently assume
it

We may

as prol3able that

the congregation of the synagogue had only in towns with a

mixed population an independent existence beside the
community.
vrill

political

Li

jpiLrdy Jewish localities, the elders of the place

have been also the elders of the synagogue.
is

So

far as the

community

viewed as

religious, it

is

called riD33 (properly
xn::'''33),

assembly, Greek avvaywytj, Aramaean
therefore nD:3n
*^

its

members

^ja."^

iv. 7: "R. Eleasar ben Asariah says: The Musaph-prayer added to the usual prayer on Sabbaths and holy days) is only used in a town congregation. The learned say In a town congregation and outR. Judah says in the name of the latter Wherever there is a side one. town congregation, an individual is free from the Musaph-prayer." The unusual word -|>j; -i2n is, it is true, variously explained. Since however it means in any case an associated community (not as Maimonides explains it, an individual scholar), and since the religious community is elsewhere called, not nan, but nD33, ISn must mean just a civil associated community, which also very well suits the passage cited from Megilla 27^, by

BeracJioth

(that

:

:

Levy, Neuhehr. Wörtcrb. s.v. *^ Bechoroth v. 5 ; Sahim iii.
de Rossi 138, where indeed

2.

but with Tsere in the penultimate.
passages correctly pointed.

nDJ3 must be written, not with Segol, Comp, the Aramaic xn5J'''33, and Cod.

nD33 is not quite constantly but still in most The Greek (jvuecyu-yyi is used in the sense of
9, ix. 2.

"congregation,"
Bq.

e.g.

Acts

vi.

Corp.

/7?.st?-.

Grace, vol.

ii.

p.

1004

Add. n. 21141», 2114^» (Inscriptions of the Pantikapaion in the 'lov^uiuv. avus'TtiTpoTnütjYi; riis avuxyuyvn rav Cimmerian Bosphorus) Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 9902 sqq. Frequently in Roman-Judaic epitaphs. That it was in later Judaism the usual expression for " congregation " is
:

evident, especially from the language of the Fathei-s,

between

avvxyw/'/i

and

iKKMaioi. to

latter the Christian congregation.

who only distinguish make the former signify the Jewish, the Nay the Ebionites retained the expres-

sion <svva,yuyyi for the Christian congregation also (Epiphan. haer. xxx. 18
Ss ovroi x.x>.ovai t'/i'j iuvruv ixKT^natoi.v x.xl 'jvy) iKK'^yjaiuv). even in patristic literature avi/xyay/j is sometimes used for the Christian congregation (see Harnack, Zeitschr. für Wissenschaftl. Theol. 1876, p. 104 sqq., and his note on Hennas Mandat, xi. 9, in Gebhardt and Harnack's edition of the Pati: ApostoL). In Christian Palestinian Aramaic, Nnt^"'33, which answers to the Greek avuuyuyi;, seems to have been the usual word for " church " (see Land, Anecdota Syriaca., iv. 217. Zahn,

avuuyuyviu

And

Tadan's Diatessaron, p. 335). Still in the Christian sphere iKKMaiu, has from the first, even from the time of St. Paul, maintained the supremacy. This contrast between the Jewish and Cliristian usage of
certainly

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

59

The authority of the elders of the covimunitij in religious matters must be conceived of as analogous to that which they
possessed in civil
affairs.

As then
in

the civil administration

and jurisdiction were entirely
There

their hands, so

presumably
affair.

was the direction of religious matters exclusively their
is

at

least

no trace of any direct deliberation and

determination of the whole congregation in individual cases of
language is at first sight strange, since no actual distinction is made in the Old Testament between avva-yuy/) and ix.xXm'ioe,- The LXX. put avjecycoyi) as the Targuras do N'rTJ"'3D for for rT\V, and as a rule i-/.x.-Kf,iio(. for hr\\>
\

my,

and generally '^r\p

for ^np-

The former

is

chiefly used in the

books
1

of Exodus, Leviticus,

Numbers and Joshua,
Nehemiah

the latter in Deuteronomy,

and

2 Chronicles, Ezra aud

(for particulars see the Concordances),

both very frequently without real difference to designate the " congregaLater Judaism however seems already to have made a tion " of Israel. distinction in the use of the two terms, and such an one that avvxyuy/i
designated the congregation more on the side of
its

empirical reality, iKx.>.mix
ßic associated

more on that
the assembly

of its ideal signification;

avjctyay/t being

congregation as constituted in some one place;

Ix.K'hYiaiot.^ <ni the

other hntul,

of those

called by
T T

God

to salvation, especially like
viii.

?np, the ideal
2
;

church of Israel (on ^np, comp, in the Mishna, Jebamoth
iv.
;

Kiddushiu

=
is

4-5 Jadajim iv. 4). When then Augustine says avi/x'/uy/j 3 congregatio, which is used also of animals, l>cxA>j(r/«s = convocatio, which on the contrary used rather of men (see Enarrat. in Ps. Ixxxi. 1), this
Horajoth
i.
;

much

at least

is

true, that the latter is in fact the worthier term,
fact, iKx.'Knoicc

l^vvctyuyri

only expresses the empiric matter of

contains as well a dog-

matic judgment of value. From this distinction between the terms which, as it seems, soon became a prevailing one even in Judaism, it is easily understood, that Christian usage took possession almost exclusively of the latter
expression.
Lastly,

we have

here to note in passing the expression
It

"i!i2Y

60 frequently used in the Mishna.

denotes generally the Church, not as

a community, but only as an aggregate in contrast to the individual, thus e.g. in the yet to be discussed expression "l!|3V nvti*, Berachoth v. 5 ; Rash

hashana
V.

iv.

9.

In sacrificial language the public sacrifices, which were
of all Israel, are
;

offered in the

name
;

inv m^Qlpi
ii.

Shckalim
9

iv. 1,
;

7

;

Sehachim xiv. 10
i.

Menachoth
1.

2, viii. 1, ix. 6, 7,

Snkka 6 Tcmura ii. 1
;
; ;

Kerithoth
V. 3

6

Para
;

ii.

Comp,

also

nuV

nj^on,

Joma
;

vi. 1

Sebachim

and elsewhere

elsewhere.
Taxtnitk
i.

A
5, 6,

public fast
ii.

ni^v ^ö^t^ TI^T, Pesachim vii. 4 Sebachim v. 5 and is called a fast, which was ordered, "il3Xn i'J/, 9, 10. "i^3V then is everywhere not the " community,'

but the " aggregate."

GO
discipline

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE,
wliicli

and government, of the kind

we meet with

in

tlie

Cliristian

Church

at

Corinth.

In the Jewish com-

munity, on the contrary, these were administered by means of
appointed
officials,
i.e.

the

elders

of the

congregation.

In

particular were the latter very probably competent to exercise

that most important act of religious discipline, the inßiction

of excommunication or exclusion from the congregation.
strict administration of this

The
In

means

of discipline

was

for postits

exilian

Judaism nothing
contact with

less
its

than a vital question.

continual

heathen neighbours, the Jewish
intact

Church could only keep

itself

by the most careful

separation from itself of all foreign elements.
firmer organization of the post-exilian Church

As then the
had begun by
to the

the proclamation, that every one

who would not submit

new

order should be excluded from the congregation (Ezra

X. 8), so

had care

to

be continually exercised for the exclusion

of opposing elements in the

way

of

Church

discipline.

That
proved
vi.

this regulation actually existed in the time of Christ is

by repeated

allusions in the
xii.

New

Testament (Luke
is,

22

;

John

ix.

22,

42, xvi.

2).

The only question

whether

there were various kinds of exclusion.
after the

Many
1549)
falls

scholars have,

example of Elias Levita

(t

in his " Tishhi,"

distinguished three different kinds: (1) '"J, (2) D^n, (3) »r\W.

Of these however the
Nrus'^'

latter forthwith

away,

""i"n3

and

being, as Buxtorf already showed, used in the Talmud

synonymously.*^

Only the
:

distinction between

two kinds has and the

been handed down
^l.n or

the

''^"^^

or temporary exclusion,
is

permanent

ban.''**
is.

It

however
is

difficult

to say

how

old this distinction

All that

directly testified to in the
vi.

Xew

Testament

is

the a<^opi^€Lv (Luke

22) or d'Troavvayoy-

ryov irotelv or <yivea6ai

(John

ix.

22,

xii.

42, xvi. 2), therefore

*'>

Lex. Ckald. col. 2462-2470
.i.v.

(s.v.

xnOL'O-

Comp,
p. 739.

also Levy, Chald.

Wörterb.
*"

D"in.

So Maimonides

in Vitringa,

Dc

xi/iiaf/of/a,

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

61
in the well-

only the custom of expulsion as such.

When

known

passage of the First Epistle to the Corinthians the

expression TrapaBovvai tco
alpeiv €K fieaov

Xarava

(ver. 5) also

occurs beside

(ver. 2), it is just

a question, whether by the

former
cation.

we

are to understand a stricter form of
is

excommuni-

In the Mishna too expulsion

only mentioned as

such and the possibility of readmission assumed.*^
other side, the Old Testament
is

On
;

the

already acquainted with the

term D^n,
that
it

ix.

the permanent excommunication or curse
sense
of the curse) at least
also,
is

and
as a

was

current (in the
to
later

dogmatic notion

Judaism

proved by the

expressions dvddefia and avaOefjuarl^eiv so repeatedly occurring
in

the
i.

New
8, 9
;

Testament (Eom.

ix.

3; 1 Cor.
xxiii.

xii. 3,

xvi.

22;

Gal.

Mark

xiv.

71

;

Acts

12, xiv. 21).
is

The
state-

actual practice of anathematizing in the synagogues

proved

from the 2nd century

after Christ

and onwards by the

ment

of Justin

and other Fathers, that the Jews in
the the

their daily
It

prayer always pronounced curses upon the
is

Christians.'^^*

true

that
is

infliction

of
of,

dvaOefia
it is

upon

certain

individuals

not here spoken

and

also questionable,

whether the curses were pronounced directly upon Christians.

But

at

any

rate the actual
is

custom of anathematizing in public
proved.
It
is

worship at that period
possible, that

therefore at least

so

early as

the time of Christ, two kinds of

exclusion from the congregation took place, either without or

with the

infliction

of

the dvdOefia.

Nothing more

definite

can be asserted in the absence of direct evidence.^^
^^

It is
2.

Taanith

in.

8

;

Moed katan
c.

in.

1-2

;

Edujoth

v.

6

;

Middoth
9.

ii.

51a Justin.

Dial.

TrypJi.

c.

16.

Epiphan. haei: xxix.

Further

particulars in the appendix on the
5-

Shemoneh Esreh.
in general, Buxtorf, Lex. Chald.,
(s.v.

Compare on the excommunication
827-829
(s.v.

col.

Din),

col.

1303-1307
lib.
i.

'•nj),

col.

2462-2470

(s.v.

NnJOt^')•

Seiden,

De

syncdriis,

cap.

viii.

Vitringa,

De

synagoga,

pp. 729-768.

Carpzov, Apparatus historico-criticvs, pp. 554-562.

Bindrim,
ejusdem hi

De

gradibus excommunicationis apud Hebraeos, in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol.
Gottl. Isr. Musculus,

xxvi.

De

excommiinicatione Hebraeoriim

et

62
liiglily

§ 27.

SCHOOL A^•D SYNAGOGUE.

probable that only the elders of the congregation were
inflict

authorized to
exilian
far as
it

this

extreme penalty.

For as in post-

Judaism the bulk

we know
ix.

of the people as such

nowhere

so

exercised jurisdiction,

with respect to excommunication.
22, that
it

we must not assume In fact we see, e.g. from
'lovBaioi^;,
i.e.

John

was

inflicted

by the

in the

language of this Gospel, by the authorities of the nation.
this is indirectly confirmed

And
of the

by the circumstance, that in the
the
political

era

of the Mishna,

when

organization

nation was dissolved, and the professional scribes more and

more acquired the powers
was just the
"

of the

former local authorities,
inflicted

it

learned

"

(Q'^MH)

who

and abolished

excommunication.^ In the Talmudic and post-Talmudic periods
also, this

was in the hands

of

competent church

authorities.®*

Besides the elders
affairs of

who had

the general direction of the

the congregation, special officers were appointed for

special purposes.

But the
and

peculiarity here

is,

that just for

the acts proper to public worship
tures,

preaching

prayer

— no

the reading of the Scripspecial
officials

were
of

appointed.

These acts were, on the contrary, in the time
freely

Christ

still

performed in turn by members of the

congregation, on which account cj. Christ was able, whenever

Novo Testamento
Meuschen, Nov.

vestigiis,

Lips. 1703.

Dauz, llitus excommunicationis (in
2.

Test, ex

Talmude

illuslratum, pp. 615-648).
i.

older discussions, see Meusel, Bibliotheca hisiorica,

RWB.,

art.

" Bann."

Merx

in Schenkel's Bihelkx.

s.v.

For other and 198 sq. Winer, Hamburger, Real-

Enc. f. Bibel und Talmud., Div. i. s.v. Wiesner, Der Bann in seiner gesckic/dlichen Entwicklung, Leipzig 1864. *^ See especially Mocd katan iii. 1-2. ^* In Justinian's Novell. 146, in which the reading of the Greek text of the Scriptures is allowed in Jewish synagogues, and the Jewish authorities directed not to obstruct this by the infliction of excommunication, in respect
of the latter it
is

said
'/j

:

O^-öi öiostxv 'iiovuiv oi yrup

avroi; up-^iipipix-nxt
Ttalv
sj

ij

"zrpujßvTipot 'zvyfiv
Tiay-oii rovro

oioxaKxTiOf 'Trpoax'/opivoy-moi

-Tispiuoictii

<i,vx6ti/..oe,-

xuy.vstt/. is

Mairaonides assumes

it

as self-evident, that

excom-

munication

inflicted

by the pT

ri^3-

See on the subject in general,

Vitringa, pp. 744-751.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYXAGOGUE.

63

He came
worship).
liturgists

into a synagogue, to immediately address the congre-

gation (see further particulars below on the order of public

But

though no
it

official

readers, preachers
all

and

were appointed,

was above

necessary that:
the care

(1)

An

oJäicial

should be nominated,

who should have

of external order in public worship and the supervision of

the concerns of the synagogue in general.

This was the Ruler

of the synagogue.^

Such äp'^iavvä'^w^oL are
,'^"

met with

in the

entire sphere of Judaism, not only in Palestine,*^ but also in

Egypt," Asia Minor,^^ Greece," Italy
in general.^^

and the Eoman Empire

The
the

office

and

title

were also transferred from
churches of Palestine,^
:

the Jews
*•

to

Judaeo-Christian
article

Comp, on the Archisynagogi my
in

Juden
ture

Rom

in der Kaiserzeit (Leipzig 1879), pp. 25-28.

Die Gemeindcverfassung der The older litera-

is unproductive as jumbling together so much that is heterogeneous. bring forward Vitringa, Archisynagogus ohservationihus novis illnstratus^ Franeq. 1685. Idem, De synagoga vetcre, pp. 580-592,695-711. Rhenferd,

We

Investigatio j)raefectorum et ministrorum synagogue,

c.

i.

{0pp. phil. p. 480

sqq.
°^

;

also in Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.).

Luke viii. 49, xiii. 14. Evang. Nicodemi in v. 22, 35, 36, 38 Codex apocr. Nov. Test. pp. 514 sq., 640, 645 (= Acta Pilati in Tischendorf, Evang. apocr. 1876, pp. 221, 270, 275, 284).

Mark

;

Thilo,

^^

Hadrian's letter to Servianus in Vopiscus, Vita Saturnin.
ii.

c. viii.

(Scrip'

tores Historiae Augustae, ed. Peter, 1865,
^8

209).
(Cilicia).

Acts

xiii.

15 (the Pisidian Antioch).

Epiphan. haer. xxx. 11
vii.

The
p.
59

Inscription of

Smyrna, Bevue
17 (Corintii).

des Etudes juives, vol.

No. 14, 1883,

161 sq. Acts

xviii. 8,

Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 9894 (Aegina).
Garrucci, Cimitero degli antichi

^•^

Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 9906 (Rome).

Ebrei scoperto recentemente in Vigna Eandanini, p. 67 (Rome). Mommsen, Inscr. Regni Neap. n. 3657 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x. n. 3905 (Capua).
Ascoli, Iscrizioni inedite o

mal

note greche latine chraiche di antichi sepolcri

gindaici, 1880, p. 49, n. 1, pp. 52, 57 (Venusia in

Lower

Italy).

The same

three inscriptions in Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.

ix.

(1883), n. 6201, 6205, 6232.
de Venosa in Revue des

The

last

two

also in

Lenormant,

La Catacombe juive

eludes juives, vol. vi. No. 12 (1883), pp. 203-204.

The three

first

named

inscriptions from

Rome and Capua

are given also in the appendix to

my

work, Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in Rom, Nos. 5, 19, 42. ^^ Codex Thcodosianus (cd. Hacnel), xvi. 8. 4, 13, 14. Comp, also
Justin. Dial.
^c.

Tryph.

c.

137.
:

Epiphan, Äaer. xxx. 18

-Trptafivripovc,

yxp

ouroi i/jjvat kcc\ ccpyjavvct'/uyovi.

64
nay
it

27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
occasionally
in
title

is

also

found

Christian
ripjzn
tliis

churches
is

beyond

Palestine.*'^''

The Hebrew
Avith
it.

C'Ni'''^

un-

doubtedly

synonymous
of
is

That

office diflered

from that of an elder of the congregation
joint

is

proved by the

occurrence

tlie

titles

irpea-ßvTepot

and dp^tavvd-

lycoyoi.^*

But
offices

it

most instructive, that according to the

evidence of the inscriptions one and the same person could
fill

the

of

both dp^wv and

dp'x^icrvvd'ytoyo^;.^

The
office

apxovTef were in the Dispersion the
tion, in

" chiefs " of the congrega-

whose hands lay the direction

in general.

The

therefore of the Archisynagogos
theirs.

was

at all events distinct

from

Nor can he have been

the chief of the archontes,

who

was
'^2a

called •yepovaidp'^^r)'; (see below, § 31, on the Dispersion).
\Ye have at least one example in North Africa.
In the ruins of an
is

ancient Basilica at Hammam-el-Enf, in the neighbourhood of Tunis,
:

found an inscription, upon which, among other things, it is said Asterius filius Rustici acrosinagogi, Margarita Riddei partem portici tesselavit. The monogram added, and certainly belonging to the original state of the inscription, proves the inscription to be Christian. Jewish influence is however seen in the addition of the seven-branched candlestick along with the Christian monogram. See Ephemeris cpigraphica, vol. v. 1884, p. 537, n. 1222 (communicated by Johannes Schmidt after the Bulletin ^pigraphiqne
de la Gaule,
^*

Sota

ment

1883, p. 107). At the blessing of the high priest on the day of atonethe procedure is as follows: " The minister of the synagogue (chassan
iii.

vii.

7-8.

ha-keneseth) takes a roll of the law and gives
ha-kencseth), he hands
priest,
it

it

to the archisynagogus {rosh

to the president of the priests,

and he
.

to the high (8)

who

receives

it

standing and reads standing.
first

.

.

At the

reading of passages by the king on the
:

day of the

feast of Tabernacles,

the procedure is as follows A wooden tribune (ßiifiu) is erected for the king in the fore-court, and he takes his seat upon it. The minister of the synagogue takes a roll of the law and hands it to the archisynagogus {rosh ha-keneseth), he hands it to the president of the priests, he to the high priest, he to the king, and the king receives it standing and reads
. .

.

sitting," etc.
*"*

The

first

half of this passage

is

also in

Joma

vii. 1.

Epiphan. haer. xxx. 11. 18. Codex Theodosianus,
Garrucci, Cimitero,
p. 67,

xvi. p. 13.

ActaPilali

in Tischendorf, p. 221.
*'

Stafido arconti

et

archisynagogo.
x. n.
;

Mommsen,
'
:

Inscr. Rcgni

Neap.

n.

3657.

Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.
also Corp. Inscr.

arcou arcosynagogus.
iipiv;

Comp,

3905 Alfius Juda, Graec. n. 9906 lowA/ayöf

»p^au

.

.

.

vi6;'lrjv?juvov cipx'<'vt/ccyu''/ov.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
to

65
tlie

He

had therefore nothing
in general.

do with the direction of

community

His

office

was, on the contrary, that of

specially earing

for puUic worship.

He was
As
a

called

" archi-

synagogus," not as head of the community, but as conductor
of their

assembly for public worship.

rule he

was
that

indeed taken out of the number of the elders of the congregation.

Among

his functions

is

specially

mentioned
Scriptures

e.g.

of

appointing

prayer/*'

who should read the and summoning fit persons to
xiii.

and

the
to

preach.*^

He had

take care that nothing unfitting should

take place in

the

synagogue (Luke

14),

and had

also

the charge of the

synagogue building.^

There was generally but one archisyna-

gogus for each synagogue.

Sometimes however more than
;

one are mentioned
xiii.

for
oi

one synagogue

so especially

Acts
while

15 {aTriajeiKav

ap'^^^iavvdycoyoi irpc^

avrov^),

the more indefinite expression eh tcov dp'^^iavvaywyoou (j\Iark
V.

22)

may

also

be explained as: one of the class of the

presidents of the synagogues (see "Weiss on the passage).
later

In
been
It
also.

times the

title

a p^tavvdjcoyo<i

seems

to

have

bestowed as a mere
is

title

upon even minors and women.^*

remarkable that archisynagogi occur in heathen worship

It

may however
•»^

be here

left

undecided, whether the use of
sphere.''^

the expression originated in the Jewish or heathen

See Rasbi, Bartenora and Slieringam on Jo7na vii. 1 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 244, 246). Rashi, Bartenora and Slieringam on Sota vii. 7 (in Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 266, 267). ^^ In Acts xiii. 15, Paul and Barnabas are summoned by the archisj-nagogi, in Antioch in Pisidia, to speak, if they have a Tioyo? ^a.fiU.y.'Kv.nia;.
^^

Corp. Jnscr. Graec. n. 9894. Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.
viz-iov

The archisynagogus

in

Aegina directs

the building of a synagogue
csa

(ix, öi/^s'^ia» t'^v avui)i,y\_u'/')iu]

rjUoaöt^mot).
:

ix.

n.

6201
iro)u

(=

Ascoli, Jscrizioni, p. 49, note 1)
y.

'K.oc'KKtarov

a.f-j(fiij(jtvv.'y(')y(iv

y ^nvuv

Heme

des etudes juives,

vol. vii.
^'^

No. 14,

p.

101

sq.

:

P&y^s/y« lovQoncc cipyjawxyuyos:.

mentions an a.pYjQvvä.yuy(ic, rZ>v oL-k kiyvit^uyuv. Upon an inscription in Olynth {Corp. Inscr. Graec. vol. ii. p. 994, Addend, n. 2007^ ) occurs an Ai^ixvo; 'Sukuv 6 dpxiovi/üyuyo; hov vipuo; Kdl TO xo7\>.V!ytov 'ßsißiefi AvT0svi(fi oiviarriSiv riv ßu^uöv. Upon an
cccl. vii. 10. 4,

Euseb. Hist.

Toy

'

DIV.

II.

VOL.

II.

E

66
Besides
officers
n|^n>\'°

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
of

the

ruler

the

synagogue,
(2)
tlie

we meet with
of

as
^^?^3

of the

congregation
certainly

receivers

alms

They had

notliing

to

do

with
civil

public

worship as such, and are therefore, where the
religious

and the
regarded
here,

communities
olFicials.

were not separated,

to

be

rather as civil

They must however be named
to the

because

it

was in the synagogues that the
According

collection of alms
collection

took

place.'^

Mishna the

was

to

be made by at least two, the distribution by three persons."
N'ot

only was

money

collected (in the box, ns^p), but also

natural products (in

the

dish, "'inpri)."
rip33n j^n
^*
;

Lastly

we have

to

name

the

minister,

Hebr.

Greek

vTnjperri'iJ'^

inscription in Chios (^Corp. Inscr. Graec. vol.
live [«Dxiffyjj/ayöjyo/ 0/ up^ccvns.

ii.

p.

1031, Addend. 2221^)

A jumble

of religions being the order of

the day in Egypt, and the

two Greek inscriptions very recent, a borrowing from Judaism is very possible in all three cases. When lastly Alexander Severus was derisively called a Syrus archisynagngus (^Lamprid. Vita Alex. Sev. c. 28, in Script. Hist. Aug. ed. Peter, i. 247), it is imcertain, whether we have to think of a heathen or Jewish archisyuagogus. Kiddushin iv. 5. In the latter passage it is sai 1, that Deiiiai iii. 1 the posterity of the npli* '•xnj are without special investigation accounted
'•'^

;

Israelites of

intermarry.

pure blood, with whom members of the priestly class may It is thus seen that they were really officials. '^ Matt. vi. 2, and Lightfoot (Horae Ilehr.') thereon and Wetzstein {Nov. Test.) ; also Vitringa, De synagoga, p. 211 sq.

"
''^

Peak Peak

viii. 7. viii.

7

;

Pcsachim

x. 1.

For more exact information concerning

the functions of the almoners in Tahnudic and post-Talmudic Judaism, see Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. col. 375 {s.v. ''j<33), 209.5 {s.v. nSIp), 2604 {s.v. -«inDn)Lightfoot,
IIoj:
Ilehr.

ad Matt.

vi.
i.

2.

Vitringa,

De

sjjnagoga,
fisco et

p.

544.

Khenford,
''*

De
viii.

df.cevi otiosis, Diss.

c.

78-88.

Werner, De
;

parop-

side paiiperum,

'

Jeuae 1725 (cited by Winer, RWB. i. 46). 7-8 Juma vii. 1 MakkotTi iii. 12 Shahhath i. 3 (in the Tosefta, ed. Zuckermandel, p. 198, 23. 199. 8, latter passage only Jjn). Aramaic N3Tn, Sota ix. 15. Comp. Epiphan. haer. xxx. 11: 216. 7. A^otvirav ruv "Trap ctvroig oietnovuv spfiYivevoyAvui/ ^ VTrvipeTUV. The title
Sota
; ;

is

also

found in mediaeval Hebrew epitaphs,
p. GG8, n. 42).
iv.

e.g.

in Paris (Longpcrier,

Journal des Savants, 1874,

D'^iTn also

occur ia the temple,
also

Sukka
'*

4

;

Tamld

v. 3.

Luke

in

the

iv. 20. Such a minister of the synagogue is certainly Roman-Judaic epitaph: <P>.ußio; 'lov^.tuvos vTrripirrjg.

meant

<I>A«/3««

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
forth tlie

67
at public

His

office

Tvas

to bring

Holy Scriptures

Avorship

and

to

put them by

again.^^

He was
e.g.

in

every

respect the servant of the congregation, liaving

to execute

upon those condemned
and
also to

to it the

punishment

of scourging/'
Tlie
"i^2>*

instruct cliildren

in reading."

riviJ^,

who had to pronounce the prayer at public worship in the name of the congregation, is also generally regarded as one of
its

officers.^

In truth however the prayer was not said by
officer,

a permanent
(see

but by any

member

of the congregation said

below on Public Worship).

Hence whoever

the

prayer in the
iiay
" ten
^7k^',

name

of the

congregation

was always

called

"plenipotentiary of the congregation."
"

And

the

unemployed men
it

(IV/P?

'^1?'??.

decern

otiosi),

whose

business

was, especially in the post-Talmudic period, to be
at public worship,

always present for a fee in the synagogue
for

the purpose of

making up the number
assembly, are
be
'Eu

of ten
less

members
than the
the

required for

a religious

still

Sheliach-Zibbur to
'

regarded as
iipn'j/i
7}

officials.^"

Besides,

lov'Ktccuvi ßv/otrrjp

-Trcc-rpi.

x.oifin(Tic
ii.

aw

(Garrucci, Dlssertazioni
;

archeologiche di vario argomcnto, vol.

18G5, p. 166, n. 22

also

iii

my

Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in Rom, Appendix, No. 30).
^^ Sota vii. 7-8 Joma vii. 1 Luke iv, 20. The commentaries on Sota and Joma (Surenhusius' Mishna, iii. 266 sq., ii. 246). " Shahhalh i. 3. " Makkoth iii. 12. ^^ Berachoth v. 5 Rosh hashana iv. 9. *" Buxtorf, Lex Chall. col. 292 (s.v. pi22) Apud Rabbinos de decem Sunt autem decem viri otiosi, Synagogae p^D3 crebra fit mentio.
; ; ;

Judaicae quasi Stipendiarii, qui Stipendium accipiunt, ut in precibus et aliis conventibus s.iciis, in Synagoga semper frequentes adsint et ab initio

ad fiuem

cum

sacerdote aut sacrorum praefecto perdurent, ne synagoga

unquam

vacua aut sacerdos solus. This precise explanation of Buxtorf is confirmed by l^abbinical authorities, e.g. Rashi on Baha kamma 82a (in Vitringa, De synagoga, p. 532), Bartenora on 2/cgilla i. 3 (Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 388 sq.). In the Talmud the pjbtDZl mC'J/ are not often
in sacris sit

mentioned, Jcr. Megilla i. 6 (70b below), Bab Megilla 5a, 82a, Sanhedrin 17b (in ^'^itringa, De dccemviris olios, c. 2
;

;

Baha kamma De synag. p.

531) as it is in none of these passages exactly stated what was the case with these men, Lightfoot was able to set up the mistaken hypothesis
(IJorae Hcbr.

ad Matt.

iv.

23), that the decevi otiosi were officials of the

63

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
quite

arrangement was
Mishna.
but
it

slill

unknown

in

tlie

time

of

the

The expression
as

itself

occurs indeed in the

Mishna"
visiting

can originally have designated none else than such

persons
the

were

not prevented

by business from
For on the

synagogue even on week days.

Sabbath
esse is

every Israelite

was unemployed, and therefore otiosum
specific

would be

no

mark

of individuals.

That such
is

the meaning

also in this passage of the

Mishna

quite clear
wor.ship
is

from the context.

Hence the usual Sabbath day
it
;

not even thought of in
every congregation ten

and

still

less is

it

said, that

in

unemployed men must be

present.

On

the contrary,

it is

only stated, as a mark of a large town, that
Avas

even on week days there
sufficient
till

always without didiculty a
It

number

of synagogue frequenters present.

was not

considerably later, that the above-named arrangement was
to the term.

made, and an altered meaning thus given

The
for
Nnü'''j3

huilding,

in

which

the
called

congregation
riDpan
n''^,®^
^*

assembled

public
""a

woi'ship,

was

Aramaic
or irpca-

or

merely

^J!^^'^^?,

^ Greek

aviuycoyy]

pynagogiie,

thus making the

whole number of .synagogue

officials

to

consist of these ten

men.

This mistake called forth a learned controversy,
Liglit-

in

which Khenford unsparingly, and Vitringa more gently, attacked
opinion.

foot's

Franequerae
(both also
6:30-549.
ill

See especially, Khenford, De decern otiosis synarjogae, Vitringa, Dcdccemviris otiosis, Franequerae 1G87 1686.

A

Vitringa, De synagnga, pp. Ugolini's Thesaurus, vol. xxi.). short statement of the whole controversy will be found in
historico-crit. pp.

Carpzov's Apparatus
**'

810-312.
?

]\fcgilla

i.

3

:

" What

is

a large town
is

One

in

which are

ten

unemphiyed men.
82
xi.

If there are fewer, it

a village."

In the Mishna in the following places: Bcraclioth vii. 3; *Tcrumoth 10; Bikkurim i. 4; Eruhim x. 10; *Pcsachim iv. 4; Sukka iii. 13; Megilla iii. 1-3 Ncdarim v. 5, ix. 2 Slichuotli iv. 10 Itosh hnshana iii. 7
;
; ; ;

"Alioth

iii.

10; Negaim
"TIS occurs.

xiii.

12.

In the passages niaikcd * the plural

form DTiDJa
*^

See Levy, Chald. WD. s.v. Idem, Nenhehr. WB. s.v. 8* Frequently in the New Testament. In Josephus only three times, In Philo, Quod omnis Antt. xix. 6. 3; Bell. Jiul. ii. 14. 4-5, vii. 3. 3.
l>ruhi.i liher,

§ 12, cd.

Mang.

ii.

458 (on the Essenes")

:

t/j iipov; »(fmcyoüfiiioi

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

G9

and ^^^^ designations avvayooyiov,^'' TrpocreuKri'jpiov ^^X^'^ aaßßareiov^^ appear in single instances. Synagogues were built

by preference outside the towns and near

rivers, or

on the sea-

shore for the sake of giving every one a convenient opportunity
for

performing such Levitical purification as might be necessary

KxT^ovvTcei avuoiyayoit. Frequently also in the later literature, Codex Theodostanus, xvi. 8, passim. Comp, also Corp. Inscr. Gruec. n. 9894 (Aegina). The use of the term avjotyuy/i to designate a Christian place of worsliip can as yet be only twice pointed out, one strange to say among the anti-Judaistic Marcionites in an inscriijtion of A.D. Sl'J at DeirAli, about three miltS south of Damascus uwayu'/'/i ^IxpKiuviaruu i.üi/,{ni) Aißa,ßuu (Le Bas et Waddington, Inscriptions grcciiues ct latincs, vol. ill. u. Comp, also Harnack, Zeitschr. für Wissenschaft. Thcol. 1876, p. 103). 2558. The other example is the inscription of Hammäm el-Enf (already menSancta syuagoga Naron pro salutem suam tioned, note C2a-), which begins ancilla tua Julia Guar de suo proprio tesselavit (read: Sanctam synagogam Naron [itanani] pro salute sua ancilla tua Julia Nar[onitana] de suo proprio
TOTTov;, 0?
e.g.
: :

tesselavit).
8S

Philo, In Flaccum, § 6, 7, 14 (Mang.

ii.

523, 524, 535).

Legat,

ad
c.

Caj.

§ 20, 23, 43,
ttv'Kyi;

46 (Mang.
Trorxf/.öi/
(iL

ii.

565, 568, 596, 600).
'TrpoaivxV"
ilvot-t.

Acts

xvi.

13

:

l^c^ tv,;

Trxpx

£i/oi:^i^of/,£u

Joseph. Vita,
nrrikii'j

54
tTri-

avvccyo'JTot.t
'h-.B^xadui

-Tra.'jng

eis

z'/ju

7rpoaivy,viu,

f^iyicrau

oI'kyii^»

o-^'ho»

Corp. Inscr. Graec. vol. ii. p. 1004 sq. Addend, n. hvi/xf^s'jov. 2114b, 2114^^^ (Inscriptions of Pantikapaion on the Cimmerian Bosjjhorus).

Juvenal, Sat.

iii.

296

:

Gruter, Corp. Inscr. p. 651, n. 11

Ede, ubi consistas, in qua te quaero proseucha? Dis M. P. Corfidio Signiuo pomario de
:

aggere a proseucha,
the proseuche.)

etc.

(Corfidius of Signia, fruit seller at the Avail near
vii.

Comp. 3 Mace.

20

:

toVo»

zpofjivyj/i;.

The uord
See

occurs also in heathen worship as the designation of a place of prayer.

Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 2079 (Inscription of Oibia on the Poutus Euxinns).

Ep'phan. haer. Ixxx. 1, on the heathen Massalians (see the Avords farther on). Also in Gruter, Inscr., it is surely rather a heathen proseuche that is meant.
^^

Philo, Legat,
i.

ad Cajum,
iii,

§

40 (Mang.
ii.

ii.

591).
:

Idem,

De

somniis,

ii.

18

I

(Mang.
«7

675).

Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 9908

ttutyip

awocyuyiuu.

Philo, Vita Mosis,

27 (Mang.

168).

^8

Joseph. Antt. xvi.

6.

2 (in an edict of Augustus).

The learned Hug

thought that a "Sabbath house" was also mentioned upon a Greek inscription at Thyatira (Einl. in das N. T. 4th ed. ii. § 89, p. 290). See Coi-p. Inscr. Graec. n. 3509 <l>«/3(oj Zaai/^o; x.(x,Tccax.iva.act; aopov UtTo iTrl
:

töttov Koidxpoii, ovTo; "zpo TJjj
~epiß6'h(f)

7rc?i£(i)ff

Trpo; to) '^a.y.ßudiiu Iv tw

'S.ct'hhot.iov

x.r A.

This

or Persian sibyl,

however is a sanctuary of the Chaldean whose name was according to Suidas properly "Suftßiiäri.
"Eetfißudiiou
s.v. 'S.xfißrjri.

See Stephanus, Tlws.

70

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
Tlie
size

before attending public worship."**

and

arcliitectuie

were of course very
ancient synagogues
oldest of

various.*'

In northern Galilee ruins of

are

preserved to the present time, the
first

which are of the second, nay possibly of the

century after Christ.
style of building
Christ.*"^
88a

They may perhaps give an
for

idea of the

employed

synagogues in the time of

The

large synagogue at Alexandria is said to have
xvi. 13.

gpe especially Acts

Deutsch, Sacra Judaeorum ad
also note 92, below.

liltora
is

frequenter exstructa. Lips. 1713.
injunction

Comp,

There

not

indeed a trace of this in Rabbinical literature, but on the contrary the
is

to build the synagogues upon the highest point in the town
iv. p.

(Tosefta, McgiJla

277,

liu.

16

sq., ed.

Zuckermandel).

For

this reason

the fact asserted by us has been quite disputed by
injunction

Low {Mona tsschr. für

Gesch. rind Wissensch. des Judenth. 1884, pp. 167-170). But this theoretic is no proof that the custom existed (comp, note 117, below).

Low

even points out, that synagogues were frequently built outside

the

towns (pp. 109 sqq., 161 sqq.). That in doing this the neighbourhood of water should be sought, where it was to be had, is at least very probable.

Comp. Aristeas
idog ioTi
Tirxsi

(ed. Älor.

Schmidt,
xii.

p.

67) on the seventy interpreters
ri]

:

ü;

S*

rolg

lovOxioi; otTroufipotfcsvoi
dsov.

daXxaa-y)

t»; x-^P^?i ^S
iv. 22.

e'*

iv^uurat Trpos tov
It is

Judith

7.

Clemens, Alex. Strom,

142.

not said, that the hands must abcays be washed or bathed before prayer, but that one or the other must be done in proportion to the degree of Levitical uncleanness which may exist. Cautious persons may have preferred to do too much, rather than too little in this respect. See
It is well known, tliat in general, Vitringa, De synag. pp. 1091, 1105 sq. the custom of washing the hands and of other lustrations was practised also Ilias, vL 266 sq. Potter, in heathenism {Odgss. iL 261, iv. 750 sqq.
;

Archaeolog. grace,
oratione,
c.

ii.

4),

and

in the Christian church (see Tertullian,
ratio est, nianibus

De

13

:

Ceterum quae
lib.

vero sordente orationem obire.

quidem ablutis, spmtu Passages from Chrysostom in Suicerus,
See in general, Pfannenschmidt,
christlichen Cultus, 1869.

Sacrornm observationum,

sing. p. 15')).

Das Weihwasser im
8^

heidnischen

und

See in general, Low, Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissenschaft des

Judenth. 1884, p. 214 sqq.
8^a

The importance and great antiquity of these ruins was already rightly

recognised by Kobinson (^Recent BiJdical licsearchcs, vol. iii. pp. 70, 71, 74, 342, 346,367,368 sq). Tlieywereafterwards thoroughly treated of especially

by Kenan (Mission de Ph6iicie, pp. 761-783).

For delineations, see

Jlie

Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirshy Conder and Kitcliener, vol. i. pp. 231, Comp, also the articles of Wilson and Kitchener 232, 252, 397-399, 401. in the Quarterly Statement, 1869 and 1878, printed in the Survey, etc.
Special Papers, pp. 294-305.

Also Badeker-Socin, Palästina, pp. 387, 390,

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
It
is

7l
were
only
It is
offer

had the form of a

Basilica.^"

possible, that they
roof,

sometimes built like theatres, without a
really testified

but this

is

concerning those of the Samaritans."^

certainly true, that on their fast days the
391, 393, 394, 397.
Galilee,
i.

Jews did not

Ebers and Guthe, PaUlstino, i. 34'?-345, 502. Gudrin, 198-201, 227-231, 241 sq., ii. 95, 100 sq., 357 sq., 429 sq., 441,

447-449.

On

the ruins of Tell

Hum

specially,

The Recovery of Jerusalem,

by Wilson, "Warren, etc. (1871), pp. 342-316. The ruins discovered are Kasiun, Kefr Birim, el-Djisch, Meirpn, Nahartein, Kedcs (?), Tell Hum, Kernze, Irbid. The five first lie west and south-west of Lake Morom, Kedes north-west (the meaning of the ruins there is however doubtful), Tell Hum and Keraze on the Lake of Gennesareth, Irbid north-west of Tiberias. In Kefr Birim, el-Djisch, Meiron and Irbid ruins are already spoken of by
Jewish pilgrims of the Middle Ages, who for the most part attribute their the synagogue at Irbid is even referred to the much more ancient Nittai of Arbela. See Carmoly, Itinerciires de la Terre Sainte des xiiie, xiv^, xv^, xvi^, et xvii« siede, traduits de Thehreu (Bruxelles 1847), pp. 132, 136, 380 (Kefr Birim), pp. 202, 452 sq. (Gush Caleb = el-Djisch), pp. 133 sq., 184, 260 (Meiron), The date of the synagogue at Kasiun is pp. 131, 259 (Arbel = Irbid). decided by a Greek inscription of tlie time of Septimus Severus (a.D. 197) found among the ruins (Renan, p. 774). The style of the other synagogues being more or less akin to this, it is very probable, that they all bi-long to the flourishing period of Rabbinical Judaism in Galilee, i.e. to the second, third and fourth centuries after Christ. Renan tries to refer some even to the first century, especially the very well preserved one in Kefr Birim (p. 773). Pious imagination may therefore indulge in the
building to Simon ben Jochai (second century after Christ)
;

thought, that the ruins at Tell
of the synagogue built

Hum ( = Capernaum) may
centurion, in

by the Roman

possibly be those which Jesus often

taught (Wilson in
Biideker, 390).

The Recovery, p. 345. Guerin, GaliUe, i. 229 eq. Almost all these synagogues lie north and south, so that the entrance is at the south. As a rule they appear to have had three doors in the front, one chief entrance and two smaller side doors (so in Kefr Birim, Mekon, Tell Hum). In some it is still discernible, that they were divided by two rows of columns into three aisles (as in Nal>artein and Kasiun) the synagogue at Toil Hum had even five aisles. Some had a portico in front (as in Kefr Birim and Meiron). In general the architecture was influenced by the Graeco-Roman, while it yet very characteristically diflfered from it. It was especially distinguished by rich and
;

superfluous ornamentation.
"" Jer.

Sukka

v. 1, fol.

55ab

;

the same passage
{Leg.

is also in

Tosefta,

Sukka
505).

198. 20 sqq., ed. Zuckermandel.
of Alexandria a y.iyiaTt\ xxi
*^

Piiilotoo mentions

among
%

the proseuchae

jripia/i^uoTciTYi

ad

Caj.

20,

Mang.

ii.

Epipb. haer. Ixxx.

1.

"72

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

their public prayers iu the synagogue, but in an open space,

perhaps also at the sea-shore.*'

But

this

was done in quite

open spaces, and does not prove the existence of unroofed
buildings.
Still

more improbable

is

it,

that just such build-

ings were called irpoo-ev^ai in a narrower sense, in distinction

from the synagogues proper
others,

(as

was

after the precedent of

admitted in the 1st edition of this work).

For the

testimony of Epiphanius, the supposed chief authority, by no

means proves
to

this.'^

The Acts

of the Apostles

seems rather
irpo(jev')(fi

speak for a distinction between the terms
^-

and

Taniiith

ii.

1

:

IIow

is

(in wLicli are the rolls of the law) is

the order of the fast day sokmnlli/? Tlic ark brought to the open space of the town,

OÄhcs of burnt

wood

are spread

upon the ark and upon the heads of the

prince and the chief of the court of justice, and every one else puts ashes

on

his

own

head.

The

eldest

among

those present, etc.

.

.

(here follow

Judaicum certe jejunium ubique celebratur, cum omissis templis per omne litus quocunque in aperto aliquando jam precem ad caelum mittuut. Id. Ad nationes, i. 13: Judaici ritus luceauarum et jcjunia cum azymis et orationes litorales. Joseph. Antt. xiv. 10. 23 xxi rd.; -Trpoaiv^oig '7::oiua6oe,t Trpo; t)5 ßx'ktii.aa-fl Kxrd Comp, also Philo, In Flaccum, § 14, Mang. ii. 535. Low, TO T.u,Tpi(jv Uo;. Monatssch: fdr Gesch. und Wisaensch. des Judcnth. 1884, p. 166 sq.
further liturgical du"ections).

TertuUian,

Be jejunio,

c.

16

:

:

^2

Epiphan. haer. Ixxxi. (on the Messaliaus)
»j

:

Tivd;

oi o'tKovg

kavroig nxra.-

<;x,ivü,(ju,VTii

ToVoff

'TT'Kot.Tug,

(pöpuu

dix,r,v,

"Trpoasvx,^;
'

ravTct^ ix-aXovv.

K«(

VjactU fASV

TO VoCKctiOV -TTpOViV^OlV t6~0I iV T£ TO/J
lit

lovOXlOiS 'i^U VoKiU; XCll iv

TOis "^xf^cipiiTUig, äg xccl

Toitg
'

Upx^ict

toiv oLt^ootoKuv rivpoptiv
Trpoasv}^'?!?

(here follows

AXTac kccI the quotation Acts xvi. 13). uvvl KxT^ovpoiuvj J^ienrö'hst e^a tth ttoMu;,
dixrpoiiO'/j;,

toVo;

h

ItKtfAotg, kv rfi
Bi/o,

iu tj?

•ariOtä.Oi,

ü; utto anpciiav

ovTUg

iv

dipt

kxI

xidpia

toVw

liri

K»Txa>csvx(rdii;

vvo tuv

In explanation we \ovhxiuv fiip^ovuiuuv. '^.xuxpuruv -zxvTX tx tZ)V remark (1) that what Epiphanius says of the heathen Messaliaus is of course not the rule for Jewish proceedings. And yet even they used the designation -poaivyj/) for both kinds of places of prayer, the oi'y-oi and the toVo/ TrXxTug. (2) Epiphanius certainly means to say by the learned remark which follows, that thera were also among the Jews and Samaritans places of prayer under the open sky, called vpooivxat-t. He has however independent

knowledge of

this fact only

among
of
it

the Samaritans.

With respect

to the

Jews he knows nothing more

(comp, the praeterite vjaxv to w«Xos/o'j/), and only rests his assertion on Acts xvL 13. And supposing he was in the right, this would not prove, that these places of prayer were called proseuchae iu distinction from the synagogues.

§

27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

V3
spoken

cvva^co'yrj, since here, cliap. xvi. 13, IG, a irpocrev^n is

of at Pliilippi, and then
at Thessalonica.
it

directly after, chap. xvii. 1,

a

a-vva'^air^r)
is

If however

any distinction

at all

to exist,

can only be, that the
awajcoj}'] for
is

irpocreu-^i]

was intended

solely for

prayer, the

other acts of worship also.

But

even this distinction
here the Trpoaevx^t]
is

untenable in Acts xvi. 13, 16, since

evidently the usual place of the Sabbath

assembly, in which
preaching.

Paul also embraces the opportunity of

And

since,

on

tlie

other hand, Thilo

in

par-

ticular uses the word of the synagogue proper, no material

distinction can be established

between the two expressions.

Considering the value laid on these Sabbath assemblies,

we
and

must assume that there was in every town
Talmudic period
built

of Palestine,

even in smaller places, at least one synagogue.^'
it

In the post-

was required, that a synagogue should be
Israelites

wherever but ten

were dwelling

together.^*

In the pre-Talmudic age indeed this requirement cannot be
literally

shown
spirit.

to

have existed, though quite in agreement

with
able
^*

its

In the larger towns there was a considersynagogues,
as
e.(/.

number
Carpzov,

of

in Jerusalem,^' (where
xiii.
;

Alexother

Apparatus

historlco-crit.

p.

320
(Matt.
vii.

too

see

authorities for
95

and

against), also declares for the identity of the two.
e.g.

We
iv.

find synagogues
16),
:

in Nazareth
i.

54

;

Mark
ii.

vi.

2

Tjuke

Capernaum (Mark
Kxroi icohiv.
:

21

;

Luke

5

John
c.

vi; 59).

Comp.
282 =
/.cvpioe,

Acts XV. 21

Philo,

Be

Scptenario,

C

(Mang.

Tischendorf, Philonea, p. 23)

'A;/«3-s^t«t«; yoD*
icocl

rxlg

kiiüöu.ccig

x-XToi vccaotv ~6'ktv }iihocaKoc.7^ux (Ppov/iaiug
^iKUtoivyr]; xctl tcov
'•"'

aaifpoavyy}; ku\ di/Opu'x;

axi

ä.'Kt'.U'j

dpiruiu.
xi. 1.

Maimonides, Hilchoth Tephilla

232-239.

That at
i.

least ten persons

See Vitringa, Dc Sijnagnga, pp. form an assembly for public worship is
iv.

alreaily said in the
.".Iso

Mishna.

See Mcgilla

3

;

Sanhedrin

i.

6.

Comp.
vi.

Mnj'lla

3.

"With respect to the Passover, Joseph. Bell. Jud.

9, 3. ^~

Acts

vi. 9,

xxiv. 12.
iii.,

A

synagogue of Alexandrines
p. 224.

in Jerusalem, also
I'd*^

in Tosefta, Megilla

ed.

Zuckermaiidel,

16; Jer. Mcgilla

(in

Lightfoot,

Horae on Acts

vi. 9).

The Talmudic myth, that there were 480

synagogues

in Jerusak^m, is

indeed simply characteristic of the insipidity of

these legends.

74
andiia,®^
Ilome.^''

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
different synagogues of one

The
to

and

tlio

same town seem
a "

have been sometimes distinguished from

each other by special emblems.

Thus there was
tcnt:"'2D)/'"'

in Sepphoris

synagogue

of the vine " (NiSiJi

in Piome a syna-

gogue of the olive tree

(a-vi/ajcoyr} e\aia<;)}'^^

The
times

fittings

of

the

synagogues were in

New
closd

Testament
(•^9'^)

very

simple.

The
rolls

chief
of the

was

the

in

which were kept the
books/^^

law and the other sacred
(niriBpo)/"*
(no'^a

These were wrapped in linen cloths
{P^F}^97]Kr])}'^'^

and lay in a case
®^

An
:

elevated place
ttoT^XxI

=

Philo, Leg.

ad

Caj.

c.

20 (Mang. iL 5G5)

5e

iim KctS tKo-cTo»

^^

Philo, Leg.

in the plural.

ad Caj. c. 23 (Jfang. ii. 5ß8), speaks of Trpodivxotl in Rome For farther particulars concerning the Konian synagogues,
vii. 1, fol.

see below, § 31.
1°''

Jer.

Nasir

56^ Lightfoot mistakenly
Ilchr.,

translates

" synagogue
c.

of the Gophnites"

(lloi-ae

Ccnturia Maltliaeo praemissa,

55;

0pp.
101

ii.

211).

Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 9904.
felt

I

formerly

De Rossi, Bidktino, v. 1867, p. 16. great hesitation as to the meaning of the expression (see my
p. 17),

Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in Rom,
explanation undoubtedly correct.
1Ö2

but

now

consider the above

The

riDTl is

mentioned

:

Megilla

iii.

1

;

Nedarim

v.

5
;

;

Taanith

ii.

was transportable) also in the fiequently recurring formula, nTfin ''jab "iHV (s^'e below on Public Worship). Chrysost. Oral. adv. Judaeos, vi. 7 {0pp. ed. Montf. vol. i.) 'AXA«; o'— ow ow Sf, wo/st Ktßurog vvu Trccpcc 'lovlxioi;, oVow i'huijrvipir.'j ovx. 'iartv
1-2 (according to the latter passage
it
:

;

XP'/itf^'OS,

ov

Oixd'/jy./ji

'TT'Kax.is

.

.

.

'E^.oi

ruv

vt^o

t^j »yopcc;

'jru'Xovitivav

nißcoTog oixx-iladut (toy-it, ü.7\.'höt Kitl 'ttoKKu yjlpov. See on the whole subject, Vitringa, pp. 174-182. On the keeping of the sacred books in the synagogue, see Josephus, Antt. xvi. 6. 2. Chrysost. Orat. adv. Jndaeos, i. 5 'Ette^o^ os ilai rivs;, o? x.ix.1 rr,v awxyw/r,:»
KifiuTiuv ovOsu xfisivou

etvrm

v)

:

ircfcuoy iliicti

TtVo»

i/oui'^ovaii/,
(prfllv, iv

clvayxxlo'j kuI

"Trpog

rovrov;

öfiiysc ti'TTiiv

.

.

.

'O

i/ofio;

dvoKiiTdi,
Yi

avru kxI ßißÄicc
Jlilchotli
ii.

7r^o<p>]r/x«.
'iaroci;

K»l

ti tovto

;

Mvj

yoio, i'jdccoi'j

ßiß'kix Toictvrce, xul o't&Voj ciyio;
7.

Ov

TrciVTUs.

Similarly

Orat.

vi.

6

and

Maimoiiides,

Tiplalla xi. 3, in Vitringa, p.
ii.

182,
1"^

and Bartenora on Taanith
Kilajim
ix.

1

(Surenhusius' Mishna,

361), ex-

pressly say, that the sacred books were kept in the riTD-

3

;

Shabbath
1.

ix.

6

;

Megilla

iii.

1

;

Keliin xxviii. 4

;

Negaim

xi. 11.

1"^

Shahhaih

xvi.

The word

p^-) is

also iu Kellm xvi. 7-8.

On

tlio

§ 27.

SCHOCL AND SYNAGOGUE.

75
waa
read

ßrjjxa,

tribune),
at
least

upon which stood the reading - desk,
in post-Talmudic times, for biin

erected,
tlie

who

Scriptures aloud or preached.''^'

Both are mentioned in
well be assumed for the

the Jerusalem Talmud,^^'^ and

may

time

of

Christ.

Among
Lastly

other

fittings,

lamps

may

also

be

mentioned.^"^

trombones

(niiDiC')

and trumpets
day of the

(niiyivn)

were indispensable instruments in public worship.
especially

The former were blown The order of
tion sat in

on the

first

year, the latter on the feast days.^"*

divine ivorsliip was in

New

Testament times

already tolerably developed and established.

The congrega-

an appointed order, the most distinguished members
younger behind
;

in

the front seats, the
apart.^°^

men and women
at

probably

In the great synagogue
Birfc,

Alexandria the
antike Bmliwescn

use of book-cases ia classical antiquity, see

Das

(1882), pp. 64-G(3. Many expositors insist on understanding the (piV^ivn; of representation of an old silver case 2 T.m. iv. 13 as such a book-case.

A

for the

Pentateuch among the modern Samaritans
etc., vol.
ii.

is

given in The Survey q/

Western Palestine,
105

1882, p. 206.
xi.

Maimonides, Hikloth Tcphilla
Megilla
iii.

3

;

Vitringa, pp. 182-190.

1"^ Jer.

1, fol.

73a, below.

The reading-desk

is

here called

d.vu.'hoyuou. For so must we read with Aruch, instead of p^J3S, pJ^JN The same word also in KcUm xvi. 7, 8. See as given in the editions.

=

Levy, Neuhehr. Worterh. s.v. 10^ Terumoth xi. 10; Pesachim iv. 4; Vitringa, pp. 194-199. i°8 Pi.osh hashana iii, Taanith ii.-iii. 3, 4, 7, and generally iii.-iv. Surenhusius' Mishna, ii. 341. Vitringa, pp. 2(J3-211 (and at p. 209. also many passages from Chrysostom). Winer, RWB., art. "Musikalische
;

Gesenius' Thesaurus, pp. 513, 1469. Leyrer, art. "Musik," According to Jer. Shahhath xvii. fol. 16, Bab. Shabhath 35^, the dawn of tlie Sabliath was also announced by the blowing

Instrumente."

in

Herzog's Beal-Enc.

of instruments (see the passages in I-evy, Neuhehr. Wörterbuch,

s.v.

mvivn

;

Vitringa, p. 1123 sq.).

Whether

this

was general

in

which Chullin i.fin. speaks), or only took place in tlie (which is at all events evidenced by Joseph. Bell. Jud. iv. 9. 12 Sukka v. 5), must hei'e be left undecided. 1'" On the -TrparoKudiOpt'x of the scribes and Pharisees, see Matt, xxiii, 6
;

former times (for temple at Jerusalem

;

Mark

xii.

39

;

Luke

xi.

43, xx. 46.

Pliilo saj's at least of the Essenes, that
(i.e.

the order was according to age, the younger sitting " below "
the elder,

behind)
iit

Quod omnis probus

liber,

c.

12 (Mung.

ii.

458)

:

xxO' tjhiKixi

73

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

men

are said to have sat apart according to tlieir respective
(riWJ^ix)."''

trades
special

If there

was a leper
for

in

the

community a
at
least

division

was

prepared

him.

So

the

i\Iislina required."^

Ten individuals were necessary

to
ii.

form a
p. 67).

regular assembly for public worship (see above, vol.

The
the

chief parts of the service were, according to the ]\Iishna,

the recitation of the Shema, prayer, the reading of the TJiorah,

reading of the prophets, the blessing of the priest}^

To

these M'ere added the translation of the portions of Scripture
read,

which

is

assumed in the Mishna

(see

below), and the

explanation of what had been read by an edifying discourse,

which

in

Philo

figures

as

the

chief matter

in

the

whole

service.^^^

TOi^iaiu vTTo TfiidßvTipoi; viol >c»6i^ovTi.

The separation
is

of tbe sexes niuFt
in

be assumed as self-evident, altliough

it

docs not happen to be mentioned

any of the more ancient

authorities.

For what

said in Pseudo-Philo, iJe

vita contemplatioa, c. 9, init.

(Mang.

be here taken into account.
in the

Nor

is

ii. 482), of the Therapeutae cannot a special division for women mentioned

Talmud

;

see

Low, Manatssclir.f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth.
"i Ncgaim
xiii.

1884, p. 364 sqq., especially 371. "0 Jcr. Siikka v. 1, fol. ööab.
^^^

12.

The enumeration

of these parts, Megilla iv. 3.

113 '\Ye have three summary descriptions of the public worship of the synagogue in Philo: 1. Fracjm. apitd Eusch. Praep. evang. viii. 7. 12-13, eJ. Gaisf. (Mang. ii. C30), from the first book of the Ilypothctica : Ti o-jv

iTTolmi [seil. 6 vcfio6eTYi;'\ txi; iß^öfixi; Tctvrui; ijfüpxi;
il^t'civ

;

Avtov;

it;

tuvtov

avvocysadcct,

x,o(,i

Kccdi^ofcss/ovi

^st'

«/.^.'/jXwy

avv «/Bo? kuI Koafcu tuv
cvi/ip)C''i'Ton

viifAUv

dy-poHsdut -ov

/ic/ihevx ccyuoiiuxi ^ap/j/.
tk'K'Kv,'Ku'j'

Koc'i or/Tcc
o-iuttyi,

fcsv

dii,

Kxi avviopivovai fisr

oi

fji.lv

xoX/.oi

-zX'/iv ii

ri
ij

'7rpo'jifrt(pTfi[^iaoci

7oi; uvctyivuiTKOfiivoii vo/ni^ir»i'

rüv
c.

iipluv oi rt; 6 -Trxpuv

tuv yspovTUV u;
fiixf" ff;c-^"
p.

üvccyiuösoKit Tcv; 'npoiig vöfiovg
lei'AYi; 6-d/:ct;.

ociirots, y-oCi x.a.S'

iKuarov

iB,yiyiiToct

2. 1)e

Scptcnaiio,

6 (Mang.

ii.

282 = Tischendorf, Plalonea,
tcov
ei'K'hojv

23)
'E(/

:

^

AvctTi-zruTU.! yovv rcih kZOyficii; fivpiet kcctx woiaccv izohiv OiOxai(,ci7,si»

(ppov'/iaiu;

Kxl au^poovvr,i
fiiv
iv

Kcti ccvOpttcc; Kctl otx.a,toavvYii kccI
iiav^^i'x rcc

ccpiTUV.

o/j

o/

Koafiu neids^ovTcti, ovv
'ivrnx

urx dvupduKorii, fUT»
^Avccaroi;
os

7rpo(78;(;ijf

-Trttari;,

rou

oi\p^v

"Kuyo^v

7:oriy.uv.

rt;

tuv

ifiViip'jTXTuv v<prr/eirxt rxpiarx kx'i ovioiaovrx, oi; ccvxg 6 ßio; l'TTthüaii Trpo;

TO ßiXriov.

3.

Of the Essenes, Quod omnis probus
viii.

liber, c.

12 (Mang.
:

ii.

458, also in Euseb. Praep. Huang,
ßiß'Aovi xvxyivuoKti

12.

10,

ed. Gaisf.)

'O
(/.'/i

f^iv

rx;

"hxßuv,

'inpo;

ö£

tuv

i/n-^rdoorciruv.

oax

yvupiy.x

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
its

77
words,
xi.
i'Pp'

Tlie
^^"^^'^

Sbema, so called from
consists
of

commencing
vi.

the

sections

Dent.

4-9,

13-21,

Num.
and

XV.

37-41, together with certain benedictions before
(see particulars in

after

Appendix).
is

It

was always

dis-

tinguished from prayer proper, and
faith than a prayer.
of the

rather a confession of

Hence the
spoken of

" reciting " not the "

praying

"

Shema

is

(jJOC'

nsnp).

As
it is

the

Shema

undoubtedly belongs to the times of Christ,
certain established prayers were

evident that

then already customary in

public worship.

It

can however hardly be ascertained,

how
The

much

of the

somewhat copiously developed
reaches

liturgy of postperiod."*

Talmudic

Judaism

back to

that
to

formula by which the reader
mn"', is

summoned
and three

prayer,

rix

I3n3

expressly mentioned in the Mishna."®
first

The custom
in the

too of praying the three

last benedictions of

the

Shemoneh Esreh
at

(of

which particulars are given
festival worship, reaches

Appendix)

Sabbath and

back to

the age of the Mishna.""
irap-T^diiu

It

was the custom
c.

to

pray standMascchet

di/xlioüix.ei.

I

here further mention, that in the post-Talmudic
Sofcrim,

periorl, especially in the treatise

10-21 (best edition
is

:

Soferim, edited
for the

by Joel

Müller, 1878), there

a series of detailed directions
pp. 946-1121, following

synagogue worship.

Vitringa,

De synagoga,

Maimonides, gives an exhaustive description of the ritual of the postTalmudic period comp, also pp. 667-711. The works of Jewish scholars, of which 100 are recorded by Strack in Ilerzog's Beal-Enc.^ 2nd ed. xv., and chiefly among these Zunz, Die rihis des synac/ogalen Gottesdienstes ciiticichlt, Berlin 1859, may also be consulted for the history of the synagogue ritu;il
;

in the post-Talmudic period.
^1* For a description of it, according to Maimonides, see Vitringa, De synagoga, pp. 1075-1090, in general, pp. 1022-1113. Every orthodox Jewith prayer-book also gives iuformation on the subject. On the details, see

articles

Hamburger's Real-Enc. für Bibel und Tahmid, Div. ii., the "Abendgebet," "Kaddisch," " Keduscha," "Kiddusch," "Minchagebet," "Morgengebet," " Mussafgebet," "Schema,'' " Schcmoue-Esre." The so-called Kaddisch is especially interestiug on account uf its points
especially in

of contact with

the Lord's Prayer. See Hamburger as above, ii. p. 603 sqq. "5 BeracJwth vii. 3. "* Comp, on the general subject, Vitringa, p. 102-1 sq. (after Maimo-

78

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUF,
i.e.

ing and with the Aice turned towards the Holy of Holies,

The prayer was not uttered by the towards Jerusalem.*" whole congregation, but by some one called upon for this
odice (the
"i^3>*

n^tr)

by the

ruler of the synagogue, the con-

gregation

making only

certain responses, especially the IP^."*
in front of the chest

He who
in

pronounced the prayer stepped
rolls

which lay the

of

the

law.

Hence

^^'^l"

\J.Q^ "^^V

nides).

Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen

Vorträge, p. 367.
is

Tliat the

custom

reaches back to the period of the Mishna
iv. 5.

evident from Ilosh hashatia

^^^

On

Berachoih

standing at prayer, see Matt. vi. 5 Mark xi. 25 Luke xviii. 11 Taanith ii. 2. Lightfoot {florae Ilchr.) and Wetzstein v. 1
;
;

;

;

{Nov Test.) on Malt. vi. 5. On turning towards tlie Holy of Holies, viz. towards Jerusalem, Ezek. viii. 16 ; 1 Kings viii. 48 ; Dan. vi. 11 ; Berachoth iv. 5-6 Sifre 71'', ed. Friedmann in Weber, System der cdlsynag. The same passage also in Tosefta, Berachoth in. p. 8, ed. Thcol. p. 62. Zuckermandel (comp, also Low, Monaisschr. für Gesch. und Wisscnsch. des It is striking that the still remaining ruins of Jwlcjith. 1884, p. 31Ü). ancient synagogues in Galilee have almost all the entrance towards the south (see above, note 89=^). According to this it would be supposed that
;

the Holy

Laud

lay to the north,

facing the north.

towards the south, when the synagogues wore regarded as an exchange for the temple, we meet with the direction to have the entrance as iu the temple at the east It seems, however, (Tosefta, Jllegilla iv. p. 227, 15th ed. Zuckermandel). In the European congregathat this direction was never complied with.
tions of the Middle Ages,
it

and that the congregation sat or stood Or was it that the turning towards Jerusalem, i.e. was required from the reader only ? In after times,

was

tiie

rule to place the entrance at the west,

For further particulars, so that the worsliippers might turn to the east. see Low, Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1884, p.
305 sqq. " Gebet."
i.

Comp, on the subject generally, Winer, liWB., art. Hölemann, Die hihlisclie Gestalt der Anbetung, in Bibelstudie»,
the
ii.

96-153.
1^8

On

summons
p.

to deliver the prayer
67.

above, vol.
in the

65

;

on

nuV fT'^Ei', p.

by the archisynagogus, see The responsive jos is already found
; ;

1 Chron. xvi. 36 ; Also in Cliristian worship from the first, 1 Cor. xiv. 16. Justin, Apol. maj. 65, 67. See Vitringa, De synagoga, p. 1093 .sqq. gL-ncrally, Biixtorf, Lex. Chald. s.v. AVetzstein and other expositors on 1 Cor. xiv. 46; Suicer, Tlies. s.v. ui^-h". Older literature in Wolf, Curae jthihl. in Otto's note on Justin, c. 65.

Tub.

viii. 8.

Old Testament, Deut. xxvii. 15 sqq. Neh. viii, 6 See also Berachoth viii. 8 Taanith ii. 5.
;

AVi».

7\st.

on Matt.

vi.

13 and

1

Cor. xiv. 16.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
" to

"79

is

the usual

expression for

lead in

prayer." "^
to

Every
this.^^°

adult
Tlie

member
same

of the congregation

was competent

do

individual, wlio

said the prayer,

might

also recite
if

the Shema, read the lesson from the prophets and,
a priest, pronounce the blessing.^"

he were

The
tion,

Scrijjture lessons

(from both the Pentateuch and the

prophets) might also be read by any

member

of tlie congrega-

and even by

minors.^^^

The

latter

were only excluded
If

from reading the Book of Esther at the
friests

feast of Purim.^^^

and Levites were present, they took precedence in
lesson.^^*
iv.

reading the

It

was customary

for

the

reader to

stand (Luke

16

:

aviarr] avajvayvai)}^^

Both

sitting

and

standing were allowed at the reading of the

Book

of Esther,^^^ his portion

and the king was

also allowed to sit

when he read

of Scripture at the feast of Tabernacles in the Sabbatic year.^^^

The

lesson from the Thorah

was so arranged that the whole

Pentateuch consecutively was got through in a cycle of three
^^^
ii.

Berachoth
Megilla

v.

3-4; Eruhinm. 9; Eosh hashana

iv.

7; Taanith

i.

2,

5

;

iv. 3, 5, 6, 8.
iv. 6.

Comp,
1

also Taanith iL 2.

^20

Megilla

In Christian congregations also the prayer was said by
Cor.
xi. 4.

some member of them, see
121 JMegilla iv. 5.

122

Megilla
of a

iv.

5-6.

work
eoang.
123

permanent
ii.

official is

That the reading of the Scripture lesson was not the evident from Philo, Fragm. op. Emeb. Praep.
ii.

viii. 7.

13 (see above, vol.
4.
:

p. 76).

Megilla

12* (Jittin V.

8

" The following things have been ordained for the sake
is

of peace.

The

priest

the

first to read,

then the Levite, then the Israelite

for the sake of peace."

was the custom in liis time to give an unlearned priest precedence in reading over a learned See Maimonides, Israelite, a proceeding which indeed he does not approve.
Maimonides
testifies that it

Gittin v. 8 (in Surcnhusius' Mishna, iii. 341), and Hiklioth 18 (in Vitringa, p. 981). Comp, also Hamburger, Rtal-Enc. only he 1267. Philo too points out the precedence of the priests ii. assumes therewith that there would be hat one to read the lesson, Fragm. ap. Easeh. Praep. evang. viii. 7. 13 tuv itpzu» öe rig 6 -^rapuv »j ruv yepcvTui/ u;. 1-5 Comp. Joma vii. Sota vii. 7 (vol. ii. p. 64 sq.). Liglitfoot on Luke 1

Commentary on
Tcphilla
xii.

;

;

;

iv. 16.

126

Megilla

iv. 1.

12- ^So/a vii. 8.

80

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
it

years,^^ for wliicli purpose
(ni'v"!?).^"''

was divided into 154 sections
purpose by some
the

On

Sabbaths several members of the congregation,

at the least seven,
official,

who were summoned
indeed by
the
reading.^***

for the

originally

ruler
first

of

synagogue,

took part in the

The

and the
at the

last of these

had

to

pronounce a thanksgiving

(J^^nzi)

beginning and

at the end.^^^

Each had
three verses,"''

(at

the reading of the Thorah) to

read at least
heart."^

and might never repeat them by

Such

at

least

was the order prescribed

by the

Mishna, which certainly was observed only in the synagogues
of Palestine.

The Talmud expressly remarks

of

non-Hebraist

Jews, that among them the whole Parashah was always read

by one
tliat

"^^
;

and with

this agrees Philo, wlio evidently

assumes

the lesson from the Thorah was read by one person (see

128 Mcrjilla 29b.

See Zunz, Die goiksdienstUchen Vorträge, p. 3 sq. Hupfeld, Stud, und Herzfeld, Gesch. -des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 209-2151837, p. 830 sq. Grätz, Uclier Enlwickclimg der Pentatcuch-Perikopen- Verlesung {Monalsschr.

129

Kr it.

Hamburger, Realf. Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Judenth. 1869, pp. 385-399). Enc. f. Blhcl und Talmud, Div. ii. art. "Vorlesung aus der Tbora." The
present custom of reading the Pentateuch in
is

fifty -four sections in

one year

of later origin.
1^0

to the Thorah, see Vitringa, pp. 980, 1122 (after According to Maimonides this was certainly done by the Cha.ssan. But he had in the post-Talmudic period an entirely different That it was originally po.sition from that which he formerly occupied. done by the archisynagogus may be admitted as probable from his Eashi and Bartenora at least testify (in the position in other respects. passages named above, vol. ii. p. G5) tliat the archisynagogus {Rosh hakenescth) liad to determine who was to read the lesson from the prophets, the Shema. and the prayer. 131 Mcgilla iv. 2. Maimonides in Vitringa, p. 983.
tiie

On

summons

Maimonides).

132 31e(jilla iv. 4.
133

Zunz,
iv.

p. 5.

Connp.

Meg ilia i\.

1 (with respect to
is

the Book of Esther).

mentioned as an exception). 133a jf^. Mcgilla iv. 3, fol. 75* (on the direction of the Mishna that on the Sabbath seven persons should always be called upon to read the Tliorah). " The foreign-speaking Jews (niTiy^il) have not this custom, but one person rearls the whole Parashah." See the passage in Frankcl, Vorstudien zu der Septuaginta, p. 59, note, and in Levy, Ncuhehr. Wörtcrb. ii. 515a, s.d. riy?.
Taanith

3 (where reciting by heart

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
p.

81
the

the passages, vol.

ii.

76).

The reading

of

law was

already followed in
the prophets
{i.e.

New

Testament times by a "paragraph from
wliich include the older historical
iv. 1 7,

the

Q*5f{''3:,

books), as

we

see from

Luke

where Jesus reads a
5
:

sec-

tion from Isaiah,

and from Acts

xiii. 1

avar^vwai'i rov vofjbov

Kol rSiv

7rpo(f>r]Toov.

These lessons from the prophets are men-

tioned also in the Mislma."*

As

these formed the conclusion
it

of the reading from the Scriptures,

was

called

>*"'?3?

'^VP'} (to

close with the prophet), on which account the prophetic para-

graphs were called Haphtaroth.

For these no

lectio

contimia

was required

*^^
;

hence a choice of them was
person.^^^

open,^''®

and they

were always read by one

They were moreover only

read at the chief services on the Sabbath, and not also at

week-day and Sabbath afternoon

services.^**

The sacred language

in

which the sections

of Scripture

were

read aloud being no longer familiar to the bulk of the people,
it

was necessary to ensure

their better understanding

by trans-

lation.

translation into the
(ITon^no)

Hence the reading was accompanied by a continuous Aramaic dialect. Whether the translator
was a permanent
official,

or whether

any competent
as interpreters,
left

members

of the congregation officiated

by turns

must, in the absence of more definite evidence, be here
uncertain.

In the lesson from the Thorah the reader had

to

read one verse at a time for the translator, in the lesson from
the prophets three, unless one verse formed a separate paragraph,
^^^

when he was then
iv.

to read

it

also alone."^

Megilla
iii.

1-5.

feld,
d.

215 sqq.

Arller,

Further particulars in Vitringa, p. 984 sqq. HerzDie Haftara {Monatsschr.f. Gesch. u. Wissensch.

Div.

Judenth. 1862, pp. 222-228). ii. art. " Haftara."
136

Hamburger, Real-Enc.f. Bibel und Talmud,
i^s

Megilla

iv. 4.

Hamburger, Real-Eiic.
Megilla
iv. 5.

ii.

33G.

Comp. Luke

iv.

17 sqq.

13^
138

Megilla

iv.

1-2.

Of the Kethubim only the

five Megilloth

and these only on
service
^^^
;

jiarticular

occasions in the year,

in

the

were used, synagogue
1015-1022.

see Kisch, Monatsschr. 1880, p. 5-4o sqq.
iv. 4, 6, 10.

Comp. Megilla
II.

Vitriiiga,

De

syiiagoga, pp.

DIV.

VOL.

II.

F

82
The reading
lecture or

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
Scriptures was followed Ly an edifying

of

tlie

sermon

(^'f'^"^),

by which the portion which had
That such explanations
Tai<;

been read was explained and applied.

were the general practice
ffvvay(üyal<i,^*° so

is

evident from the BiBaa-iceiv iv

frequently mentioned in the
sqq.,
p.
:

New

Testament,
of to

from Luke
Philo (see
sit

iv.

20 20

and from the express testimony

above,
iv.

7G).

The preacher
to

("^"i) "^

used

(Luke

eKcWiaev)

on an elevated place."^

Nor

was such preaching confined

appointed persons, but, as

appears especially from Philo, open to any competent
of the congregation."^*

member
to

The

service closed with the Ucssinfj,

j)ronounced

by a priestly member of the congregation,
whole
congregation

which

the

responded

(iPJJ)."^

If

no

jirt.

ZuDZ, 7)/c gottesdiensilichen Vorträge, p. 8. Hamburger, lical-Enc, Div. ii, " Targum." The like is also incidentally testified of Christian congre-

gations.

Thus

in Scythopolis, iu the time of Diocletian, the Scriptures

were

read in Greek, but translated by an interpreter into Aramaic.
Syriac textof Euseb.
I,.

See the

Be

mart. Palaest. in Zahn, Tatiari's Diatessaron (1881),
21, vi. 2;

19.
1^0

Matt.

iv.

23; iMark

i.

Lnke

iv.

15,

vi.

C,

xiii.

10; John

vi.

59, xviii. 20.
i'*^

Ben Soma was a celebrated p^hl {Sofa

ix.

\h).

^^2

Comp. Zunz, Die
in

gottesdienstlichen Vortrüge, p. 337.

Delit2Bch,

Ein

Tag
1^3

i^2a

Capernaum, p. 127 sq. gee Hamburger, Real-Enc, Div.
v. 4.

ii.

art.

" Predigt."

Berachoth
vii.

Megilla

iv.

3,

5, 6, 7.

On

the Blessing ritual, see

Sota

6

(= Tamid
is

viL 2): "

How is

the priestly blessing pronounced?

In the country in three sentences, in the temple in one.

name

In the temple the pronounced as written (niH^), in the country according to Iq the country the priests raise their hands only as its appellation ('•ilTS)high as the shoulder, in the temple above the head, with the exception of the high priest, who umst not raise his hands above the plate of the mitre. K. Judah says He also raised his hands above the plate of the mitre." According to llosh hashana 31'', Sota 4Ub, Johanan ben Sakkai is said to liave ordered that after the destruction of the temple the priests should only pronounce the blessing barefooted (Derenbourg, Ilistoire de la Palestine, p. 305, n. 3). On the whole subject, see Wagenseil on Sota vii. G (Surenhusius' 3/!.s7i??ff, iii. 264 sq.). Vitringa, pp. 1114-1121. Lundius, Z)(> Haener, De ritu henedictionis saceralten jüdischen Ifeiligthümer, b. iii. c. 48. dutalis, J o.ua.e 1G71 (also in Thesaurus theol. jihilologicus, Amst. 1701-1702,
of

God

:

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE,

83

pviest

were present, the blessing was not pronounced, but
into a prayer,"*
is

made

The order above described
also

that of the

principal service

on the forenoon of the Sabbath. on the Sabbath afternoon

The congregation assembled
at the

time of the Minchah

offering.

When

then Philo says, that the Sabbath assemblies
6-\lrla<;

lasted

tie')(^pi

a'x^eSov Sei\7)<;

(see above, p. 76), this is

not without foundation considering the length of these services.

At the afternoon
members
in

service

no lesson from the prophets, but

only one from the Pentateuch, was read.
of the congregation, neither

And
less,

only

thi'ce

more nor
also

took part
at

the

reading."*
services,

The same order was

observed

week-day

which were regularly held on the second
There was
of the Thorah, in

and

fifth

week-days (Mondays and Fridays)."^
for the reading

also a

meeting
of

which four

members

the congregation shared in the Parashah."''
festival in the year,

Nor

was there any

which was not distinguished
;

by public worehip and reading from the law

and the Mishna

prescribed lessons from the Pentateuch for every festival"*

APPENDIX.
TJie

Sliema and the Shemonch Usreh.

The Shema and the Shemoneh Esreh occupy, on the one
hand from
in
their

antiquity,

on the

other

from

the

high

estimation in which they were held, so prominent a position

the

Jewish

liturgy,

that

further particulars

concerning

them must here be
vol.
ii.

given.

p.

936

sq.).

Hottinger,

De

benedictione sacerJotali, ^Marburg 1709
i.

(also in Thesaurus

393

ed. Hasaous et Ikenius, vol. Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 1265, art. "Priestersegen." !** Vitringa, ^^^ Megilla iii. p. 1120 (after Maimonidcs). 6, "" Megilla iv. 2. "« Megilla iii, 6, iv. 1. Comp. i. 2, 3.

novus

theol.-phil.,

p.

sqq.).

iv. 1.

1*3

(art.

Megilla iii. 5-6. Comp. Herzfeld, " Vorlesung aus der Thora "),

iii.

213.

Hamburger,

ii.

12G5

sq.

84
1.

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
tliree

The Shema^*^ consists of the
xi.

paragraphs, Dcut.
;

vi.

4-9,

13-21, and Num.

xv.

37-41

therefore of those

passages of the rentateuch, in which

is chiefly

inculcated that
of

Jehovah alone
certain

is

the
is

God

of

Israel,

and in which the use

mementos

prescribed for the constant remembrance
are expressly

of

Him.

The three paragraphs
DX n>m

named
:

in the

Mishna by the words with which they begin
(2)
it)*^

(1)

V^p,
are

and (3)

ion'^/^"

Around

this nucleus

grouped

at the beginning

and end thanksgivings (Berachahs)
the morning Shema, and two before,

and the Mishna prescribes that two benedictions should be
said before,

and one

after,

and two

after,

the evening Shema. ^^^

The

initial

words of the

concluding benediction are cited in the Mishna just as they
are

used to this day,

viz.

3'*^^1

J^^?*.*^"

If then the wording

of the benedictions

was subsequently considerably increased,

they

still

belong fundamentally to the period of the Mishna.'''^

This prayer, ot more correctly this confession of fuith, was to be said twice a day,
viz.

morning and evening, by every adult
slaves

male

Israelite;^'*
it.^"*

women,
It

and children were not required
it

to repeat

was not necessary that

should be recited
for

in

Hebrew, any other language

being admissible

the

purpose."®

How

ancient this custom of repeating the

Shema

was, appears from the fact that the

Mishna already gives
It

such detailed directions concerning
over that
it

it.^'^^

mentions morein the temple,

was already repeated by
of it at least

tlie priests

which assumes the use
^*^

before A.D. 70."^
Zunz, Die
ii.

Nay,

See Yitringa,
Berachoth
Berachoth
ii.
ii.

De
2
;

synagof/a, pp. 1052-lOCl.

guttesdienstl.

Vorträge, pp. 367, 369-371.
150

Hamburger, Real-Enc.
1. 1.

1087-1092.
^^^ Berachotli
i.

152 153

2

;

Tamid v. Tamid v.

4.

the

ZuDZ (as above) has attenapted modern additions.
Berachoth
i.

to separate the ancient portions
i'«
iv.

from

154
i5'''a

1-4.

1*5

Berachoth
iv.

iii.

3.
;

Sota
3
;

vii. 1.

Comp,
ii.

in general also, Pcsuchim

8

Taanith

Sota

v.

-1

Ahnth
1*''

13.
\. 1.

Tumidly. fin.,

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
this
it

85
hoar an

for

Josephus the origin of

custom
as

is

lost in so

antiquity, that
himself.'''
2.

he

regards

an

enactment

of ]\Ioses

The Shcinoncli

Esreli}'^^

Somewhat more
to
its

recent

tlian

the
is

Shema,
the

but

still

very ancient as
i.e.

groundwork,

Shemoneh

Esreh,

the

chief prayer,

which every
to

Israelite,

even women, slaves and children, had
viz.

repeat

three times a day,

morning, afternoon (at the time of the
evening.'''^
it is

Minchah
"

offering)

and

It

is

so

much

tlie

chief
•"^sn'],
it

prayer of the Israelite, that
the
prayer."

also called

merely

In
its

its

final,

authentic and fixed form

does not consist, as

name

nnb'j; njin^:'

denotes, of eighteen,
in

but of nineteen Berachahs.

Its
:

words, as given

every

Jewish prayer-book, are as follow
"
the
1.

Blessed art thou,
of

Lord, our

God

Abraham, the God
things,

of Isaac, the

the mighty and tremendous, the

God and the God of our fathers, God of Jacob, the great God, Most High God, who bestowest gracious
of the patriarchs,

favours and Greatest

all

and rememberest the piety and

and

wilt bring a

redeemer

to their posterity, for the sake of

Thy name

in

love.

King,

who

bringest help and healing
2.

art a shield.

Blessed

art Thou,

Lord, the shield of Abraham.

Thou
art

art

mighty for ever
;

Lord

;

Thou

restorest life to the dead,

Thou

mighty to save

who

Bustainest the living with beneficence, quickenest the dead

with great

mercy, supporting the fallen and healing the
^^^
x.acl

sick,

and

setting at liberty

Joseph. Antt.

iv.

8.

13

:

Alg

V

iKÜaTYn

itfcipctg,

xp^o/xiv^; re etvr^;
öoipsci,;

oVoT« TTpoV vwuov
aiiToi;
ix,

upoe,

rpi^eadxi, fiocprvpsJu r^ ßiu rxg

x:

ctTrx'Arii;

'huyÜQiv

ttj;

Aiyvzziav y^;
f/.ev

'Trxpioyj,

^ucxix;

ovari;
iTirl

(fvau

ivXOt'Pi''tioi,g Kotl yivo,usi/Yig £9r' ccfioißri

roiv

ijO/i

yiyovöruv

Si

-^rffCiTpoTrr,

Tuv

iaofiii/uv.

That Josephus means by
doubtful.

tliis

the custom of reciting the

Shema cannot be
Comp,
^59

confession of Jehovah, as
especially.

He rightly views the Shema as a thankful the God who redeemed Israel from Egypt.

Num.

xv. 41.

Zunz, Die gottesdicmtl Vorträge, pp. 367-369. Delitzsch, Zur Gesell, der jüdischen Poesie (1836), Herzfeld, Gesch. des Voltes Jisrael, iii. 200-204. pp. 191-193. Bickell,

See Vitringa, De synafpga, pp. 1031-1051.

Messe und Pashah (1872), pp. 65 1092-1099.
lOü

sq.,

71-73.

Hamburger, ReaUEnc.

ii.

ßcrachoth

iii.

3

(women, children,

slaves), iv. 1 (three times a day).

86
those

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.
faithfulness unto those
;

who

arc bound,

aud upholding Thy
King,

who

sleep

in the dust.

Who

is like

unto Thee, Lord, the Almighty One

or

who

can

be compared unto Thee,

who

killest

and makest

alive again,

and
and

causest help to spring forth ?

And

faithful art

Thou

to quicken the dead.

Blessed art Thou,

Lord,

who

rcstorest the dead.
Tliee.

3.

Thou

art holy

Thy name
Thou,

is

holy,
;

and the saints daily praise

Selah.

Blessed art

Lord

the

God most

holy.

4.

Thou

graciously iinpartest to

man knowledge, and
Lord,

teachest to mortals reason.

Lot us be favoured from
Blessed art Thou,

Thee with knowledge, understanding and wisdom.

O

who

graciously

impartest knowledge.

5.

Cause us to turn,

our Father, to Thy law, and draw us near,
restore us in

our King, to Thy service, and
presence.

perfect repentance to
delightest in repentance.

Thy
6.

Blessed art Thou,

Lord,

who
;

Forgive

us,

our Father, for we
;

have sinned

pardon

us,

our King, for
art.

we have

transgressed

ready to

pardon and forgive Thou

Blessed art Thou,
7.

Lord, most gracious,
afflic-

who
tions,

dost abundantly pardon.

Look, we beseech Thee, upon our
for the sake of

and plead our cause and redeem us speedily
mighty Redeemer Thou
8.

Thy name,

for a

art.

Blessed art Thou,

Lord, the Eedeemer
;

of Israel.
shall

Heal
;

us,

Lord, and

we
;

shall

be healed

save us, and

we

be saved
all

for our praise art
;

Thou

and bring forth a perfect remedy
a faithful healer, and most

unto

our infirmities

for a

God and King,
Lord,

merciful art Thou.

Blessed art Thou,
9.

who

healest the diseases of
this year

Thy people
grant us

Israel.

Bless unto us,

Lord our God,

and

an abundant harvest, and bring a blessing on our land, and

satisfy us with

Thy goodness and
;

bless our year as the
10.

good

years.

Blessed

art

Thou,

Ü

Lord,

who

blessest the years.
;

Sound with the great
collect

trumpet to announce our freedom
captives,

and

set

up a standard to

our

and gather us together from the four corners of the
Lord,

earth.
Israel.

Blessed art Thou,

who

gatherest the outcasts of

Thy people

IL
ning
;

restore our judges as formerly,

and our coimsellors as
;

at the begin-

O Lord alone, in
the King, for

and remove from us sorrow and sighing and reign over us. Thou grace and mercy and justify us. Blessed art Thou, Lord
;

Thou

lovest Righteousness
all

and

justice.

12.

To

slanderers let

there be no hope, and let

workers of wickedness perish as in a
oiT
;

moment
in

and

let all of

them speedily be cut

and humble them speedily

our

days.

Blessed art Thou,
13.

O

Lord,

who

destroyest enemies and humblest

tyrants.

Upon

the just and upon the pious and upon the elders of
of Israel,

Thy people the house
upon righteous

and upon the remnant
us,

of their scribes,

and

strangers,

and upon

Lord our God, and grant a

we beseech Thee, Thy mercy, good reward unto all who confile in Thy
bestow,

§

27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUF,
ever,

87
and may we
Lord,

name

faithfully

;

and appoint our portion with them for
is

never be put to shame, for our trust

iu

Thee.

Blessed art Thou,
14.

the support and confidence of the righteous.
city return with compassion,

And

to Jerusalem

Thy
;

and dwell therein as Thou hast promised
Blessed art Thou,

and rebuild her speedily
builder of Jerusalem.

in

our days, a structure everlasting; and the
Lord, the
speedily
for

throne of David speedily establish therein.
15.

The

offspring of David

Thy servant
salvation
;

cause to flourish, and let his horn bo exalted iu
salvation do

Thy

Thy

we hope

daily.
flourish.

Blessed art Thou,
16.

Lord,

who

causest the

horn of salvation to

Hear our

voice,

Lord our God, pity

and have mercy upon

us,

and accept with compassion and favour these

our prayers, for Thou art a

God who

hearcth prayers and supplications

;

and from Thy presence,
hearest the prayers of

our King, send us not empty away, for Thou

Thy people
17.

Israel

in mercy.

Blessed art Thou,

O

Lord,

who

hearest prayer.

Be
;

pleased,

Lord our God, with Thy
sacrificial service to

people

Israel,

and with their prayers and restore the

the

Holy

of Holies of

Thy house

;

and the offerings of
;

Israel,

and

their prayers
Israel Tliy

in love

do Thou accept with favour
Blessed art Thou,
18.

and may the worship of

people be ever pleasing.

that our eyes

with mercy.

Lord,

may behold Thy return who restorest Thy glory
art the

to Zion
Cn3^3L>'')

unto Zion.

We

praise Thee, for

Thou
;

Lord our God and the
our
life,

God

of our fathers for ever

and ever

the

Rock

of

the Shield of

our salvation, Thou art for ever and ever.
Thee, and declare

We

will

render thanks unto

Thy

praise, for

our

lives

which are delivered into Thy

hand, and for our souls which are deposited with Thee, and for Thy miracles

which daily are with us
are at
all

;

and for Thy wonders and Thy goodness, which

times, evening

and morning and at noon.

Thou

art

good

for

Thy

mercies

fail not,

and compassionate for Thy loving-kiudness never ccaseth

our hopes are for ever in Thee.

And
ever.

for all this praised and extolled be

Thy name, our King,

for ever

and

And

all

that live shall give thanks
in truth
;

unto Thee for ever, Selah, and

shall praise

Thy name
it

the

God

of

our salvation and our aid for ever.
all-bountiful
is

Selah.

Blessed art Thou,

Lord, for

Thy name, and unto Thee
all salvation.

becometh us

to give thanks.

19. Great salvation bring over Israel

Thy people

for ever, for

Thou

art

King, Lord of

Praised be Thou, Lord, for Thou blessest Thy

people Israel with salvation."

From
attained

the contents of tins prayer
its

it

is

evident, that

it first

finally
is,

authentic form
after A.D. 70.

after
it

the destruction of

Jerusalem, that

For

presupposes in

its

88
14th and
l7tli

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

Eeracliah the destruction of the city and the

cessation of the sacrificial service.

On
II.,

the other hand,

it is

ah-eady cited in the Mishna under the

name

'"iTfy '"'ji'^'f/'"

and

it is
Ii.

mentioned, that E. Gamahel

K. Joshua, R. Aldba

and

Elieser

century

all

authorities of the beginning of the second
all

debated whether

the eighteen thanksgivings or

oidy a selection from them must be said daily j**^ also in what

manner the

additions concerning the rainy season and the
to

Sabbath should be inserted, and in what form

pray on

New

Year's day}^

Hence

it

must have

virtually attained its
its

present form about A.D.
safely be regarded

70-100, and
more

groundwork may
This infer-

as considerably

ancient.

ence
that
II.

is

confirmed by the definite information of the Talmud,
at

Simon the cotton dealer
arranged
the

Jabne

in the time of

Gamaliel

eighteen thanksgivings
Little, at

according to their

order,

and that Samuel the

E. Gamaliel's invitation,

inserted the prayer against apostates (p^^V), which
consist, not of eighteen,
1«!
i'^^

makes

it

but of nineteen
ii.

sections.^*^*
^'2

Bcracliotk

iv.

3
2
;

;

Taanith

2.
iv.

Berachoth

iv. 3.

Berachoth

v.

Rosh hashana

5

of the

Sabbath the so-called n^ian,

i.e.

Taanith i 1-2. At the close the " separation," by which the
;

Sabbath was separated from the week-day, was inserted. Pee Berachoth Levy, Ncu/iehr. Wörterb. .9.v. n^nnn. V. 2 (in Surenhusius' Jlii^hna, i. 18). "4 Berachoth 28^ pi "iQ^ niDin HTcy njic'iT nnon ^^ipsn pyoi*»
:

.n:pm Jüpn

^^«1t:{^'^Dy

?

D^r^^n

mediately before asked,

why tliere

naia ;pn^ ynrC'- The question is imare nineteen instead of eighteen Berachoth.

The

D''3''Dn

D'^pn^'n r\2~\2,

n3"in (for this is undoubtedly the correct reading instead of which the editions have, see Levy, Ncuhehr. Wörterb. s.v.

But instead of the original J-D) forms the 12th Berachah. in the present text of the prayer D^J''*i:6d (slanderers), the
corrected by the insertion of only two letters.
de la Palestine, p. 345 sq.

DTD, ^e

have former being
Histoire

Comp. Derenbourg,

The

D'':">jp

are "apostates" in general, not

merely Jewish Christians, as

however quite
ciiefly to
•/up oi
f4,ii/6i

The Fathers were not is often supposed. wrong when they referred the Birkath hammhiim Ov //.ovo» Jewish Christians. Comp. Epiphan. hacr. xxix. 9
in the
:

Tuv ^lovZcciuv

"TTXtZig jrpos

tovtovs
rr,ii

x.iK7YiVToii fitaOi, d.'Kh» Jtxl

ecvtar»-

iudiv Ka.1 /nian; iiy.ep»;

x.cc\ "s-ipl

ioTipxv, rpls t^j

ijciipxs,

on tv^»;

§ 27.

SCHOOL AND SYNAGOGUE.

83

f-rni'Kfivaiv exvrol; iu

rxlg avvxyuyxl;, tTxpuvrxt «yro/f, kxI ocuxdiuxTi^Civat
ort

Tplg

rijg

i}/i(,ipxg

(pxaKOi/Tts

^ETriKXTxpxaxi 6
:

6-6;

rov;

"Sx^upxiov;.

Hieronymus ad

Jesaj. v. 18-19, ed. Vallarsi, iv. 81

(Judaei) usque hodie

perseveraut in blasphemiis et ter per siugulos dies in omnibus synagogis

sub nomine Nazarenoruin anathematizant vocabulum Clirislianum. Idem, (Judaei Christo) ter per singulos dies Jesaj. xlix. 7, ed. Viillarsi, iv. 5G5 sub nomine Nazarenorum maledicunt in synagogis suis. Idem, ad Jesaj. (Judaei) diebus ac noctibus blasphemant lii. 4 ff., ed. Vallarsi, iv. 604: Salvatorem et sub nomine, ut saepe dixi, Nazarenorum ter in die in Christianos congerunt maledicta. Less decidedly Justinus, Dialog, c.

ad

:

Tryph.

C.

16

:

Kxrxpu/^suoi

iv

rxl; avjxyuyx'i; vuuv

roi/;

Tnarevovrx; exi

TO» Xpirrov.

Justin frequently expresses himself in the same manner (see

Otto on the passage).
TiOiZopiJTi
i'TTi

Comp,

also especially c. 137
fcvihe

:

Ivi/.'^xiA.iuot

olv

/htj

rov vio» rov dtou,

^xptaxt'ot;
ottoIx

"TCtidöfituoi

'hiaxax.x'Kois

rov

ßxathix rov 'lapa'^A
vf^uv,

i7riaK,u\pr,ri

"ttoti,

othxaKOvaiv

o/

xüy(,tavvxyuyot

fiiTx tiiv rrpoaivjcij'J. It is striking, that according to this, the cursing formula was pronounced after tJie prayer. Perhaps this rests upon
a mistake of Justin's
originally
;

it is

however
pp.
sq.

also possible that the Blrkath
col.

hamminim
1201
sq.

had

this position.

Comp. Buxtorf, Lex. Chald.
1017-1 Oöl.
Herzfeld,
p.
iii.

Vitringa,

De

synagogn,
iv.

203

sq.

Grätz,
ii.

Gesch, der Juden,

434

Dcrenbourg,

315

sq.

Hamburger,

1095

sq.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.

All
law.

zeal

for

education

in

the

family,

tlie

school and the

synagogue aimed at making

The common man
to

a people of the too was to know what the law comthe whole 2JC02)le

manded, and not only

know, but

to

do

it.

His whole law
;

life

was

to be ruled according to

the norm

of the

obedience

thereto

was

to

become a

fixed custom,

and departure there"

from an inward impossibility.
to a great degree attained.

On

the whole this object was
:

Josephus declares

Even

if

we

are deprived of wealth, of towns,

and of other possessions, the

law remains to us for ever.
his native

land, nor so

And no Jew will be so far from much fear a hostile ruler, as not to
^

fear the

law more than him."

So faithfully did most of the
"

Jews

adhere to their law, that they willingly incurred even

torture

and death

itself in

consequence.

Often already," says

Josephus, " have
the rack and
all

many

of

the prisoners been seen to endure

kinds of death in theatres, for the sake of not

uttering a word against the law and the other

Holy

Scriptures."

But what were the motives, whence sprang
^

this

enthusiasm
eL'/a-duv arspyi-

Anion,

ii.

38

:

K&v

v'Kovrov

y-ocl

-Trohiuv

y.ad

ruv aXXuv
'

6uuiV,
ovTUi uu

yov'J v6f*os iifAiv oid»t)»To: Ztotfisvit' Kcct ovSei;
ixTri'hdoi TJjj

lovixi'au

ovn

fiXKpei»

7r»7pido;

oiir

STTt-TriKpov ij.oß-fid-i^airoci

OsaxoV/?» ü; fi^ irp6

fK-ivov üiOtivoLt
^

rciu vofiov.

Anion,
Kctl

i.

8: "Hqyi oZv
vupu.
roii;

•s-oXXoi

-TroXT^ciKti

iüpotuTat rav ulxi^oiy.oyTCuv aroiiTTi

ß'hoe.i

"TrotvToiuv

6oivxtuv rpoTrovg
uöy.ov;
x.oci

iu

diUTpoi; i/Tvof/.ivovTi;

ry

finoeu

pilfiot 'TrpoiaSut

rx; fUToc twtuv
ii.

»uctypx'j:«.;.

Comp,
Trxdüv

also Apiun.
^fAtrkpuv

i.

22 (from Ilekatäus), and
Toi f^rM
P'/l,"-»

30

:

-ttoXKoI
zos)

kxI

Tzo'K'hxy.i; riöyirüv

-TTipl

(pdty^x^jdxi

rxpa.

v6,uov

ttccut»

•/ivuxiui "TvpoiiKovro.

00

§28. LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
it

91

for the law,

what the means whereby

obtained this enor:

mous sway over minds ? Divine rcirihution, and
juristic

To answer
that

briefly

it

was faith in
tlie

a

retribution
of

in

strictest

sense.

The prophetic idea

the covenant, which

God had
hended
one,

entered into

with the chosen people, was appre;

in the purely juristic sense

the covenant was a legal
parties

by which both the contracting

were mutually

bound.

The people
in return to

to observe the

law given them by God,
also

exactly, accurately

and conscientiously: while God was

bound

pay the promised recompense in proportion

to their performances.

And

the obligation held good not only

with respect to the nation as a whole, but to every individual
performance and recompense always stood in corresponding
relations to each other.

He who

God's justice the
other

bestowal of
trangression

did much had much reward
entailed
its

to expect
;

from

while on the
corresponding
this

hand

qwqtj

punishment.*

The externalism with which

belief in

retribution weighed, on the one side transgression and punish-

ment, on the other the fulfilment of the law and reward by

each other, will appear from what follows

:

"

Seven

different

plagues came into the world on account of seven chief transgressions.
(1) If part of the people tithe tlieir fruits

and part

do

not,

such a famine arises through drought that part of the
(2)

people are in want and part have enough.
tithes, there follows a

If

no one

famine from the devastations of war and

from drought.

(3) If

nowhere the heave dough has been
(4)

separated, a famine consuming all arises.

A

pestilence

rages

when such crimes

gain the

upper hand as have in

Scripture

the penalty of death pronounced upon them, but
to justice
for
its

whose perpetrators are not delivered up
'

Comp. Weber, System der allsynagngalen palästinischen Theologie (1880), ff., 290 ff. Hamburger, Real-Encyclopüdic für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. art. "Lohn und Strafe" (pp. 691-703), and " Yerjjeltuug " (pp.
pp. 2.35

12.Ö2-1257).

92
execution.
(5)

§ 28.

UFE UNDEK

TllK

LAW.

War
Wild

devastates the land because of delay of
interpretation of
of

sentences, turning aside of law and illegal
Scripture.
(G)

beasts get the upper

hand on account

perjury and the desecration of the divine name.

(7) Carrying

away

into foreign lands

is

the punishment for idolatry, incest,
*

murder, and neglect of the Sabbatic year."
scientiousness was the reward
for the

With
is

like

con-

fulfilling

of the law

computed.
to him, his

"

Whoever
the

fulfils

only owe law, good

appointed

days are prolonged, and he will inherit the land."*
to

"According
reward
"

proportion
"

of pains

taken will

be the
is

(^^^^ ^1^-^ Di£p).^
" (P3t^•^^
its
^DJ5

Know

that everything

taken
of the

account of

i'briK^

jn)7

Thus every fulfilment

law involves
so

corresponding reward.
so

And God

only gave
of

many commandments and

many laws

to the people

Israel, that they might obtain great rewards.^

Both punishlife.

ment and reward
But
N3n
lie,
full retribution
nhSv.

are bestowed on

men
till

in

the present
life

does not follow

the

to come, the

Then

will all

seeming inequalities be reconciled,

who was

in this life visited witli sorrows, notwithstanding

his

righteousness, will then

receive

the fuller reward.
till

But
the

apart from this, full recompense does not take place

world to come.
imperfection and of
cease.

For the present world
evil.

is

still

a world of

In the future world

all

weakness will

Then

will Israel, both as a nation
fulfilling

and as individuals,

be rewarded for a faithful

of the law

by a

life

of

undisturbed happiness.
parents, benevolence,

Good works

— such

as reverence of

peace-making among neighbours, and

above
as
*

all

the study of the law

— may

therefore be looked
in

upon

a capital,

whose

interest is already enjoyed

this life,

of

The promises and threats So too e.g. Shahhath ii. 6. and the curse in Lev. xxvi. and Dent, xxviii. are the Old Testament foundation for this. But the casuistic carrying out into
Aboth V. 8-9.
blessing

the

parallels
*
^

is

alien to the
i.

Old Testament.
"
*

Ki'ldmhin

10.

Ahoth

v. 23.
iii.

Ahoth

iv. 22.

Makkoth

16.

§ 2?.

LIFE

UNDER THE

LA.W.

93

while the capital

itself

remains

for the

life

to come.

2'liü

hope of a future retribution
zeal for the law.

was

therefore the

mainspring of

all

Nay

the entire religious life of the

Jewish people

during
these

the period of ichich loc are treating just revolved
laio

round
glory.

two poles : Fulfilment of the

and hope of future
from the
like
latter.

Zeal for the former derived

its vitality
:

The

saying of Antigonus of Socho

"

Be not

servants

who

serve their master for the sake of reward, but be like those

who do
was

service without respect to reward,"

^^

is

by no means a

correct expression of the keynote of Pharisaic Judaism,

which

in fact like the servants who serve for the sake of recompense.
results

To what
of

then did this zeal
its

for the

law lead

?

They

corresponded with

motives.

As the motives were and moral
religion

essentially

an external kind, so also was

the result an incredible
life.

externalizing of the religious

This result was
into law,

indeed inevitable,

when once

was made

and

that indeed in such wise, that all religion was
in nothing else, than in the
strict

made

to consist

obedience to a law, which
life in

regulated the civil and social as well as the individual
all its relations.

By

this

view of religious duty, which forms

the characteristic distinction of post-exilian Judaism, the whole
religious

and moral
the result

life

was drawn doion

into the sphere of
(1) First of

law,
all

and

necessarily
life

was as
an

follows,:

the individual

was thus regulated by a norm, whose
all is
evil.

application to this sphere at

The province of
to one another

law

is

simply to order the relations of

men

according to certain standards.

Its object is not the individual

as such, but only civil society as a whole.

The functions
to be

of

the latter are to be so regulated, that the fulfilment of his
individual task within this framework
to each.
is

made

possible

The

application of the legal

norm

to the individual life

therefore of itself subjects the latter to a false standard.
if

For
of the

external constraint

is

of the essence of law, freedom
iv. 14.

is
i.

Pea

i.

1.

Comp. Kiddushin

*"

Ahuth

3.

94

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER

TIIK

LAW.
of the individual
is

essence of moral action.

The moral

life

a

healthy one, only

when
(2)

it is

governed by internal motives.
is

Its

regulation by external standards

an adulteration of

it

in its
to the

very principle.
religious

The

application of the legal

norm

and moral

life also life
is

involves the
as

placing of the most

varying avocations of

upon a level,

though of equal value.

For every employment
merely the behaviour of

regulated absolutely by the law, not
to

men

one another in the State and in

society, but also those most special manifestations of the inner
life

of the individual

:

how he shows

his gratitude to

evidences his repentance for sins he has committed,
manifests his love to his neighbour,
life

God or how he

how he

fashions his daily

in its
falls

most external respects, in manners and customs.

All

under the same point of view

—under
is

the

norm

of

the law, and that a law which comes forward with Divine
authority.
indifferent.

Thus the purport
Merely
is of

of

an act

comparatively
in

conventional

demeanour

outward

matters and ceremonies
of

the same value as the fulfilment
duties. latter

the highest

religious

and moral

The former

is

raised to the rank
of the

of the latter,

and the

lowered to that

former.

There

is

always and everywhere only one
i.e.

duty

the fultilling of the law,

the fulfilling of

all

that has
it

once been commanded
be.

by God, no matter of what kind
self-evident, that all in reality

may
in
is

(3)

Hence

it

is

depends
task

upon
the

satisfying

the

law.

There

is

no

higher

department of law.
fulfilled,

If the requirement of tlie law
satisfied.
is

exactly

duty
is
:

is

Thus the only question
?

that can be raised

what

commanded

and what must
?

be done that the commandment
art should be directed only to

may

be

fulfilled

That every
letter of

compounding with the
less will be

the law

is

an inevitable consequence.

This task will perhaps

be

a^^fTravated.

more rather than

done

for the sake

of meeting in practice the whole extent of the law.

But

still

one purpose

only will be

kept in view, that of satisfying the

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
-without
is left

95

letter.

And

this

caunot be done

damage

to

tlie

substance.

The

real vahie of the

good

out of account.

Not

the doing of the good as such, but merely formal accuracy
tlie

in fulfilling the letter of

law

is

the aim.
it,

And

notwith-

standing

all zeal,

nay just because of
(4) Lastly the

true morality

must

of

necessity be a loser.

purely formal point of
is split

sight has the further consequence, that the moral duty

np

into

an endless atomistic multitude of separate duties and
All law
is

obligations.

necessarily casuistic, for

it

lays
is

down
by
its

a multiplicity of individual statutes.
nature endless.
ever so
split

All casuistry

The one case may have been divided
;

into

many

sub-species

but each sub-species can again be
is

into

sub-divisions,

and there

here

no end

to

the

dividing.

The most conspicuous proof

of this is furnished

by
all

the
their

marvellous labours of the Pharisaic scribes.
diligence

With

and acuteness in making

distinctions,

they

never came to an end.

But the testimony cannot be refused
so.

them, that they really worked hard to do

Jewish law

became

in their

hands a widely ramified

science.
of single

They cut
commands,

up the law

into thousands
far as in

upon thousands
lay, set

and thus, as

them

up a

rule for the direction

of every conceivable case of practical

life.

Marvellous how-

ever as were their performances,
grievous error
pletely
is

it

is

here that their most

found.

All free moral action was

now comseparate

crushed under the

burden

of numberless
their

statutory requirements.
fatal is the effect of the

The greater
the
of

number, the more

fundamental error of transferring the
region
life

juristic

mode

of treatment to

of

religion

and

morality.

In every

department
is

action no

longer
|

proceeds from inward motive,
tion of a

no longer the
results

free manifesta-

moral disposition, but

from the external
such requirement

constraint of statutory requirement.

And

reaches equally to everything, to the greatest as to the least,
to the

most important as to the most indifferent

;

every

act,

96
whether great or
is

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
a moral standard,

trifling,

when estimated by
;

now
:

of the

same value
is

there

is

but one point of view for
it

all

to

do what

commanded, because
of course

is

commanded.
than to be

And

thus there

is

no

higlier vocation,

faithful to the letter for the letter's sake.

All depends, not

on the inward motive, but on the external correctness of an
action.

And

all this

petty and mistaken zeal insisted finally
of

on being the true and genuine service

God.

The more
^PjXov deov
far this
it

men

wearied themselves out with

it,

the more they thought to

gain the Divine approbation.
e-)(pvaLv,

As

St.

Paul says

:

riW' ov tear
for

liru^vwcnv (Eom. x. 2).
astray,

How

unwise zeal
laid

God went

and what a heavy burden

upon the

life

of the Israelite,

may

be made evident by a

series of concrete

examples."

IL

One

of the

most important

points, both with respect to its
it,

extent and the value attributed to
sanctification.'^

was that

of

Sabbath

The

brief prohibition of

work on the Sabbath
all

which

is

found in the Pentateuch, and which hardly at

enters into detail (Ex. xvi.

23-30,
;

xx.
xxiii.

8-11,
3
;

xxiii.

12, xxxi.

12-17, xxxiv. 21, XXXV. 1-3
11

Lev.

Num.

xv.

32-3G

;

In this series those points are chiefly brought forward, which are

touched on in the Gospels.
the dale to

It should then be remembered, with respect to which the material here adduced belongs, that the authorities cited in the Mishna almost all beloug to the hundred years between Hence Jewish law is here presented to us in that form which A.D. 70-170. This form will it maintained in about the first half of the second century. however be essentially that which is handed down from the beginning of the Christian era, from the time of Ilillel and Shammai. For the differences

two schools already related to the subtlest distinctions. Comp, in the Mishna the treatises Shahhath, Eruhin, Beza, the Bonk of also Winer, Realwörterh. ii. 343Julilees, cap. 50 (Ewald's Jahrb. iii. 70) 349. Oehlcr in Herzog's Rcal-Enc, 1st ed. xiii. 193-204 (in the 2nd ed. Saalschütz, Bas Mosaische Hecht, i. 388 revised by Orelli, xiii. 156-166). Mangold in Schenkel's Bibellex. v. 123-126. Riehm's Wörhrh. s.v. sqq.
of their
12
;

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE

LA^7.

97

Deut.
X.

V.

12-15.

Comp.

Jer. xvii.

21-24

;

Amos
itself

vii.

5

;

Neh.

32, xiiL 15 sqq.), was in the course of time developed in

so

many-sided a manner as to form of

an extensive

branch of knowledge.
rest satisfied

Tor of course the Eabbis could not
proliibition.

with this simple

They must

also

accurately define what work was forbidden.

And
it,

consequently
that on the

they at

last,

with

much

ingenuity, got out of

whole thirty-nine kinds of work were prohibited, but very
few are of course anywhere alluded
These thirty-nine prohibited works are
ing, (3)
:

to

in

the Pentateuch.

(1) sowing, (2) plough-

reaping, (4) binding sheaves, (5) threshing, (6) win(7)

nowing,

cleansing

crops,

(8)

grinding,

(9)

sifting,

(10) kneading, (11) baking, (12) shearing wool, (13) washing,

(14)

beating,
it,

(15)

dyeing,

(16)
cords,

spinning,

and

(17)

warping

(18)

making

two

(19)

weaving two

threads, (20)

separating two

threads, (21)

making a knot,
killing,
its

(22) untying a knot, (23) sewing two stitches, (24) tearing
to

sew

two

stitches,

(25)

catching
it,

a

deer,

(26)

(27) skinning, and (28)

salting

(29) preparing
it

skin,

(30) scraping off the hair, (31) cutting

up, (32) writing

two

letters,
letters,
fire,

(33)

blotting

out for the

purpose of writing

two

(34) building, (35) pulling down, (36) putting (37) lighting a
fire,

out a

(38) beating smooth with a

hammer, (39) carrying from one tenement to another." Each of these chief enactments again require further discussions concerning their range

and meaning.

And

here, properly

speaking, begins the
just a few of

work

of casuistry,

^{q will bring forward

its results.

According to Ex. xxxiv., ploughing

and reaping were among the forbidden works.
a few ears
!'

But
as

to gather

of corn

was already looked upon
translation here

reaping.^^

Shahhath

vii. 2.

The

that of Jost's edition of the Mishna.

and in what follows is always Comp, also the enumeration in the
Malt.
xii. 2.

Book of Juhilee.'t, c. 50 (Ewald's ,/aJirb. iii. 70). 13a Comp. Maimonides in Lightfoot, Ilorae Heir, on
DIV.
II.

VOL.

II.

G

98

§

28.

LIFE

UNDER THE
disciples

I.\W.

Wlien on one occasion
of plucking the ears,

tlie

did this on the Sabbath,

they were found fault with by the Pharisees, not on account

which (according

to Dent, xxiii.

26) was

permitted, but because they were thus guilty of doing reaping

work on the Sabbath (Matt.
vi.

xii.

1,

2

;

Mark

ii.

23,

24; Luke

(Nos.
It

The prohibition of making and untying a knot 2). 21 and 22) was much too general to rest satisfied with. was also necessary to state to what kind of knot this
1,

applied,
Icnots,

and

to

what
of

it

did not.

" Tlie

following are the
:

the

making

which renders a man guilty
of sailors;

The knot
is

of camel-drivers

and that

and as one
11.

guilty

by reason of
Guilt
is

tying, so also of untying them.

Meir says
be

not incurred

by reason

of a

knot, which can
of

untied with one hand.

There are knots by reason
is

which

one

is

not guilty, as one
knots.

in the case of the camel-driver's
tie

and

sailor's

A woman may

up a

slit

in her shift

and

the strings of her cap, those of her girdle, the straps of the

shoes and sandals, of skins of wine and

oil,

of a pot with
it

meat."

"

And

to tie strings of the girdle being permitted,
pail also

was agreed that a
a
girdle,

might be

tied

over the well with
of writing
:

but not with a

rope.^^

The prohibition

on

the Sabbath (No. 32) was

further defined as follows

"

He who

writes two letters with his right or his left hand, whether of

one kind or of two kinds, as also

if

they are written with

different ink or are of different languages, is guilty.

He
is

even

who

should

from forgetfulness write two

letters

guilty,

whether he has written them with ink or with paint, red chalk.
India-rubber,
vitriol,

or

anything which

makes permanent

marks.

Also he who writes on two walls which form an

angle, or on the

two

tablets of his account-book, so that they
is guilty.

can be read together,
is guilty.

He who

writes
fluid,

upon

his

body

If

any one writes with dark
XV. 1-2.

with

fruit juice,

or in the dust on the road, in sand, or in anything in
'^ >'Sfiahhath

which

i^

Shahhath xv.

2.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
is free.*^

99
If

the writing does not remain, he

any one writes

with the wrong hand, with the

foot,

with the mouth, with the
letter of another piece

elbow

;

also if

any one writes upon a
two

of writing, or covers other writing; also if
to write n has only written
] r,

any one meaning

or if

any one has written

one

letter

on the ground and one upon the wall, or upon two

walls of the house, or

upon two pages
is

of a book, so that they
If

cannot be read together, he

free.

in

forgetfulness he

Mrites two letters at different times, perhaps one in the morn-

ing and one towards evening,
guilty, the
xvi. 23, it

li.

Gamaliel pronounces him
free."

learned declare

him

"

According to Ex.

was forbidden
food,

to

bake and to boil on the Sabbath.
to eat hot

Hence the
bath,

which

it

was desired
its

on the Sab-

was

to be

prepared before

commencement, and kept

warm by
have been

artificial

means.

In doing this however care must

be taken, that the existing heat was not increased, which would
" boiling."

Hence the food must be
its

piut

only into

such substances as would maintain

heat, not into such as

might possibly increase

it.

"

Food

to be kept

warm
salt,

for the

Sabbath must not be put into

oil-dregs,

manure,

chalk, or

sand, whether moist or dry, nor into straw, grape-skins, flock,
or vegetables, if these
dry.
It

are damp, though

it

may

if

they are
fruits,

may, however, be put

into clothes, amidst

pigeons' feathers, and flax-tow.

R. Jehudah declares flax-tow
'^

unallowable, and permits only coarse tow."
E.\.
1^

According to
on the Sabbath.

XXXV.

3, it

was forbidden
is

to kindle a fire

On

the statements " he

Jost's introd.

to the treatise
life,

guilty" (TTI) and " he is free" ("IIDD), see Shabbath. The former means the wilful
:

transgressor forfeits his
if

and

is, if

there are witnesses, to be stoned, or

penalty of extirpation.

he has sinned after warning, but without Avitnesses, he is sentenced to the And he who has .sinned from negligence or ignorance must offer the legal sin-offering. "ilLDD means he is free from these penalties, but not from the scourging ordered by tlie court, so that the act itself (a few cases deducted) is not thereby declared allowable. ^"^ Shabbath xii. 3-6. ^^ Shabbath iv. 1, and the commentary in Surenhusius" Miahita, ii. 18.

100

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER TUE LAW
tliat

This prohibition was supplemented by

of extinguishing

a

fire,

AVitli regard

to

the latter, the question arose,

how

it

was

to be observed,

when a
comes
*
:

non-Israelite approached a
to

fire.

" If a

non

-

Israelite

extinguish a
out,'

tire,

one
it

must
out,'
^^

neither say to

him

put

it

nor

'

do not put

and that because one
is

is

not obliged to

make him

rest."

It

self-evident that the prohibition to extinguish fire

would
it

be extended to lights and lamps.
ordained as follows
is
:

Concerning these

was

"

He who

extinguishes a light because he

afraid of heathen, robbers, or the evil spirit, or for the sake

of one sick, that he
to save the
oil,

may

sleep, is free.

If

it is

done however
R. Joses

the lamp, or the wick, he

is

guilty.

declares

him

in

each case

free,

except with respect to the
it

wick, because he thus prepares, as
vessel

were, a coal."

^^

"

A

water

may be placed under a lamp to catch may not be put therein, lest the lamp be
tlie

the sparks, but
extinguished."^^

Very

specially copious material for discussion

was furnished by
which was,

the last of
I'rom

thirty-nine chief works,

tlie

carrying a burden
N"'>i?2n)^

one tenement to another (nv^np niC'iD

according to Jer. xvii. 21-24, forbidden.
on,

We

shall see farther

what

refined sophistry
nVki'l.

was applied towards enlarging the
here be briefly mentioned, that
to
e.c/.

notion of the

It

may

even the bulk of what might not be carried from one place
another on the Sabbath was exactly determined.

Thus

he was guilty of Sabbath desecration

who

carried out so

much
one
to

food as was equal in weight to a dry
as

fig,^^

or so

much wine
for

was enough

for

mixing

in a goblet, or

milk enough
oil

swallow, honey enougli to put upon a wound,

enough

anoint a small member, water enough to moisten an eye-salve,^'

paper enough to write a custom-house notice upon,^* parchment

enough

to write
13

the shortest portion of the Tephillin,
G. -" 22
^^

i.e.

the

Shahhalh xvi.

Shalbaih
siiahhath

ii.

5.

2i
23

Shahhath Shabhulh

ii.

6, Jin.
i.

vii. 4.
viii. 2.

viii.

Shahhalh

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
letters,^"

IQl
reed enough

^H")^
to

ytDü',

upon, ink enough to write two
of,

make

a pen

etc.^

It

was forbidden

also

to carry

such

garments as did not belong to clothing proper.

A warrior might

not go out with coat of mail, helmet, greaves, sword, bow, shield,
or spear.^^
his
it.^^

A cripple
leg.
11.

might, according to R. Meir, go out with

wooden

Joses, on the other hand, does not allow

Only on the breaking out

of a fire are
"

some concessions

made with
tures

respect to burden-bearing.

All the

Holy

Scripof the

may be saved from a book may be saved with the
the Tephillin, even
three Sabbath meals
if

conflagration.

The case
tlie
it.

book, that of
is

Tephillin with

there

money

in

Food

for the

may

be saved.

If a fire breaks out

on

the evening of the Sabbath, let
if it

food be saved for three meals;
if

takes place in the forenoon, for two;

in the afternoon,

for
if

one only.
for a

A

basketful of bread

may

also

be saved, even
however

enough

hundred meals, a cake of

figs,

a cask of wine."^^

The caution
itself.

of these guardians of the law did not

confine itself to asserting

what was forbidden on the Sabbath
a
desecration
of

They extended
might

their prohibitions to every transaction,
to

which

only possibly lead

the

Sabbath.

This prophylactic care was the cause of the follow:

ing enactments

"

Let not a tailor go out at twilight with

his needle, for he

might forget (when the Sabbath begins) and

go out with

it.

Nor

the writer with his reed."

" IMeat,

onions and eggs

may

not be cooked, unless there

is

time to

cook them by day.

Bread

may

not be put into the oven in

the twilight, nor cakes upon the coals, unless their surfaces

can harden while
is

it

is

still

day.

E. Elieser says
^^

:

If there

only time for the under surface to harden."
still

Caution

goes
light

farther,

when

e.g. it

is

forbidden to read by lamp-

on the Sabbath, or to cleanse clothing from vermin.
viii. 3.

Shahbath
Shahhath
Shahhath

^e

Shahhath

viii. 5.

^' »o

Shnhhath

vi. 2, 4.

28
81

vi. 8.
i.

Shahhath xvi. 1-3.

Shahhath L

3.

10.

102

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
light is especiall3'

For both are transactions in which a clear
necessary.

And

thus there

is

obviously a temptation to stoop
oil

the lamp for the purpose of leading more

to

it,

and

this

would

ofl'eud against the prohibition of

kindling
It is

fire.

Hence

these actions are altogether forbidden.
to

indeed permitted

a schoolmaster to take care

how

children read by light.

But he himself may not read by a

light.'^

Besides these thirty-nine chief works,

and employments, which cannot be
them, are also forbidden.

many other actions summed up under any of
them
e.g.

We

learn of some of

from

the following prescription with regard to the holy days (on

which the

rest
is

was

less

strict).

" All

things,

by which
of

punishment
breaking

incurred

on

the

Sabbath, because

their

its rest,

or because of acts arbitrary in themselves, or

acts legal at other times, are also not allowed
ilay.

on the holy
not climb

The following because

of the rest

:

one

may

a tree, ride upon a horse,

swim

in the water, clap with the

hands, strike upon the hips, or dance.
the acts are arbitrary
:

The following because

one

may

not hold a court of justice,

acquire a wife by earnest money, pull off the shoe (the Chaliza

on account of a refusal of levirate marriage), nor consummate
levirate

marriage.
:

The following because they

are

legal

transactions

one

may

not consecrate anything, put a value
tithe.

on anything, devote anything, nor separate heave and
All this
is
^^

declared unlawful on a holy day, not to mention a

Sabbath."

To such appointments belongs

also

the enact-

ment, that no one should on the Sabbath go farther than

2000

cubits from his dwelling,

i.e.

from where he

is

at

the

bejriuning of the Sabbath.
n2ü'n D^nn/*

This was called the " Sabbath limit,"
of

and a distance
i.

2000
6809).

cubits a Sabbath day's

journey (Acts
•^
3'

12

:

caßßdrov

How

ingeniously this

"^ Beza v. 2. Shahbath i. 3. Eruhin v. 5. The distance of 2000 cubits (according to Num.xxxv. 1-8), Eruhin iv. 3, 7, v. 7. Compare in general, Buxtorf, Lexicon Chaldaicmn,

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
xvi.

103

prescription, founded

on Ex.

29, as well as that concerning

the carrying of burdens, was evaded, will be

shown
with

farther on.

Notwithstanding

the

great

strictness

which

the

commandment
cases, in

to

hallow the Sabbath was treated, certain
tolerated,

which exceptions were

had of necessity

to
for

be acknowledged.

Some such

exceptions were allowed
still

the sake of humanity and some on account of a

higher

and more sacred command.
sities of

In the latter respect the neces-

the temple-ritual came especially under consideration.
offered

The daily burnt-offering must be
nay a
special offering besides
xxviii. 9, 10).

on the Sabbatli

also,

was ordered on the Sabbath day
it

(Num.

Hence

was

self-evident, that all the
sacrifices
:

transactions

necessary for offering these
(INIatt. xii.

must be
ol

lawful even on the Sabbath
iepel<i

5

TOL<i

adßßacriv

iv

TM lepw ro aäßßarov ßeßrjXovcnv Kai
The

dvacTiol

€l<xLv)^^

acts necessary for offering the Passover sacrifice
it

were also allowed on the Sabbath, but in this case

was
the

very carefully settled what transactions were and what were
not
permitted.^®

To the same category belongs
that

also

command
cision

of circumcision.

All that was necessary for circumfar,
is,

might be done on the Sabbath, so

as

it

could not be done on the day before.

For whatever could
forbidden.^'^

have been done on the day before was
sake of humanity
it

For the

was permitted
Lightfoot,

to

render assistance to
Winer,

col.

RWB.
xiii.

2582-2586 (s.v. Dnn). ii. 350 sq. Oehler 213 sq. Arnold, ibid.

Horae Ikhr. on Acts
xiii.

i.

12.

in Herzog's Ikal-Enc.
ix.

203

sq.

I.eyrer, ibid.

148

(all

according to

tlie

1st ed.).

Mangold

in Schenkel's Bibdlcx. v. 127 sq.
35

Comp. Book of

Jubilees, c.

Schöttgen, Wetzstein on Matt.
passage.

xii.

50 (Ewald's Jahrb. iii. 70). Lightfoot, Wolf, Curae philoL on the sjime 5.

Wünsche, Der

lebensfreudige Jesiuf (187ß), p. 42-i.

in

other exceptions from the Sabbath command favour of the temple service, see also Erubin x. 11-15. 3^ Shabbath xix. 1-5. Comp. John vii. 22, 23 (one of those features,
3^ PesacJiim vi. 1-2.

On

which prove the intimate acquaintance of the fourth evangelist with Jewish
matters).

104
a

§ 2S.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
and
it

woman

at her delivery/^

was

laid

down

as a general

principle, that all danger to life shonld supersede the
(n^G'n

Sabbath

nx nnn
it

nW^'z:

pSD-b).««

" if a building falls
is

upon any
or

one,

and

is

doubtful whether he
dead,

under
a

it

or not, whether

he

is

alive

or

whether he

is

non-Israelite

an

Israelite,

the ruins over

him may be
left."
'^^

cleared

away on the

Sabbath.
if

If he is found alive, they

may

be cleared farther

he

is

dead, they
if

must be

A

physician

may

attend

a patient

he

is

in danger.

E. Matthijah ben Charash even

allowed that a remedy might on the Sabbath be put into the

mouth
this

of

any one feeling pain in the
This
is

throat, because it

might

be dangerous."*^
scholar,

however

cited as only the opinion of as

and by no means

holding good in general.

At any

rate

medical assistance was
life

only allowed
"

on the

assumption that

was in danger.
to.

A

fracture (of a limb)
his

may

not be attended

If

any one has sprained
it."

hand
priest

or foot,

he

may

not pour cold water on

^

"A
;

officiating in

the temple may, on the Sabbath, put on again
other-

the plaister which he took off during his ministration

wise this
the
first

may

not be done

;

a plaister

may
If a

not be put on for
priest

time on the Sabbath.

...
it

hurts

his

linger,

he

may on

the Sabbath bind otherwise
it

with rushes for service
not

in

the

sanctuary,

this
is

is

allowed

;

for

the
It

pressing out of the blood,

everywhere forbidden."

"

quite agrees with this, that the enmity of the Pharisees should

have been excited against Jesus on account of His cures on
the Sabbath (Matt.
xiii.
38 33

xii.

9-13

;

Mark
v.

iii.

1-5
ix.

;

Luke

vi.

6-10,

10-17,
Shabhath

xiv.

1-6; John

1-16,

14-16)."

Even

xviii. 3.

Joma Joma

viii. 6.

Comp,

slio the passage

from Synesius

in

Winer,

HWB.

ii 345.
*- Shahbath xxii. G. *^ Joma viii. G. viii. 7. Eruhin x. 13-14. Comp, also Edujoth ii. 5. ** The Rabbinic material has been treated of from a one-sided and distorted point of view in Danz, Christi curatio sahbathica vindicaia ex legibus
*<'

*^

§ 28.

LIFK

UNDER THE
life

L.VW.

105

the principle, that danger to

should supersede the Sabbath,

was by no means regarded
themselves perish to the
to the

as at all times decisive.

At the
let

beginning of the Maccabaeau rising a troup of legalists
last

man, rather than have recourse

sword on the

Sabljath.*^

From
this

that time forward
for defence,

it

was determined
attack

to take

up the sword

but not for

upon the Sabbath.^"
to.^'^

And
it

principle
it

was on the

whole adhered

But use was made of

only in cases
later

of extreme necessity. times, that
hostile
to

And
the

often

happened even in

generals were

able to

make
was

use

of the

Jewish Sabbath
strictly

disadvantage of the
of

Jews.**

How
that

the

observance

the

Sabbath

universally
fact,

adhered to by Jewish
a

soldiers,

appears
it

from the

man

like

Josephus

regards

as

a thing

self-evident,^^

and

that

the

Eomans even found themselves
entirely

obliged

to

release

the

Jews

from

military

service,

because

Jewish Sabbatarianism and Piomau discipline were
able contrasts.^^

irreconcil-

(Meuschen, Nov. Test, ex Talmude illustratvm, 1736, pp. 5G9-G14). Zipser in Fiirst's Literaturllatt des Orients, 1847, p. 814 sqq. Jahrg. 1848, Wüusclie, Nene Beiträge zur Erläuterung der Evanpp. 61 sqq., 197 sqq.
Jitdaicis
;

gelien aus

Talmud und Midrash (1878),
346.
falls into
ii.
ii.

pp. 150-152.
xiii.

Comp,

also

Winer,

RWB.
cattle
*^

ii.

Oebler in Herzog's Real-Enc.

202 (1st

ed.).

On

which
1

1

^^

Mace. Mace.

a pit on a holy day, see Beza 34-38. Joseph. Antt. xii. 6. 2. 39-42.
xii.

iü. 4.

Joseph. Antt.
1-3, xiv. 4. 2,

xii. 6. 2.

xviii. 9. 2. That to fight on the Sabbath was considered as "forbidden in after times also" (Lucius, Der Essenismus, p. 96, note), is not so universally correct. Josephus expressly says, that the law allowed the repulse of a personal attack (Autt. xiv.

*" Josepl).

Antt.

4. 2).
***

Antt.

xiii.

12. 1, xiv. 4. 2.

Comp,

also Joseph, contra Apion. L 22,

.?.

fin.
c.

(Ptolemy I. Lagos took Jerusalem on a Sabbath). 50 (Ewald's Jahrb. iii. 70).
^9 Bell. Juel. iL 21. 50 Antt. xiv. 10.

Book of

Julilics,

8

=

Vita, 32.
16,

11, 12, 13, 14,

18, 19.

Under the Ptolemies the
2. 4,

Jews

still

took military service {Antt.
xi. 8.

xii. 1
ii.

and

Aristeas" in Havercamp's Josephus,

2.

107.

according to "PieudoMerx' Archiv, i. 260).

Comp,

also Antt.

5, Jin., xiv. 8. 1.

106

§

m

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.

IIL
Far deeper was the influence npou daily
fold

life of

the mani-

and far-reaching ordinances

concerning
latter,'^^

cleanness

and

nncleanness and the removal of the

than that of the
;

law of the Sabbath.
V.

The Old Testament

(Lev. xi.-xv.

Num.

1-4, and especially chap, xix.) had already given tolerably
points,
first

numerous and stringent precepts on these
(for

by declaring
certain inci-

what reasons may be
life,

left

undiscussed)

dents of sexual

then certain appearances on persons and

objects comprised under the joint term of leprosy, and lastly,

the corpses of both ing nncleanness.

men and

animals, as unclean and impart-

It also gives detailed prescriptions concern-

ing purification by sacrifices or lustrations, which are of very
different kinds according to the kind
ness.

and degree of uncleanstill

But ample

as

were these enactments, they are

but

poor and scanty compared with the abundance stored in the

Mishna.

No

less

than twelve treatises

(filling

the whole of

the last part of the Mishna) deal with the matters appertaining to this subject.

The enumeration
which
it

of the " chief kinds of

nncleanness

"

(nixotsn nns),

must be owned

are for

the most part based on the enactments of the Pentateuch
(Lev. xi.— XV.), form the foundation of all these discussions.

On

this foundation

however

is

raised

an enormous and very
under what circum-

complicated structure.
question

For with each of the chief kinds the
be dealt with
is
:

has again

to

stances such nncleanness

incurred, in

what manner and
what
utensils

to

what extent

it

is

transferred to

others,

and

81 Comp, generally, Winer, RWB. ii. 3L3-319 (art. " Reinigkeit "). Leyrer, art. " Reinigungen," in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. vol. xii. pp. Haneberg, Keil, Bibl. Archäologie (2nd ed. 1875), pp. 295-323. 020-640. KampSchenkel's Bib'ellex. v. 65-73. lielig. AltertUimer, pp. 459-476.

hausen

in

Riehm's Wörtcrb.
G17-G37.

p.

1274 sqq.

König

in Herzog's

Rcal-Enc,

2uJ

ed. xii.

§28. LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.

107

objects are
ness,
its

and what are not

caiiable of contracting unclean-

and

lastly,

what means and regulations
at least a notion to

are required for

removal.

To give

what an extensive

branch of knowledge this doctrine of uncleanness had been
developed,

spme of the enactments concerning the
are here given.

utensils,

which do and which do not contract uncleanness and by contact propagate
it,

in

Num.

xix. 14,

15 and

xxxi.

The Old Testament 20-24.

basis is

A
form
:

main question

is first

of all concerning the material of

which the utensils are composed, and next concerning their
whether they are hollow or
vessels, it
flat.

"With

respect
air in

to

hollow earthen
contracts

is

determined that the

them

and propagates uncleanness, as does
not their outer
side.

also the hollow

of the foot, but

Their purification can

only result

from their being

broken.'*^
?

But how To
is

far

must
too

the breaking go to effect purification

this question
still
if,

we

receive an exact answer,

A

fraction

esteemed a
of a vessel

vessel (and therefore susceptible of defilement) "

holding a
to

log, so

much

is

left as
;

to be
if,

able to hold enough

anoint the
log

little toe

with

and

of a vessel holding

from

a

to a seah, space for a quarter of a log, from one to
for half a log
;

two seahs space

and from two or three seahs

to five, space for a log is left."

"

While then hollow earthen

vessels are not susceptible of defilement outside, though they

are

so within, the following
:

earthen vessels contract no un-

cleanness at all

a

flat

plate without a rim, an open coal-

shovel, a gridiron with

holes in

it for

grains of wheat, brick

gutters, although they are bent
besides.^*

and have a hollow, and others
on
the
contrary,

The following
:

are,

capable

of

defilement

a plate with a rim, a whole coal-shovel, a plate

full of bowl-like receptacles,

an earthen spice-box or a writing

apparatus
62 **

with several receptacles."
Kelim Kelim
iL 1.
ii.

Of wooden,

leathern,
2. 7.

"
*^

Kelim Kelim

ii.

3.

ii.

108
lone

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
also

and

glass vessels, the flat ones are
;

insusceptible of

defilement

the deep ones, on the contrary, not only like the

earthen ones, contract defilement in their atmosphere, but also

on the outside.
are again

If

the)''

break, they are clean.

If utensils

made
to

of them, they are again susceptible of defilearises

ment.^'
are

Here too
be

again the difficult question

:

When
for

they

accounted

broken

?

"

In

all

vessels

domestic purposes the measure (of a hole producing cleanness)
is

a pomegranate.

E. Elieser says
^''

:

The measure depends upon
as a

the use of the utensil."

"

The pomegranate appointed

measure
foot is

is

one not too

large,

but of a

medium
E.
if,

size." ^*

" If a

wanting to a chest, a trunk or a
capable
as
of

press, it is

clean,

although
all

holding
of

things.

Joses

considers

these

susceptible

defilement

though

not

in
*"

proper repair, they are capable of holding the measure."
"

A

(three-footed)
so
is
it

table,

to

which one
is

foot

is

wanting,
if

is

clean,
is

if

a
it

second foot
is

gone, but
flat

the

third
it is

also

gone and

to

be used as a
"

board,

susceptible of defilement."
is

A

seat of

which one side plank
If
*^

missing

is

clean, so is it although a second is missing.
is left it

a hand-breadth in height

is

capable of defilement."

Moreover
outside,

in

hollow
also

utensils
" place

not only are the inside and
for

but

the

laying

hold,"

to

be

dis-

tinguished.

" If e.g.

the hands are clean
is

and the outside of
hands should be
vessels

the cup unclean, and the cup
for holding,

held at the part which serves
lest the

one need not be anxious
of the

defiled

by the outside

cup."

^

"

Of metal

the

smooth and the hollow are capable of defilement.
are broken, they are clean
;

If they

if

vessels are again
^'

made out

of

them they
*6 ** «0
62

are in their former uncleanness."
*^ *"
ei

"

Every metal

Kelim Kelim

ii.

1, xv. 1.

KeUm

xvii. 1.

xvii.

4-5.

KeUm

xxii. 2. 7, 8.

Kelim xviii. 3. Kelim xx. 3.
Kelim
xi. 1.

Kelim XXV.

«»

§

-28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.

109
is

vessel,

wliicli
;

lias

a special

name
bolt,

of its own,

capable of

defilement
the
hinge,

except a door, the
the

the lock, the hinge-socket,

knocker

and
'^*

a

gutter;

because

they

are

fastened to the ground.''

"

In a

bridle, the bit is capable
;

of defilement, the plates on the cheeks are clean

according to

E. Akiba, unclean.

but the plates,
horns
are
(for

The learned say only the bit is unclean, " Eound only when they are fastened to it." ^
:

blowing) are susceptible of defilement, straight ones
If the
®^

clean.

mouthpiece

is

of metal,

it

is

capable of capable of
E.f/.

defilement."

"

Wood
used

used on metal utensils

is

defilement,

metal

on wooden ones
is

is

clean.

a
if

wooden key with metal teeth
the tooth
is

capable of defilement, even

of only one
of

piece.

But

if

the key

is

of metal
^^

and the tooth

wood,

it is

not capable of defilement."

The enactments concerning the removal
sacrifices

of defilement

by

and

lustrations form a

fit

pendant to those concernfew of the
latter.

ing defilement.

We

will here quote a
is,

The

main question

in this matter

as to
:

what

w^ater is

adapted

to the different kinds of purification

to the sprinkling of the

hands, the washing of utensils, the bath of purification for
persons.

The Mislma

distinguishes six gradations of water
in ditches, cisterns or pits,
to tlie
it

reservoirs: 1,

A

pond and the water
than forty seahs.
is

also spring water

no longer flowing, and collected water
All this, so far as

amount
and

of less

has

not been defiled,
for legal

adapted for (the preparation
2.

of) Challa,*^''
still

washing of the hands.

Spring water

running.

This

may

be used for the heave (Terumah) and for
3.

the washing of the hands.
to forty seah.

Collected water which amounts

In this one

may
4.

plunge oneself (take a bath
spring M'ith
little

of purification)

and

utensils.

A

water, into

which more drawn water has been poured.
^*

It resembles tho

*ö *8

Kelim xi. 2. Kelim xi. 7. The heave offering of dough,

-vshich

Kelim xi. 5. Kelim xiii. 6. must be separated
•''^

^*

at baking.

110

5

28.

LIFE UNDP:R

THE LAW.
it

fonner by purifying as a plunging bath in the place where
is

collected

{i.e.

without running), and clean spring water, in
it

that vessels are purified in
5.

although there
lias

is

but

little of it.
{i.e.

Eunning water
running.

in

which a change

taken place

water arising from mineral or
in
6.

warm

springs).

This purifies
serves
as

Clean

spring

water.
tlie

This

a

plunging-bath for running sores, for

sprinkling of lepers,

and

is

suitable

for

sanctifying with

ashes of purification.^

These general maxims then form the foundation of a casuistry,

which

here

again

loses

itself

in

endless

detail.

The
water
is

Mishna
what

especially launches forth in wearying diffuseness on

conditions

and

prerequisites

the

" collected

mentioned in No. 3

{i.e.

such

rain, spring or river

water as

not drawn, but conducted directly through gutters or pipes
into a receptacle)
is fit

for bathing

and
is

for

plunging of utensils,

for which purpose the chief matter

that no "

drawn water

"

should be mingled with
of illustration.
"

it.

We
:

give a few examples

by way

R. Elieser says

A quarter of

a log of drawn

water, to begin with,
into
if
it,

makes the
;

water, which afterwards falls

unfit for a plunging bath

but three logs of drawn water,

there was already other water there.

The learned say

:

three
^^

logs,

whether

at the beginning or to

make up

the quantity."

" If

any one places vessels under the pipes (which run into

the plunging bath), they

make

the bath unsuitable (because

it

then counts as drawn water).

According to the school of

Shammai
not

it is

all
;

the same, whether they have been placed

there or forgotten

according to the school of Hillel, they do

make

it unfit, if

they were only forgotten."

^^

" If

drawn

water and rain water are mixed in the court, or in the excavation, or

upon the steps
most of the
if
fit

of the bathing-place, the bath

is

fit,

if

there

is

water, and unfit,

if

there

is

most of the

unfit, or
if

there

is

an equal quantity of both.

But only
Mikwaoth

so,

they were mixed before they
«»

amved
ii.

at the
''

collected water.
iv. 1.

MU.waolh

i.

1-8.

^^

Mikwaolh

1.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER
if

TIIK

LAW.
certain that there

Ill
were

If both run into the bath, then

it is

in

it

forty seahs of proper water before three logs of
fell

drawn
also

water

into

it, it is fit,

but otherwise

unfit."

"

It

was

disputed, whether snow, hail, hoar frost, ice and the like were
fit

to

mix

in the filling of a plunging batli or not.'^

Extremely

minute too are the directions concerning the washing or correct
jwitring

upon the hands.
in water

It

was needful that the

hands
(To

should always have water poured on them before eating.
dip
i.e.

them

was only necessary

for eating holy things,

things pertaining to sacrifices.)

Then

it

was

fully dis-

cussed, from

what

vessels

such pouring should take place,
it,

what water was
far
all

suitable for

who might pour
on.'*

it,

and how

the hands

must be poured

We

see with

what

zeal

these enactments concerning the washing of hands and the

cleansing of cups, pots, dishes and seats were already observed
in the time of Christ,

from repeated allusions in the Gospels,
their
full
liglit

which again receive

and aptest
;

illustration

through the details of the Mishna (Matt. xv. 2

Mark

vii.

2-5; Matt,

xxiii.

25, 26;

Luke

xi.

38, 39).

IV.

From what has been
correctness of action,

stated it is abundantly evident,

what

enormous importance was everywhere attributed to external

which

is

indeed

a

self-evident result,

when once moral
are
the

obligations are regarded in a legal manner.
this

Highly characteristic of
three

strong tendency to externalism

mementoes,
is

by

which every

Israelite,

who

is

faithful to

the law,

to be constantly

reminded
:

of his duties

towards God.
^2

These three mementoes are
iv. 4.
viii.
'•^

1.

The
2

Zizith (n^'V,
vii. 1.

Mikwaoih
Berachoth

Mikwaoth
iii.
;

'*
ii.

2-4

;

Chagiga

ii.

5-6

;

Edujoth

3.

Lightfoot and other expositors on Matt. xv.
p.

Beiträge zur Erläuterung der Evangelien (1878), lUal-Eiic, art. " Iläiidewascheu."

Jadajim i. \-h, Wünsche, Nene 180 sq. Hamburger,
2.

112
plur.
J^i'V'V),

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
the

fcpcio-rreoa
ill

in

LXX. and
Onkelos,

in llie

Xew
to

Testa-

ment,

piSDiiD

the

Targum

and

kokkivov

pdfifia in Justin

Martyr,'* tassels or fringes of hyacinth blue
Israelite,

or white wool,
scription.

which every
XV.

by reason of the pre12, had to wear at

Num.
it is

37

sqtj.,

Deut.

xxii.

the

four corners of his
said in
tlie

upper garment.
passage
all
first

They were
" that

to be

u.sed, as

quoted,

ye

may

look upon them and remember

the

commandments
(py>^^),

of the

Lord and do them."
fixed to house

'"

2.

The Mesusa
to

an oblong box,

and room doors above the right hand door-post,
the direction, Deut.
vi.

on wliich was written (according
xi.

9,

20), in twenty-two lines, the
xi.

two paragraphs, Deut.

vi.

4-9

and

13—21."
Dial
c.

3. Tlie

Tephillin or prayer-straps, which every
(e-l.

"

Justin.

Tri/pk. c. 4G, s.Jin.
ßiiay.oi,

Otto,

ii.

154).

The

editions

have indeed to kokkivov
true reading
is pccuf/.ci is

(colour), wliich gives

no
s.v.

sense.

That

tlie

evident from Hesychius, Lex.
öl (/,(/,

KpoiaTrthx'

T^ UKDU TÜV
'6

illiCCri'oV

KlK'KUITfiivCt p

»TO, Kul TO UKfiOV

OiVTOV.
i.

Comp. Pseudo-Aristeas,
Matt.
ix. 20, xiv.

ed. !Mor.
;

Schmidt, in Merx' Archiv,
vi.
;

281. 13

sq.

56 Luke viii. 44. The LXX. and Targnm Onkchs on Num. xv. 38 and Deut. xxii. 12. Mishna, Mocd Kutan The Rabbinical directions are Edujotli iv. 10 Menachoth iii. 7, iv. 1. iii. 4
;

3G, xxiii. 5

Mark

;

;

brought together in an edition of the treatise Zizith by Raphael Kirchheim (Septem lihn TalmucUd parvi Ilierosolymitani, ed. Eaph. Kircldicim, Hiller, De vcstihus fimlrialis Hehraeorum (Ugolini, Thesaurus, 1851).
Lex. Chald. col. Buxtorf, Sijnagocja Judaica, pp. 1G0-17Ü Carpzov, Apparatus historico-crilicus, p. 197 sqq. Bodenschatz, Levy, Chald. Würterh. Kirchl. Verfassung der heutigen Juden, iv. 9-14. Haneberg, ReVKj. AUerthümer, AViner, RWE., art. "Saum." ii. 322. AVüiische, Neue Beitrüge zur Erläuterung der Evangelien, pp. 592-594.
vol.

xxi.). sq.

;

1908

pp. 274

f.,

378.

Weber, System der

altsijnagogalen paläst.

Theulogie, pp.

The colour of the Zizith is now white, while originally it was to be of hyacinth blue. The Mishna, Menachuth iv. 1, already presupposes that both are allowed. They are also not now worn, as the Pentateuch directs, and as was still the custom in the time of Christ, on the upper garment (n'^D, ifCKTiov), but on the two
2G-28.
Riehra's

Wörterh., art. "Läpplein."

square woollen shawls, one of wliich
other
'^'^

is

is

only

wound round

the head during prayer.

always worn on the body, while the Both these shawls are

also called Tallith.

Comp. Pseudo-Aristeas,
Josephus, Antt.
iv. 8.

ed.

Bqq.

13.

Mishna, Berachoth

Mor. Schmidt, in Merx' Archiv, i. 281. 15 Shahbath viii. 3 iii. 3
;

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER TUE LAW.
at

113

male

Tsvaelite

had
holy

to

put on
days),
in

morning prayer (except on
the

Sabbaths
(frontlets

and and

Old

Testament
Hebr.
T^'^'p

niDUi::

bracelets),

in

liabbinic

(from

n^an^ prayer), in the
tives, amulets),

New

Testament ^vXaKT^pia

(preserva-

incorrectly translated " Denkzettel "

(memor-

andum) by Luther.
Ex.
(a)
xiii. 9,

Their use
vi. 8, xi.

is

founded upon the passages

16

;

Deut.

18.

There were two

of

them

:

Tlie ^;

bf n^sn (Tephilla for the hand) or yn? h^ nJ^Dn
small
dice-shaped hollow parchroll
xiii.

(Tephilla for the arm),"^ a

ment

case,

in

which lay a small
13-21.
it

of

parchment,
xiii.

on
;

which were written the passages Ex.
Deut. vi 4-9,
a strap arm.
of the
xi.

1—10,

11-16
the

It

was
the

fastened
upj)er

by means

of
left

drawn through
(&)

to

part of

The

t'xn b'^

n)an (Tephilla for the head), a case
differing

same kind, but

from the former by being
little

divided into four compartments, holding four

rolls

of

parchment, on which were the above-named passages from the
Bible.
It

was fastened by means of a strap
hair.^''

to the forehead
first is

just below the
Megilla

Of these three mementoes the
; ;

iii. Gittin iv. 6 Menachoih iii. 7 Kelini 4 The Rabbinical directions are put together in the treatise MesKsa (edited by Kirchheim in the above-named collection). Dassovius, De ritihui Mezuzae (Ugolini, Thesaurus, t. xxi.). Buxtorf, Sijnng'u/a Judaica, pp. 581-587 Lex. Chald. col. 654. Bodenschatz, Kirchl. Verfasi.

8

;

Mocd Katan

;

xvi. 7, xviL 16.

;

sung der heutigen Juden,

iv. 19-24. Levy, Chald. Wörterh. ü. 19 sq. Leyrer in Herzog's Real-Enc. xi. 642 (2nd ed. xi. 668). Haiieberg, Relig. Alierthümer, pp. 595-598. Hamburger, Real-Enc, art. "Mesusa." '^ The former e.g. Alenachuth iv. 1 the latter Mikwaolh x. 3.
;

^9

Comp. Fseudo-Aristeas,
xxiii. 5.

ed.
iv.

Schmidt
8.

in Iklerx' Arclüo,

i.

281. 18 sqq.
c.

;

Matt,
c.

Joseph. Antt.
ii.

13.

Justinus Martyr, Dial.

Tryph.

46, s.ßn. (ed. Otto,
;

151).

Origen on Matt. xxüL 5 (ed. Loramatzscli,

201) the patristic expositors in general, on JIatt. xxiii. 5. Mi.slma, Bcrachnth iii. 1, 3 Shahhath vi. 2, viii. 3, xvi. 1 ; Eruhin x. 1-2 Shelalim iii. 2; Megilla i. 8, iv. 8; Moed Katan iii. 4; Nedarim ii. 2; Gittin iv. 6
iv.
; ;
;

Menachoih iii. 7, iv. 1 Arachin vi. 3, 4 Ktlim xvL 7, xviii. 8, xxiiL 1 Mikvaoth x. 2, 3, 4 Jadajim iii. 3. Targura Oukelos on Ex. xiii. 16 Deut. vi. 8. Psendo- Jonathan on Ex. xxxix. 31 Deut. xi. 18. Targum on the Song of Solomon viii. 3 on DIV, IL VOL. IL H
xi.

Sanhedrin
;

3

;

Shehuotk

iii.

8-11

;

;

;

;

;

;

;

114
at

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
of the

any

rate founded on the directions
tlie

Pentateuch, and
least in
is
tlie

probably

two others

also,

inasmuch

as, at

passage of Deuteronomy, the
tlie

literal interpretation
xiii.

certainly

correct

one (see Dillmann on Ex.

16).

But the
smallest

value which was set upon these externals, and the care with

which everythinc^ was here ordered down
detail,
is

to

the

quite characteristic of later Judaism,
of,

lluw many

threads the Zizith were to consist
be,

how

long they were to

how many knots were

to

be tied in them, and in what

manner

these were to be made,

how

the paragraphs of the

Mesusa and Tephillin were
and how

to be written,

how

large the cases

long the straps of the latter were to be,

how they

were to be fastened to the head and arm, and how often the all this was settled straps should be bound round the latter
:

with the most anxious care.

There was almost as great reveIt

rence for the Tephillin as for the Scriptures.^"
to rescue

was permitted
fire

the former as well as the latter from a

even on
in such

the Sabbath."

The Tephillin and Mesusa were held

Babylon. Talmud, Shahhath 28i>, 62»; Eruhin 951» to 97»; (The passages from the Menachoth 34^ to 37», 42^ to 44^ Afegilla Targum and Talmud after Pinner.) The treatise TefilUn (edited by Kirchhelm) gives a collection of Rabbinical prescriptions. Ugolini, De Phyhicteriis Ikhracoriim ( Thesaurus, torn. sxi.). Buxtorf Sijnagoga Judaica, pp. 1 70-185

Esther

viii.

16.
;

24^

,

Ux. Chald.
Legibus

col.

1743

sq.

Spencer,

De natura

et origine

Phylactcriorum (in

De

Hebraeorum ritualibus, ed. Tubing. 1732, pp. 1201-1232). Carpzov, Apparatus historico-criticus, pp. 190-197. Bodenschatz, KircM. Verfassung der heutigen Juden, iv. 14-19. Lightfoot ou Matt, xxiii. 5. AYolf, Curaephily and other expositors on Matt, xxiii. 5. Hartmann, Die enge
ii.

Verbindung des Alten Test, mit dem Neuen, pp. 360-362. "Winer, liWB. 260 sq. (art. " Phylaktericn "). Piuuer, Ueberseizung des Tractates
fol. 6a,

f'erachoth,

223-225.

Explanation 33. Herzfeld, Gesch. ties Volkes Jisracl, iii. art. "Phylakterien," in l\&czog'& Real-Enc, 1st ed. xi. 639-643 (2nd cd. xi. 666-669). Haneberg, Rdig. Alterthümer, pp. 587-592. Levy, Chahl. Würterb. ii. 549 sq. Delitzsch, art. "Denkzettel," in Riehm's Klein, Die Totaphoth nach Bibel und TraiUWürttrb. (with illustrations).
Leyrer,
tion

(Jahrbh. f. prot.

Theol. 1881, pp. 666-689).
^^

Hamburger, Rcal-Enc,
l^habbath xvi.
1.

art. ''Tephillin."
»ö

Judajim

iii.

3.

§28.

LIFE

ÜXÜEU THE L\W.

115

superstitious estimation that they were

looked upon as preis

servatives against demoniacal powers, as
of the former from the

evident in the case

name

(piiXaKnjpta.

Such external formalism
from true
piety.
still

is,

as all can see, very far

removed
under
;

The

latter

certainly

might even

such a burden

continue to maintain a bare existence

but
the

when

besides
life,

this

even 'prayer

itself,

that

centre

of

religious

was bound in the

fetters of a rigid
of.

mechanism,
This fatal

vital piety could scarcely

be any longer spoken

step

had

also been already taken

by Judaism

in the time of

Christ.

The two
are:

chief

prayers then

always customary for
to

private use

(1) the

Shema, which was

be recited

twice a day, not a prayer properly speaking, but a confession
of the

God

of Israel;

daily pra}'er, which
(particulars
§

was

and (2) the Shemoneh Esreh, the usual to be said morning, noon and evening
These prayers too were now

27, Appendix).

made

the subjects of casuistic discussions, and their use was

tliereby

degraded

to

an external function.^

This applies

especially to the

Shema, to which we may here the more
in that
it

confine

ourselves,

is

questionable,

whether the

Shemoneh Esreh had
settled

in the time of Christ already attained a
all,

form.

First of

the period of time within which

Shema were to be said had to be exactly determined. The point of commencement for the former was the time " when the priests return to eat their Terumah (Heave) " the point of conclusion, according to 11.
the evening and morning
;

Elieser,

the end of the
;

first

night-watch

;

according to

tlie

usual view, midnight

according to E. Gamaliel, the appearas soon
Eliesei
" till

ance of dawn.®'^
as

The morning Shema may be said " one can distinguish between blue and white. E.
:

says
®^

between blue and leek-green."
also

It

may

be said

Comp,

Weber, System der altsunagogalen palästinischen
1.

Tlieoloyie,

pp. 40-42.
"^

Berachoth i

116
tbe sun appears.

§ 28.

UFE

UNDEIi THE LAW,
three o'clock (nine accord-

E. Joshua says
it

till

ing to our reckoning), for
of princes not to rise
chiefly
arose,
is
till

is

the custom of the children
^*

three."

The Shema,

consisting

of

paragraphs

from

the

Bible, the

question

next

whether any one, who

at the time for saying the

Shema

reading the Bible, and reads the paragraphs in question

in the

midst of their context, has sufficiently done his Shema
not.

duty or
127
|13),

To

this

it is

answered
it
;

:

If

he thought of
otherwise.*''

it

(QN
It is

he has sufiiciently done

but not

very characteristic, and a confirmation of the saying of Christ
(Matt.
vi.

5) concerning praying in the streets, that the ques-

tion is also discussed,

whether and under what circumstances
Three
fear
;

salutations
cases
(nxn'n

may

be made while praying the Shema.
:

came under consideration
\33?p)
;

(1)

Salutations from
V.?P)

(2) salutations

from reverence (1133^
;

and

(3) salutations of every one (D"]^ ^y?)

besides which a saluta;

tion

and a response
lastly,
it

to a salutation

were to be distinguished

and

was

to be considered,

that there were in the

Shema
second

itself

natural

breaks,

viz.

between the

first

and

Berachah,

Deut.
XV.
Pi.

xi.

betwen the latter and the paragraph 13-21, and between that and the paragraph Num.
lastly

37-41, and

between that and the

final

Berachah.

Meir therefore allowed that

at the breaks the salutation

from reverence might be made and returned, but that in the
middle only the salutation from fear might be given and returned.
E.

Jehudah however went a step

farther,

and allowed

also to

return the salutation of reverence in the middle, and at the

breaks to return the salutation of every
general directions were given
:

one.^^

The following

"

He who
it.

prays the Shema,

without making
E. Joses says
:

it

audible to his ear, has performed his duty.

He

has not performed

He who

prays and

has not exactly noticed the letters has, according to E. Joses,
satisfied his
8*

duty; but according to E. Jehudah he has not.
i.

Bcrachoth

2.

"

Bcrachoth

ii.

1.

^6

Berachoth

ii.

1-2.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
liis

117
duty.

He who
mistake.
It

prays in a wrong order has not done
a mistake

He
^^

who makes

must begin again where he made the
in a tree or

AVorkmen may pray
tliat

upon the walk"

was a good custom,
Deut.
God.

food and drink shoidd (according
he

to the precept

viii.

10) never

partaken of without

thanksgiving

to

Grace (Berachotli) was said both before

and

after

meals, and also
too regulations

by women, slaves and
were made down
to

children.*^

But here
detail
trees,
:

to the pettiest

viz.

what form was
for

be used for the fruits of the

what

wine, what for the fruits of the ground, for

bread, for vegetables, for vinegar, for unripe fallen fruit, for
locusts, milk, cheese, eggs
;

and scholars contended
" If

as to

when

this

and when that form was suitable.^
"If the blessing has been

a blessing has

been spoken on wine before the meal, the wine after the meal
is

exempt."

pronounced over a
is

side-

dish before the meal, the side-dish after the meal

exempt.

If the blessing has been said over the bread, the side-dish is

exempt."

" If salted food is set before
is to

any one

first

and bread
grapes and

afterwards, the blessing

be spoken over the salted food and

the bread exempted."

^^

" If

any one has eaten

figs,

pomegranates, he

is

to say three blessings afterwards.

This

is

the opinion of E. Gamaliel.
threefold purport."
^^

The learned say
is

:

one blessing of

"

For how much food
?

formal preparation
size of

for thanksgiving requisite
li.

For food the
^^

an

olive.

Jehudah says

:

of

an egg."

" If

any one has eaten and

forgotten to say grace, he must, according to the school of
Berachoth ii. 3-4. Berachoth iii. 3-4. It is well known, that grace at meals was also a custom with Christians from the very first (Rom. xiv. 6 1 Cor. x. 30 1 Tim. iv. 4), as indeed Jesus Himself always practised this usage (Matt, xiv. 19, XV. 36, xxvi. 26, and parallel passages). See in general, Winer,
88
;

*^

RWß.
Enc.
*^
^^

i.

398.

Arnold,
vi.

art.

"Mahlzeiten der Hebräer," in llerzog's

*-

Ileal'

viii. 6.

88 (2nd
vi. 7.

ed. ix. 202).

Berachoth

1-3.

Berachoth
Beraclu)th

vi. ö.

»8

Berachoth Berachoth

vi. 8.

vii. 2.

118
Shammai, return
allows

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER

TIIK

LAW.
the school of Hillel
it.

to his place

and say grace

;

him

to say it

where he remembers
?

How

long does
^'

the obligation to say grace last

Till the food is digested."

When
formula,
ance.

such restriction was laid upon prayer by the legal
it

could not but be chilled into an external performavail

Of what

was

it

that the prayers themselves were
especially of the
tlie

beautiful and copious (as

must be admitted
Of what

Shemoneh

Esreh),

if

they were nevertheless only said for
?

sake of " fulfilling a duty "
Elieser to declare, that "he

avail

was
®'

it for

E.

who makes
it

his prayer an appointed

duty

(V?i?),

his prayer

is

no devout supplication,"
the former
is
?

when he

himself contributed to

make

If a legalistic treat-

ment of the moral
heart.

life

in general

an

evil, it is

twice and thrice

such in the case of prayer, that tenderest blossom of the inmost
It

was only the necessary

result of such a

mode

of treat-

ment, that

men sank

so

low as

to degrade prayer to the service
it

of vanity (Matt,

vi. 5),

and to misuse
sq.
;

as a covering of inward

impurity (Matt. xv. 7

Mark
is

vii. 6, xii.

40

;

Luke

xx. 47).

A

further point, in
life

which the utter externalism of the
light,

religious

comes to

that

of fasting.

That the

Pharisees fasted often, and set great value upon this act,
learn in a general

we
1

manner from the Gospels (Matt.
v. 33).

ix.

4

Mark
again

ii.

18; Luke

Particulars as to the kind

and

manner
(which

of fasting are found in the Mishna,

whose

details are

confirmed

by

the Gospels.
especially

Public or general fasts

were

ordered
at all

on the

failure

of rain

in

autumn, and
delayed
till

times of public misfortune) were always
fifth

the second and

days of the week (Monday and
the second.
fifth

Thursday), and so that they always began on

Thus a three days'
second (Monday,

fast

would
on the
^^

fall

upon the second,
second and
iv. 4.

and
fast

Thursday, IMonday), and a six days'
fifth, fifth,

would then continue
^*
**^

etc.^*
ii.

Berachoth
Taanith
ii.

viii. 7.

Berachoth

Comp. Aboth

13.

9.

Comp, ^thx^it tuu

QÜlix.ot

xvourö'Kui (ed. ßryenniüs,

§28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
fasts, to

119
which every one

Besides these general and appointed

had

to submit, there

was

also

much

voluntary fasting, and the

strictest

went

so far as to fast on the
round.'""^

two above-named weekdifTered

days

all

the year

The external behaviour
fast.

according to the strictness of the

In the slighter kind
;

they used

still

to

wash and anoint themselves
;

in the stricter

both were omitted

and in the

strictest of all,

every kind of

pleasant transaction, even
from.^^

mutual greetings, were abstained
to practise fasting in the

It

was generally preferred
possible,

most public manner
pious zeal.

and thus

to

make a show

of

But the worst was the fundamental view, from
this

which

all

proceeded.

It

was thought by such
as
it

self-

inÜiction to put a pressure

upon God, and
stricter did

were to extort
rain

favours from

Him
in

if

He

withheld them.

The longer the

was delayed
If the

autumn, the

the fasting become.
fell,

I7th Marcheshvan came before the rain
to

individuals
of

began

hold fasts of three days.

If

the

new moon

Chisleu appeared
fasts

without rain having
If

fallen,

three general

were ordered.
fallen,

after these
fast

had taken place no rain
and indeed with certain by without
rain,

had

three

more

days,

severities,
1883),
C.

were ordered.
AJ
Ss vriiTiioci

If these passed
f<,vi

8

:

vfiuv

'iaruaxv
tt

(/.tTci

tuv Ci—okoi-uu'
vYiartviTctri
vii.

vritrsvovai

ycip htvripot
vctpoKjKiv/iv.

(rccßß»TUu kccI The same almost

tt

fA,

r vj'

v/nst;

Ss

rerpxa* kxI

literally in

Const, apost.

23.

Epiphan.
tcotl

huer. xvi. 1 (ed. Pctav. p. 34): evr.anvou Vi; lov (jxßß(i.rov, "hivripxv
Trif/.'Trrriv.

Josepld Hypomnesticum,
ii.

c.

145 (in Fabricius, Cod. pscudipigr.

Vet. Test. vol.
^"^

Ev. Luc.
xviii.

xviii.

Appendix). 12 comp. Taanilh fol. 12» (in Lightfoot and Wotzsteia
;

on Luke
vidual

upon himself on the second, fifth, and second days during the whole year" etc. The widely-spread opinion, that all the Pharisees observed the two fast days during the whole year is, according to this,
it

who

12) takes

:

njC' ^3

hu

^3t^1 ''K'^Dni

'^W yhv

hy\>\l^

H^HV

"

An

inHi-

incorrect.
ää

Taanilh

i.

4-7

;

in all points

figurative construction

of the direction given

confirmed by Matt. vi. 16-18 (where the by Jesus is not, as Meyer
Jesus meant to say tliat and therefore the usual washing
via.
1.

thinks,

self-evident, but utterly preposterous.

fasting should not be

shown

externally,

and anointing not omitted).

Comp,

also

Joma

120
seven general
se\ erities.'"'

§

28.

LIFE

UNDER THE

LA.W.

fast

days were prescribed,

again

with fresh

V.

The examples brought forward

will

have made sufficiently
life

evident the manner in which the moral and religious

was

conceived of and regulated from the juristic point of view.

In

all

questions everything depended only upon settling what
to law,

was according

and that with the utmost possible
In a word

care,

that so the acting subject might have certain directions for

every individual

case.

:

ethic

and theology were
evil

swallowed up in jurisprudence.
external

The

results

of this

view on practical matters are very evident.
its

And
that

such results were

necessary consequence.
casuistry

most favourable

case of juristic
it

Even in moving on

the

whole in morally correct paths,

was in

itself

a poisoning of

the moral principle, and could not but have a paralysing and

benumbing
life.

effect

upon the vigorous pulsation
"

of the moral

But
?

this favourable case
:

by no meo-ns occurred.

When
fulfil

once the question was started
the law
"

What have
aimed
at, at

I

to

do to

the temptation was obvious, that a composition

with the
real

letter

would be

chiefly

the cost of the
of the

demands
itself.

of morality,

nay of the proper intention

law

A

tolerably harmless, and in its harmlessness a ludicrous
of the

example

manner

in

which elaborate ingenuity may
law and yet
the

find

ways and means
it,

of at once evading the

fulfilling^

is

given by the appointments concerning
It was, as

so-called

Eriibh.

we know,

forbidden

among other

things to

carry on the Sabbath an object out of one tenement (n^tin) into
another.
all

This had the inconvenient effect of preventing almost freedom of movement on the Sabbath, for the term nvjn (or
Hien)^ the private
So

more exactly Tnjn

tenement or dwelling, was

Taanilh

i.

4-6.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.

121

a very narrow one.

If

however

this terra could be enlarged,

and the

largest possible

tenements instituted, the
first

evil

would

happily be remedied.

The

means adopted

for the attain-

ment

of this object

was the

so-called

commixture or connection

of courts (nn>;n

3i"ij?), i,e.

the connection of several houses stand'T'C''}

ing in one court (each of which forms a
Tin^n nVuH.

nvj'"})

into one

Such a connection was

effected

by

all

the inhabit-

ants collecting a certain

amount

of food before a Sabbath or

holy day and placing

it

in an appointed place, thus showing that
all

they regarded the whole court, with

the dwellings in
it

it,

as a

common
day.^*'

whole.

By
it

this contrivance

became lawful
this nViri

to the

joint inhabitants to carry in

and out within

on a holy

Of course

was now

settled with great conscientious-

ness,

what kind

of food might be used for this Eriibh,

and

how much

food was necessary, and what particulars were to

be observed, as

may

be read at length in the jMishua.^"^

Not

very much however was
courts.

obtained by this connection of Hence another means supplementary of the former
prolific
^^"'J^),

and

far

more
"

was
i.e.

hit upon, viz. the
oJ0f

"

connection of

entrances

Cis^

the shutting

of a narrow court or

of a space enclosed

on three sides by a cross beam, a rope or
'T'^^^
nit:'"!,

a string,

by which these became

and thus spaces
In this case

within which carrying in and out was allowed.
also
it

was very anxiously debated, how high and how broad

the openings, the shutting up of which was in question, must
be,

and of what kind must be the means of
etc.,

closure,

the

beams, ropes,

how

thick,

how

wide, etc/"^

Besides the carrying of things from one tenement to another,

walking a distance of more than 2000 cubits on the Sabbath

was

also forbidden.
"

For

this too a

means

of mitigation

was
That

devised by the
is,

connection of boundaries

" (PP^nri a^ny).

he who desired to go farther than 2000 cubits had only
1"" Jost's
101

introduction to the treatise Eruhin.
vi.-vii.
i"-'

Lrnhin

Eruhin

i.

1 sqq., vii. C

sqq.

122
before
Nvithin
tlie

§ 28.

LIFK

UNDER THE LAW.
Sabbath
to

beginning of
limit,

tlie

deposit
its

somewhere

Ulis

and therefore perhaps at
it

end, food for

two meals,
his place of

lie thus declared, as

were, that here would be

abode, and

lie

might then on the Sabbath go

not merely from his actual to his legal abode, but also
''"^ cubits from the latter.

2000

Nay
If

such particular preparation was
e.g.

not necessary in

all cases.

any one should be on the

road when the Sabbath began, and see at a distance of
cubits a tree or a wall, he might declare
it

2000

to

be his Sabbath

abode, and might then go not only
w-all,

2000

cubits to the tree or

but also

2000

cubits farther.
:

Only he must do the thing
at
its

thoroughly,

and say
be under

" ]\Iy

Sabbath place shall be
if

trunk

" (ni^y^ T.n^ac').

For

he said only
"'rin''aip),

:

"

My

Sabbath

jjlace shall

it " (I'^nn

this did not hold good,

because

it

was too general and
trifling

indefinite.^"*

Innocent as such
terribly

may

be in

itself, it

nevertheless

shows, that the moral
the legal

point

of view

was

entirely

superseded by

and formal

one, that the

effort

was
its

merely to do justice

to the letter of the

law, even though

meaning was evaded.
Such
shifting of the right point of view necessarily led, in
to results

more important cases than those just touched upon,
in direct

opposition

to a moral

view of things.

The woe

pronounced by our Lord upon the scribes
with
the

for lightly trifling

oath

by saying
;

:

"

Whosoever

shall

swear by the

temple,
of the
altar, it

it is

nothing
is
;

but whosoever shall swear by the gold

temple, he
is

bound

:

and whosoever sweareth by the
sacrifice
is

nothing
it,

but whosoever sweareth by the
is

that

is

on

he

bound" (Matt,

xxiii.

16-18),

well

known.^"^
^"^ Jost's

So too

is

their lax interpretation of the injunction

introduction to the treatise Eruhin.
iii.

More

particular enact-

ments, Eruhin

iv. viii.

"* Eruhin iv. 7. '°5 Comp. Shehuofh
swears
falsily, is

iv.

13

:

He who

swears

not guilty of perjury.

"by heaven and earth," if he See in general, Shebuuth iv. 3 sqq.

§28.

LIFE

UNDER THE LAW.
1
:

123

concerning divorce, Deut. xxiv.

That a man might put
shameful in her
the words their

away
0?1
as

liis

wife

if

he had found anything
of

^T}^)-

Only the school

Shammai

left

proper meaning.
:

The school

of Hillel explained

them away
according
if

If she has even spoiled his food.

And

lastly,

to E. Akiba, a

man was
fairer

allowed to put away his wife

he

had found another
fication

than she

was.^°®

The laws

of puri-

gave occasion for treating the sphere of the intercourse

of the sexes in a
of the Jesuits

manner very

similar to the slippery casuistry

a striking proof

how
to

the casuistic method, as

such, leads

by an inward necessity

such errors.^^

Another
viz.

point too aöbrds a striking parallel with Jesuitism,

the

postponement of the duties of natural piety,

e.g.
:

towards a
" If a

father or mother, to supposed religious obligations
shall

man
say,

say to his

father

or

his

mother, that whereby thou

mightest have been profited by

me

is

Corban, that
for

is to

given to God, you allow him to do no more

father or
it is

mother" (Mark

vii.

11,

12; comp. Matt.

xv.

5);

thus

that Jesus reproves the Pharisees, and in agreement with this

we
"

read in the Mishna, that a

vow made cannot be revoked
" (löST

on account of the honour due to parents

V3N

")13D3).^"*

Thus the

religious obligation, in its external

and formal sense,

stands above the supreme duty of natural piety.

All this shows that the Lord had only too

much

reason for

rebuking His contemporaries for straining out a gnat and
swallowing a camel (Matt,
Maimonides
also says that

xxiii. 24),

and

for hurling in their
is

an oath by heaven and earth
v.

no

oath.

See the

passage in Lijihtfoot, Ilorae hebr. on Matt.

83 (,0pp.

ii.

293).

Schottgeii,

Horae

heir.

i.

40.
10.

^00 Gittin ix.

Comp. Matt.
ii.

xix. 3.

On

these dilutions in general,

see Keim, Gescldchte Jesu,
1°''

^°8

also

Comp, the treatises Nedarim ix. 1 (only R. Elieser permits it, but he stan Is alone). Comp, Wünsche, Neue Beiträcje, pp. 184-186. All attempts to explain away
in Delitzsch's
it does with the Mi.-^hna, are in vain, Saat und Hoffnung, 1875, pp. 37-40. v.g,

248 sqq. Nidda and Sahim.

the testimony of Jesus, agreeing as

von Rosenberg

124
faces the

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDKK THE LAW.

heavy accusation of making clean the outside of the
platter,

cup and
Like

hut being within

full of extortion

and

excess.

whited

sepulchres,

which

indeed

appeared

beautiful
all

without, but within are full of dead men's bones and of

imcleanness, they also

appeared righteous before men, but
xxiii.

within were

full of

hypocrisy and iniquity (Matt,

27, 28

;

Luke

xi.

44).

It

would however be unjust

to

find in

such

words of rebuke, however well founded, a universal characteristic of

the whole period.

Justice requires us to mention,

that

many an

excellent saying of the learned

men

of that age,

affording proof, that all moral

judgment was not
mentioned

stifled

under

the rubbish of llalachic discussions, has been preserved.

We
of

may

recall

perhaps

the

already

exhortation

Antigonus of Socho, to be like servants, who do service without regard to
reward,^"^ or

that of

E. Elieser, not to

make

prayer a settled duty.""

Hillel's

motto was, judge not thy
place.^^^

neighbour

till

thou come into his
:

R

Elieser ben

Hyrkanos
you
as

said

Let your neiglibour's honour be as dear to

your own.^^'

R Jose

ha-Kohen
you
as

said

:

Let your neigh-

bour's property be as dear to

your own.
li.

He

also said

Do
said

all
:

your acts in the name of God."^

Judah ben Tema

Be bold

as a leopard, light as
lion, to

an

eagle, swift as a stag,

and strong as a

do the will of your Father in heaven."*
single rays of light,
their contrast,

But when we look away from the from the deeper shadows which form

and

we cannot
of that
zeal for

better characterize the entire tendency of the
period, than by the words of the apostle
:

Judaism

"

They have a
was a
fearful

God, but not according to knowledge.
109 y\hoth
i. ii.

It

burden

3.

"" BcracJwih
112 ^ijath
ii.

iv. 4.

"1 Ahoth
11*

4.

10.

Comp. Ahath ii. 13. "^ ^igiji jj,
i.

12,

Aholh

V. 20.

Comp.

Saalschutz, Archäologie der Hebräer,

247 sqq.

Wei.'-s (Zur Geschichte der jüdischen Tradition, vol. i. 1871) has collected a iiumbLT of Talmudic parallels to sayings of Christ, given also in German So too Las by Weber in Delitzsch's Saat auf lloffnunfj, 1872, p. 89 sqq.

Duschak, Lie Mural der Evangelien und des Talmud, Brunn 1877.

§ 28.

LIFE

UNDER TUE LAW.

125

>Aliicli

a spurious legalism had laid

upon the shoulders of the
to be borne,
;

people.

They bind heavy burdens and grievous

Luke and lay them on men's shoulders " (Matt, xxiii. 4 Nothing was left to free personality, everything was xi. 46).
placed under the bondage of the
for the law,
letter.

The

Israelite, zealous

was obliged
is

at every impulse
?

ask himself, what

commanded
late

work

of his calling, at prayer, at
till

and movement to At every step, at the meals, at home and abroad,
evening, from

from early morning
old age, the dead,

in

the

youth

to

the deadening formula followed him.

A

healthy moral
action
"

life

could not flourish under such a burden,
result of

was nowhere the

inward motive,
Life

all

was, on

the contrary, weighed and measured.

was a continual

torment to the earnest man, who

felt at

every
;

moment
left in

that he

was

in danger of transgressing the

law

and where

so

much
uncer-

depended on the external form, he was often
tainty whether he had really fulfilled
its

requirements.

On

the other hand, pride and conceit were almost inevitable for

one

who had

attained to

mastership in the knowledge and
could indeed say that he had done
fulfilled all righteousness."

treatment of the law.
his duty,

He

had neglected nothing, had
is it,

But

all

the more certain

that this righteousness of the

scribes

and Pharisees (Matt.
to

v. 20),

which looked down with
xviii.

proud thanks

God upon
its

the sinner (Luke

9—14), and
world
[

pompously displayed
(Matt.
vi. 2, xxiii.

works before the eyes

of the

5),

was not that true righteousness which

was well-pleasing

to

God.

29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
The LlTKUATUHE.^

Scliötlgen, Ilorae Ilebraicae

et

Talmudicae,

vol.

ii.

De

Messia, 1742.

(A

work

of

eminent scholarship, but ruled by the
proved from Rabbiuic works.)

effort to

make

the Rabbis

iuto Christian theologians.

Even the doctrine

of the communicatio

idiomatum

is

Bertholdt, Chrislologia Judaeorum Jesu apostolorumque aetate in compendium

redacta obseroalionibusque illustrata.
Morahfc,

Erlangae 1811.

De

iis,

quae ad cognoscendam Judaeorum Palaesiinensium, qui Jesu
lucis

tempore vivebant, Christologiam evangelia nobis exhibeant, deque
messianis in Ulis allcgatis.

Gotting. 1828.
ed. 1831),

De Wette,

Biblische

Dogmatik Alten und Neuen Testaments (3rd

pp. 159-179.

The same, Commentatio

de morte Jesu Christi expiaturia

{Opuscula theologica, 1830, pp. 1-14:8).

Von

Colin, Biblische Theologie, vol.

i.

(1836), pp. 479-511.

Mack, Die messianischen Erwartungen und Ansichten der Zeitgenossen Jesu
{Tub. Theol Quartalschr. 1836, pp. 3-56, 193-226).
Gfrörer,

Das Jahrhundert

des Heils (also under the
ii.

title,

Gesch. des Urchris-

teTl\'\'ns, vols, i.-ii.

1838),

195-414.
vol.
i.

Bauer (Bruno), Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte der Synoptiker,
1841, pp. 391-416.
Zeller,

On

the Assertion that

prae-Chritiian Judaism had no Messianic Dog-

matic {Theol. Jahrb. 1843, pp. 35-52).

Hellwag, Baur, and Zeller's Theol. Jahrb. 1848, pp. 151-160 (in the article. On the notion of the pre-existence of Christ in the primitive Church).
HUgenfeld, Die jüdische Apokahjptik in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung.

Jeoa 1857.
Oehler, art. " Messias," in Herzog's Iteal-Enc, 1st ed. vol.
ix. p.

408

sqq.,

422-441.

In the 2d ed. revised by Orelli,

ix.

641

ff.

1

See the older literature in Hase, Leben Jesu, § 34.

De Wette,

Biblische

Dogmatik (3rd ed.), p. 163. Bretschneider, Systematische Eutwickdung alkr in der Dojmatik vorkommenden Begriffe (4th ed. 1841), p. 553 sqq.

§29.
Jesus- Clirist

THE MESSIANIC
croi/artccs

IlOrE.

127
2nd
ed.

Cülaiii,

et

Ics

mcssianiques de son temps,

Strasbourg 18C4, pp. 1-G8.

Langen, Das Judcnthum
391-461.

in Palästina zur Zeit Christi.

Freiburg 1866, pp.

Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes

Israel, vol. v.

(3rd ed. 1867) pp. 135-160.

Keim, Geschichte Jesu,
Holtaman,
pp.
JDze

vol.

L 18G7, pp. 2o9-250.

Messiasidee zur Zeit Jesu (Jahrbb. für deutsche Theol. 1867,

389^11).

The same

in

Weber and

lloltzniann's Gesch. des Volkes

Israel (1867), ü. 191-211.

Hausrath,

Neutesiamentliche

Zeitgeschichte,

vol.

i.

(2nd

ed.

1873) pp.

165-176.
Weififeubacb, Quae Jesu in regno coelesti dignitas
sit

synopticorum scntentia

exponitur (Gissae 1868), pp. 47-62.

Ebrard, Wissenschaftl. Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte (3rd ed. 1868),
pp. 835-849.

Wittichen, Die Idee des Reiches Gottes, dritter Beitrag zur biblischen Theologie

insbesondere der synoptichen

Beden Jesu (Göttingen 1872),

jip.

105-165.

Anger, Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der messianischen Idee, edited by

Krenkel (Berlin 1873), pp. 78-91.
Castelli, II

Messia secondo
ide'cs

gli.

Ebrei, Firenze 1874 (p. 358).

Vernes, Ilistoire des

messianiques dcpuis Alexandre jusqu'

ä Vempcrcur

Hadrien, Paris 1874 (p. 294).
Stähelin, Jahrb.

für deutsch Theologie, 1874, Zur paulinischen Eschatologie).

pp. 199-218 (in the article.

Schönefeld, Ueber die 7nesslanische Hoffnung von 200 vor Cliristo

bis

gegen

50 nach Christo, Jena 1874.

Drummond, The Jewish Messiah, a
among
the

Critical History

of

the

Messianic Idea

Jews from

the rise

of

the

Maccabees

to

the closing

of

tlie

Talmud, London 1877

(p. 395).

Stapfer, Les id^es rcUgieuses en Palestine ä Vepoque de Jesus- Christ (2nd ed.
1878), pp. 111-132.

Weber, System der altsynagogalen palästinischen Theologie aus Targum,
Midrasch und Talmud
dargestellt (Leipzig 1880), pp.

322-386.

Reuss, Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (1881), § 555, 556.

Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie für Bibel und Talmud, Div.
" Messianische Leidenszeit,"
"Messias,"

ii.

(1883), arts.

" Mes^iaslciden," "Messias

Sühn Joseph," "Messiaszeit" (pp. 735-779).

Comp,

also "Armilus,"
Strafe,"

"Belebung der

Todten,"

"Ewiges Leben," "Lolin und

"Paradies," "Vergeltung," " Zukunftsmabl."

128

§ 2D.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
of the relii^ious ideas held

Within the sphere

by the Jewish

people during the period with which

we

are occupied,

two

groups

may

be distinguished
the relation
of

:

(1) General religious ideas, with

respect to

man and

of the

world to God,
for their object

and

(2) Specific Israelitish ideas, of

which have
to

the relation
of Israel.

the

Jewish people

Jahveh

as

the

God

The

latter are those

which are the really pre-

vailing ideas, they form the centre around
are grouped

which the others
These
specific

and to wliich they are
from the legal view
Israel.

related.

Israelitish ideas

however received again
of

their special tinge in

later

times

the

relation

between

Jahveh and

The thought, that God had
exclusively,

selected this

one people for His possession and therefore bestowed His
benefits

upon them

was now supplemented by

the other, that

He had
to

also given

them a law, and thereby
Thus
maxim,
that

bound Himself
tion, that

bestow His benefits under the presuppositlie

they observed this law.

God

gave
the

many commands and

ordinances

to the 'people

of Israel Jar

purpose of providing them with much reward nov) formed the

core of the religious consciousness?

Very simple observation
as

however showed, that
besto\ved

this

reward was in present experience
a

neither

upon the nation
proportion
to

whole,

nor upon

individuals, in

the

be expected.

The more

intensely therefore the consciousness of the nation and the

individual was penetrated
their gaze

by

this

thought, the more must
future,

have been directed

to

the

and the worse

the state of the present, the
been.

more ardent must that gaze have
the hope

Hence we may

say, that in later times the rcligous con-

sciousness luas concentrated

vpon

of the future.

The
the

better future to

be expected was the special object towards

which

all

other religious ideas teleologically referred.
Israelite

As

worh of the
so

was virtually the observance
»

of the law,

was

his faith virtually belief in a

better future.

Round

Makkoth

iii.

IG.

§ 29.

TUE MESSIANIC

IIOPE.

129
p.

these two poles (as
religions life of the

we have
for the

already remarked,

93) did the

Jewish people revolve during our period.
law in order one day to obtain

They were zealous
reward.

This central position of the hope of the future in
consciousness
of
Israel
justifies

the

religious

us

in

again

specially directing our attention thereto.

I.

RELATION TO THE OLDER MESSIANIC HOPE.
better future

The hope of a
of the

was already with the prophets
religious

Old Testament an essential element of their

consciousness.

Nor was

it

ever entirely lost by the people,
it

though

it

was not always

as lively as

again became in an

increasing degree after the Maccabaean rising.
of time

In the course

however

this

hope of the future experienced many

changes.

There was indeed far greater freedom of movement
Wliile legal

in the sphere of faith than in that of action.

precepts were binding to their very smallest details, and must
therefore be

handed down unaltered from one generation

to

another, comparatively freer play

was permitted
to,

to faith,

and

provided certain fundamentals were adher-ed

the individual

need could here come forward more freely
III.

(see

above,

§

25.

Halachah and Haggadah).

Hence

too the hope of the
Still certain

future

was developed
lines

in very various manners.

common ground
Messianic hope
from, the older.
is

may

here be observed, hy which the later

on

the average characteristically distinguished

The older Messianic hope

virtually

moves

within the boundary of the then present circumstances of the
world, and
is

nothing else than the hope of a better future

for the nation.

That the nation should be morally purified
it

from

all

bad elements, that
tlie

should exist unmolested and
its

respected in the midst of

Gentile world, whilst

enemies

were either destroyed or forced to acknowledge the nation
DIV.
II.

and

VOL. IL

I

130
its

§

20.

THE MF.SSIANIC

TIOPK.

God, that
king

it

should
the

be governed hy a

just,
tliat

wise

and

powerful

of

house of David, and

therefore

internal justice, peace
all

and happiness would

prevail,

nay that

natural evils would be abolished and a state of unclouded

prosperity would appear

this

may be

said to liave

formed the
propliets.

foundation of the

future

hope among the

older

This picture however underwent very important alterations
in the consciousness of a subsequent age, partly in the times

of

the

later

prophets,

but especially in the post-canonical

period.
1.

And

first,

the view hccame

more and more extended from

the nation to the

world

:

the eye was fixed not only on the
tlie

future of the nation, but on the future of

world.

While

in the former vision the heathen nations were only objects of

consideration, so far as they stood in
Israel, the

some kind
its

of relation to

expectation of after times fixed
fate

gaze more and
of

more decidedly upon the
whole world.
Avhich either Israel
it

of

all

mankind, nay

the

The judgment was
was
purified

originally a visitation

by

or

its

enemies destroyed

subsequently became the judgment of the world, in which
all

the fate of
either

men and
The

all

nations will be decided, and that

by God Himself or by His Anointed, the Messianic
of Israel.

King

ideal Jcingdom of the future does not,

according to former expectation, extend beyond the actual limits
of the

Holy Land
of

;

according to the later view, the future
all

kingdom

God

comprises

mankind, who willingly or

by compulsion are united under the sceptre of Israel into a Thus the Messiah is the judge and universal monarchy.
ruler of the world.

Xay even

the irrational creation, heaven
in

and

earth,
is

sense,

and therefore the whole universe transformed, the old destroyed and

the strict

a

new and
of

glorious one

made

in its stead.

This extension of the idea

of the future

was partly brought about by the extension
hoiizon.

the political

The more the small separate

states

§ 29.

THE MKSylAKIC

IIOPP:.

131

•were absorbed

by the great universal monarchies, the more
to view the ideal

obvious was

it

kingdom

of the

future also

as a universal monarchy.

After the overthrow of the last

heathen universal monarchy God Himself assumes the sceptre

and founds a universal kingdom, which He, the heavenly King,
rules by

means

of

His people.

But

still

more important

tlian

the enlargement of
of of

the political horizon in the development

the Messianic idea, was the

enlargement of the
the

notion

God
is

and of the

view
is

of

world in

general,

lu

the original view Jehovah

only the

God and King

of Israel.

He

subseqently more and more decidedly and

evidently

With this acjain regarded as tlie God and King of the world. o o o increasing hold upon the consciousness is connected the ever
of the nation of " the world " as a single
existence.

whole comprising

all

The growing universalism

of the

expectation of

the future was virtually conditioned by this enlargement of
the religious consciousness in general.
2.

With
to

this

enlargement of the future hope

is

combined
this

however, on the other hand, a far more decided reference of
hope
the

individual.
of

This
religious

too

is

connected
in

witli

the

development

the
is

consciousness
of the
nation,

general. directs

Originally Jehovah

the

God

who
But

with His mighty hand the woe or weal of the people.
lot of

The
as the

the

individual

was hardly thought
deepened, the
himself the

of.

religious

consciousness

individual

could

not
care.

but more and more

feel

object of God's

Each individual knew

his fate to be in the

hand

of

God, and

was sure that God would not forsake him.

The strengthening

of this individual belief in providence gradually resulted in a

more individual hope
paratively very late, as
of Daniel.

of the future.
it

This was indeed comtill

cannot be pointed to

the time

The form

in

which

it

was
'J'he

first

manifested was

that of a helief in the resurrection.
certain, that his personal

pious Israelite being

and indeed

his

enduring and eternal

132
salvation
is

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
he and
all

the

will of God, expects, that

the

godly will have a share in the future glory of the nation.

He

then

who

is

seized by death before this

is

realized,

may
this

hope, that he will one day be raised

up again by God and
According
to

transplanted to the kingdom of His glory.
the object of the resurrection
is

a participation in the glorious
is

future of the nation, and the basis of faith in the resurrection

the ever more powerfully developing interest of personal salvation.

But not only did the

interest of salvation take

an indito the

vidual form, but reflection

was more and more directed

future fate of the individual in
in

malam 'partem

also.

God keeps
at least of

heaven an account of the deeds of each individual,
Israelite.

each

And

decision will be given at the
is

judgment on

the ground of what

contained in these heavenly books, and

reward or punishment meted to each exactly according to his
merits.

The

result of

tliis

again was, that the expectation of
:

a resurrection

was now that of a general resurrection
sentence
the judgment.

not
to

only were the righteous, but the unrighteous also to
receive
their
at

rise,

This

expectation

however never
only for a
individual
rection
for

attained

general
of

acceptance,
just.

many
with a

looking

resurrection
interest

the

Lastly

however the
resur-

was no longer

satisfied

the

purpose of

participation in the Messianic

kino-dom.

This was no longer regarded as the ultimate and
felicity,

supreme
expected

but a higher, an eternal, a heavenly happiness

afterwards,

even

an

absolutely glorious

state

in

heaven

;

as on the other hand for the wicked, not merely an

exclusion from Messiah's kingdom, but eternal torment and

punishment
3.

in hell.
last

These

particulars

are

already connected
of the

with

a

further peculiarity,

by which the hope

future enter;

tained in later,

is

distinguished from that of older times

for.

it had now become more and more transcendent, and was more and more transferred to the supernatural and supermundane.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

1 3

3

The older hope kept within the range

of present circumstances.
tlie

A

destrnctiou of the enemies of Israel, a purification of
glorious
future,

people and their
ideal

were expected.
future

However
it

the

representation

of

this

prosperity,

still

remains within the
later

circle of present circumstances.

In the

view the present and the future became more and more

pure contrasts, the gulf between the two ever deeper, the view
ever

more

dualistic.

With

the

appearance

of
is

Messianic
to

times a

new

course of the world, a

new

Dpiy,
is

begin.
all

This future course of the world (X3n D7iy)

however in

respects the entire contrast to the present course of the world
(n^ij

DPij?).

The present
The future
and
only

is

under the rule of the ungodly

powers of Satan and his angels, and therefore sunk in sin

and sorrow.
Anointed:
therein.

is

under the rule of God and His

righteousness

and

happiness

prevail

There can scarcely be any connection between the
a miraculous act of

two.

By

the other called into

existence.

God the one will be However much

destroyed,
this

view

may

be supported by the former representation, the contrast
is
.

between now and then
the former
view.
of

much more
latter

sharply drawn than in
far

The

sees

more the gracious
According
if

government

God

in the present time also.
it

to
for

the later representation

might almost seem, as

God had
exercise

the present given over the government to the Satanic powers,

and had reserved
His sway.

for the future

world the

full

of

Accordingly the future salvation
as purely transcendental.

is also

more and

more regarded

All the benefits of

the future world come

down from
all

above, from heaven, where

they had pre-existed from
for the saints as

eternity.

They

are kept there

an

" inheritance,"

which

will

one day be
perfect,

bestowed upon them.
glorious,

In particular does the

the

new

Jerusalem, which will at the time of the con-

summation
old,

of all things descend to earth in the place of the

exist

there

already.

So

too

the

Messiah, the

perfect

1:j4

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC

HOPIÄ.

King of Israel, clioseii by God from eternity, is alrcaJy there in communion with God. All that is good and perfect can conie
only from above, because
all

that

is

earthly

is

in its present

condition the direct contrary to the divine.
fore the

At

last

there-

hope of the future outsteps altogether the limits of

earthly existence.
the

The

final

happiness

is

not even found in

kingdom

of

glory upon the

renewed earth, but in

an
so

absolute state of glory in heaven.
also is the

As

the salvation

itself,

manner

of its realization
of.

more and more transceuis

dentally conceived

The judgment
verdict

a forensic

act, in

which, without the intervention of earthly powers, the fate of

men

is

decided simply by the

of God, or

of

His

Anointed; and the execution of

this sentence is effected

only by

supernatural powers, by a miraculous act of God, which destroys
the old and calls the

new

order of things into existence.

4. Lastly, the jNIessianic

hope received an entirely new colourit,

ing in later times from the fact that
religious ideas in general,

like the

whole

circle of

was increasingly dogmatized by the
In place of vigorous religious

diligent labour of the scribes.

productiveness came

the learned investigation of the prophetic

writings, by which the detailsof theMcssianie jiicture of the future

were dogmatically
at first the settling

settled.

The task

of the scribes
the law.

was indeed
then,

and treatment of

But they

according to the same method, worked at and settled in detail
the whole circle of religious ideas, and especially the Messianic
expectations.

Thus

tlie

poetic picture

became learned dogma.
evidently a fluctuating

While

in the ideal

imagery of the prophets the boundary of
is

the literal and figurative meaning
one, the

sacred text of the prophets

is

taken at
is

its

word by

the scribes of a later age, the poetic image

stiffened into

dogma, and the character of the whole picture of the future

Not only moreover were

becomes thereby increasingly an externally transcendental one. all the existing details collected and

dogmatically arranged, but

new

details

were

elicited

by

its

§

-20.

THE MKSSIANIC HOrE.

135
Midrash
dis-

learned combination, after the
(see

manner

of Hiiggadic

above,

§

25.

III.).

For the sake of obtaining new
passages
with,

closures,

the

most

heterogeneous

were with

the

utmost ingenuity brought into relation

each other, and

the details of Messianic theology thereby more accurately and

comprehensively determined.

It cannot be

denied however,
it

that such learned material also fluctuated, for
really binding like the details of the law.

never became

Thus the individual
of
so
it,

was

at liberty to appropriate
it

fashion

according

to

now more now less his own perceptions,
is

and

to

that the
in

Messianic hope was always fluctuating and

met with

very different forms among
It

different individuals.

must moreover be

also remarked, that the

peculiarities

of the later Messiauic expectation here described are

by no

means equally found everywhere.
old hope

Even

in later times, the

of a glorioiis future for the nation maintained tlu

svpremacy.

This forms even in the later view of the future

the determining ground-plan of the picture.

And

just as
of the

upon
later

this

foundation

the

characteristic peculiarities

view have stronger or weaker influence, and produce this
is

or that alteration,

the old image

now more now

less,

now

iu

one way

now

in another, specially modified

and supplemented.
out with the
life

But did
active

this hope,

we would next
?

inquire, always continue
itself die

among

the people

Did
The

it

not

dying out of ancient prophecy, and revive
the Christian

to

new

through

movement

?

latter

has been frequently

asserted, especially so far as the Messianic idea in its

narrower

sense of the expectation of a Messianic
It is thought, that this

King

is

concerned.

was again
it

stirred

up by the appearance
revivified

of Jesus Christ,
circles

and that

was thereby

even in the

of Judaism.

This assertion

has

been

made

in

a

summary manner by Bruno Bauer and
The statements adduced bv the
latter are

Volkn)ar, in a more

enlightened one and with better foundation by Iloltzmann.

about these.

After

136

§ 2P.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

the almost total extinction of the Messianic idea in the last
centuries
before Christ,
it

was reconstructed in the way mere
literary investigation."

of

scholarship "

by means

of

This

process of

new formation had

in the time of Jesus been already
its

entered upon,

but did not receive

completion

till

the

Christian period and under the partial influence of Christian
ideas.

Tlie Messianic idea

was

in the time of Christ

by no
essen-

means an

active one in

tlie

popular consciousness.
later

An

tial distinction

between the

scholastic

and the former
in a decisive

prophetic idea of the Mcssiali was, that the prophets did not

expect His appearance
battle
later

till

after

God Himself had

destroyed the hostile powers, while according to the

dogmatic the Messiah was to come to hold a judgment,
Setting aside for the
verdict on Holtz-

and that a judgment in a forensic form.
present the latter point,

we may sum up our
is

mann's view by saying, that he
insists

decidedly in the right, when he

on the scholastic character of the later Messianic idea,

but in the wrong, when he as good as denies the Messianic idea
to the last centuries before Christ,

and represents

it

as not yet

transferred to popular consciousness during the life of Jesus,

The
to

latter is in opposition to the gospel history,

and the former

he can only maintain by
the
;

either entirely disregarding evidence
xc.

contrary

(as

Henoch,

37-38

;

Orac.

Sihyll.

iii.

46-50

Philo, de praem.
its
it

et j^oen. §

16), or casting doubt

upon

the time of

composition (as the Psalterium Scdomonis), or
in

explaining

away
is

an arbitrary manner

(as Orac. Sibyll.

iii.

652

sqq.,

which

said to relate to

Simon the Maccabaean).

In truth the Messianic idea never quite died out, at least not

more general form of the hope of a better future for the In any case it was again very active in the last nation.
in its

centuries before Christ, and especially in the time of Christ,
as the course of the gospel history shows.
It there appears

as thoroughly alive

among the
;

people, without Jesus doing
it

anything to revive

it

and indeed

appears as a rule in the

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
not only in
its

137

last centuries before Christ,

general form as the
its special

hope of a better future of the nation, but also in
form as the hope of a Messianic King.

This will appear as

we

present in the following pages
its historical

:

(1)
;

The development of

the

Messianic idea in

course

and

(2) give a Systematic

view of Messianic dogmatics.

II.

HISTORICAL SUIiVEY.

The prophecies
Messianic idea.

of the

Book

of Daniel

(about

167

to

165

before Christ) had a profound influence

upon the form

of the

In the time of the
Israel

affliction (n"jy ny, xii. 1),

which had come upon

by reason of the insane measures

of Antiochus Epiphanes, the prophet predicts the approaching
deliverance.
of this world,

God

will

Himself

sit in

judgment on

tlie

kingdoms

and will take from them power and dominion,
for ever.

and root up and destroy them
the Most

But

" the saints
it

of
for

High

" will

receive the

kingdom and possess
will

ever
serve
(vii.

and

ever.

All peoples and nations and tongues will

them,

and their kingdom
44).

never

be

destroyed
asleep

9-27,

ii.

The righteous
it
;

too

who have

fvillen

will

have their share in

for they will
life,

awake from the dust

of the earth to everlasting

but the ungodly to everlasting
the

contempt

(xii.

2).

Whether

author conceived of this
as with a Messianic

kingdom

of the saints of the

Most High,

King

at its head,

cannot be made out, at any rate he makes

no mention of him.
(^'?^ ''^T, vii.

For

he,

who appears

in the

form of a

man

13),

is

by no means the personal Messiah,

but, as

the author plainly and expressly says in the interpretation, the

people of the saints of the Most High

(vii.

18, 22, 27).
beasts,

As
rise

the

kingdoms

of the world are represented
is

by

which

up

out of the sea, so
a

the

kingdom

of the saints represented

by

human

form, which

descends

from the clouds of heaven.

133
The
coniinc,'

§

-20.

TllK

MESSIANIC
sea,

IIOPK.

up out

of

the

i.e.

the abyss, points to the

anti-divine orii^in of the

former, the comincr from heaven to

the

divine origin of the hitter.
is

Thus the core

of Daniel's

Messianic hope
especially
not, as
ii.

the universal dominion of the saints (see
14, 27).

44,

vii,

And
vii.,

indeed the author does

might appear from chap,

conceive of this as brought

about by a mere judicial sentence of God.

On

the contrary,

he says expressly
"

(ii.

44), that the

kingdom

of the saints shall

break in pieces and destroy,"

i.e.

conquer by force of arms

the world-kingdoms, by the lielp indeed of
to

God and according
is

His

will.

It is

also

deserving of attention, that in this
for the
first

book the hope in a resurrection of the body
time plainly and decidedly expressed
formerly, the Messianic hope
for the nation,
is

(xii.

2).

Hence here

as

the hope of a glorious future

but with the double modification that the future

kingdom O
In

of Israel is conceived of as a universal

kingdom, and
I

that all the saints

who have

died will share in
of

it.

the

apocryphal

books

the

Old

Testament'

the

Messianic hope cannot, by

reason of the historical or didactic

nature of these books, be brouglit prominently forward.
it

But
the

is

by no means absent from them.

Thus we

find, in

Book

of Ecclesiasticus, all the essential elements of the older

Messianic hope, the expectation of penal judgment upon the
heatlien (Ecclus. xxxii. 18, 19, xxxiii. 1 sqq.), the deliverance of
Israel from their troubles (Ecclus.
1.

24), the gathering of the

dispersed (xxxiii. 11), the everlasting duration of the nation
(xxxvii.

25,

xl.

lo),

nay,

the

everlasting

duration of the

Davidic dynasty
too,

(xlvii. 11).

In the other apocryphal books

we meet

first

one and then another element: that God
dis-

will

judge the heathen (Judith xvi. 17), and gather the
Comp. De Wette,
ix.

"

Biblische JJorjmntil:, p. IßO sq.

Oehler in Herzog's

Anger, Vorpp. 422-4'25 (2iid cd. i.^. pp. 653-655). Uxnncjen über die Geschichte (kr Mc.vaiani.tchcn Llce, pp. 78 sq., 84 ßq.
Iteal-Enc. vol.

DruMimoiid, 7'Ae

Jeivi.'^h

Messiah, p. 106 sqq.

§ 29.

TIIK

MESSIANIC IlOrH
(2

139
Mace.
ii.

persctl of
ii.

Israel into one nation again
iv.

IS;

Bar.

27-35,

36,

37,

v.

5-9);

that the people shall bo

established for ever (2 Mace. xiv. 15), and that the throne of

David
the

shall be

an eternal one

(1

Mace.

ii.

57).

The author

of

Book

of Tobit hopes, not only that the righteous will be

gathered, the nation of Israel exalted, and Jerusalem rebuilt
in

the most splendid
xiii.

manner with gold and precious
7),

stones

(Tob.

12-18,

xiv.

but

also,

in

common
all
7).

with

certain prophets of the
will be

Old Testament, that
(Tob.
xiii.

the heathen

converted to

God
of

11, xiv. 6,

In the
is,

Hellenistic

Wisdom

Solomon the national element

as

may

be conceived, in the background, nay the author cannot,
of his Platonistic anthropology, expect true happitill
is,

by reason

ness for the soul

after death.

With him
iii.

therefore the
sit

important element
in 1

that the righteous dead will one day

judgment upon the heathen
Cor.
ii.

(Wisd.

8,

v.

1

;

conij).

vi.

2

sq.).

The explanation of the just man
Alessiah,

in

Wisd.

12-20

as the

which

is

prevalent in older

exegesis, is utterly unfounded.*

The stream
about 140
to these
S'

of Messianic prediction flows forth in copious
Sibyllines,

abundance in the oldest Jewish
B.c.

which appeared
referred

Sihyll.
Brj

iii.

286

sq.

must not indeed be
Treyu-i/ret

{Kal tot€

Oecx;

ovpavoOev
koI

ßaaiXfja, Kpivei

avBpa eKacTTOv iv
is

ai[j,aTi
of.^

7rupo<;

avyrj),

where on the
iii.

contrary Cyrus

spoken

Nor can

the y/o? 6eoto,

775,

be appealed
Alexandre,
is

to.

For according

to the correct supposition of
viov.

we must

read vrjov instead of
to
iii,

And
Kopij,

lastly, it

quite

a mistake

understand by the

in

whom,
mother

according to Sibyll.

748-786, God

will

dwell, the

* Comp. Reusch, Is Wisd. ii. 12-20 a Messianic prediction? (^Tiih. Theol. Qnartahchr. 1864, pp. 330-346). * As even Hilgenfeld now admits (Zeitschr. für w. Th. 1871, p. 36), after having formerly disputed it (^Apokalyptik, p. 64 Ztilschr. 1860,
;

p.

315).

140
of
]\Iessiali

§ 2?.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
into whicli, following

(an explanation
'

Langen'
For the
Still

even Weiffenbach
Kopt],

sufTeved himself to be seduced).
is

ITebr.

'1^^'13,

nothing else
of
all

than

Jerusalem.
it

after

the

withdrawal
the

these

passages,
iii.

remains
is

certain,

that

whole

section,

Sihyll.

652-794,
at

of

almost exclusively Messianic purport, although only a

sliort

mention of the Messianic Kinc:

is

made

the bes^inninrr.

From
king,

the east {air

rjeXioio), it

is

here said, will
all

God send

a

who

will put an
fulfilling

end

to

war upon
others.

earth, killing

some, and

the
to

promises to
his

do this not according
to

the

commands

of God.*

And he wiJl own counsel, but in obedience At his appearance (for this is
God
a

certainly the

meaning

of the author), the kings of the heathen

assemble once more for an attack upon the temple of

and the Holy Land.

They
will

offer

their

idolatrous

sacrifices

round about Jerusalem.

But God
all

will speak to

them with

mighty

voice,

and they

perish

by the hand

of the
hills

Immortal.
];e

The earth

will

quake and the mountains and

overturned, and Erebus will appear.

The heathen nations Then
will the children

will perish by war,

sword and

fire,

because they lifted their

spears against the temple (663—697).

God live Holy One
of

in

peace and quietness, because the hand of the

protects

them
to

(698-709).

And

the

heathen

nations seeing this will

be encouraged to bless and praise

God, to send
because
it is

gifts

His temple and to accept His law,
in
all
all

the

most just

the world

(710-726).

Peace will then prevail among
<"

the kings of the earth
401 sqq.
sit,

Das

Jndcnthiim in Palästina^

p.

'

Quae Jesu
iii.

in regno coelcsii dirjnitas

p. .50 sq.

8 Sibyll.

CÖ2-G5G

:—
6i6; tts^v^«/ ßot.a t'hr,et,

Kotl t6t öLii

'/ii'hioio

"Of
Ot/j

izä.aa.v
fiii/

'/c/.\a.'j

"Travail 7ro7\iuoto KXicoto,
ö'

oipa XT£(>«;, oi;
Toti; iöi'ccis

dpx,ix Trtarci ti'h.iaaui.

OuVi yi
'AX>.ä

ßovAxi;

-züoi -TrävTct 7roii;aei,

deoii

/mycty^oio Trißr.c/x; oiyi/.xoi'J iaö'Koli.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

141

(743-760).
all
all

men.

And God will set up an eternal Idngdom over Men will bring offerings to the temple of God from
The prophets
of

parts of the earth.

God

will lay

down

the sword, for they are judges of

men and

just kings.

And

God

will dwell

upon Zion and universal peace

will prevail

upon earth (766-794).

The writer

lays the chief stress, as
of

we

see,

upon the circumstance, that the law
validity

God

will attain

recognition and

among

all

the nations of the earth,

but he expects not this alone, but the setting up of a universal

kingdom over
alcova<i

all

mankind
eir

(766—767

:

ßaaiXrjiov

ei^i

7rdvTa<i

dvOpiüTrovi) with Jerusalem as

its

theocratic centre.

It is only at the beginning

that he thinks

of the king sent from

God

as the instrument for the establish-

ment
that

of the universal peace.

But he

is

undoubtedly to be
it is said, ver.

thought of as the intervening cause, when

689,

God exterminates
r)he.

the

attacking heathen

by war and

sword {TTokefKp
(deov fieydXoLo
of the

iJba')(alpr)).

And

if

the prophets of

God

7^/^o(^?}Ta^, i.e.

indeed the Israelites, the saints

Most High

as

they are called in Daniel) are only
still

generally spoken of as judges and kings (780-781),
theocratic king at their head
is

a

at least not excluded

by the

words of the author.

It is in

any case worthy

of remark,

that even an Alexandrian,

when

painting the future, cannot

dispense with the God-sent king.

The
of

original portion of the

Book

of

Enoch

(in the last third

the

2nd century
is

before

Christ)

contains

comparatively

little

that

Messianic.

It is the conclusion of the vision of
is

Judgment
sidered.

(c,

90. 16-38), which

here chiefly to be confirst

The author expects

in the

place a last powerful

attack of the heathen (here chiefly the Syrian) power, which
is

however rendered vain by the miraculous intervention
(90. 16-19).

of

God

A

throne

is

then erected in the delightful
First the fallen angels
fiery pit (90.

land and

God

sits

in judgment.

and

then the apostate Jews are cast into the

20-27).

1-42

§ jn.

THE messianic hope.
(for the
"

Tlien the old Jerusalem

house

"

is

Jerusalem)

is

done away with, and God brings a new Jerusalem and places
it

on the spot where the old one stood (90. 28-29).
the pious Jews, and the

In this

new Jerusalem dwell
them homage (90,
}iray to

heathen do
appears

oO).

Hereupon

the

]\Icssiah
all

(under the image of a white bullock), and

the heathen

Him and
:

are converted

to

God

(90. 37-38).

The

transcendent character of the later Messianic idea here conies

forward

the
is

new Jerusalem has nothing

in

common with
in

the old, but

brought from heaven in a miraculous manner.
sharper

We

meet with the Messianic King depicted
and
fuller

outlines

colours

in

the

Fsalterium
B.c.).

Salomonis,

composed

in the time of
if

Pompey (63-48

These Psalms

are instructive,

only because their author dwells both upon
(xvii. 1),

God Himself
it

being the King of Israel

and David's

house never becoming extinct before God

(xvii. 5).

Hence
The

must not be concluded, without further ceremony, that
place, the
latter is

when the former takes
longing
author,
for for

excluded.

the

Davidic

king
in

is

especially

ardent in the

Jerusalem

had,

his

time,

fallen

under the
future

heathen rule of the Eomans, and no hope

for the

could be built upon the Sadducean- minded dynasty of the

Asmonaeans.

l)rince of the house

Hence he hopes, that God of David to rule over
to

will

raise

up a
crush

Israel, to

their enemies,
(xvii.

and

cleanse

Jerusalem

from the heathen

23-27).

He

will gather a holy people,

and

will

judge

the tribes of the nation, and not suffer unrighteousness in
tlieir

midst, he will

divide

them

in

the

land according to

their tribes,

and no stranger

shall dwell will serve

28-31).
and

The heathen nations

among them (xvii. him and will come
is

to Jerusalem, to bring the wearied children of Israel as^ gifts
to see

the glory of the Lord.
(xvii.

He

a righteous king

and one taught of God
uniighteousness in
his

32-35).

And

there

is

no

days, for all are saints.

And

their

§

:.'9.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
lie
will

143

king

is

the Lord's anointed.^

not place his trust
is

in horse or rider.

For the Lord Himself

his King.

And

he will strike the earth with the word of his mouth
(xvii.

for ev(ir

36-39).
;

He
is

will bless the people of the

Lord with
over a

wisdom

and he

pure from sin

;

and he

will rule

great people and not be weak.

For (Jod makes him strong

by His Holy
there
is

Spirit.

He

will lead

them

all

in holiness,

and
tlie

no pride among them
Israel.

(xvii.

40—46).

This

is

beauty of the king of
in his days (xvii.

Happy

are they, wlio are born
expects, as
it

47-51).

The writer

appears,

not godly kings in general of David's

house, but a single

Messiah endowed by God with miraculous powers, pure from
sin

and holy

(xvii.

41, 46),

whom God
(xvii.

has made powerful

and wise by the Holy word of

Spirit

2),

and who

tlierefore

strikes his enemies not with external weapons, but with the

his

mouth

(xvii.

39

after Isa. xi. 4).

He

is

however,

notwithstanding such idealism, represented as quite a worldly
ruler, as

an actual king of

Israel.

Comp,

generally, Ps. xviii.

6-10, and especially
and
iii.

Ps. xi, (the gathering of the dispersed)

16, xiv. 2 sqq. (the resurrection of the just).

As
of

the oppression of the Pompeian period v/as the occasion
Psalter of Solomon,
so
also

the

was the despotism

of

Antony and Cleopatra
{Orac. Sibyll.
iii.

that of a

more recent Sibylline piece
Ptome had then obtained

36-92).
also,

When

dominion over Egypt

the Sibyllist expected the appear-

ance of the kingdom of God on earth and the coming of a
holy king to rule for ever over every land.
question
(iii.

The passage

in

40-50)
'

is

as follows:

Avrap

eirel

Pw/xt} Kal A'cyvirrov ßaaiXevaei,
hrj

Eh
^

ev

Wvvovaa, Tore

ßaaCkeia
iv.

fieyiaTTj

XpioTo; Kvpibg, xvii. 36, like
IT'tJ'D-

Lam.

20,

is

a wrong translation for
xviii.
8.

nin*

The correct Xpiarö;

Kvpi'ou

found

Corup. also

xviii. G.

144

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOrEi
(f)av€iTat.

'AOavaTov ßacnXTjo^ eV dvOpcoTroicn
"H^et,
8'

dyvo<; ava^, 7rdarj<;

'/>}<?

aKrjTTTpa KpaTi]<T03v

El<; alöjva'; irdvTa^, iireLyofxevoio ypovoto.

The immortal King, whose kingdom
men,
is

is

to

appear

among

of course

God

Himself.

On

the other hand, none
071/09 dva^,

other than the Messiah can be
is to

meant by the

who
the

possess the sceptre of every kingdom.

Here

too, as in

the Psalter of Solomon,
idea of the

kingdom

of

we find the personal Messiah and God in direct combination.
Solomon the form

If in the Psalter of

of the Messianic

King

is

already one far surpassing the ordinary

human

form,
dis-

this feature

comes out more strikingly in the figurative

courses of the
of the Messiah
of Daniel,

Book
is

of

Enoch

(chap, xxxvii.—Ixxi.).

The image

here chiefly drawn, in continuation of the

Book

by

" the

Son of man

" being

understood of the per;

son of Messiah, and the coming from heaven taken literally
pre-existence being therefore ascribed to the Messiah.

But
is

unfortunately the date of the composition of this book
uncertain, that

so

development.
survey.

we must renounce its insertion in the historical Use can only be made of it for the systematic
Mosis, of about the beginning of the Christian

The Ässnmpiio
the

era, predicts in words of beautiful aspiration the approach of

kingdom

of God.

The

author, after bringing into view

a time of tribulation such as that under Antiochus Epiphanes,
continues, chap. x.
all creatures,
:

"

Then

will his

kingdom appear among

disappear with him.

and the devil will have an end, and sorrow will Then will the Heavenly One arise from and anger
its

the seat of his kingdom and will come from his holy habitation with wrath
for his

children's

sake,

and the
be

earth will tremble to

ends, and

the high mountains
will give

lowered, and the

hills fall.

The sun

no
iii.

light, 4),

and

the

moon be changed

into

blood (comp. Joel

and the

§ 2D.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

145

stars

fall

into

confusion.

And
fail,

the sea will retreat to the

abyss,

and the water-springs
will the

and the

rivers be dried up.

Then

most High God, the alone Eternal, come forth

to chastise the heathen

and destroy

all idols.

Then

wilt thou

be happy,
of the eagle.

Israel,

and wilt tread upon the neck and wings
will exalt thee

And God

and make thee soar
and give
this

to the firmament,

and thou wilt thence look down upon thine
rejoice,

enemies on earth, and shalt see them and
thanks and acknowledge thy Creator."

That in

magthe

nificent picture of the future there should be

no mention of
it

the Messianic King,

is

certainly not accidental, if

is

case that the author belonged to the party of the
(see below, § 32).

Zealots

This circumstance would then, as Wieseler

justly remarks,^" be explained
ideal

by the

fact, that
if

the author's use the

would

be,

not a monarchic, but,

we may

expression, a democratically constituted

kingdom

of God.

Equally without mention

of

a Messianic King, and on the

whole in merely general
"

outlines, does the

Booh of Jubilees

describe the time of joy and delight, which will appear for Israel

on their repentance.^^
children of

The days

will begin to increase,

and the

men

will be older
till

from generatipn to generation
life

and from day

to day,

the length of their

approaches a
life,

thousand years.
but they will
all

And

there will be none old or weary of

be like children and youths, and will pass

and

live all

their days in peace
evil spoiler
;

and

joy, without there being

any Satan or other
of blessing
vants,

for all their days will be

days
ser-

and healing.

At that time

will the

Lord heal His

and they

will arise

and see ever deeper peace and pursue

again their enemies.

and and

rejoice for
all

And they will see it and give thanks, evermore. And they will see all the judgments
Their bones will indeed rest

the curse of their enemies.

in the earth, but their spirits will have
1"
^1

many

joys,

and they

Jahrbücher far deutsche Theologie, 1868, p. 645. Ewald's Jahrbücher der Biblischen Wissenschaft, 3rd year,
II.

p. 24,

DIV.

VOL.

II.

K

146

§ 2D.

THE MESSIAKIC HOPE.
Lord who
sits

will perceive, that it is the

in judgraent to all

and
love

shows grace to hundreds and thousands and

who

Him."
of the

Wliile

it is

here said only in general, that the servants
again pursue their
enemies," in another

Lord

" will

passage the dominion of the world is promised to the seed of God said to Jacob " I am the Lord thy God, who Jacob."
:

made heaven and

earth.
;

I will

cause thee to grow and will
shall proceed

greatly increase thee

and kings

fiom thee and

shall rule everywhere,

even wherever the foot of the children
I will

of

men

shall tread.
is

And

give to thy seed the whole

earth,

which

under heaven, and they shall rule according to
;

their choice over all nations

and afterwards they
it to

shall

draw

the whole earth to themselves and inherit

eternity."

It is very characteristic testimony to the intensity of the

Messianic hope in the age of Jesus Christ, that even a moralist
like Philo should depict the happiness to be expected

by the

righteous, in the

frame and with the colouring of Jewish

national expectations."

Two

passages of his work " on the
"

reward of the good and the punishment of the wicked

come

in this respect especially under consideration {De exsecrationihus,
§
§

8-9,

ed. ed.

Mang. Mang.

ii.

435

sq.,

and De praemiis

et

poenis,

15-20,

ii.

421-428).

In the former passage he

expresses the hope, that all Israelites, or rather all

who

are

converted to the law of

God

(for it

depends on this and not

on natural descent from Abraliam), will be gathered in the
j

Holy Land.
as slaves

"

Though they should be
their enemies,

in the ends of the earth
captive,

among
all

who have taken them

yet will they

be set at liberty at a given sign on one day,

because their sudden turning to virtue astonishes their masters.

" E walk's
^^

JahrUicher,

iii.

42.
in Philo, Gfrörer, Philo

Comp, on the Messianic idea
Theosophie,
i.

vnd

die

Alexander

flrinische

495-5;}4.

Dähne,
i.

Geschichtl.

Darstellung
J.

pulisch-alexandrinischen Religionsphilosophie,
niessianischen

432-438.

G. Älüller, Die

Erwartungen des Juden Philo.

Basel 1870 (25, p. 4).

§ 29.

TIIH

MESSIANIC

IIÖrE.

147

For they will release them because they are ashamed of bearing rule

over their betters.
is

When

then this unexpected
before scattered in

freedom

bestowed on those,

who were

Hellas and in

barbarous countries, on islands and

on the

continent, they will hasten with one impulse from all quarters
to the place pointed out to them, led

by a Divine superhuman

appearance, which, invisible to
the delivered."
cities will
.
.
.

all

others, is visible only to

When

then they have arrived, the ruined

be rebuilt, and the desert reinhabited, and the barren
fertile."

land become
poenis,
§

In the other passage {De jpracmiis
iL

et

/
^

15

sqq..

Mang.

421

sqq.),

Philo describes

the

time of prosperity and peace, which will appear when
turn to God.
Before
all

men
kinds
turn

i

they will be safe from wild beasts.

I

" Bears, lions, panthers, Indian elephants, tigers
of

and

all

beasts of

uncontrollable

strength and
to

power

will

from their solitary ways of

life

one according to law, and

from intercourse with few, after the manner of gregarious
animals, will accustom themselves to the sight of man,
will not as formerly

who
lord.

be attacked by them, but feared as their
respect

master, and

they will

him

as

their

natural

Some

even, emulating the tame animals, will offer
their tails like lap-dogs.

him

their

homage by wagging
of scorpions,

The race

too

snakes and other reptiles will then no longer
(§ 15). "

have any harmful poison"
time
is

A

further blessing of this

peace
OL

among men.
great

Then says ilwprapliecy (LXX. Num.

xxiv. 7)

man who

goes to tattle

and makes war

shall go forth

and subdue

and

pojndoics nations,

God Himself sending
which

help to His saints.

This consists in imshaken boldness of

mind and
singly
'*

invincible strength of body, qualities each of

is terrible to

enemies, but which

when combined nothing

^syayovuivoi

"^pö; tii/o; ßsioTzpxg
}ti

sj

Kxroc (piaiv oLi/dpu-Trlvm oxpsu^, aJ^Xow

fifv eripoi;, fiovoi;

roi; ecvctaco^ofiivois ifctfixvov;.

That

this divine appe.nr-

ance

is

not the Messiah, but one analogous to the pillar of fire in the

march

tiirough the desert, scarcely needs mention.

148
is

§

31).

THE MESSIANIC HOPE,
of

able

to

resist.

But some

the

enemies

are,

as

tlie

prophecy says, not even worthy to perish by the hand of

man.

Against them

He

(God) will send swarms of wasps,

•vho fight to a shameful overthrow for the saints.
(instead of tovtov

But these

we must

read tovtov^,

i.e.

the saints) will

not only have certain victory in battle without bloodshed,

but also invincible power of
of their subjects,

government

for

the

welfare

who

will submit from either love, fear, or
saints)

reverence.

For they (the
greatest,

possess

three

qualities,

which are the
dominion.
Koi

and which found an indestructible
wliich

Holiness, great power and benevolence (ae/xvoTTjTa

BeivoTTjra

koI evepyeaiav), the

first

of

produces they are

reverence, the

second

fear,

the

third
soul,

love,

but

if

harmoniously combined in the

they produce subjects,

who

are

obedient

to

their

rulers"

16).

Philo

next

mentions riches and prosperity

(§ 20), health (§

and strength of
It is evident,

body, as blessings of Messianic times
that

17-18).
to

notwithstanding his
ethic,

efforts

always

lay

the

chief

emphasis on the
notions.

he was not able
after

to

avoid popular

For he too expected,

the realization of the

ethic ideal, a time of external prosperity

and happiness

for

the pious and virtuous, one feature of which would be, that

they

should

have

dominion

upon

earth.

Nor was
else

the

Messianic King absent from this image.

For who

than

he could be intended by the man,

who

goes to battle, carries
?

on war and subdues great and populous nations
less

And

the

such a God-sent hero

is

required by Philo's fundamental
is it,

view, the more worthy of remark

that he

is

nevertheless

included in his description of the Messianic age.

But even apart from such evidence,
the

it is

already plain from

M20

Testament, that the Messianic idea was anything but
in

extinct
Christ.

the

popular

consciousness in

the period
:

before

We

easily see

from the question of John

"

Art Thou
xi.

He

that should come, or do

we look

for

another?" (Matt.

3

;

§ 23.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

149

Luke
tlie

vii.

19-29), that the coming One was expected.
history
sqq.
;

And
sqq.
;

whole course of the gospel

to

mention only
viii.

Peter's confession (Matt. xvi. 1 3

Mark

27

Luke

ix.

18
to

sqq.)

clearly

shows that Jesus in acknowledging

Himself

be the Messiah, was only connecting Himself with

existing ideas.

He by

no means aimed in

tlie

first

place at

the revival and animation of Messianic hopes.
find, that

And
;

yet

we

at

His entry into Jerusalem, the whole nmltitude
;

hailed

Him
xii.).

as the Messiah (Matt. xxi.

Mark

xi.

Luke

xix.

John

Such scenes are only

to

be explained on the

assumption, that the Messianic hope was, before His appearance, already active in the nation.

This also needs no proof for the period after Christ.

The

numerous popular tumults of a politico-religious kind, which took
place in the time of the
sufficient

Roman
the

procurators (a.D. 44-66), give
tension,

evidence

of

feverish

with which a

miraculous intervention of
of

God

in history

and the appearance

His kingdom on earth were expected.

How

else could

men

such as Theudas the Egyptian have found believers for their
promises by hundreds and thousands
?

Even Josephus

super-

abundantly confesses, that the Messianic hope was one of the

most powerful levers in the great insurrection against Eome.

He

himself did not indeed shrink from applying the IMessianic

prophecies to Vespasian, and in this respect he found approving
faith
15

from Tacitus and Suetonius.^^
tlie

On

Me.ssianic notions of Josephus, see Gerlacb, Die Weissajiinfjen

des Alten Testaments in den Schriften des Flavins Josephus (18ü3), pp.
89.

Langen

in

tlie

Tub. Theol. Quartalschrift, 1805,
Bell.

pp. 39-51.
Bs

41Tbe

passage in question in
fcecT^iaroi "T^po;

Jud.

vi. 5.

4

is

as follows

:

To

iTzöipxv

uvTovg

toV TvoKifiov

ijv

xpYiafio; dfi^pißo'Koi 6y.oiug tv Tcig iepol; ivp/i/xivo;

ypotfAfcctaiv,
oiKOVfiii/Yi;.

Ü; xotrci tÖ» Kxipov iKUvou

«xo

t?,;

^upocf rii otinuv öip^tt
t^o'KT^uI

rii;

Tovro
TViv

oi

fiiv

u;

ciIkiIov i^thot.ßov, kccI

tuv

tjocpuv tTr'Kxvi]-

6motv Tipl

x.ptafj'
'

iOYfhov Ö

oipx t%v Oi/id'zcf'v.vou TO

"hoyiou iiytf^ovixv,
:

ci,Trohiiy,6ivro;

im

lovoaix; uvroy-päropo;.

Comp.

Tacit. Hist. v. 13

Pluribus

persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum uteris contineri, eo ipso tempore fore

ut valesceret oriens profoctique Judaea rerum potireutur.

Quae ambages

150

§ 2a.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

On
Christ,

the state of the Messianic hope after the destruction of
first

the tempk', aivl during the last decades of the

century after

we have

copious information in the Apocalypses of

Baruch and Ezra.

The

Apolcay2')sc of
:

Baruch describes the
time of general and

course of the last things as follows

A

terrible confusion will first of all occur.

Men

will mutually
will rule

hate and fight against each other.

The disreputable
will

over the

respectable,

the

base

be exalted above

the

illustrious, the

ungodly above heroes.

And

the nations

(whom
cannot

God

has previously

prepared for the purpose
will
will

—we

but think of Gog and Magog)
princes

come and

fight against the

who
this,

remain.

And

it

escapes from war, will perish

come to pass, that he who by the earthquake, and he who
fire,

escapes

by

fire,

and he who escapes the
all

by famine.

And

he who escapes

these

ills

will be delivered into the

hands of the Messiah
fested,

(Ixx.

2-10).

For he will be manilast

and destroy the hosts of the

universal kingdom.

And

the last prince,

who

is left,

will be

chained and brought
of ungodliness

to Zion,

and the Messiah

will convict
2).

him
life,

and

put him to death (xxxix. 7-40,

The Messiah

will gather

the nations, and to some he will grant

and others he will

destroy with the sword.

He

will grant life to those

who have

submitted to the seed of Jacob.

Israel will be destroyed (Ixxii. 2-6).

But those who have oppressed Then will he sit upon
^^
;

the throne of his kingdom for ever

and peace

will appear,

sibi

Vespasianum ac Titum pracdixerant sed volgus more humauae cupidinis tantam fatorum maguitudmem iuterpretati ue adversis quidem ad vera
;

mutabantur.
rentur.

Sueton.

Vesp.
fatis,

constans opinio, esse in

Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et c. 4: ut eo tempore Judaea profecti rerum poti-

Id de imperatore Romano, quantum postea eventu paruit, praedictum Judaei ad se trahentes rebellarunt. It is hardly to be doubted, that Tacitus and Suetonius drew, whether directly or indirectly, entirely from
This is disputed by i. 1, p. 51. 164 (art. " Vespasianus ")• ^^ Cap. Ixxiii. 1 Et sedebit in pace in aeternum super throno regni sui. Xl. 3 : Et erit principatus ejus stans in saeculum, donee finiatur mundus
Josephus.

Comp.

Gieseler, Kirchengesch.
1st cd. xvii.

Keim

in Ilerzog's

Bcal-Enc,
:

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

1

."

1

and sorrow and tribulation depart from mankind, and joy And the wild beasts shall come prevail over the whole earth. and serve men, and vipers and serpents
children.
shall be

subject to

And

the reapers shall not be faint, nor the builders
;

weary

(Ixxiii.-lxxiv.

comp.

xl. 2, 3).

And

the earth shall
shall be

yield her fruits a thousandfold,

and on one vine there and one grape

a thousand branches, and on one branch a thousand clusters,

and on one

cluster a thousand grapes,

will yield

a cor of wine.^^
it

And manna
all

will again fall

from heaven, and

shall be again eaten in those days (xxix. 5-8).

And

after

the end of that time
unjust, in the

the dead

will arise, the just

and the

same bodily form which they formerly had.
held.

Then

will

judgment be

And

after the

judgment the
will be trans-

risen will be changed.

The bodies of the just

figured in

brightness, but those of the
uglier than before.

unjust will dwindle

and become
to torment.

And

they will be given up

But tho
in

just will behold the invisible world,

and

will dwell

the high places of that world.

And

Paradise

spreads out before them, and they see the hosts of angels

who

stand before the throne of God.

And
1.,

their glory is greater
li.
;

than that of the angels (chap, xxx.,

and

comp.

xliv. 15).

The

eschatological expectations of the fourth
all
first

Book

of Esdras

agree in
predicts
vi.

essential points with those of Bariich.

He
(v.

too

a time of fearful want and distress

1-13,

18-28,

ix.

1-12,

xiii.

29-31).

After this the Messiah,
it

the Son of God, will be revealed, and

will

come

to pass, that

when
for

the nations hear His voice they will forget war amongst

each other, and will assemble in an innumerable multitude

an attack against the anointed.
Zion,

But he
of

will

stand upon
ungodliness,

Mount

and will

convict

them

their

corruptionis.
is

From the last passage it appears that the reign of Messiah not to last "for ever" in the strict sense, but only to the cud of the present world.
*^

Comp. Papias

in Irenaeus, v. 33. 3.

152

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
battle
xii.

and destroy them by the law without

and without

weapons

(xiii.

25-28, 32-38

;

comp.

31-33).
(vii.

Then
2G);

will the hidden city (viz.

New

Jerusalem) appear

and the ten tribes will return to the Holy Land

(xiii.

39-47).

And
in

the anointed will protect and rejoice the people of

God
four

the

Holy Land, and show them many miracles
(vii.

for

hundred years

27, 28,

xii.

34,
all

And
die.

after this the anointed

and

48-50 comp. ix. 8). men who have breath will
xiii.
;

And

the world will again return to the silence of death

for seven days, as at the beginning.

And

after seven

days a

world which now sleeps will awake, and the corrupt world
will perish.
it
;

And

the earth will restore those

who

sleep in

and

the receptacles will give

back the souls committed to

them

(vii.

29-32).

And

the Most

High

will appear
;

upon
only

the judgment-seat, and long-suffering will have an end

judgment will remain, and the reward come

to light

(vii.

33-35).
it

And

the place of torment will be revealed, and opposite to
;

the place of rest

the pit of hell, and opposite to
:

it

Paradise.

Behold Him whom the Most High will say to the risen you denied and did not honour, and whose commands you did Here is joy and delight, there is fire and torment. not obey.

And

And
years

the length of the day of judgment will be a
(vi.

week

of

1-17, according

to the

computation of the Ethiopic
ed. Fritzsche,

translation; comp, also vv.

59 and G8-72,
etc.

in

Bensley, The Missing Fragment,

1875, pp. 55-58, 64,

69

sq.).

Thus the two Apocalypses.
of individuals, but

That their hopes are not those

form an essential element of Jewish con-

shown by the Shemoneh Esreh, the daily prayer of the Israelites, which received its present form about A.D. 100. As it has been fully given above (p. 85 sq.), we
sciousness
is
still

need here only

recall that in the

10th petition the gathering

of the dispersed, in the 11th the reinstitution of the native
authorities, in

the

14th the rebuilding of Jerusalem, in the

§29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

153

1 5tli the

sending of the son of Dcavid and the setting up of his
lastly, in

kingdom, and
ficial

the I7th, the restoration of the sacrifor.

worship at Jerusalem, are prayed

Such was the

hope and prayer of every
Jewish
polity.^*

Israelite after the destruction of the

We
in

have in
"

this survey purposely passed over the

Targums,

;

which

King Messiah" frequently
Targums originated

appears.*'

For the

opinion, that the older
Christ,

in the time of Jesus

may now

be regarded as given up.

They probably
rate,

belong to the third or fourth century after Christ, at any
there
fall
is

no proof of their greater antiquity, though they often
traditions.

back upon older exegetical

Their case
(the

is

the

'

same as that of the
Talmud, and Midrasli),

other rabbinical works
viz.

Mishna,

that they are based upon older

materials, but do not in their existing

form belong
essential

to

the

period of which

we

are treating.

The

outlines of

the Messianic hope of Judaism in this later time (about the

beginning of the third century) are very well
the author of the PhilosopJmmcna,
following
1^

summed up by
them
in the

who

describes

manner

'^** :

they say that the Messiah will proceed
and the restoration of the

The prayer

for the rebuilding of Jerusalem

Aboda
X. 6.
^9

(the sacrificial service) occurs also in the Paschal Liturgy, Pesachim
in Buxtorf, Lex: Chald. col.

See

12C8-1273, a

list of

passages in

tlie

Targums applying

to the Messiah.

Comp,

also Im. Schwarz, Jesus Tar-

gumicus, 2 parts, 4.
in the

Israel^ or the doctrine

Targums,
ix,

p.

Torgau 1758-59. Ayerst, bsiti''' nipn, iJie hope of of the ancient Jews concerning the Messiah, as stated 52. Langen, Das Judenth. in Palästina, pp. 418-429.
30
:

2Ö Philosophi/m. ix.

Tiuitrtu f/.iu
oi/k
ix.

yoip

uvrov

\_scil. toi*

XpforoD]

tTO/aevriv

"Kiyovaiu

ytuov; A«/3/B, «TiX'

7r»pöii/ov

Kxl üyi'ov wuiv/axrog, cc>X' ix
oTtip^etro;, <pü<jx.ovTts töDtoi»
ZvvxtÖi/, o; iTrtavvii.^»; to

yvvcttx.0; x.ui ecvopo;, u; vacatif opo; yivvxaSott
eaofiei/ov ßcttriT^ict
'TToiv

Ix,

tv

ccvtov;, öiyhpx B-oXs,it/aT'/]v

x,oi\

idvo;

\ovouiuv, zxvrot.
߻at>Joct,


v.v

iovrt

7roXf^^(7«c,
ocTvctv

oivctaT'/;oit

uvTolg I'^v' \ipov-

au.'h'/lfc

Ko'Ktv

d;

'fziavvcc^n

to

'idvug

ku\

'zcc.'Krj

iTri

t*
ill

oipX,ciiu, id/i ciTTOKcirccaTijan ßct.at'Kniov

xxt hpXTivov

x-xt x,xtoix.ovv tv 'TTixo'jßi^ait

lU

pipOI/O/.C

ixXVOii' iTTilTX iTrX'JXOTV^VXt
iroKi^at

KXT XVTUV
tu
[^x-/,i*'ip'!f,,

'JToXe^uV t7rWVVXx6ivTUV'

tKiivu)

TU

vtatlv

rtju

"KpicTOv

i'^^inx

far

ov to/.v tt)»

tvvTi'hiixv X.XI ix-}7vpuui» TöD TixvTo; i-TiiaT^iixt, x.xl oiitu;tx TTipi t;3> xt/xarxair

154

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

from the house of David, not from a virgin and the Holy
Ghost, but from a

man and woman,

as

it

is

appointed to

all

to be born from seed.

He

will,

they believe, be

king over

them, a warlike and powerful man,

who

will gather together

the whole nation of the Jews, and

carry on

war with

all

nations, and build Jerusalem as a royal

city for the Jews, in
it

which he will assemble the whole nation, putting
old condition as a ruling
will long dwell in safety.

into its

and a

sacrifice-offering nation,

which

Afterwards war will arise against
this

them

collectively,

and in

war the Messiah

will fall

by

the sword.

Not long

after will follow the

end and the con-

flagration of the world,
is

and then

will be fulfilled that

which

believed with respect to the resurrection, and retribution be

done to every one according to his works.

m. SYSTEMATIC STATEMENT.

We

supplement

this historical

survey by giving also in the

following pages a systematic statement of Messianic doctrinal

theology on the foundation of the Shema, as resulting from
the Apocalypse of Baruch and the fourth the eschatological expectation
is

Book

of Esdras.

For

most fully developed in these

two Apocalypses.
1.

The

last

tribulation

and

'per-plexityJ^

Almost everythought recurs

where when the

last things are referred to, the

with different variations, that the appearance of redemption

must be preceded by a period
Oo|«^o,w£v« iTrin'kiodyivxi,
21

of special trouble

and

affliction.

Tug

rs

üfi'jtßu.;

inxoru Kurd, nc -^ivpxyfiiv»

Comp. Schoettgen, Ilorae Hehraicae,

ii.

509

sqq.,

550 sqq.

Bertboldt,

ChristoUxjia Judaeorum, pp. 45-54.
ii.

Gfrörer,

Das

Jalirhundtrt des Heilt,

225 f., 300-304. Oehler in Herzog's Real-Enc. ix. 43G f. (2nd ed. ix. GGß). Kenan, Antichrist. Hamburger, Real-Enc..^ art. " Mussianiscbe Leideus-

L

zeit " (pp.

735-738).

§

29.

THE MESSIAXIC HOPE.

155

It

was indeed

in itself

an obvious thought, that the path to
This
xiii.

happiness should pass througli tribulation.
expressly predicted in the Old Testament (IIos.
xii, 1,

was also
13
;

Dan.

and elsewhere)

;

and thus was formed
"»pan,
i.e.

in

llabbinical
tlie

theology, the doctrine of the D^t/^n

tlie

travail of

Messiah, which must precede His birth,
expression according to IIos.
Travra 8e
ravra).
xiii.
;

His appearing (the
:

13

;

comp. Matt. xxiv. 8
xiii.

ravra

ap'^Tj

coSlvcov

Mark

9

:

CLp')(cu

whlvcov

The threatening

troubles will be announced

by omens
clouds

of all kinds.

The sun and moon
and

will be darkened, swords appear
foot

in heaven, trains of horse

march through

tlie

{Orac. Sibyll.
Bell.
falls

iii.

795-807; comp.
Tacit. Hist. v.

2 Mace. v. 2, 3.
1 3).

Joseph.

Jud.
into

vi.

5. 3.

Everything in nature

commotion and confusion.

The sun appears by

night, the

moon by

day.

Blood trickles from wood, the stone
is

gives forth a voice, and salt
V.

found in fresh water (4 Ezra

1-13).

Places that have been sown will appear as unsown,
of the wells be

fuU barns be found empty, and the springs
stopped (4 Ezra
of order will
earth.
vi.

18-28).

Among men aU

the restraints

be dissolved, sin and ungodliness rule
will fight against

upon

And men

each other as

if

stricken

with madness, the friend against the friend, the son against
the father, the daughter against the mother.
against nation, and to
IS^ation will rise
fire,

war

shall

be added earthquakes,

and famine, whereby men
in Ewald's Jalirh. vol.
iii.

shall be carried off {Booh of Jubilees
p.

23

sq.

Apocal. Baruch Ixx.
;

2-8

;

4 Ezra
22

vi.

24,

ix.
ix.

1-12,

xiii.

29-31

Mishna, Sota

ix.

15)."
:

Mishna, Sota

15, according to Jost's translation, is as follows

"As

the approach of Messiah are to be regarded, that arrogance increases, ambition shoots up, that the vine yields fruit and yet wine is dear.
traces of

The government turns to

heresy. There is no instruction. The place of assembly (the synagogue) is devoted to lewdness. Galilee is destroyed, Gablan laid waste. The inhabitants of a district go from city to city, with-

out finding compassion.
despised, truth
is

absent.

presence of children.

The wisdom of the learned is hated, the godly Boys insult old men, old men stand in the The son depreciates the father, the daughter rebels

156
Comp,
xxi.
2.

§29.

TUE MESSIANIC HOPE.
7-12, 21;
2 Tim.
iiL

also
;

Matt.

xxiv.

Mark

xiii.

9;

Luke

23

1 Cor. vii.

2G

;

1.

Elijah as the forcriinncr^^

The return

of the prophet

Elijah to prepare the

way

of the Messiah

was expected on the
is

ground

of Mai,

iii.

23, 24.

This view

already taken for
10, 11).
It
is,

granted in the Book of Ecclesiasticus
is

(xlviii.

as

well known, frequently alluded to in the

New
;

Testament
xi.
i,

(see especially Matt, xvii.
xvi.
It

10

14; Mark

\\.

15,

viii.

Mark ix. 11 also Matt. 28 Luke ix. 8, 19 John
;

;

14,
21),

;

was even transferred
to ]\Ial.
iii.

to the

Christian circle of
is

ideas,'^*

According

24, the object of his mission

chiefly

considered to be, to

make peace upon

earth and in general to

substitute order for disorder (Matt. xvii.

11

:

aTro/caracrTT^o-et

Travra

;

Mark
in

ix,

12: äiroKaOLardvet
is

irdvra).

The

chief

passage
I

the Llishna

as

follows

:

"

"

E.

Joshua said

received the tradition from R. Johanan ben Sakkai,
it

who
to

received

from his teacher as a tradition in a direct line

from Moses at

Mount

Sinai, that Elias

would not come

against the mother, the daughter-in-law against the mother-iu-law.

A

man's enemies are his house-fellows" (comp. Micah vii, 6 ; Matt. x. 35, 3G; Luke xii. 53), The icholc passage however does not helonrj to the genuine text of the Mishna. It is wanting, e.g. in the Edilio princcps, Naples 1492. Being
in the
'3

Jerusalem Talmud,

it

was certainly introduced thence
ii.

into the Mishna.

533 sqq, Lightfoot, Horae Hehr. on Matt, xvii. 10, Bertholdt, Christologia Judaeorum, pp. 58-68, Alexandre, Oracula Gfiörer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, ii, 227-229, Sibyllina (1st ed,), ii. 513-516. S. K,, Der Prophet Elia in der Legende

Comp. Schoettgen,

Ilorae Hehraicae,

281-296).
christ.

{Monatsschr. f. Gesch. und Wissensch. des Judenth. 1863, pp. 241-255, "Elias who was to come" {.Journal of Sacred Literature and

Biblical Record,

new

series,

vol. x.

1867, pp. 371-376).

Castelli, II 3fcssia secondo gli Ehrei, pp,

196-201.

Eenan, UAntiWeber, System
ii.

der altsynagogalen paläst. Theologie, pp. 337-339. 2* Commodian. Carmen apologet. v, 826 sq. Orac.
(of Christian origin)
:

Sihull.

187-190

K«(

Tod'

QctTßiTYi; yf,

cc'tt

ovpavov äp/aet titxii/u»

Oiipöcviov, ya.if\

t-7r;/3äf,

rsrs ain^ur* rptoa*

Köafiu ÖAu
2*

Iti^ci rt d'TTü'h'Kvfiiuov ßiCroio.

Edujoth

viii, 7.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
to

157
admit families in

pronounce clean or unclean,

reject

or

general, but only to reject those

who had

entered by violence,

and

to

admit those who had been rejected by violence.

There

was, beyond Jordan, a family of the

name
blood),

of

Beth Zerefa,
There

which a certain Ben Zion had excluded by
was there another family
Zion
(of

violence.

impure

whom
he

this

Ben
to

had admitted

by

violence.

Therefore

comes

pronounce such clean or unclean, to reject or to admit them.
E. Jehudah says
says
:
:

only to admit, but not to

reject.

E. Simon

his mission is

merely to arrange

disputes.
is

The learned say
merely with the
said
:

neither to reject nor admit, but his coming
object of

making peace
and the heart

in the world.

For

it is

'

I send

you, ElijpJi the prophet, to turn the heart of the fathers to the
children,
iii.

of the children to the fathers

'

(Mai.

4)."

To the duty

of the institutors of peace

and order
it is

belongs also the decision of disputed cases.
said in the

Therefore

Mishna, that money and property whose owners

are disputed, or anything found

whose owner
^"^

is

unknown,
will

must wait

" till

Elijah

comes."

The view that he
is

anoint the Messiah,^^ and raise the dead,^*
single instances.
is

also

found in

Besides Elijah, the jpwphet
xviii.

like Moses,

who
was

promised Deut.

15 (John

i.

21,

vi.

14,

vii.

40),

expected by many, while by others this passage was applied
to the

Messiah Himself.
to

Allusions are also found in the

New

[

Testament
as
e.g.

other prophets as forerunners of the Messiah,
(

Jeremiah (Matt.
iii.

xvi. 14).
8,
ii.

In Christian authorities a
also Slictalim
ii.

I

Bala mczia
iiirt

4, 5,

i.

8.
:

Comp,
os

5,ßn.
tart vov,

2' Justin. Dial. c. Trijph. C.
ayi/to<7T0?
y.a.1

8

Xpiaro;
iuvTOv

d

x,xl

ys-, ivr,TUi kccI

o\ihi

oci/rii

tco)

iTrlarccrui cvöt t^it Ovuotui'j rivot,

fiiXP'i
Ibid.
C.

^^
49
:

i'^^^^v

ll'Kixg XP'"?} ctvröu

Kctt

(pocuspov

-roiai

-TroiviaTj.

TpoaooKujiisu

Kal ydp -jrocvrti iifnig tou "KpioTov ävdpwTrou s| ecs/dpü-ra» ytvYiasadxt Kxl rov 'Kxixv XP'<^'^' cii/röv ixoovrec. Comp,
:

also
28

John
Sota

i.

31.

15 (quite at the end) "The resurrection of the dead comes through the prophet Elijah. The expectation is founded on the fact, that Elijah figures in the Old Testament as a raiser of the dead."
ix.

158
return of Enoch
patristic exegetes
3. is

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC ÜOPE.
spken of (Ev. Nicodemi,
;))."''

also

c.

25, and the

on

llev. xi.

The

a2^j)caring of the Messiah.

After these preparations

the Messiah will appear.

For

it is

by no means the

case, that
till

pre-Christian Judaism did not expect the Messiah the

after
of

judgment,

and

that

it

was under the influence
found.

Cliristianity, that the notion of the

Messiah Himself sitting in

judgment upon His enemies was
Baruch and Ezra, not only
Jiook of

first

For not only in

in the figurative addresses of the

Enoch and

in the

Targums (where perhaps Christian
oldest SünjU of

influence might be admitted), but also in the
(iii.

652-656), in the Psalter

Solomon
2>'>'ctemiis

(xvii.
et

24, 26, 27,

31, 38, 39, 41), and in Philo (De

poenis, § 16),

and thus in decidedly pre-Christian documents, does Messiah
appear for the overthrow of the ungodly powers.
opposite view, that
is

And

the

He

will not appear

till

after the

judgment,

found only in a solitary instance,

viz. in

the groundwork

of the

Book

of

Enoch

(xc.

16-38).

Hence His appearing

must undoubtedly be spoken
First with regard to his
Israel

of in this place.

name
xlviii.

as the appointed
is

King

of
the

and the anointed of God, he
xxxix.

most frequently called
10, Hi. 4
;

Anointed, the Messiah (Enoch
xxix. 3, XXX.
1,

Apocal. Baruch
;

7,

xl.

1,

Ixx.

9, Ixxii, 2
is

Ezra

vii,

28,
xii.

29, where the Latin translation

interpolated; Ezra
(Psalt.

32

:

Unctus)
xviii.
N^*t^•o

;

Greek,
8); Hebr.

XpiaTo<i
rr\ih^r\

Kvpiov

Solom.
i.

xvii.

36,

6,

(Mishna, Berachoth
NH^LJ'b

5);

Aramaic,

(Mishna,

>S'ote

ix.

15); or

N3^o (both
the Son of

frequently in the Targums).

The designation

man
tlie

—which

arose from appropriating directly to the Messiah,

image in Daniel of one coming in the clouds of heaven in

the form of a man, but which, according to the context in
Daniel, signifies the church and
29

kingdom
Test.

of God, is peculiar

Comp.

Philo,

Cod.
xi.

Apocr. Nov.

pp.

756-768, and the com-

mentaries on John

ä

§29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

159
Enoch
26,
(xlvi,

to the figurative addresses of the
xlviii.

Book

of

1-4,
1).

2, Ixii.

7,

9,

14,
is

Ixiii.

11, Ixix.

27,

Ixx.

Inasmuch

as the

Messiah

the chosen instrument of God, and

the love of

God

rests ujion Ilim,
li.

He

is

called the Elect

(Enoch

xlv. 3, 4, xlix. 2,

3, 5,

lii.

6, 9,

liii.

G, Iv. 4, Ixi. 8, Ixii. 1),

or like the theocratic king in the Old Testament, the Son of

God (Enoch
xiv. 9).

cv.

2; 4 Ezra
title

vii.

28, 29,
the

xiii.

32, 37. 52,

In Enoch the

Son of

Woman
Ixii.

once occurs,
5.

perhaps as a Christian interpolation, Enoch

It

was

!

universally acknowledged, on the ground of Old Testament
prophecy,^*' that
(Psalt.

He would
5,

proceed from

the race of David

Solom. xvii.
XX.

Luke
Son
of

23; Matt. xxii. 42; Mark xii. 35; 41; John vii, 42; 4 Ezra xii. 32 ;''^ Targum
Isa.
is

Jonathan on

xi.

1

;

Jer.

xxiii.

5, xxxiii.

15).

Hence,

i

David
i^T

a usual
f/o?

title
;

of the Messiah (frequently in the

New
iii.

Testament
5,
"13;

J aütS
the

in

in Targum Jonathan on Hosea Shemoneh Esreh, 15th Berachah,
also to

nn

npv).

As Davidic He was
v.
vii.

be born in Bethlehem,
;

the town of David (Micah
ii.

1

with the Targum

Matt.

5

;

John

41, 42).

Whether pre-Christian Judaism regarded the I\Iessiuh as simply human, or as a being of a higher order, and especially
whether
it

attributed to

him
dates

pre-existence, cannot, with the

uncertainty
decided.^^

about

the

of

authorities,
hojje

be
not

positively
expect

The original Messianic
all,

did

an

individual Messiah at
2" Isa.
xi.
f.,

hut theocratic kings of the house of
.5,

xxxiv. 2o
xii. 8.

Jer. xxiii. 1, 10; xxxviL 24 f. ; Hosea

xxx.

9,

xxxiii.
ix.

15,
;

17,

22;
v. 1
;

Ezek. Zech.

iii.

5

;

Amos

11

Micah

3^ The words, qui orietur ex semine David, are indeed wanting in the Latin translation, but are to be regarded as original according to the

unanimous testimony of the Oriental versions. ^2 For later Judaism, comp. Bertholdt,
pp. 86-147.

C'lirhtohcjia

Jndacoriim,
Gfrörer,
ix.

De Wette, BiUische Dogmatil;
ii.

pp. lC9-17i.

Das

Jahrhundert des Heib,

292-300.
Castclli. II

Ochler in Herzog's Real-Enc.

(2nd

ed. ix.

666

sq.).

Messia secondo

<jH

437 sq. Ebrci, pp. 202-215.

100

§ 29.

THK MESSIANIC HOPE.

David^
a ruler

Subsequently the hope was consolidated and raised
into the expectation of

more and more

a

'personal

Messiah as

endowed by God with
But
this

special gifts

and powers.

In

the time of Christ this form had at all events long been the
prevailing one.

naturally implies that the picture
features.

would more and more acquire superhuman more exceptional the position awarded
to

The

the Messiah, the

more does
limits.

He
the

Himself step
freedom with

forth

from

ordinary

human
circle

In

which

the religious

of ideas

moved,

this

was

effected in a very different fashion.
thoiif/ht

In general however the Messiah was

of as a

human

king and ruler, hut as one endowed hy God with special gifts and
povjers.

This

is

especially evident in the Solomonian Psalter.

He

here appears as altogether a
(xvii.

human king

(xvii.

23, 47),

but a righteous one

35), free from sin and holy (xvii.

41, 46), endowed by the Holy Ghost with power, wisdom and
righteousness (xvii, 42).
It
is

the

same view, only
ava^

briefly

expressed, which designates
iii.

him

as dyvo'i

[Orac. Sihyll.
is

49).

Elsewhere, on the other hand, even pre-existence

ascribed to him, and his whole appearing raised

more

to the

superhuman.

So especially in the figurative addresses in the
It

Book
God.
nature

of Enoch.^*
is,

must not indeed be reckoned

in this

respect, that he

as already mentioned, called the

Son of

Eor the
;

official

predicate tells us nothing at all of His

nor does His designation in Enoch as the Son of

man
is

of itself tell us anything.

The whole view

of His person

however in both the above-named works one essentially superWeber, System der altspiagogalen paläst. Theologie, art. " Messias," pp. 738-765.
^^

p.

339
"

ff.

Hamburger,
first

Jleal-Enc,

The promise

of a

king of David's house " for ever

means, in the
e.g.

place, only that the dynasty should not die out.

Thus

the Maccabean

Simon was chosen by the people
riiv
otlcjycc,

as ruler

and high

priest

"for ever"

(f/f

1 Macc. xiv. 41),

i.e.

the government and high-priesthood were

declared hereditary in his family.

"

Comp. Ilelhvag,

Theol. Jahrb. 1848, pp. 151-lGO.

§ 29.

THE MESSL\.NIC HOPE.

161
it

natural.
is

In the figurative addresses in the Book of Enoch,

said of

Him

:

He was

(before his manifestation
(xlvi. 1, 2, Ixii. 7).

on earth)

hidden and kept with God

His name was

named

before the Lord of spirits, before the sun and the signs
stars

were created, before the

were made

(xlviii. 3).^^

lie

was

chosen and was hidden with

God

lefore the

world was created,

and will be with
is

Him

to eternity (xlviii. 6).

His countenance
of
tlie

as the appearance of a
It

man, and
is

full of grace, like one,

holy angels (xlvi. 1).

whom

righteousness dwells,

who has righteousness, with and who reveals all the treasures
he,

of that

which

is

concealed, because the Lord

of spirits has

chosen him, and his lot before the Lord of spirits has surpassed

everything
is

through uprightness for
eternity,

ever

(xlvi.

3).

His glory

from eternity to

and his power from
spirit of

generation to generation.

In him dwells the

wisdom,

and the

spirit of

Him who

gives knowledge, and the spirit of
spirit of

instruction

and strength, and the

those

who have

fallen asleep in righteousness.

And

he will judge the hidden

things,

and no one will be able
is

to hold vain discourse before

him, for he
his

chosen before the Lord of spirits according to
(xlix.

good pleasure

2-4).

In essential agreement with

this are the expressions of the fourth

Booh of Ezra.

Compare

especially
in finem
;

xii.

32

:

Hie

est
:

Unctus,

quem

reservavit Altissiraus

and

multis temporibus.
tauglit, so is it

24 Ipse est, quern conservat AUissimus As his pre-existence is here expressly presupposed when it is promised to Ezra, that
xiii.

after his admission into
(tu
filio

heaven he will return with the Messiah

enim

recipieris

ab hominibus, et converteris residuum

cum

meo

et

cum

similibus tuis, usqucquo finiantur tenipora).

And

quite

in accordance

with Enoch

is

his

pre-existence
(xiii.

designated as

a state of

concealment with God

52):
sit

Sicut non potest hoc vel scrutinare vel scire quis, quid

in

Comp. Targum Jonathan ou Zech. named befure eternity.
**

iv.

7

:

The Messiah whose name was

DIV.

II.

VOL. U.

L

162

§ 29.

THE MESSIAKIC HOPE.

profundo maris, sic non poterit quisque super terrara videre filium

meum,
been

vel eos qui

cum

eo sunt, nisi in tempore

diei.

It has

in

many

respects attempted, but liardly with justice, to
It
is

refer this entire series of thouglit to Christian influences.

indeed perfectly comprehensible from Old Testament premises.

Such expressions as Micah
from of
old,

v. 2,

that the origins of Messiah are
(a^iV 'O'p ^^li^P),

from the days of eternity
in

might

easily be understood
eternity.

the sense of a pre-existence from
vii.

Besides, the passage Dan.

13-14 need

only be
literally,

understood of the person of the Messiah and taken

and the doctrine of the pre-existence
it is

is

already stated.

For

self-evident, that

he who comes down from heaven, was

before in heaven.

This view was favoured by the fact that
the

the

whole course of

development tended towards the
in

notion,

that everything truly valuable previously existed

heaven.'*

On

the other hand,

many

traces

show that
person of

post-

Christian

Judaism, far

from

elevating

the

the

Messiah, under Christian influence to the supernatural, stcongly

emphasized the human

side

in

opposition
in

to

Christiauity
cuta

We

need only
c.

reca,ll
:

the

saying
T}fi€i<;

Justin's Dialogus

Tryphone,

49

irdvre'i

rev Xpiarov

avd pwirov i^
akin with this

avOpcoTToyv TrpoahoKwfiev
is

'yevrjo-eaOai.
ii.

And
1

a Talmudic passage Jer. Taanith

(given by Oehler,

ix.

437, 2nd

ed.

thee

I

am
it

God, he
;

667): "E. Abbahu said: If a man says to lies I am the Son of man, he wiU at
;

last repent it
it."

I

ascend to heaven,

if

he said

it

he will not prove

Thus

was just the humanity upon which post-Christian
insisted.

Judaism strongly

And

so

much

the less cause have

we
I

to refer the

view of the pre-existence to Christian influence.

Concerning the time of Messiah's appearing the later Eabbis
'6

See above,

p. 134,

and Harnack on Hermas,

Vis.

ii.

4. 1

(according to

Hermas
XXV.

the Christian Church was pre-existent).

heavenly model of the tabernacle and its Num. viii. 4). 9, 40, xxvi. 30, xxvii. 8
;

In the Old Testament a vessels is already assumed (Ex.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPK

163
The view
with
that

made

all

manner

of ingenious computations."
last

the present

world would

six ihoiisand years, corresponding

to the six days of creation, because one

day

is

God

as a

thousand years, seems to have been pretty widely disseminated.**

But
this

the

date

of

the
to

advent

of

Alessiah

seems

under

presupposition
as
his

have

been

very

variously

computed, according
future
OPiy

days were
in

identified

with

the

or
9).

still

reckoned

the

present

d?)]}

(comp,

below.
the

No.

According

to the

former and older view,
after

Messianic period

would

begin

the

lapse

of

the the

sixth thousand (so Barnabas, Irenaeus and others).
latter supposition (that the

On

days of the Messiah belonged to

the present D/iV), the present course of the world was divided
into three periods
:

2000

years without law,

2000

years under

the law, and
to this

2000

years of the Messianic period.

According
advent

computation the time appointed

for the Messiah's

had already

arrived, but he could not yet appear because of the
people.*^

transgressions of the

This latter was, at least in

rigidly legal circles, the general

view

:

the

Messiah cannot come
" If all

until
Israel

tlie

pcopU repent and

perfectly fulfil the law.

would

togetlier repent for a

whole day, the redemption

by Messiah would ensue." The manner
all at

If Israel

would only keep two

Sabbaths properly, we should be immediately redeemed.*"
of Messiali's

advent

is

represented as sudden,

once he

is

there and appears as a victorious ruler.
it

As on
cliild in

the other hand

is

assumed, that he

is borii

as

a

Bethlehem, the two views are combined by the admission,
tliat

he will at

first

live in

concealment and then suddenly come

^'

die Hebräer, pp.

Sanhedrin 90^-97», fully given in Delitzsch's Commcntar zum Briefe an 762-764, and iu Castelli, II Mesxia, p. i97 sqq. Cünip.

Weber, System, p. 334 sq. 38 Barnabas, c. 15 Irenaeus, v. 28. 3, and Hilgenfeld's and Ilarnack's notes to Barnabas, c. 15. 39 See Delitzsch and Weber as above (Sa7ikedrin 97"* Aloda sara 9^). <o See Weber, System, p. 333 sq.
j
;

164
forth
vii.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC

HOl'K.

from
:

concealment.*^

Therefore the Jews say in John
ep^Tjrat,, ovBel<i

27

6 Xpi<TTo<i

orav

'yivuiO'KU
it
is

irodev ecriv.

And

in

Justin's Dialogus

cum

Tryplione

just on this

account that the possibility, that Messiah

may have

already

been born,
view/^
It

is
is

left

open

to the representative

of the Jewish

related

in

the

Jerusalem Talmud, that the
^

Messiah was horn on the day the temple was destroyed, but

some time

after carried

away from
iv.

his

mother by a tempest.

In the Targum on Micah
already present, but
of the i^coiüe.
still

8 also,

it is

assumed that he

is

concealed,

In

later

writers

is

and that because of the sins found the view that he
belief that

would proceed from Rome."
his

The

he would at

advent authenticate himself by miracles
xi.

was universal
31).

(Matt.
4.

4 sqq.; Luke

vii.

22 sqq.; John
powers}^

vii.

Last attack of the Messiah, the

hostile

After the appearing

of

the

heathen

powers will assemble against

him

for a last attack.

This expectation too was suggested

very plainly expressed Orac.
xiii.

It is by Old Testament passages, especially by Dan. xi. Silyll. iii. 663 sqq. and 4 Ezra

33

sqq., also in

Enoch

xc. 16, only that here

it is

not an
It is

attack against Messiah, but against the people of God.

frequently held, that this last attack takes place under the

*i

Comp.
ix.

Liglitfoot,

Ilorae Ilcbraicne on
ii.

John

vii.

27.

Gfrörer,
ix.

Das

Jahrhundert des Heih,

22o-2i^5.

Oeliler in Herzog's Rcal-Enc.

(2nd ed.
*^

6G8).

Drummoud, The Jewish
c.

Nessiah, p. 2[)3 sq.

438 Weber,

i^yslcm, p. 34:2 sqq.

Dial.
y-cil x,ci\

c.

Tryph.

8

:

XpwToV

oe tl

xal

•yi'/iv/.TUt
i-/,ti

kuI tazt tov, »yuuoTÖi
ti-jo..

ioTC
ii

ovhi ccvtÖ;

va

kxvTÖv

tTriaTctToci ovZs
yivütfKirot.t

^vi/ufiiv

Ibid.

C.

110:

i'hr^vßi'jcii "Kiydvatv, ov

o; icTiv,

«AX

orccv ky-Zctvvii kxI

ivoo^o; yiv/jTeii, t6ts ys/uod/.'jirut o;
•3

iCiTi, (fcnjt.

See the whole passage in Lightfoot'a Ilorae on Matt. ii. 1. Drummond, The Jnoish Messiah, p. 279 sq. ** Tarrjiim Jerushalmi on Ex. xiii. 42 and Buh. Sanhcdrin 1)8». The
latter
p.
is given in Delitz.-ich"s Commentar zum Ilebrüerhricf, Wünsche, Die Leiden des Messias (1870), p. 67 sq. <« S.e Drummond, The Jewish Mcs.-^ah, For tlie 0. Y. pp. 29C-3ÜÖ. Heim. Schultz, AlUestamentlidie Thcolugie (2ud ed. 1878), p. ü9G.

pa-sage

117, and in

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

165

leadership of a chief adversary of the Messiah, of an " Anti-

christ"
1

(tlie
ii.

name

is

in the N. T. in the
iv.

Johannean
the

Epistles,

John

18, 22,

3; 2 John 7;
ii.
;

thing in Apoc.
later

Baruch

c.

40

;

2 Thess.

Ilev. xiii.).**

In

Rabbinic
occurs for

authorities the enigmatical

name Armilus
also expected

(d"i^"'D"in)

this chief adversary of the people of Israel.*'

The reappearof of

ance of Gog and

Magog

is

on the ground
after the close

Ezek. xxxviii.-xxxix., but as a rule not

till

the Messianic kingdom, as a last manifestation of the ungodly
povirers (Eev. xx. 8, 9).*^
5.

Destruction of

tlie

Jiostile

powers.*^

The destruction
to

of

the hostile powers takes place according
prediction

Old Testament

by means

of a

great judgment, inflicted

by God

Himself upon His

adversaries.^'*

This view

is

most faithfully

adhered to in the Assumptio Mosis, the tenth chapter of which
in

many
is

respects recalls Joel chaps,

iii.

and

iv.

Closely akin

to it

the statement in the groundwork of the

Book

of

Enoch, inasmuch as here too God Himself destroys the power
of the heathen nations (xc. 18, 19)
at

and then
fallen

sits in

judgment,

which judgment however only the
the apostate
Israelites

and disobedient
sheep) are

angels and

(the

blinded

*^ Comp. Bertholdt, Christolorjia Judaeorum, Gesenius, art. pp. C9-74. " Antichrist," in Ersch and Gruber's Enc. sec. i. vol. iv. (1820) p. 292 sq. Hausratli in Scbeukel's Bihellex. i. 137 sq. Kahler in Ilcrzog's lical-Enc, 2nd ed. i. 446 sqq. For the history of the Christian doctrine, the chief

work

is

^[alvenda,

De

Antichristo,
col.

Romae

1604.

221-224, s.v. D'h''UM\Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthitm (1700), ii. 704-715. Uamburgcr, Real-Enc. ii. 72 sq. (art. "Armilus"). Castelli, II Messia, p. 239 sqq. Zunz, Die
Lex.

"

Buxtorf,

Chald.

gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der .Juden, p. 282, also pp. 130, 140.
** Comp. Orac. Sihyll. üi. 319 sqq., 512 sqq. Mishna, Ednjoth ii. 10. The commentaries on Rev. xx. 8, 9. The articles on Gog and Magog in the Bible Dictionaries (Schenkel, Winer, Riehm) and in Herzog's Real-Enc, 2nd ed. v. 263-265. Uhlemann on Gog and Magog (ZeilscJtr. f. wissenschaftl. Theol. 1862, pp. 265-286). Antichrist. Renan, Weber, System^ p. 396 sqq. •3 Comp. G frörer, Das Jahrhundert des IIciLi, ii. 232-234. '" See in general, Knebel, Der Prophetismus der Hebräer, i, 325 sq.

E

166
condemned
(xc.

§ 29.

TUE MESSIANIC HOPE.

20-27), while the heathen nations submit

to the people of

God

(xc. 30).

The Messiah, who
first

is

altogether

absent in the Assumptio Mosis, here

appears after the
it

judgment

(xc.

37).
sits

It

is

common

to

both, that
ordinr

is

God

Himself who
I

in

judgment.

The

y

notion how-

ever was, that the Messiah would destroy the hostile powers.

Already in the oldest Sibyllist
put an end
to
all

(iii,

652

sqq.)

he appears

" to

war upon

earth, killing

some and

fulfilling
et poeii.

the promises given to others."
§

In Philo (De praem.

IG)

it is

said of him, that he "takes the field

and makes
Still

war and

will

subdue great and populous nations."

more

clearly does he appear in the Psalterium Salomonis as the

conqueror of the heathen adversaries of God's people, and
is

it

here specially noteworthy, that he overthrows his enemies
of his

by the mere word
according to Isa.
types
is

mouth

(eV

Xoyw arofiaro^

avrov,

xi. 4).

In entire agreement with these older

the destruction of the heathen world-powers repre-

sented in the Apocalypse of Baruch and the fourth Book of

Esdras as

the

first

act

of the

Messiah,
9,

(Apoc. Baruch
xii.
is,

xxxix.

7-xl. 2, Ixx.

when he appears Ixxii. 2-6; 4 Ezra
The only
28
difference

32, 33,

xiii.

27, 28, xxxv.-xxxviii.).
fourth

that, according to the

Book
xiii.

of Ezra, this destruction
:

results

from a sentence

of God's anointed (xiii.
;

non tenchat

frameam

neque vas hellicosum

28:

perdet eos sine Lahore

per legem), while in the Apocalypse of Baruch although forensic
forms are spoken
of,

yet weapons of war are also mentioned
Still

(the former xl. 1, 2, the latter Ixxii. 6).

more decidedly

than in the fourth Book of Ezra,

is

the judgment of the Messiah
as of

upon an ungodly world described
figurative

purely forensic in the

addresses

in

the

Book

Enoch.

One might

indeed feel tempted to ascribe to this book also the view of a

war of extermination, since
xlvi.

it is

said of the

Son of man, chap,
the

4-6, that he
their

stirs

up the kings and the mighty ones
the
bridles
of

from

beds,

loosens

powerful and

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPK.
;

1G7

breaks the teeth of sinners

that he thrusts kings from their
(lii.

thrones and out of their kingdoms, and

4-9) that nothing
and

on earth
for war,

is

able to resist his power.
;

"

There will be no iron
tin

nor coat of mail

brass will be of no avail,

will be of

no avail and will be of no esteem, and lead will not

be desired."
elect,

But

in other places
sit

it is

repeatedly said, that the
glory-

the Son of man, will

upon the throne of His
Iv. 4, Ixix.

to judge

men and

angels (xlv. 3,
Ixii.,

27,

Ixi. 8, 9).

In

the chief passage also, chap.

the judgment
of spirits

is

described in

purely forensic

forms.

The Lord
2),

sits

upon the
5 sqq.).

throne of his glory

(Ixii.

and the Son of the woman, the
of his glory
(Ixii,

Son

of

man,

sits

upon the throne

And

the kings and mighty ones of the earth are struck
terror,

when
But

they see him with fear and

and extol and praise and

supplicate him, and entreat mercy from

him
be

(Ixii.

4-9).

the Lord of spirits will reject them, so that they will speedily
flee

before his

face,

and their

faces

filled

with

shame.

And

the avenging angels will receive them, to exercise retri-

bution upon them, for having ill-treated his children and his
elect (Ixii. 10, 11),

Knally, we again find in the Targums

the view, that the Messiah overcomes his enemies in battle,
as

a

mighty hero.
are

So in Jonathan on
Messiah
;

Isa.

x.

27
11:

:

"

The
in

nations

crushed by the

"

and
xlix.

especially

Pseudo- Jonathan and Jerushalmi on Gen.
beautiful is
of Judah.

"How
sets

King Messiah, who

will proceed

from the house
field

He
in

girds his loins

and enters the

and

the

battle

array against his foes and kills kings."

We

just see from all this, that the general idea of a destruction
of

the anti-godly powers «by the
its particulars.^^

Messiah

is

fashioned very

variously as to
*^

Not

till

after the destruction

In a passage of the Babylonian Talmud (Snkka 52") and frequently
is

afterwards, the destruction of the hostile powers

represented not as

tlio

task of the Messiah proper, but as that of a subordinate Messiah, of " Messiah the Gon of Joseplr' (:]DV He is also called "Mc.-siah ^''C^'D). the sou of Ephrauii," aud is therefore the Messiah of the ten tribes, and

p

168
of the
iinj^oclly

§29.

THE MESSIANIC IIOPK
For " as long as

can the Messianic age appear.

there are sinners in the world, so long does the wrath of

God

endure, but as they disappear
wratli also vanishes."
6.
is
^"^

from the world

the

divine

Renovation of Jerusalem!'^

Since the Messianic kingdom
e.g.

to be set

up in the Holy Land (comp.

4 Ezra

ix. 9),

Jerusalem

itself

must

first

of all be renovated.

This was
it

however expected

in diverse manners.

In the simplest

was

regarded only as a purification of the holy city, especially "from

the heathen,
33).

who now

tread

it

under foot"

{Psalt.
it

Salom.

xvii.

25,

After the destruction of Jerusalem

took the form of

a rebuilding and indeed of a rebuilding "to an eternal build-

ing" (Shemoneh

EsrcJi,

14th Berachah).

With

this is

however
far

found the view, that already in the pre-Messiauic time a

more

glorious Jerusalem than the earthly exists with
v/ill,

God

in

heaven,and that this

at the

commencement

of the Messianic
for this

age, descend to earth.

The Old Testament foundation
Tsa. liv. 1 1

hope
Hag.

is
ii.

especially Ezek. xl.-xlviii., also

sqq., Ix.

7-9;

Zech.

ii.

6-17; the new Jerusalem described

in these passages being conceived of as
in heaven.
eTTovpavLO'i

now
iv.

already existing

This ävcü (Heb.
xii.

'lepoucraX-ijfi

(Gal.

26), 'lepovcraXrjfM
iii.

22) Kaivrj 'lepovaaXij/j, (Kev.

12,

has only the comparatively subordinate task of figliting against the ungodly powers, in which fight he will fall, while the Messiah, the son of David, will
set

up the kingdom

of glory.

Compare on
75-81.

this

very recent view, Bertholdt,
den HeiLi,
ii.

Christdlorjia Jurlacoriim, jjp.
2.Ö8 sqq.

Gfrörer,

Das Jahrhundert

Ochler in Herzog's Real-Enc. ix. 440 (2nd ed. ix. G69 sq.). AVünsche, Die Leiden des Messias, pp. 109-121. Castelli, // Mcssia, pp. 224-236, 342 sqq. Drummond, The Jewish MessiaJi, p. 35G sqq. Weber,
System, p. 346 sq.

Hamburger, Real-Enc.
x. 6,_/fn.

iL

767-770

(art.

"Messias Sohn

Joseph").
*2
'3

Mishna, Sanhedrin

Comp. Schoettgen, De

IJicrosolijma coelcsli {Tlorae Ilchraicae,

i.

1205-

Menschen, Nov. Test, ex Talmude ilhuiiratum, p. 199 sq. AVetzstein, Nov. Test, on Gal. iv. 26. Eiscnmenger, Entdecktes Judcnthnm, ii. 839 f-qq. Bertholdt, Christohejia Judacorum, pp. 217-221. Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert AVeber, System, p. 356 sqq. des Heils, ii. 245 sqq., 308.
1248).

§ 29

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
as
;

169

xxi.

2,

10)

is

also,

is

well

known, often spoken of in
Test.

the
'

New

Testament

comp, also

Dan.

c.

v.

:

rj

vea

lepovaakriiJ,.

According to the Apocalypse of Baruch, this

heavenly Jerusalem was originally in Paradise before
sinned.

Adam
it

But when he transgressed the command of God,
as

was taken from him,
heaven.
It

was

also Paradise,

and preserved in

was afterwards shown
also to

in a vision of tlie night to

Abraham, and
iv.

Moses upon Mount Sinai (Apoc. Baruch
it

2-6).

Ezra too saw

in a vision
is

(4

Ezra

x.

44-59).
I

This

new and

glorious Jerusalem

then to appear on earth
will far surpass in
vii.

in the place of the old one,

which

it

pomp
Comp,

and beauty, Enoch
also Apoc.
7.

liii.

6, xc.

28, 29; 4 Ezra

26.

Baruch

xxxii. 4. Dispersed.^*

Gathering of the

That the dispersed of
for this
j

|

Israel

would share in the Messianic kingdom, and

purpose reuurn to Palestine, was so self-evident, that this

hope would have been cherished even without the definite
predictions of the Old Testament.
(Ps. xi.) poetically describes

|

The Psaltcrium Salomonis
the dispersed of Israel will

how
east,

assemble from the west and
Jsles,

from the north and from

tlie

and come

to Jerusalem.

The Greek Book of Baruch
(iv.

expresses a partly verbal agreement with the Psalt.Sal.

36,

37,

V.

5-9).

Philo sees the dispersed under the leadership

of a divine appearance

coming from
8—9).

all

quarters to Jerusalem
too
of Isaiah,

{D&

ejcsecrationihus,

§

The prediction

that the heathen nations shall themselves bring the dispersed
as

an offering to the temple

(Isa. xlix.

22,

Ix. 4, 9, Ixvi.

20)

reappears in the Fsalt. Salom. (xvii. 34), while the gathering
is

at the

same time described
xvii.

as the

work

of

the Messiah
xxxiii.

{Psalt.

Salor-i.

28.

Jonathan on Jerem.

13).

According
•*

to the fourth

Book

of Ezra, the ten tribes departed
des Ileilg,
ii.

Comp. Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert

23,5-238.

The sequence

(1) the renovation of Jerusalem; (2) the gatheriny of the Dispersed, according to the Sohar in Gfrörer, ii 217, above.
is:

170
into a Inllicrto

§ 29.

TUR MESSIANIC

IIOPK.

uninhabited country called

Azareth

(so

the

Latin version) or Arzaph {finis mundi, so the Syrian), that

they might
return at the

there

observe

their

laws."

Thence will they

commencement of the Messianic period, and the Most High will dry up the sources of the Euphrates, that they

may

pass over (4 Ezra

xiii.

39-47).

Witli this universal
it is

hope of the gathering of the dispersed,
return of the ten tribes
like
is

striking, that the

altogether doubted by individuals
daily

R.

Akiba.°®
:

From
" Lift

the

prayer however of the
to gather our dispersed

Shemoneh Esreh

up a banner

and assemble us from the four ends of the

earth,"

it is

seen

that such doubts were confined to individuals.
8.
I

kingdom
its

The Idngdum of glory in Palestine. The Messianic will indeed have the Messianic King at its head, but
is

God Himself (comp. e.g. Orac. 704-706, 717, 756-759; Psalt. Salom. xvii. 1,
supreme ruler

Sihyll.

iii.

38,
ii.

51;
8.

SJiemoneh Esreh, 11th Berachah.
]

Joseph. Bell. Jiid.

1).

With
over

the setting

up

of this kingdom, the idea of God's kingship
reality

Israel

becomes full
of

and

truth.

God

is

indeed

already the King

Israel.

He

does not however exercise

His kingship
rarily

to its full extent, but

on the contrary tempo-

exposes His people to the heathen world-powers, to

chastise

them

for their sins.

In the glorious future kingdom

He

afTain takes the

government into His own hand.

Hence

the Hebrew exprea«* Azarctli=mnx pX, terra alia (4 Ezra xiii. 40) Bion in Deiit. xxix. 27, which passage is in tlie Mishna referred to the ten Tliis undoubterlly correct explanation was first tribes (see the next note).
;

given by Schiller-Szinessy (Journal of Philology, vol. iii. 1870), and afterwards by Bensly, 71ie Missiiig Fragment of the Latin Iranslation of the

Fourth Book of Ezra (1875), p. 23, note. *'' Sanhedrin x. 3, ßn. : " The ten tribes never more return, for it is said of them (Deut. xxix. 27) : He will cast them into another land as this day. Hence as this day passes away and does not return, so shall they pass away and not return. So II. Akiba. But R. Elieser says: As the day growa
darker and then light
tcu tribes, with
a<:ain,
it is

so will

it

some day be

light again with tho

whom

now

dark."

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

l7l

it is

called in contrast to the heathen

kingdoms, the kingdom
Testament, especially
:

of God (ßaaiXeia rov 6eov, in the
in

New

Mark and Luke.
X. 1, 3).

Sihyll.

iii.

47, 48

ßaaikeia

fieyiaTrj

aOavdrov ßaackrio^.
Mosis
ring

Comp.
similar

Psalt. Salom. xvii.
is

4
"

;

Assumptio

Of
"

meaning
tS)v
is,

the expression occur-

in

Matthew,
For

ßaaCkeia
"

ovpavwv,

kingdom

of

heaven."*^

heaven

here

according to a very current

Jewish expression, a metonymy

for

God.

It is the

kingdom,

which

is

governed not by earthly powers, but by heaven.^

'"' Comp, on this expression, Schoettgen, De regno codorum {Home Hebrakae, i. 1147-1152). Lightfoot, Home on Matt. iii. 2. Wetzstein, Nov. Test, on Matt. iii. 2. Bertlioldt, Cliristolocjia Judaeorum, pp. 187-192. De Wette, Biblische Dogmatik, pp. 175-177. Tholuck, Bergpredigt, p. 66 sq. Fritzsche, Evangelium Matthaei, p. 109 sqq. (where still more literature Kuinoel on Matt. iii. 2. The Commentaries in general on Matt. given). Wichelhaus, Commentar zu der Leidensgeschichte (1855), p. 284 sqq. iii. 2. Keim, Gesch. Jesu, ii. 33 sqq. Schürer, Der Begriff des Himmtlrtiches aus
i.i

jüdischen Quellen erläutert (Jahrb.

für prot. Theo!. 1876, pp. 166-187). Cremer, Bihl.-theol. Wörterb. s.v. ßccaihilx. Also Theol. Litztg. 1883, p. 581. "* I have shown in the article quoted {Jahrb. für prot. Theol. 187C, p. 166 sqq.) how current this metonymy was iu Judaism in the time of Christ. The formula D*Ow' ni^tJÖ in particular frequently occurs, certainly
not as a rule with the meaning of " kingdom of heaven," but as dbstractum " the kingship, the government of heaven," i.e. the rule of God (e.g. Mishna, Berachoth ii. 2, 5). But just here there can be no doubt that So much the stranger is it, to D''DB' stands metonymically for "God." dispute the correctness of this meaning, where ßaai'hila. stands as concretum
(with the signification
the same, whether
If

accidentally the

"kingdom") for the goniiive tuv ovpxvuv remains means "the kingship," or "the kingdom." expression D"'10C' DI^^D, not meaning " the kingdom of
;

ßuat'Kiiot.

heaven," should occur in Eabbinic literature, this would

be

sufficiently

explained by the fact that the Rabbis seldom speak of the

"kingdom

of to

God"

at

all.

They say instead "the days of Messiah" or "the D^y
like.

come," or the

seems however, that the expression docs nevertheless occur with the meaning in question, so especially Pisikta (ed. Buber)
It

51a: nii^o ^c' n:oT yjn, o^iyn ipync' nj;c-in nnl^D hiy njcT j;"'Jn nbjDK' D^OCJ', " The time of the ungodly Malkulh is come, that it should be rooted out of the world the time of the Malkulh of heaven is come, that it
p.

p

;

should be revealed."

The same passage
Cremer,

also in

Midrash rabba on the
niD^D). Wörterb.

Song

of

Solomon
p.

(in Levy, Neuhebr.

Wörterb.

s.v.

Comp.
s.v.

aLso

Weber, System,
(3rd ed. p. 162).

349.

Biblisch-theol.

ßotai'Kitix.

172
The,

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
the central jioint of this kingdom.
is

TTohj

Land forms

Hence

" to inherit the

land "

equivalent to having part in
it is
it

the Messianic kingdom/^
limits of Palestine
of
;

But

not
is

confined

to

the

on the contrary,

as a rule conceived

as in

some way

or other comprising

the whole world.*"

Already, in the Old

Testament,

it

was predicted that the

Gentiles too should acknowledge the

God
iv.

of

Israel as the
vii.
;

supreme Judge
be converted to

(Isa.

ii.

2 sqq.; Micah

1 sqq.,
li.

16

sq.),
iii.

Him

(Isa. xlii.
ii.

1-6,
iii.

xlix. 6,

4, 5

Jer.

17, xvi. 19 sq.; Zeph.

11,

9; Zech.

viii.

20

sqq.),

and

he consequently admitted into the theocracy
1 sqq.; Jer.
xii.

(Isa. Iv. 5, Ivi.
is

14; Zech.

ii.

15), so tliat

Jahveh

King

over the whole earth (Zech. xiv. 9) and the Messiah a banner
for all nations
all
(Isa. xi. 10).

Most decidedly

is

power over
of Daniel

the kingdoms of the world pi'omised in the
of the

Book
vii.

to the saints

Most High (Dan.

ii.

14,

14, 27).

This hope was also stedfastly adhered to by later Judaism,

though in a different manner.
the heathen,

According to the Sibyllines
quiet and
to

when they

see the

peace of God's

people, will of themselves

come

reason,

and praise and
temple and

celebrate the only true God, send gifts to His

walk

after
set

His laws (Orac. Sihyll
all

iii.

698-726).

Then

will
of

God God

up a kingdom over

men, in wliich the prophets
(iii.

are judges

and righteous kings

766-783).

Accord-

ing to Philo the pious and virtuous receive the rule over the
world, because they pcssess the three qualities, which especially

make men competent
evepyeaia.

to be rulers, viz.

o-e/^i/oTT^?,

heLVüTq<;

and

And

other

men submit
ct

to

them through
§

atSai? or

^6ßo^ or evvoia {De praem.
rule of the saints appears

poen.

16).

Elsewhere the

more as one founded on power.

The heathen do homage
** «0

to the Messiah, because they perceive

i. 10. Comp. Matt. v. 5 (ed. Tisch endorf, v. 4). See Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, ii. 219 sq., 238-242. SysUm, p. Ö64 sqq.

Kidduslnn

Weber,

§ 23.

TUE MESSIANIC HOPE.

173
Figurative
Sihyll.

that

God
49
:

has given him power (Enoch xc. 30, 37.
liii.

addresses, xlviii. 6,
iii.

1; Psalt. Saloni.
7>}<>

xvii.

32-35;

a'yvo<i

ava^
.

TracrT/?

cTKijTrrpa
iv.

Kparijacov.
:

Apoc.

Baruch

Ixxii. 5.

Targura on Zech.

7

Tlie

Messiah will

rule over all kingdoms).

This notion comes forward in tho

most one-sided form in the Assumptio Mosis, whose author
desires nothing

more ardently, than that
of

Israel should tread

upon the neck
et

the eagle
et

(x.

8

:

tunc

felix eris

tu Istrahel,

ascendes supi^a cervices

alas aquilae).

According to the

Booh of Jubilees (Ewald's Jahrb. vol. iii. p. 42) it was already promised to Jacob, that kings should go forth from him, who
should
"

rule,

wherever the children

of

men had

trodden.
is

And

I

will give

unto thy seed the whole earth, which

under heaven, and they shall rule
nations,

at their pleasure over all

and afterwards they
it

shall

draw to themselves the
iv.

whole earth and inherit

for

ever" (comp, also Eom.

13,

and

its expositors, especially
is

Wetzstein).
|

The Messianic period
gladness.^^

moreover described, and that mostly
'

on the ground of Old Testament passages, as one of joy and
All war,
strife,

discord and quarrels shall cease,

and peace, righteousness, love and faithfulness prevail upon
earth {Orac. Sibyll.
et
iii.

371-380, 751-760.
Ixxiii. 4, 5).

V\\\\o,

De praem.
beasts
[

poen. §

16

;

Apoc. Baruch

The wild

also will lose their

enmity

to

man and

serve

him
5-8).

(Sibijll. iiL

620-G23, 743-750;
and prosperity
poen. § 17-18). a thousand years, of
life,

Apoc. Baruch xxix.

Wealth

|

will prevail

among men

(Philo,

The age
and yet

of

man will increase men will neither he old
("

De praem, et to near upon
nor weary

but like children and youths
iii.

Jubilees " in Ewald's

Jahrb.

24).

All will rejoice in bodily health and strength.

Women
**

will bring forth without pain,

and the reaper will not
i.

Comp. Knobel,

PropTietismus der Ilchräer,
ii.

321 sqq.

Gfrörer,
p.

Das

Jahrhundert des Heils, (art. " Mcssiaszvit ").

242-252.

Hamburger, llcal-Enc.

770 sqq.

174
weary
Baruch
at
liis

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

work

(Philo,

Be proem,
1).'^'

et

poen.

§

20.

Apoc

Ixxiii.

2, 3, 7, Ixxiv.

These external blessings are not however the only ones.

On

the contrary, they result from the fact, that the Messianic
is

Church

a

holy

nation,

which

God has

sanctified,

and
no

which the Messiah governs in righteousness.
unri<]:hteousness to

He

suffers
is

remain in

its

midst, and there

not a

man
ness
xvii.

in

who knows wickedness. among His people, for they
it

There

is

no unrighteous-

are all holy (Psalt. Salom.
Life in the Messianic

28, 29, 36, 48, 49, xviii. 9, 10).
is

kingdom
auvr}

a continual Xarpeveiv Oew ev oaiörrjri, koX Bikuco-

ivcüTTtov

avTov

(Luke

i.

74,
is

75).

And

the

rule

of

Messiah over the heathen world
as resting only

by no means conceived of

on power, but frequently in such wise, that
(Isa. xlii. 6, xlix. 6,
li.

he

is

a light to the Gentiles

4

;

Enoch
men-

xlviii.

4

;

Luke

ii.

32.

Comp,

especially the already
iii.

tioned passages of the Sibyllines,

710-726).

An

Israelite

being unable to conceive of a \arpeveiv Beat otherwise than in
the form of the temple worsJtip
it is

and

the observance of the law,

in truth self-evident, that these are not to cease in the

Messianic kingdom.
view.^

In fact this

is

at least the prevailing

Hence

after the destruction of the
is

temple the daily
of the sacrificial

prayer of the Israelite
ritual ("T^y).*^

for the restoration

In this glorious future kingdom not only the dispersed
Sometimes this future glory is also represented under the figure of a which God prepares for the righteous. See Eiseiimenger,

^2

feast (rn^J?D),

Corrodi, Kritische Geschichte des Cliiliii. 872-889. 329 sqq. Bertholdt, De Chnstologia Judaeorum, pp. 196-199. Comp. Hamburger, Real-Enc. p. 1312 Bqq. (art. "Zukunftsmahl").

Entdecktes Judenthum,
1.

axmus,

Matt
«3

viii.

11

;

Luke

xiii.

29.

For farther
p.

particulars, see

Weber, System,

p.

359 sqq.

Castelli,

II

Mcssia,
«^

277 sqq.
Esrth, 17th Berachah (see above, p. 87).

Shemnmh

Comp,

also tlio

PassovtT

lituiL'v,

Pisac/iim

i. 6.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

175

members

of the nation, but also all deceased Israelites are to

participate.

They

will

come

forth from their graves to enjoy,
living,

with those of their fellow-countrymen who are then
the happiness of Messiah's kingdom."

The
this

eschatological

expectations

of

many

terminate v/ith
its

hope of a kingdom of glory in Palestine, seeing
is

duration

conceived of as everlasting.

As Old Testament
Ezek. xxxvii.

prophecy had promised to the people of Israel that they
should dwell in the land for ever
(Jer. xxiv. 6
;

25

;

Joel

iv.

20), that David's throne should never be vacant

(Jer. xxxiii. 17, 22),

and David should always be the king
and
as,

of of

Israel (Ezek. xxxvii. 25),

especially in the

Book
is

Daniel, the

kingdom

of the saints of the
n^^???,

Most High
vii.

desigis

nated an everlasting one (p/V

Dan.

27), so also

eternal duration frequently ascribed to the Messianic

kingdom
Sihijll.

by
iii.

later writers {Sibyll.

iii.

766

;

Psalt. Salom. xvii.

4;

John
in

49-50; Enoch Ixii. 14). Hence too tlie Jews say in xii. 34 'Hfiet^ rjKovaafj,ev eK rov vofiov oti 6 Xpicn6<;
:

fiivet et?
later

rov alcova, showing that

this

view was also current

Jewish theology.^

Subsequently however the glory
as not ultimate

of the Messianic

kingdom was regarded

and

^'

to

me

Stähelin (Jahrb. f. deutsche Thcol. 1874, p. 199 sqq.) does not seem right in keeping the Messianic hope and the hope of a resurrection as

far apart as possible,

nay

in

supposing that there was
xii.

oriirinally

no con-

nection between them.

2 and Psalt. Salom. iii. 16 this connection is unmistakeable. For if in both passages it is said that the just shall rise "to eternal life," this life can, according to the sphere of thought in both books, mean only Hfe in the Messianic kingdom. The two books know nothing of any other ^avj. Comp, also Enoch li. 1-5. The course of development too seems to me just the reverse of that, which Stähelin lay.s down. The hope of a resurrection and the Messianic hope were not originally independent of, and subsequently combined with, each other. JJut, on the contrary, from the hope of sharing in the Messianic kingdom, first arose the hope of a bodily resurrection, and afterwards life during
In Dan.
^lessiah's

reign

and

^uvi

aiuviog

were

separated

the

one

from

the

other.
'fi

Comp. Bertholdt, Christvhyia Judaeorum,

p.

155 sq.

176
Bupreme, but a
after
it,

§ 20.

THE MESSIANIC

UOl'K.

still

higher and heaveni}' happiness was expected

and hence a duration hounded hy time^^ the measure of
fully discussed in the

which

is

Talmud/^ was ascribed
of

to the

reign of the Messiah.

The Apocalypse

Baruch and the fourth
Messiah

Book
in

of Ezra,

among
c.

the more ancient monuments, hold this
It is indeed
1,

view the most decidedly.
the former,
Ixxiii.

said of the

that
is

He

sits

in aetcrnum super
this
is

throno regni

sui.
c.

But what
xl.

meant by

seen from

another passage,
sacculum,

3

:

donee finialur
lasts

Et erit mundus

principatus ejus stans in
corruptionis.

Hence the
34), that

rule of Messiah

only as long as this transitory world.

Similarly

it is

said in the fourth

Book

of Ezra
of

(xii.

He

will

redeem and revive the people
Still
:

God quoadusque
is

vented finis, dies judicii.

farther detail

given in the
relicti

chief passage,

vii.

28, 29

Jocundabuntur, qui

sunt,

annis quadragentis.

Et

erit

post annos hos, et morietur fdius

mens Christus

et onines

qui spiranientum

habent homines.®*

The duration of Messiah's kingdom is by others, and also in the above-named passage of the Talmud (Sanhedi-in 99*),
computed
at

400
rests

years.

From
xv.

it

we

also

learn that this

computation
lasted

upon Gen.

13 (the bondage in Egypt
Ps. xc.

400

years)

compared with

15

:

"Make

us glad

according to the days wherein
years wherein ness

we have seen

evil."

Thou hast afflicted us and the Thus the time of happiaffliction.

is to last as
is

long as the time of

A

different

calculation

presupposed in the Revelation, the duration

being stated at

1000
is

years, according to the

saying in the
(Ptev.

Psalm, that one day
XX.
Ö'

with God as a thousand years
also
is

4-6).

This

computation

mentioned

in

the

VAntichrist.
in

Renan, des Heils, ii. 252-256. 355 sq. Druminonrl, pp. 312-318. 68 Sauhedrin 99», in Gfrörer, ii. 252 sqq. More fully {Sanhedrin 96^-990 Castelli, p. 297 sqq. '9 The Latin and Arabic translations have the number 400, the Syrian 30.

Comp. Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert
Weber, System,
p.

In the Ethiopic and Armenian the

number

is

altogether wanting.

§

'J9.

TUE MESSIANIC HOPK
then,

l77
a

Talmud.™
duration
is

"We

see

that

wherever only

temporal

ascribed to the

kingdom
last

of the Messiah, a renovaat the

tion of the world

and the

judgment are expected

end of
9.

this period.

Renovation of the worldP'
is

The hope
on
Eev. xxi.
1

of a renovation of

heaven and earth
(comp,
also

chiefly based
;

Isa. Ixv.
;

17, Ixvi.
iii.

22

Matt. xix. 28

2

Pet.

13).

Accordingly a distinction
future world,
frequently
{e.g.
:

is

made between a

present and a

r\^J]

^%r} and

i^^n D^iyn;'' in tlie

Xew

Testament

o alu>v ovto<;
xii.

and
x.

o alatv 6 /xiXkcov or o ep-^^ofievof

Matt.

32; Mark
arose,
tlie

30; Luke

xviii.

30).

But a

difference

of

view

inasmuch as some made the new

world appear with
others placed
it

beginning of Messiah's reign, while

after its conclusion.

The former
of

is
(c.

found

e.g.

in the figurative discourses of the
"

Book
elect
it

Enoch

xlv. 4, 5),

And

at that

day

I will

let

my

dwell

among you and
it

will change the
liglit.

heaven and make

an eternal blessing and

And

I will transform the earth

and make

a blessing,

and cause
'<*

my

elect to dwell in it " (comp, also xci. 1 6).

The

Sanhedrin 97^.
Delitzsch,

p. 317.
'^

Comp. Gfrörer, ii. 2.54. Castelli, p. 300. Commentar zum Hebräerbrief, p. 763.
Christoloqia Judaeorum, p. 213 sq.
ii.

Drummond,
Gfrörer,

Comp.
is

Bertholilt,

Das

Jahrhundert des HeiLi,
fore

The Rabbinic terminus D^iyn B«nn, Buxtorf, Lex. col. 711. Comp. Matt.
272-275.

technicus therexix.

28:

-jruKiy-

yiviatot.
i. 5 Peah'i. 1 Kiddushin iv. 14 Baba meziaii. 11 Ahothil 7, iv. 1, 16, 17, v. 19 Apocal. Baruch xliv. 1.5, xlviii. 50, Ixxiii. 5 4 Ezra vi. 9, vii. 12, 13, 42, 43, viii. 1. Comp. Rhenferdius, De saeculo futuru (Meuscheu, Nov. Test, ex Talmude illustratnm, 1736, Witsius, De saeculo hoc et futuro (Meuschen, Nov. Test. pp. 1116-1171). Schoettgen, De saeculo hoc el futuro (Horae Hcbraicae, pp. 1171-1183). i. 1153-1158). Lightfoot, Horae Hcbraicae on Matt. xii. 32. Wetzstein, Nov. Test, on Matt. xii. 32. Koppe, Nov. Test. vol. vi., epist. ad Ephes. Bertholdt, Christologia Judaeoruvi, pp. 38-43. Exc. i. Gfrörer, Das Jahrhundert des Heils, ii. 212-217. Bleek, Hebräerbrief, ii. 1, 20 sqq. Riehm, Lehrbegriff des Hebräerbriefes, i. 204 sqq. üebler in Herzog's Real-Enc. ix. 434 sq. (2nd ed. ix. 664 sq.). Geiger's Jüdische Zeitschrift, Weber, System, p. 354 sq. 1866, p. 124.

^2

Mishna, BerachotTi
x.

;

;

;

;

Sanhedrin

1-4

;

;

;

DIV.

II.

VOL. IL

M

17S
latter in

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOrE.
of Ezra, according to which, after

the fouiili

Book

the
of

conclusion of the Messianic period, a deathlike silence

seven days
of

takes the

place

upon
the

earth,

which

is

followed

by the dawn
(vii.

new and

setting of the old world

30, 31).

According to these different views the Mes-

sianic period is either identified with the fut\ire or reckoned
as

belonging to the
of

present world.
1

The former,
:

e.g.

in the

Targum

Jonathan on

Kings

iv.

33

"The

future world of
i.

the Messiah"

(NnT?! '"«T

^»^y),

and Mishna, Bcrachoth

5,

where the present world
(n^C'bn nio;") are

a^od the {p)J] ^c'^'^)

days of the Messiah

opposed to each other, and therefore the latter

identified witli i<3n opiyn.

In the fourth Book of Ezra, on the

contrary, the days of the j\Iessiah are reckoned to the present

world, and the future world does not begin

till

the last judg-

ment, which follows the close of the Messianic period (see
especially
vii.

42, 43, with which indeed

vi.

9

is

not easily
" the

reconcilable).

The book
"

Slfre also distinguishes

between
^^

days of the Messiah
'

and " the future world."
in

The older
the

and

original

view

is

any

case, that
D^iV.

which

identifies

days of Messiah with the future
of the world "
is

For the

" future course
tlie

in the

first

place

nothing else than

future
It

happy Messianic period
till

(so too in the

New

Testament).

was not

a higher, a heavenly happiness was hoped for

after the close of the Messianic

kingdom, that the Messianic

period was reckoned as belonging to the present Olam, and the

renovation of the world not expected to take place
period had ended.

till

that

In later Jewish theology this view became

the prevailing one (for particulars, see the literature

named
This

note 72),

Sometimes a position between this world and the
is

world to come
is

assigned to
in

the

Messianic
of

period.

already found
:

the

Apocalypse
Messianic

Baruch, Ixxiv. 2,
finis

3

Tempus

illud

(the
et

time)

est

illius

quod

corrumpitur,

initium

illius

quod

non

corrum-

"

Seü Geiger's Jüdische Zdtsclirift, 18C6,

p. 124.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
iis

l79
quae
noii

pitur.

.

.

.

Ideo longe est a malis, et prope

moriuntur.
10. The general resurredionJ^ the dead
is

A

general resurrection of

to take place before the last

judgment.

So great

a variety of views with respect to this point, however, prevails
in

Jewish theology, that

it

would lead us

too far to enter into
to.

details."*

Only the chief points can here be alluded
and decidedly expressed
(xii,
e.g.

The

.,

belief in a resurrection or reauimation of the dead

(Q^n'?'? ^!'?'p)/^

!

which

is

clearly

for the first time in the

j

Book

of Daniel

2), %vas

during our period already firmly
vii. 9,

established (comp,

2 Mace.
iii,

14, 23, 36,

xii.

43,

44

;

Enoch
6

li,

1
;

;

Pscdt.
Bell.
vii.

Salom.
ii.

16, xiv, 2 sqq.; Joseph. Antt.
1.

xviii, 1,
li.
;

3

Jud.

8,

14; Apoc. Baruch xxx. 1-5,

1,

4 Ezra
x,
;

Benjamin
X, 1
;

32; Testam. XII. Patriarch. Jiidae, xxv. Shcmoneh JEsreh, 2 Berachah Mishna, Sanhedrin
;

Aboth

iv,

22

;

comp, also Berachothw. 2

;

Sota

ix.

lb, fin.).

At

least this

applies with respect to all circles influenced

by

/

Pharisaism, and these formed by far the majority.

Only the
[

^

Sadducees denied the resurrection," while the Alexandrian
theology placed in
its

stead the immortality of the soul,^^
:

A

<

'* The order is, according to 4 Ezra vii, 31-34 (1) The renovation of the world; (2) The general resurrection; (3) The last judgment. So also

Gfrorer,

ii.

272, 275, 285,
Christologia
des Heih,

Judaeorum, pp, 17G-181, 203-20G. 275-285, 308 sqq. Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, iii. 307-310, 328-333, 349-351, 504-506. Langen, Das Jiidenthum in Palästina, p. 338 sqq. Rothe, Dogmatik, ii. 2, pp, C8-71, 298-308, Dehler, Theologie des A. T. ii. 241 Pqq. Herrn, Schultz, Alttestamentl. Theologie, 2nd ed. pp. 713 sqq., 807 sqq. Hamburger, RealEnc. ii. 98 sqq. (art. " Belebung der Todten "). Slähelin, Jahrhh. f. deutsche Theol. 1874, p. 199 sqq. Drummond, 77«? Jetvish Messiah, p. 360 sqq. Weber, Sijstem, p. 371 sqq. Giöbler, Die Ansichten über UnsterGfrörer,

Comp, Bertholdt,

Das Jahrhundert

ii.

hihlichkeit

und Auferstehung

in der jüdischen

Literatur der beiden letzten

Jahrh.
'•'

Chr. (Stud, und Krit. 1879, pp. 651-700), This expression, e.g. Berachoth v, 2 ; Sota ix, 15, ßn.
v.

;

Sanhedrin

x. 1.

"
^'^

Joseph, Antt.
AVisd,
iii.

xviii. 1. 4.

Bell. Jud.

ii.

8. 14,

1

sqq„

iv, 7, v, 16,

With

respect to Philo, comp, Gfrörer,
i,

Philo und die alexandrinische Theosophie,

403 sqq.

According to Josephua

180

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
tlie

separation between the just and unjust in
state

intermediate
as

between

death

and

the

resurrection

was

a

iMle

accepted, a preliminary state of happiness or torment being
allotted to departed souls (see especially

Enoch
text,

xxii.
c.

and in

4 Ezra the section rejected in the usual Latin
according to
tlie

vL 49-76,
ed,

computation of the Ethiopic translation,

Eritzsche, pp.

607-611)/^

The same expectation

lies at

the

root of the parable of the rich

man and

Lazarus (Luke xvi. 22).

In the Apocalypse of Baruch and the fourth Book of Ezra,
receptacles (promjptuaria), into which the souls of the righteous
are received after death, are frequently spoken of (Apoc. Baruch

XXX. 2; 4 Ezra
c.

iv.

35, 41,

vii.

32;

in the rejected section,

vi.

54, 68, 74, 76, in Bensly, vv. 80, 95, 101).

In

many

passages of the

New

Testament the hope comes forward, that
to the

immediately after death the removal

state of

supreme
;

and heavenly happiness will take place (Luke xxiiL 43
v.

2 Cor.
sqq.),

8

;

Phil.

i.

23; Acts

vii.

59

;

llev. vi. 9

sqq., vii.

9

and

this is not

without analogy in the Jewish view, since here
is

also the

same

expected, at least for eminent
Elijah, but
:

men
for

of

God

(not only for

Enoch and
xiv. 9

e.g.

also

Ezra and

such as him, 4 Ezra
et converteris

tu enim recipieris ab hominibus
filio

residuum cum

meo

et

cum

similibus tuis

nsquequo finiantur tempora).^**

Established

and generally

accepted views on this point were not however formed.®"

The

Apocalypse of
rection hody

Baruch gives detailed disclosures on the resur1-li.
6.

(1.

Comp,

also

4 Ezra

vi.

71 in the

rejected section; in Bensly, ver. 97).

One main

difference in

the doctrine of the resurrection consists in the expectation
the Essenes also did not teach a resurrection, but the immortality of Comp, also the Book of Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 11. the soul, see Antt. xviii. 1. 5
;

Jubilees in Ewald's Jahrb.
'9

iii.

24.

In Bensly,

The Missing Fra(jment of the Latin Translation of the Fourth

Book of Ezra (ISlb), pp. 63-71, vv. 75-101. ^^a Comp, also Wetzstein, Nov. Test, on Luke xxiii. p. 322 sqq. ^<* Comp, also on the intermediate state "Weber, System, p. 322 sqq.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
righteous
only,
for

181
the

of a resurrection

of

the

purpose

of

participating in the Messianic kingdom, or of a general resurrection (of the righteous

and the ungodly)

to

judgment

;

and

that at one time before the

at another after its conclusion.

commencement of Messiah's reign, The oldest form is certainly
It is

\

that
iii.

first

named (comp, note
is

65).
also

found

e.g.

in Psalt. Salom.

16, xiv. 2 sqq., but

mentioned by Josephus as an
xviii. 1.

average Pharisaic opinion {Antt.

3

;

Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8. 14).
is

The

expectation of a general resurrection to judgment,

the
|

extension of this older resurrection hope.

So Daniel, Enocli,

Apoc. Baruch, 4 Ezra, Testam. XII. Patriarch., and the Mishna
in the above-cited places.*^
as to

Here again the

distinction arises,
i

whether the resurrection and judgment are expected

before the
period.
is

commencement,

or after the close of the Messianic
xii. 2,

The former view represented Dan.
more
to

and Enoch

li.,

,-

certainly the

ancient, for originally the object of the

judgment was

inaugurate the Messianic period.

Not

till

the Messianic blessedness ceased to be regarded as ultimate and

|

supreme, was the judgment
destiny, transferred to the
especially Apoc.

also, as

the decision on man's final

close of

the

Messianic age.

So

Baruch and 4 Ezra.

In the Nciv Testament

Apocalypse the expectation of a resurrection of the just before
the appearance of the Messianic kingdom
of a general resurrection after its close.
is

combined with that
itself
;

The awakening
(

takes place by the sounding of the trump of God
1 Thess. iv. 16.

1 Cor.
vi.

x v. 5 2

Comp. Matt.

xxiv.

31

;

4 Ezra

23).'*

11.
^^

The Last Judgment.
;

Eternal Salvation and Condemiv.

In the Mishna, comp, especially Aboth

22

destined to die

the dead to be awakened; the

" They who are born are awakened to stiind before
:

the judgment-seat, that one

may

learn, teach,
x.

the Almighty," etc.

In Sunhedrin

3 also the resurrection

and be convinced tliat He is is assumed to

be general, since

it is

said only exceptionally of certain i)roniinent sinners,

who have
*2

already in their lifetime received their judgment, that they will
Stähelin, Jahrhb. f. deutsche Theol.
iv. 10.

not rise to judgment.

See also Weber, System,

p. 2,^2 sq.

1874, pp. 198, 220, and the commentaries on iCor. xv. 52 and 1 Thess.

182
nation.^'
I

§ 20.

THE MESSIANIC HOFE.
at

A

last

judgment
of,

the

close

of

the

Messianic
is

period can only be spoken
I

when

limited duration

ascribed

to the Messianic
I

kingdom.

Hence among the

older authorities

it

is

only the Apocalypse of Baruch

and the fourth Book
In
the rest the

;

of Ezra

which need here be considered.

judgment coincides with the destruction of the
reign (see above, No. 5).

hostile powers,

which takes place before the commencement of Messiah's
In the Apocalypse of Baruch, the
(1.

judgment
of

is

but brielly alluded to

4).

The fourth Book
c.

Ezra

(vii.

33-35 and
gives
sits in

the rejected section,

vi.

17, in
it

Bensly, pp.
is

55-58)

more

detail.

We

here learn that
there be

God Himself who

judgment.

Nor can

any

doubt from these

tM'o

books, that on the day of judgment

sentence will be passed not only on the people of Israel, but

on the whole race of mankind (Baruch
in Bensly, p.

li.

4, 5

;

Ezra

vi.

2,

55

sq.).

It holds

good as a general principle,

that all Israelites are to share in the world to
X.

come {Sanhedrin
howare
carefully

1

:

N2n
that

thSv) \hn nrh
all

&__

h^-\^\ ^3).

It is self-evident

ever,

the

sinners

of

Israel
x.

(who

catalogued in the Mislma, Sanhedrin

1-4) are excluded.

Since sentence

is

to be passed

upon each individual exactly

in proportion to his works, the deeds of
lifetime, written

men

are,

during their
liv.

in heavenly hooks (Enoch xlviii. 7, 8,

7,

also Ixxxix.— xc.

and elsewhere.
ii.

Book of Jiibilees in Ewald's Jahrh. iii. 38, Aser 7. Mishna, Aboth Test. XII. Fair.

1.

Luke
Vis.

x.
i.

20;
3. 2),®*

Pliil.

iv.

3; Eev.
is

iii.

5,

xiii.

8, xx. 15.

Hermas,

and sentence

passed according to the
are cast into the
fire

contents of these books.
«3

The ungodly

Comp. Bertholdt,

Christologia des Heils,

Gfrorer,
p. ^*

Das Jahrhundert

ii.

Judacorum, pp. 206-211, 221-226. 285 sqq,, 311 sqq. Weber, System,

371 sqq.

Comp, on these heavenly books,
i.

especially Harnack's note
i.

on Hermas,
in

Vis.

3.

2

;

also Fabricius,
p.

Cod. psendepigr.
iii.

551-.^62.

Dillmann, Das

Buch Enoch,

245.

Ewald's Jahrb.

83.

Langen, Das Judenthum

Palästina, pp. 385, 499.

§ 29.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
li.

183
Ezra
vi.
is

of

Gehenna (Baruch
55

xliv. 15,

1, 2, 4, G

;

1-3, 59,
as a rule
)

in Bensly, pp.

sq., 64).*^

This condemnation
is

regarded as everlasting.^

But the view

also
hell,

met with

of
.

a temporal duration to the punishments of

giving them

only the signification of a purgatory.*'

The righteous and
of

godly are received into Paradise, and dwell in the high places
of that world,

and see the glory Baruch
sq.,

of

God and
3,

His holy angels.

Their countenance will shine like the sun, and tliey will live
for ever

(Dan.
in

xii.

3

;

li.

7-14

;

Ezra
also

vi.

1-3,

68-72,
Mosis
8*

Bensly, pp. 55

69

sq.

Comp,

Assumptio

X. 9, 10).^^
Dinrfa, Kiddushin iv. 14; Edujoth
ii.

The Hebrew

10; Ahoth

i.

5, v.

19, 20.

Frequently iu the Targums and Talmud.
1.5,
cli.

In the

New
ix.

ysevvx, Matt. V. 22, 29 sq., x. 28, xviii. 9, xxiii.

o3

;

Mark

Testament 43, 45, 47
;

Luke

xii.

5

;

Jas.

iii.

6.

Comp,
Jutlenth.
Test,

also
ii.

Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Wetzstein, Nov. V. 22.

Enoch, 322-369.
22.

and cviii. 4 f^qq. Liglitfoot, Horae on Matt.
xxvii.

Id. Neuhehr. Worterh. i. 323. 395 sq. Tholuck and Achelis in their expositions of the Sermon on the Mount on The Lexicons of the New Testament, s.v. ykivux. Dillmanu, Matt. V. 22. Das Buch Enoch, p. 131 sq. "Weber, System, p. 326 sqq. Elsewhere Hades and its darkness are designated as the future lot of the wicked, e.g.

on Matt. v. Levy, Chald. Wörierb. i. 1 35 sq.

Buxtorf, Lex. Chald.,

col.

Psalt. Salom. xiv. 6, xv. 11, xvi.
^^ Isa. Ixvi.

2.

24

;

Dan.
1.
i.

xii.

XII. Pair.
Tif^upicf,

Sebulon 10.

Antt. xviiL

their connection, vol.

iii. 12, xxv. 46 Luke iii. 17. Test. Aser 7. Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 14 d'toiij 3: sipyfiov d't'Ziou (both passages are given in Comp. Gfrörer, Das Jahrpp. 381 and 383).

2

;

Matt.

;

:

hundert des Heils,

ii.
:

289.

" R. Akiba said, The execution of judgment upon Gog *^ Edujoth ii. 10 and Magog lasts twelve months, and the time of the condemnation of the ungodly lasts twelve mouths." In this however regard is had only to
einuers
88

who

are Israelites.
is

In Rabbinic Hebrew Paradise

generally called

py
;

|a

(so

e.g.

Ahoth

DTlD, but the latter not so often (in the Mishna this word is used only of a park iu the natural sense, Sanhcdrin x. 6 Chullin xii. 1 Arachin iii. 2). In the Test. XII. Patr. both occur ('ESs,«« Test. Dan. 5, votpxliiaoi Test. Levi 18). In the New Testament -TrupxlsKro;, Luke xxiii.
V. 20), or also
;

43

;

2 Cor.
ii.

Juderuh.

xii. 4 Rev. ii. 7. Much material in Eisenmenger, Entdecktes 295-322. Wetzstein, Nov. Test. 818-820 (on Luke xxiii. 43).
; ;

Comp, also Lightfoot, Horae Hebr. on Luke xxiii. 43 Schöttgen on 2 Cor. xii. 4 and Rev. Li. 7. The interpreters of these New Testament passages in

184
12. Appendix.

§

-iO.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.
Me^ssiah.^^

The suffering

So

far

we have
Book

had no occasion
that

to

speak of the sufferings, or of any atoning

death of the Messiah.
of

For the prediction
die

in the

fourth

Ezra,

the
vii.

Messiah should

after

reigning

years (4 Ezra

28, 29), has evidently nothing in

400 common

with the idea of an atoning death.

But the question, whether

Judaism

in

the age of Christ expected a suffering Messiah,

and indeed a Messiah suffering and dying as an atonement
for the sins of

men, nmst not be

left

undiscussed.

According

to what has been
it

said, the question

seems answered, as indeed

has

been by many (especially after the most thorough

investigation by
contrary,
as
e.g.

De

Wette), in the negative.
it

Others, on the

"Wünsche, think

may

be

as

decidedly

answered

in the affirmative.

Certainly the sufferings of the

Messiah are repeatedly spoken of in the Talmud.

From

the

word

innni^

Jsa.

xi.

3,

it

is

inferred

that

God
is

loaded the
(n"iVD3

Messiah with commands and sorrows like mill-stones
D^niD
|mD''l).^°

In another passage Messiah

described as

sitting at the gates of

Ptome and binding and unbinding His
is
it,

wounds.^^

More important
it is

that

in

Justin's Dialogvs
self-

cum Tryplwne
general.

repeatedly admitted, nay asserted as

und überirdische, 345 sqq. Arnold, art. vol. xi. (1838), p. 304 sqq., "Paradies," in Klöpper, Thilo, Cod. Apocr. Nor. Tc^t. p. 748 sqq. especially 310 sqq. Commentar zum zweiten Korintherhricf. p. 50ü sqq. Weber, System, p. 830 Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 892-897 (art. "Paradies"). 6t|q.
Job. Schulthess,

Das Paradies, das

irdische
p.

historische, mijlhische

und nujstische (Zürich 181 G), Ersch and Gruber's Enojkl., soc. iii.

*'''

Gfrörer,

Comp. De Wette, De morte Jesu Christi cxpiatoria {Opusc. c. pp. 1-148). Das Jahrhundert des Heils, ii. 265-272. Oehler in Herzog's
ix.

Real-Enc.

440

sq.

(2nd

ed. ix.

070

sq.).

AVünsche, rV^^T] ''-m\ oder

Die Leiden des Messias, Leipzig 1870. Delitzsch, 5f/ie< u-elch' ein Mensch! Castelli. Jl Messia, pp. 216-224, 329 sqq., (Leipzig 1872), pp. 13, 30 sq. 335 sqq. Weber, System, pp. 343-347. Hamburger, Real-Enc. ii. 765-767 De Wette as above, pp. 6-9, gives a list of the (art. " Messiasleidea ").
older literature.
^^
*'

Sunhi'drin 93b given in

Wünsche, Die Leiden

des Messias, p. 56 sq.

Suiihedrin 98a, in Delitzsch, Hebräerbrief, p. 117.

WüukcIic,

p.

57 sq.

§

2!).

THE MESSIANIC HOrE.

185

evident by the representative of the Jewish standpoint, that
the Messiah
Justin,
c.

must

suffer.

"

When we name
and
is

to

them

(relates

68) the passages of Scripture, which clearly prove

that the Messiah

must

suffer,

to be worshipped,

and

is

God, they admit unwillingly indeed, that the Messiah

is

there

spoken of; but nevertheless they venture to maintain, that
this (Jesus)
is

not the Messiah.

On
more

the contrary, they believe

that

He

will first

come and
Still

suffer

and rule and be a God
decidedly
c.

worthy of adoration."

does

Trypho

express himself in another passage,

89

:

TlaOriTov fiev

TOP Xptcrrov otl at ypaipal
el Se

Krjpvcra-ovcri, (f>avepov

eartv

hia rov iv

reo

vöfxü)

KeKarrjpafiivov 'irddov;, ßovXofxeda

fiaßelv, ei ep^et? Kai rrepl

tovtov airoSei^ai.

Here indeed only
spoken
decidedly rejected.

sufferings
of,

in general,

and not atoning
by crucifixion

sufferings, are
is

and the idea

of death

But passages
liii.

are also found, in which, in conformity with Isa.
suffering
for the

4

sqq.,
of.

a

sake of the

human

race

is

spoken

Thus among other names that

of Chulj'a (s^^in
is

the sick, or according to another reading ^"JVO, the leper)

at

one time attributed to the Messiah, and this
appeal to Isa.
liii,

is

justified

by an

4

:

"

Surely

He

has borne our sicknesses
;

and taken upon Himself our sorrows
one stricken, smitten of God and
the book

but

we esteemed Him
^^

afflicted."
:

According to

Si/re, R. Joses the Galilean says

"

King Messiah has

been humbled

and

rebellious, as it is said,
etc. (Isa.
liii.

5).

made contemptible on account of the He was wounded for our transgressions, How much more will He make satisfaction
it

therefore for all generations, as
laid

is

written,

'

And

the Lord

on

Him

the iniquity of us all (Isa.

liii.

6).' " **

The

latter

passage

already shows, that
in Gfrörer,

in

the

second
62 sq.

century

*2

Sanhcdrin 98h,

ii.

266.

Wünsche,

p.

*ä S.

Wünsche,

p.

82 sq.

65 sq. Delitzsch, Paulus' Brief an die Römer (1870), Stellen aus späteren Midraschim und anderen Werken jüdischer
p.

Tlteologen hei Wünsche, pp.

66-108

186
after

§ 20.

THE MESSIANIC HOPE.

Christ Isn.

liii.

4

sqq.
is

was

in

many

circles

explained

of the Messiah.** in Justin's

This
c.

confirmed by the saying of Trypho,
c.

Dial.

Tryph.

90: Uadelv
el

fiev

yap

/cat ax?

TTpoßarov ä'^dr)cread ai
K.T.X.

othafiew

8e

koI

crravpcodrjvai

Thus the Jewish opponent of Justin admitted that
7
is to

Isa.

liii.

be referred to the Messiah.

Consequently

it

cannot be disputed, that in the second century after Christ
the idea
of
a

suffering

Messiah, and indeed of a Messiah
for

suffering as

an atonement

human

sin,

Mas, at

least

in

certain circles, a familiar one.

In

this respect

a

thought, which

in

itself

was

quite current in JRahoinic Judaism,

was applied

to

the Messiah, viz. the

thought that the perfectly righteous

man

not only

fulfils

all

the commandments, but also atones by

sufferings for sins that

overplus suffering of the righteous

may have been committed, and man is of service to

that the
others^''
is

But however much
did

the idea of a suffering Messiah

from

these premises conceivable on the soil of Judaism, just as
little
it

become the prevailing view
official,
liii.

of Judaism.

The,

so

to

speak

Targum Jonathan allows indeed the
the Messiah to remain on the whole,

reference of Isa.

to

but denies the application to him of just those verses, which
treat of the sufferings of the servant of God.^^

In not one

of

the

numerous works discussed by us have we found even
slightest

the
8*

allusion

to

an atoning suffering of Messiah.
century after Christ (see

R. Joses the Galilean was a contemporary of R. Akiba, and therefore
in

lived

the

first half of

the second
is

vol.

i.

p. 378).

R. Tarphon,

who

probably identical with Justin's Trypho, was

also a

to

make
9*

contemporary of both (see vol. i. p. 377). If then Trypho is ready those conccs^sions, he thereby only represented views held in the

circles of his Palestinian colleagues.

See Weber, i^ystem, pp. 313-316. For particulars, see Oehler in Ilerzog's Real-Enc. ix. 441 (2nd ed. ix. 670 sq.). Weber, St/stem, p. 344 sq. On the history of the interpretation and especially of Isa. liii. by the Jews, comp, also Origenes, c. Celsum, i. 55

"

;

Driver and Neubauer, The fifty-third chapter of Isaiah according to the Jewish Interpreters, 2 vols. (1) Texts; (2) Translations. Oxford and

London 1876-77

{Theol. Litztg. 1877, p. 567 sq.).

§ 29.

TUE MESSIANIC HOPE.
far

187
idea, is

That the Jews were

from entertaining such an

abundantly proved by the conduct
opponents of Jesus (Matt.
xvi.
it

of both the disciples

and
;
I

22

;

Luke

xviii.

34, xxiv. 21
it

John
on

xii.

34).

Accordingly

may
to

well be said, that
in general.

was

tlie

whole one quite foreign

Judaism

§

J50.

THE ESSENES.

The Liteuature.
Triglandius,

Trbtm scriptorum
vols.,

illustrium

de tribus Judaeorum seclis syn-

tagma, 2

Delphis 1703.
co'licii

Job. Gottlob Carpzov, Apparatus historico-criticus antiquitatum sacri
(1748), pp. 215-240.
Ugolini,

Trihaeresium,
xxii.

etc.,

in

his

Thesaurus

antiquitatum

sacrarum,

ToL

Bellermann, Geschichtliche Nachrichten aus dem Alterthume über Essäer und
Therapeuten, Berlin 1821.

Credner, Ueber Essäer und Ebioniten und einen theilweisen Zusamrtienhanq
derselben, in Winer's Zeitschr.

für

unssenschafll.

Theol. vol.

i.

No. 2

(1827), pp. 211-264, and No. 3 (1829), pp. 277-328.
GfrÖrer,

Philo

und

die

alexandrinische

Theosophie,

vol.

ii.

(1831) pp.

299-366.

Dähne,

Geschichtliche Darstellung
i.

der jüdisch-alexandrinischen

Religions-

Philosophie, vol.

(1834) pp. 439-497.
Encyklop. §

The same,
1,

art.

" Essäer," in
(1843) pp.

Ersch and Gruber's Allg.
173-192.
Yrankel, Die Essäer.

vol.

xxxviii.

A

Sketch (Zeitschr. ßir die religiösen

Interes.'sen

des

Judentliums, 1846, pp. 441-461).

Frankel, Die Essäer nach thahnudisehen Quellen {Monatsschr.
Wissensch. des Judenth. 1853, pp. 30-40, 61-73).

für Gesch. und

Lutterbeck, Die neuteslamentlichcn Lchrbegriffe, vol.

i.

Uhlliorn, art. " Essener," in Herzog's TUal-Enc. vol.

(1852) pp. 270-322. iv. (1855) pp. 174-

177 (2nded.
Zeller,

iv.

341-344).
3, Div.
ii.

Die Philosophie der Griechen, Pt.

(Ist ed. 1852),

2nd

ed.

1868, pp. 234-292 (3rd ed. 1881, pp. 277-338).

The same, Ueber den

Zusammenhang

des Essäismiis mit

dem Griechenthum (Theol. Jahrbb
315-356).

1856, pp. 401-433).
Bitschi, Ueber die Essener (Theol. Jahrbb. 1855, pp.

The same,

Die Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche (2ud ed. 1857), pp. 179-203.

§

30.

THE ESSENES,

189

Mangold, Die Irrlehrer der Pastoralbriefe (1856), pp. 32-60.
Hilgeufeld,

Die jüdische Apokalyptik (1857), pp. 243-286.

The same,
;

Zeitschr.
p.
p.

für
;

wi^isensch.
x.

TheoL

vol.
;

i.

1858, p. 1808,
p.

116 sqq.

iii.

186U,

358 sqq.
50 sqq.
;

1867, p. 97 sqq.

xi.

343 sqq.

;

xiv.

1871,

xxv. 1882, p. 257 sqq.
iii.

Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, vol.
Jost, Geschichte
dejt

pp. 368 sqq., 388 sqq., 509 sqq.
i.

Judeiithums und seiner Seelen, vol
iii.

pp. 207-214.

Grätz, Geschichte der Juden (3rd ed.), vol.

pp. 99 sqq., 657-663 (note 10).

Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes
Harüischmacher,

Israel, vol. iv. p.

483 sqq.
societate,

De Essenorum apud
vol.
i.

Judaeos

Bonn 1806 {Gym-

nasialprogramm).

Keim, Geschichte Jesu,

pp. 282-306.
Gesch. des

Holtzmann

in

Weber and Holtzmaun's

Volkes Israel, vol.

ii

pp. 74-89.

Derenbourg, Histoire de

la Palestine (1867), pp.
i.

166-175, 460-462.

Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, vol.

2nd

ed. pp.

132-146.

Tidemann, Het Essenisme, Leiden 1868. The same, Esseners en Therapeuten
(Theologisch Tijdschrift, 1871, pp. 177-188).

The same. De apocalypse
261-296).
the Bible.

van Henoch en
Westcott,
art.

het E.<<senisme {Tlieol. Tijdschrift, 1875, pp.

"Essenes," in Smith's Dictionary of

Abbot gives

additional Literature in the

American

edition.

Ginsburg,

art.

"Essenes," in Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature.
their hvttory

The same, The Essenes,
Benamozegh, Storia

and

doctrines,

London

1864.

degli Esseni, Firenze 1865.

Lauer, Die Essäer und ihr Verhältniss zur Synagoge und Kirche.

Wien,

BraumüUer 1869

(a separate reprint from the Austrian Quarterly
4).
ii.

Paper

for Catholic Theology, 7th year, no.
Lipsius, art. " Essäer," in Schenkel's

Bibellex. vol.

pp. 181-192.

Clemens, Die Quellen für die Geschichte der Essener {Zeitschr. für wissenschaftl. Theol. 1869, pp.

328-352).
vol. ix.

Geiger, Jüdische Zeitschr.

für Wissensch. und Leben,

1871, pp. 30-56.

Clemens, Die essenischen Gemeinden {Zeitschr. für wissenschaftl. Theol. 1871,
pp. 418-431).
Sieffert, Christum

und

die Essäer {Beweis des Glaubens, 1873, pp. 481-508).
ii.

Hamburger, Real- Enc. für Bibel und Talmud,
Delaunay, Moines
Lightfoot, St.
et Sibylles

172-178

(art.

"Essäer").

dans Vantiquite judeo-grecque, Paris 1874.
to

PauVs Epistks

the

Colossians

and

tu

Philemon (2üd ed.

London 1876),

pp. 82-98, 349-419.

Pick, Die englische Literatur über die Essäer (Zeitschr. für die lutherische
Theologie, 1878, pp. 397-399).

190

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

Demiuler, CJiristus und der Essenismus {Theologische Studien aus Würtem'
berg, Ist

annual course, 1880, pp. 29 sqq., 122 sqq.).
Sitte, vol.
i.

ßestmaiin, Geschichte der christlichen
Lucius,

(1880)

p.

308 sqq.

Der Essenismus

m

seinem Verhällniss

zum Judenthum, Strassburg

1881.

Reuss, Gesch. der heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments, § 547.

Klöpper, Der Brief an die Colosser (1882), pp. 76-95.

Kuenen,

Volksi-eligion

und Weltreligion (German

ed. 1883), pp.

197-206.

Hilgenfeld, Ketzergeschichte des Urchristenthums (1884), pp. 87-149.

Apart from the great high road of Jewish
Palestine in the time of Christ a religious

life,

there lived in

community which,

though

it

grew up on Jewish

soil,

differed essentially in
it

many
exerof the

points from traditional Judaism, and which, though
cised

no powerful influence upon the
This community,

development

people, deserves

our attention as a peculiar problem in the
tlie

history of religion.
is

Essenes or Essaeans,

generally, after the precedent

of Josephus, placed beside

the

Pharisees
it

and

Sadducees

as

the

third

Jewish

sect.

But

scarcely needs the remark, that

we have
political

here to deal

with a phenomenon of an entirely different kind.
Pharisees
parties,

While the
religious
to

and Sadducees were large
Essenes

and

the

might
is

far

rather

be

compared

a

monastic order.

There

indeed

them

as to particulars.

Even

their

much that is enigmatical in name is obscure. Josephus
In Pliny

generally calls

them

'Ecrcrrjvoi,^

but also 'Ecra-aioi^

they are called

Esseni, in Philo

always

'Eaaacoi.

When
of

Philo asserts that their

name

is

identical with öatoi, this is

but
^
xiii.

etymological

trifling.^

In

truth

it

is

in

any case
xiii.

So on the whole fourteen
11.
;

times, Antt.

xiii.

5. 9
1.

(twice),
xviii.

10. 6,

2,

XV. 10.

4,
8.

xv. 10.
2,
ii.

5 (twice),
8.

xviii.

2,

c.

ii.

Bell.

Jud.

ii.

11,

ii.

8.

13, v. 4.

5; Vila, 2 (comp. Harnisch1. 7.

macher, p.
2

5).

So Antt.

XV. 10. 4, xvii. 13. 8

;

Bell. .lud.

i.

3.

5,

ii.

3,

ii.

20. 4,

üi. 2. 1.

* Quod omnis prohus vupuvvfioi iatö-rmr,;.

liber, §

12 (Mang.

ii. ii.

Ibid. § 13

(Mang.

457) 459)

:

oix7.Utov
:

'

EhMvix-y.i
iy.i'Kut

t&j-

y.iyJtuTcc

§ 30.

TUE ESSENES.
little

191

Semitic origin, though but very

has with any certainty

been ascertained concerning

it.*

The explanation formerly
little

accepted by many, ^'P^, " Physicians," too
peculiarity of the order,

suits

the

and has no support in the Greek

Oepairevrai, the Essenes being never called " physicians," but

only Oepairevrai

6eov (servants

of

God).*

The
others,

derivation,

advocated

e.g.

by Ewald, Hitzig, Lucius and
stat. ahsol. TP.Ü.,

from Npn^

pious, in the plural

stat.

emphat. ^'?n, which
is

though not indeed occurring in either Hebrew or Chaldee,
only the more usual in Syrian,
is

that wliich

is

most

suitable.

The form ^EaarjvoL corresponds with the former, 'Eaaaloi
with the
latter.^

The

origin of the Essenes
first

is

as obscure as

their name.

Josephus

mentions them iu the time of
B.c.,^

Jonathan the Maccabee, about 150
of one

and speaks expressly
I.

Judas an Essene in the time of Aristobulus
According to
this,

(105But
from

104
it is

B.c.).*

the origin of the order would
Christ.

have to be placed in the second century before
questionable
or

whether

they

proceeded

simply

Judaism,

whether

foreign

and

especially

Hellenistic

elements had not also an influence in their organization.
Tuv
''EffoKiuv
:

To

632 (= Euseb. Praep. evang. viii. 11. 1, ed. Gaisford) Kct'Aol/i/rxi 'Eaacctoi Trupx r'/jv öfriörriTct, fcol "hoy-u, t^; TvpoaIt seems to me improbable, that Philo was in these nynpixg d^iudsv-eg.
tj

oatuy.

Mang.

ii.

explanations thinking of the Semitic chase {see Lucius,
contrary, he really derives the
*

p. 89).

On
i.

the

word from the Greek
iii.

caioTn;.
28.5.

See the

list

of the different views in
2.

Keim, Geschichte Jesu,
Lightfoot,
St.

Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen,

278, 3rd ed.

Paul's

Epistles to the C'olossiaus arid to Philemon

(2nd

ed.), pp.

349-354.

Lucius,

Der
*

Essenismus, p. 89 sq. Hilgenfeld, Ketzergeschichte, pp. 98-101. Philo, Quod omnü prohiis liber, § 12 (Mang. ii. 4.57).

8 That an initial n followed by a sibilant may be represented in Greek by ha or daa is seen e.g. from iaa-iir/i; = p^n (Joseph. Antt. iii. 7. 5, 8. 9),

ciaaioxtoi

=

D^l^DH,

'

E(!(jBßüu

=

jiatj'n.

The formations by
;

-/ivö;

and

ulo;

are in Hellenistic Greek used promiscue
status absolutus

hence an appeal to the Semitic
of the
still a Greek forms may
;

and emphaticus
of influence

is

not necessary to explain them

certain

amount

upon the structure
8

probably be attributed to them.
^

Antt.

xiii. 5. 9.

^{„ii_ xiii. 11.

2

;

DeU. Jud.

i.

3. 5.

192
answer
this

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
first

question,

we must

of all

bring forward the

accounts of our authorities,
for

viz. Philo,'

Josephus,^" and Pliny,"

the

purpose

of

making upon these

foundations some

approximation to the origin and nature of P^ssenism.

I.

THE FACTS.
cotnmunity.

1.

Organization of the

Philo

and Josephus

agree in estimating the
at

number
far as

of the Essenes in their time
is

above 4000."

As

known, they lived only

in

Palestine, at least there are no certain traces of their occur-

rence

out

of

Palestine. ^^

According

to

Philo,

they lived
;

^ Quod omnis prohus Vher, § 12, 13 {0pp. cd. Mang. ii. 457-459) and the fragment in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica, viii. 11, accepted by Mangey. On the genuineness of the work, Quod omnis probus liber, see Lucius,

pp. 13-23,
1Ö Bell.
^^

and

§ 34, below.
;

Jud. Ü. 8. 2-13

Antt.

xiii.

5. 9,

xv. 10. 4-5, xviii.

1. 5.

The other authorities are either quite dependent on the three above named, or so scanty and unreliable as to be of scarcely any value. See generally on the authorities for the history of the Essenes,
Hist. Nat. V. 17.

Bellermann, Geschichtliche Nachrichten, pp. 36-145.

für
I

wissensch. Theol. 18G9, p.

Colossians, etc.,

2nd

ed. p.

Clemens, Zeitschr. 328 sqq. Lightfoot, St. PauVs Epistles to the 83 sq. Luciu.s, Der Esse7}ismus, pp. 12-34.

Ketzergeschichte, i<]^. 87-U9. In 1882, pp. 266-289. Kabbinic literature (Mishna, Tosefta, Talmud, Midrashim), the Essenes
lilgenf eld, Ze/tecAr.

are apparently nuwhere mentioned, at least not under this name.

When

Jewish scholars CFrankel, Herzfeld, Jost, Giütz, Derenbourg, Geiger, Hamburger) have insisted on discovering them imder other names, such identifications are some of them decidedly mistaken, some at least very questionable, as has been in most instances admitted by Geiger. See especially. Jüdische Zeitschrift für Wissenschaft und Lehen, 1871, pp. 49-56. *2 Philo, ed. Mangey, ii. 457. Joseph. Äritt. xvüi. 1. 5. It seems to me In the Bcarcely doubtful, that Josephus has here made use of Philo. detailed description given by Josephus himself. Bell. Jud. ii. 8, the following points are missing (1) The number 4000 (2) the repudiation of animal
: ;

eacrifices

;

(3) agriculture as the prevailing occupation

;

(4) repudiation of

slavery.

All these points are mentioned by Philo, and inserted in the later
xviii. 1. 5,

account of Josephus, Antt.
in Philo's account.
^^

but certainly because they are found

Whether the Christian

ascetics of

Rome (Kom.

xiv.-xv.)

and Colosse

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
towns because of
tlie

193
immorality

chiefly in villages, avoiding

of their inhabitants.^*

Yet he himself

says, in another passage,
w'hile

that they also dwelt in

many

of tlie

towns of Judaea,^®

according to Josephus they were to be found in every town
(of Palestine).^®

were, according to Pliny's description, to seek
(Col.
ii.)

Hence we should be much mistaken if we them only in

were Christianized Essenes is very questionable. Tiie occurrence would be evidenced, if the traditional reading Uci'Kxiartvyi x.xl Ivpix in the passage of Philo's Quod omnis prohus liber, § 12, Mung. ii. 457 (see next note), is the correct one. It is however highly For (1) Eusebius, who probable that the reading is Uu'haiarrjyi Ivpiot. tu TLxXctiaTii/yj Syo/os. also quotes the passage, reads (2) The expression i] TLiaXxiariu/i Ivpict, is also elsewhere used by Philo {De nahililatc, § 6. Mang. ii. 443 Qüfiao tu-j cItto tjjj TlotKcctarivr,; '^vpi'»;), and was moreover quite usual after Herodotus. See Ilerodot. i. 105 sv rii TLuT^xii-iv^ iii. 91, 1vpi'/i\ ii. 106, the eame; iii. 5, Ivpov tuu HaXxtaTiuuv x.oe.'htou.iyuv
of Essenes in Syria only
71 sj vj
:

'/jy

:

;

C>o/j//x)7

rs "^xax

x.cc\

"Evptri

i)

UccT^xiarii/ri »»"Ksofiivrj.

Joseph. Antt.
x.

viii.

10. 3,

rviv

'n.x>.xiarivnv 'S.vpixv.
su
rf,

Polenion in Euseb. Praep. evang.
KaT^ovfiiui]
"S-vpicc.

10. 5 (ed.

Gaisford),
'S.vplxv
Tviv

liccT^cciariv/i

Dio Cass, xxxvii.
Geogr.
ii.

15, t^v

Ylx'Kciiariv/fj.

Still
s.v.

more material

in Pape-Benseler, Wortcrh.

der

(jriccJi.

Eigennamen,
183

Tla'hxiarivYi.

Forbiger,

073

sq.

Pauly's Real-Enc. v. 1070.
des röm. Reichs,
ii.

Kuhn, Die

städtische

und

hürgerl. Verfassung
vol.
i.

sq.

Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung,
it is

(1881), p. 420 sqq.
Syria).

HxT^xiarivri is here always an adjective (the Palestinian

From

the passages quoted
is

also evident, that, in the passage of

Philo cited above, the reading

not, as

many

insist, Ux'KcttariyYi "Svpixg,

but 2yo/«. See e.g. Wieseler in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st " Timotheusbriefe ").
1* Philo, ed.

ed. xxi.

291

(art.

Mang.

ii.

457
7]v

:

"Eo-t/ Ss

kxI

ij

Ticcy^xitjrlvti

[y.ai]

Ivpix kxoi/x.
. .
.

"KoKxyxdix;
OVTO! TO

oiix,

xyovog,

Tro'Kvxi/dpaT^orxTOV
rivf.g

'iduovg

ruv

lovoxicju
k.t.'K.

ixiyfi f^oipx uiciiTXi.
fiiU

Aiyo'JTxi
K0)f.iY106v

vxp
TX;

ȟrois (luoy^x Eaaxiot
Vo'Kiti lx,Tpi776f4,i'J0l,
ix,

VpurOU

<ilx,OV(!t,

OIX TX; TUU

vo'Ktrsvoi^ivuv

y;,iipoviht;

xuofiix;,
-tt

e/So'tej

tuu

ovvoutuu

üg

d'Tr

xepo;

(pdopoTTOiov vöoov iyyivo(/Avriv
15

poo ßcK'^u •\pV)(,xlg »vixrov.

Philo, ed.
:

Mang.
"hi

ii.

632

(=

Euseb. Praep. evang.

viii.

11, 1st ed. Gaisii KUfixg,

ford)
l**

OiKuvat

vo^.'Kxg

fisv

vo'hiig rij? 'lovOxix;, TroXAasf

KXl (/.iyoihovg

x.xl

xoXvxvdpoiTrov; ou.i'Kovg.
ii.
:

8. 4 Mix "hi oIk 'iariv xvruv Trohi;, x'K'k iv SKxaTt] There were certainly Essenes in Jerusalem also, where they frequcntlj' make an appearance in history {Antt. xiii. 11. 2, xv.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.

X.XT0IK0VOI TToXXo/.
10. 5, xvii. 13. 3

;

Bell. Jud.

ii.

20. 4),

and where a gate was named

after

them

{Bell. Jud. v. 4. 2,

IttJ ry,u

'Eaanvuu vC'hnv), probably because thehoußö

of their order

was near
II.

it.

DIV.

II.

VOL.

N

194

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

the desert of Engedi on the

Dead Sea."

On

the contrary,

the settlement there can only have been distinguished above
others on account of
its

numbers.

For the sake of living as a

community, they had special houses of the order in which they
dwelt together.'^
Their whole community was most strictly

organized as a single body.
(iirifieXTjTai),

At

the head were presidents

whom

the

members were bound unconditionally
a pickaxe
(XevKrjv

to obey.^^

Whoever
an apron

desired to enter the order received three
:

badges (the naming of which will hereafter be seen)
(a^tvdpiov),
icrdijra).

(rrepL^wfia),

and a white garment

He was

not, however,
first

immediately received into

the order, but had
after

to

undergo a probation of one year,
to the lustrations.

which he was admitted

Then followed
this

a further probation of two years.

And

not

till

was ended
In

was he allowed
become a
this oath
^~

to participate in the

common

meals, and to

full

member

after first taking

a fearful oath.

he had to bind himself both to absolute openness
V.

Hist.

Nat.

17

:

Ab

occidente litora Esseni fugiunt nsque qua nocent,
laira, pine ulla

gens

sola, et in toto

orbe praeter ceteras

femina,

omni venere

abdicata, sine pecunia, socia palraarum.

In diem ex aequo couvenarum

turba renascitur large frcquentantibus quos vita fessos ad mores corum Ita per seculoruiu milia (incredibile dictu) gens fortunae fluctibus agit. In qua nemo nascitur. Tarn fecunda illis aliorum vitae aeterna est.
poenitentia
est.

Infra hos

Engada oppidum

fuit, etc.

Dio Chrysostomua

(1st century after Christ) also, according to the testimony of his biographer

Synesius, mentioned the Essenes as a

community
^Eaanvov;
rri f^iaoyitct

at the

Dead

Sea.

Syuesii
o'X»u»

0pp. ed. Petav, p. 39
iiioxluovoc,
T'/i'j

:

on k»)

roii;

i-Traivtl

ttov,

•xLT^iv

TTctoce.

TO uiApov vOup iv

TJjj TlcO^aiarivrii

icufAiuin»

Probably Pliny and Dio Chrysostomus draw cci/Tce. -T^rov r» luhoy.oi.. "TTxp from a common source. Comp. Lucius, Der Essenitunus, pp. 30-33. 18 Philo, ed. Mang. ii. 632 (= Euseb. Prcwp. evang. viii. 11. 5, ed. Gaisford)
Koci
:

Oix.ovcri

V

iv tcivt^,

kut»

diciaov; iTXipiu;

xxi

avaairtot, Troiovfifi/oi,

waKÖ'

inrip toij x.oivu(pey^ov;

7rpx'y,uoe.riv6f<,:i/oi

OiccTt'hoiiatv.

Joseph, ßell.

Jud. iL
fi/ihvl
ii.

8. 5,

says at least that at meals they
-TTccpihouv.

il;

ioiou oiy-nua, avs/iaatii, tvd»

Tuu iripooi^uv iTTtTiTpxvren
:

Comp,

also Philo, ed.

Mang,
Tlpo;

458 OvOivoi oUi» rig iartv ydp TO »urx ßicioov; avvoiJCStVy
if/.o^ij'Kuv.

Ihlot,

^v

oi/x't

'irxvTuu iiveti av/aßißnKt.

d-jxiri—TOC-itt kxI to/;

i-ipudm

xTix,vovfti!/oi{

TU»
19

Joseph. Bell. Jiul.

ii.

8. 6.

§ 30.

TUE ESSENES.

195

towards the brethren, and to secrecy concerning the doctrines
of the order to non-members.^°
niembers.'^^

Only adults were admitted as
also received for the purpose

But children were

of training in the principles of Essenism.^'

When

JosepliU3

says that the Essenes were divided into four classes according
to their time of entrance/' such children are to be understood

by the
and

first class,

the two stages of the novitiate by the second
fourth.

third,

and the members proper by the
of the order

Transgres-

sions of

members

were decided upon by a tribunal of
Those who had
.^'^

at least one

hundred of

their fellow-members.^*

grievously transgressed were expelled from the community

The strongest

tie

by v;hich the members were united was
"

absolute community of goods.
is

The community among them

wonderful, one does not find that one possesses more than

another.

For

it

is

the law, that those

who

enter deliver

up

their property to the order, so that there is

nowhere

to be seen,

either the humiliation of poverty or the superfluity of wealth,

but on the contrary owe property for aU as brethren, formed

by the collection of the possessions of individuals."
neither

^'

"

They

buy nor
what

sell
lie

among each

other

;

but while one gives
is

to another

wants, he receives in return what

useful

to himself,

and without anything in return they receive freely
"

whatever they want." ^^

The managers
;

(eVt/ieXT^rat)

of the
all for

common

property are chosen

and each

is

selected

by

ministration of the possessions of the community."

"*

"

They
Toüi'

choose fitting persons as receivers of revenues (dTroSe'/cra?
20
21

Joseph, mil. Jud. ü.
Philo, ed.

8. 7.

Mang.

ii.

632
8. 2.

(=

Eoseb. Praep. cvang.

viii.

11,

Grd od.

Gaisford).

"

Joseph. Bell Jud.

ii.

2^ Bill.
i'tjactpcti.

Jud.

ii.

8.

10

:

AtY,pyivr»i Zi x.otrx

XP^''"^'-'

"^^^

oLoxiiaiu;

ü; /^oiix;

2* Bell.

Jud.
Jud. Jud.

ii.

8. 9.
8. 8. 8.

2« 27

Bell. Jud.

ii.

8. 8.

2c
°

Bell.

ii.
li.

ß,ii

jy,/. ü, g. 4.
t^r/^aÄ/jrsti,

Bell,

3

:

^nporoi/n^ol Ze

0/

tud koivuv

kx\ xIhtoI

196
irpoaoScov)

§

30.

THE ESSEN ES.
earth,

and of the produce of the
^^

and

priests

for

the preparation of bread and food."

So Josephus.

And

in

accordance with this Philo declares "none desires to have any

kind of property of his own, neither a house, nor a slave, nor an
estate,

nor

flocks,

nor anything at

all

that constitutes wealth.
distinction, they

But by putting everything together without
enjoy the

common

use of

all."

^'^

"

The wages which they
wanted, and

earn by different kinds of work, they give to a chosen manager
(ra/jLia^).

He
'^

receives

them and buys what

is

dispenses abundant provision and whatever else
requires."
"

human

life

Not only have they food, but also clothing in
for winter,

common.
for

Thick cloaks are ready
so that each
is

and

light overalls

summer,

may

use them at his pleasure.
all
is
;

For
all

what one has
have

regarded as the property of
*^

and what

as that of each individual."

"

There

but one purse

for all,

and common expenses, common clothes and common

food in

common
is

meals.

For community of dwelling, of
so firmly established

life

and of meals

nowhere

and so developed

as with them.

And
it

this is intelligible.

For what they receive

daily as wages for their labour, they do not keep for themselves,

but put

together,

and thus make the
desire to

profits of their

work common

for those

who

make use

of

it.

And

the sick are without anxiety on account of their inability to

common purse is in readiness them, and they may with all certainty meet
earn, because the

for the care of

their expenses

from abundant

'^

stores."
ATrcO-.y.Toe.;

5J tuv 'jrponoöwj ^sipOTOvovci xxl 6~ocx q hpu; rs Oicc Tror/iffi:/ oi'rov ts KUt ßpojjuccTUi/. Philo, ed. Mang. ii. 632 (= Eiiscb. Praep. evang. viii. 11. -i). *^ Philo, ed. Mang, ii. 033 (= Euseb. Praep. evang. viii. 11. 10): 'E« cviru'j ovru; 0:ci(psp6vrav tx.ot.aTi rov /^noßtin 'ha.ßö'jng iul iiooxai ru ^nporovYiSivTi

Antt. xviii.

1.5:

'

yij (pipoi
•'''

uvopx;

ctyctoov;,

rec/ntx.

Axßuv

ö

tKUuo?

»vtikx

TocTrny.'hsioe,

ui/inxi, xxl

Trxpi^st

Tpo<pxi

ü(p66'jo-j:, y,x\

txtCKx Zv 6 xvSpü'^ivog ßio;

y^pituor,;.
viii.

32

Philo, ed.

^^ Philo, ed.

Mang. Mang.

ii.
ii.

623

(=

Euseb. Praep. evang.

11, 12).
Ix-ttxi/xi,

458

sq.: Err' iarl Tx^etov
ö£

h

-t^xutuv hxi

Kxi

y.oiuai

fii'j

iaö^n;.

KOivxl

rpci^xl

avaalnx

TrsTroiyifUvuv.

To yxp

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
the above quoted passages,

197
it is

As

already intimated in
in
this

self-evident, that

strictly

communistic
for.

life

all

the
sick,

needy of the order would be cared

If

any one was

he was tended at the common expense.

The

old enjoyed a
if

happy old age under the

care of the younger, just as

they

had had many and excellent children about them.®*
one had the right to help the needy from the
according to his
question,
discretion.

Every
purse,

common
the

Only when
the

relatives

were in

had he

to

obtain

consent
of the

of

managers

(eViT/joTTot).^

Travelling

members

order found hos(Krj^efxcüv)

pitality

everywhere.

Nay

a special

officer

was

appointed in every town, to care for the wants of travelling
brothers.^"

The daily labour
It

of the

Essenes was under

strict regulation.

began with prayer,
their

after

which the members were dismissed

They reassembled for work by the presidents. purifying ablutions, which were followed by the common After this they again went to work, to assemble again meal.
to
for their

evening meal.®'

The chief employment

of

members
how-

of the order

was

agriculture.®"

They likewise
and
ivpat

carried on,

ever, crafts of every kind.

On

the other hand, trading was
also

forbidden as leading to covetousness,
o/napo^iou
ou-olt'cAiTOv

the

making

»J

»j

ö/noTpöiTri^ov
fiTi-TTOr

oi/x,
;

äv Tig
Oaoe,

rrctp

eTipoi; y.i'KKot)
iipctpau
it;

ipy't) ßißcciovf^ivov.
fii'joi

Kxi

e'lKOTU;

yotp ccv

fad
d7\'h'

ipyuaoc-

'hä.ßaatv l'ül fitadu,

raSr ovk
)cp'?,(t6xi

lOicc
cI'tt

^vhctzrovaiv,

fiiaov Trpori-

6ivzig xoiy/iv rol; Idi'hovat

t/i'j

xvruv vrxpaaKivcc^ovaiv
n^xa-fig

üfiT^tix».
i/oarj/iSixg

Oiri vodYi'hevovTi; oi/x
iy,

Ö't<

'zopi^nv ocQVJXTOvaiv ciy-t'koCuT»!, T7p6; tcc;
lu
tTOiftq)

ru'j

KOtvoiv

'ixovTi;

ü; pcnx

oc,Oii*s

s|

cifdovcuripcuv

eivBtKiax.iiu.

3*

Philo, ed.

Mang.

ii.

633
ii.

(=
8.
6.

Euseb. Praep. evang.

viii.

11. 13)
Bell.
ii.

^^
ii.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.
3
;

The managers
Antt. xviii.
ii.

{i7:tfcihr,Txi^
za'hixi.,

Jud.

8.

i.TToiiiy.ra.i

tuv
;

irpoaohuv.,

1.

5;

Philo,

C33 =

Euseb.

viii.

11.

10

i-zhpoxot, Bell. Jud.

8.

Bame time the presidents
fx/,t4£>i»T«/ {Bell.
36

of the order.

G) seem to liave been at the For the latter also are calltd
37

Jud.
8. 4.
:

ii.

8. 5, 6).

Bell Jud.

ii.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.

ii.

8. 6.

^* Antt. xviii. 1. 5

to

't^ö.v

xovuu

iirl

yiupytcc -irpx/nfiiuot.

198
of

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

weapons or
89

of

any kind of utensils that might injure

men.
2,

Bthics.

Manners and Customs. The Essencs

are described

by both
.losephus

Pliilo

and Josephus as very connoisseurs in morality,

calls

them BeXTiarot,

ävSp€<;

rov

rpofrov*'*

And
Their

Philo competes with
life

him

in sounding their praise.*^
"

was abstemious, simple and unpretending.

They condemn

sensual desires as sinful, and esteem moderation and freedom

from passion as of the nature of virtue."*^
food and drink
till

They only take

they have had enough;*^ abstaining from

passionate excitement, they are "just dispensers of wrath.""

At
to

their meals they are " contented

with the same dish day by

day, loving sufficiency and rejecting great expense as harmful

mind and body."
and

*^

They do not

cast

away

clothes

and

shoes until they are utterly useless.*®
treasures of gold
silver,

They do not
needed
for the

collect

nor earn them from the desire to
is

acquire large estates, but only what
of life."

wants

Beside these general features of simplicity and moderation

however,

we meet

in their moral principles, in their

usages

and customs, a

series of special points,

which we

shall here

simply enumerate, reserving the explanation of them for a
later occasion.

(1)

There

is

not a slave

among them, but
(2)
"

all

are free, mutually working for each other.*^
39

All that

Philo, ed.

Mang.

ii.

457, 633

(=

Euseb.

viii.

11. 8-9).

*" Ä7itL xviii. 1. 5.
*i

Comp,

especially

what Philo

says,

ii.

458, concerning their instruction,

with the matter of the oath, which according to Josephus each had to take

on entering the community. *^ Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 2 rati; ^sv
:

iyiot/oi;

ü;

kockiccv

d'rro(Trpi(povrxt,

rvju

"hi

tyx.pü.riiuv Koti to
*^ Bell.
10

(/.vt

Tol; Trctdiatv VTro-nriTTTHi/ dpirr}» vvro'hecfißot.vovai.
5, fin.

Jud.

ii.

8.

The cause
"ZCtp

of rest

and quietness at meals
f<-i/CP' ''öpOV.

ia

ilYlUiK7;i V'/l\plg KCcl

TO [/.iTpHuout

KVTo7i TpO'^^V KCcl TTOTOV

** Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8.

«
*6

Philo, ed.

Mang.

G: 6p-/^; rotf^icn ZiKociot, 6vy,oi) ii. C33 (= Euseb. viii. 11. 11).
ii. ii.

Kx6ty,rix,üi.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.

8. 4.

^'

Philo, ed.

Mang.
ti;

ii.

457.
ci7^x'

** Philo, ed.

Mang.

457

:

AouXö; re

vot-f ccvro7;

ovöe

tarh,

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
than an oath.

199
They forbid swearFor that which does
is

tliey say is

more
is

certain

ing, because it

worse than perjury.

not deserve belief without an appeal to God,

akeady conoil.

demned."*'

(3)

They forbid anointing with
will,

And
"

if

one has been anointed against his

he wipes

it off.

For

they regard a rough exterior as praiseworthy." ^

(4)

Before

every meal they bathe in cold
after

water
of

.^^

They do the same

performing

the

functions

nature.^^

Nay even
class
it

mere contact with a member of the order of a lower
requires a

purifying bath.^^

(5)

They esteem

seemly to

wear white raiment

at all times,^*

on which account a white
entrance.^''

garment

is

delivered to each

member on
(cr/caXt?,

(6)

They

behave with special modesty in performing natural functions.

They

dig with the

pickaxe

a^ivdpiov),

which each

member
fxr)

receives, a hole of a foot deep, cover themselves with

a mantle, that they

may

not offend the brightness of

God

(w?

Ta9

avya.'i

vßpl^oiev rov 6eov), relieve themselves into the
out.

hole,

and throw in again the earth that had been dug
solitary

They choose the most
the

place for

the

purpose, and

bathe afterwards as the unclean are accustomed to do.

On
Their

Sabbath

they entirely abstain
sliown in other ways.
loins.^'^

from

the

act.^^

modesty

is also

In bathing they bind
also

an apron about their
iMiidipot TTciyrs;,

They

avoid spitting forAntt. xviii. 1. 5:

dudvTrovpyolvn;
G

«A/'^Xo/,-.

Comp. Joseph.

OVTi OOV'KUU i'^lTyiOiVOVCt KT^TIU.
*^ Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8,

:

ttöLv fisu

to

priShj

iiiv

avruy la^^vpönpov ookov, to
ijoYi

Si

c/avvsi!) •x-ipiioTXvrcti,

xilpov ti tsjj i'TrtopKixg VTro'Kxfißxi/ovri;'
li'xct

yccp Kctrey-

vojaSoii

(pKut

TO

dTTiaTOv/iiitiov

6soZ.

Comp.
ii.

Antt. xv. 10.

4 (Heroil

exempts the Essenes from oaths).
TO
clypivoi;.

Philo,

458

:

they teach rd 6ivä(AOTo»,
y.uv

^^ Bell.

Jud. Jud.

ii.

8.

3 5
3

:

«>)X?Ba oi VTro'Xcifißüvc'vai to
to

i'Kce.iov,

oiXi^n Tt;

»Kuu, vfivixirxi TO
^^ Bell. «2 Bell. ^*
ii.

auy.01.'

yxp xvx^tiv
to"

iv

x.xKu Ti'h'jTxi.
\^vxP'ji; voxai.

8.

:

xttoT^qvovtxi

au/^x

Jud. Bell. Jud.

ii.
ii.

8. 9,
8.
:

ßi.
to

Bdl.

.hid.

ii.

8. 10, init.

yxp

xvx/^^iv iv x.x'h^ ti'Ösvtxi,

^iv

•(,nuO!>iii/ rt

iix TrxuTog.

«

BeU. Jud.

Ü. 8. 7.

"

Bell. Jud. Ü. 8. 9.

"

Bdl. Jud.

ii.

8. 5.

200
wards or
marriagc.^^
to

§ 30.

THE ESSENE3.
(7)

the right hand.^^

They

entirely

condemned

Josephus indeed knew of a branch of Essenes
marriage.*'*'

who permitted

But these must

at all events

have

formed a small minority.
ov8el<; ayerac yvvalKa.

For Philo says expressly: 'Ecraalcov
(8)

They

sent gifts of incense to the

temple, but offered no animal
their

sacrifices,

because they esteemed
this

own

sacrifices

more

valuable.

They were on
(9)

account

excluded from the temple at Jerusalem.*'^
peculiarity of the Essenes

Lastly, a chief

was

their

the character of sacrificial feasts.
priests,'^'

common meals, which bore The food was prepared by
rites

with the observance
;

probably of certain

of

purification

for

an Essene was not permitted to partake of
this.*'^

any other food than
follows

The meals

are

described

as

by Josephus
forbidden to

:

"

After the bath of purification they

betake themselves to a dwelling of their own, entrance into

which

is

all of

another

faith.

And

being clean

they go into the refectory as into a sanctuary. they have quietly taken their seats, the baker lays

And after down the
and

bread in order, and the cook sets before each a vessel with a
single kind of food.

The

priest prays before the meal,

none
again.

may
At

eat before the

prayer.

After the meal he prays

the beginning and end they honour

God

as the

giver of food.

Then they put
work
till

off their

garments as sacred
Ileturning, they feed

and go back

to their

evening.

again in the same manner."^
''^

(10) The wide-spread opinion,
ug
fiiaov; 11.

Bell.

Jud.
ii.

ii.

8.

9

:

to

'irriiaxt 0£

vj

to Bs^io» fispo;

(pv'hü.ooo'jroii,
ii.

"Philo,
8.

63:3-634
5.

(=

Euseb.

viii.

14-17).

Joseph. Bell Jud.

2
''^

;

Antt. xviii. 1.

Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 17.

«0 Bell.

Jud.
ii.

ii.

8. 13.
:

Philo,

.457

cv ^uot KXToiöüoureSt «XX' hpoTrpszsi; Toi; iavTuu iixoi^icivvTi;.
6vaioc.g

uoia; KUTuaKivaC^iiv
ce,'Jix,äY,[/.cizot.

Joseph. Antt.
ovx,

xviii.

1,

5

:

il;

oi

to
ot;

Uoou
voy.i-

aTiXhovng

i'T^ni'Kovai

^{»(popoTYiri
i(p

ccyvntJu

i^otiv,

Kcul

'hi'

uino upyof^evo: rov

Kots/ov Ttfctvia/netTo;

uvtZiu

övaiug

i'jrtri'Koiiai.

82 Antt. xviii. 1. 5.

«•''

Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8. 8.

** BelX.

Jud.

ii.

8.

5.

Undoubtedly we must behold

iu these meals the

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

201

that the Essenes abstained from the use of meat and wine, has

no support from the older authorities, and has lately been As indirect arguments are rightly opposed by Lucius.*'^
usually adduced (a) their rejection of

animal

sacrifices,

the

reason of which was, that the Essenes regarded the slaughter
of animals in general as objectionable;
of

and

(&)

the refusal

the kindred sects of

tlie

Therapeutae Pythagoreans and
It

Ebionites to partake of meat and wine.

cannot however

be proved, that their repudiation of animal sacrifices proceeded

from the motives mentioned, and the degree of affinity between Essenism and the above-named tendencies respectively must Jerome certainly first be ascertained from established facts.
ascribes to the Essenes an abstinence

from
rest

flesh

and wine.
gross

But his assertion can be proved

to

only upon

carelessness in rendering the words of Josephus.^^
eacrifices {dvaixi)
1.

which the Essenes, according to Josephus {Antt. xviii. regarded as of more value than those at Jerusalem. The itpxi For the Essenes always wore white iadr,Tsg were certainly linen garments. Hence the distinctive quality of their sacred garments must raiment.
5),

have
65

lain in their material.

Lucius, Die Therapeuten, p. 38 f. The same, Die Essenismits, p. 56 f. ^^ Hieronymus adv. Jovinian. ii. 14 (Opp, ed. Vallarsi, ii. 313) Josephus
:

in secunda Judaicae captivitatis historia et in octavo decimo antiquitatum
libro

et

contra
:

Apionem duobus voluminibus
et

tria

describit

dogmata
miris

Judaeorum

Pharisaeos, Sadducaeos, Essaenos.

Quorum novissimos

ab uxoribus et vino et carnihus semper ahstinuerint The commencement of et quotidianum jejunium verterint in naturam. these words proves, that Jerome was not in them using Josephus at all, but Porphyry, who in his work, de ahstinentia, iv. 11-13, restores the account of . tv ru levrtpu rii; Josephus (comp, de ahstinentia, iv. 11 'lüan'^oi
effert laudibus,

quod

:

.

.

'Ioi/0«iV,5Jj ioropiotg

.

.

.

kxI

h

rijj

oxT^xa/BfxaT'J
;

TJjf

ccpx^ioXoyix;
is

.

.

.

kuI

lu TO)

oiVTipy TU Tipos Toii; "'E'h.^.nux;

the last statement

a mistake, the sects

not being mentioned in the books contra Apionem). But neither Josejihua nor Porphyrius tells us anything about the Essenes abstaining from flesh Porphyrius himself certainly requires throughout his work and wine. abstinence from the use of flesh. But he is accurate enough not to intro-

duce any extraneous matter into the narrative of Josephus (hence the statement in Lucius, p. 56, is incorrect comp, also Zeller, p. 287). It was But as he supports his Jerome who first undertook this completion. For the partaking assertion solely on Josephus, it is entirely without value.
;

202
3.

§ iO.

THE ESSENES.

Tlicolcgu

and Philosophy.
was

The view
the

of

the world huhl

by the

Essenes

fundamentally

Jewish.

When
fate,

Josephus ascribes to them belief in an unalterable

by

which human freedom was absolutely abolished "

this

must

undoubtedly be understood only in the sense of an absolute
belief in Providence.*^

And when

he says that the Essenes

make

everything, the Sadducees nothing dependent on fate,

while the Pharisees occupy a middle position between the
two, thus

much may be

true, that the

Essenes were particu-

larly decided in their adherence to that belief in Providence,

which they held in common with the Pharisees.
high esteem for the
the

The Essenes
"

are in this point only decided Pharisees, as they are also in a

Law and
is

the

Lawgiver.

Next

to

God,

name

of the

Lawgiver

with them an object of the
it

greatest reverence,

and whoever blasphemes

is

punished

with death." ^

" Their pursuit of ethic is especially thorough,

since they take for instructors the laws of their fathers,

which

no human soul could possibly have conceived without Divine
inspiration."

In their worship, as well as in that of other

of flesh and wine hy the Essenes at least two probable reasons may be adduced: (1) According to Philo, ii. 633 = Euseb. Praep. evanp. viii. 11. 8, they also carried on cattle-rearing. (2) Joseph. Bdl. Jud. ii. 8. 6 declares the peace and silence of their meals to result from the circumstance, that they partook of meat and drink (roo'f'hv kxi ttotow) only till they had had enough, which has no meaning unless they drank wine. ^^ Joseph. Antt. xiii. 5. 9. Comp, xviii. 1-5 'Eaarivol; 8' e^^i fih Sitfi
:

Kot.rctKtxitv (Pi'ku zd. -TToLVTU, Ö Xo'yoj.
*'8

Comp, what
TO
o'K),a«

is

remarked above,
ii.

p. IG,
"hs

on the Pharisees.
f/Aytarou
t;j
-j^rctp

^^

Joseph. Bell. Jud.
Toii

8.

9

:

^ißoc;

uvtoJs ftirdc tou
Kohäi^irett

6iov

voy^ooiTOv'

kccv

ß'ha.(j^yiu,Y,a-/i

t/j

tovtov,

'"

Philo, iL

458

:

To

viötKOv

iv f^u.'Xcc

oia-Trovovaiv, üTiiiTTrcti;

}(,pc,'f.t,svoi

TO/f

•Trecrptots vöftots, cvg df<.yix,ecvov ccvdpwTrlbYiu
iud'iov.

iTTiDdi^tjctt i^vy^');u civiv y,XTctKU'/,'<^,i

Comp. Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8-12: ßiß'Koi; ispulg xul oix^öpot; Whether, x.eil TrpoCPmuu u-tto^P diy/^uati) i^u-zuiooTpißov/ici'joi. on the other hand, the Holy Scriptures are intended by the avyypa,^y.(*.oi
»yviiccis

ruv
Jud.

Tot.'Ka.iuv.,
ii.

Bdl. Jud.

ii.

8.

6,

is

questionable, since accordhig to Bell.

8.

7 the sect had also

its

special books.

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
were read and explained
specially

20:'>

Jews,
Philo

the Holy

Scriptures

;

and

remarks, that they

delighted

in

allegorical

interpretation/^

They were

extraordinarily

strict

in

the
that

celebration of the Sabbath.

They did not venture on
its place,

day

to

move

a vessel from

nor even to perform the

functions of uature.^^

In other respects too

they showed

themselves to be
the

Jews.

Though they were excluded from
of incense
{dvaO/j/Mara)

temple they sent

gifts

there."

And

they seem to have kept to the priesthood of the house of

Aaron.'*

On
any

this decidedly

Jewish foundation,
is

it is

self-evident, that

real

worship of the sun

out of the question.

When
it,

therefore Josephus declares that "daily before the rising of the

sun, they address to
as
it

it
'^

old traditional prayers, supplicating
this

were, to

rise,"

cannot be meant in the sense of

an adoratio, but only in that of an invocatio (observe the et?
avrov).
Certainly such an invocatio
is

of itself striking in

Jewish monotheists,
(so alien

as being apparently

founded on the idea
is

to

Jewish consciousness), that the sun
liglit ?

the repre-

sentative of the Divine

That they did proceed upon
stated

the latter conception
'^

must be assumed from the motive
iii.
''3

Philo, iL 458.
;

In explanation of the passage, comp. Zeller, Theol.
Pliilosopliie der Griechen,
2.

Jahrb. 1856, p. 426 " Bell. lud. ii. 8.
^*

293

sq.

9.
is

Antt. xviii. 1. 5.

The question here
1.

concerning the interpretation of the passage, Antt.
;i(;£//)otcii/61'o';

xviii.

5

:

A^roBi^craj Ss ruu 'Tzpoachuu

x.ctl

oVoV« h

y~A

(fkpai

öii/Opx; ccyxdcivg, hpiii

n

"ht» -Ttolriatv

airov ts x-ul ßpuf^aroiv.

Tliis is

gene-

" They choose excellent men as receivers of revenues and what the earth produces, and (they choose just such men) as priests for the sake of the preparation of bread and food." But it slioukl ratlier be translated, "and (they choose) priests for the preparation of bread and food." In the former case the meaning would be, that they knew of no hereditary, but only an elective priesthood in the latter it would be stated, that tliey took their bakers and cooks out of the number of the priests (of the house
rally translated
:

of

;

of Aaron).
'^ Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8.

5:

Uph

yu.p

duxay^uv rov

•n'Kiav

ovhiu

(pStyyouTxt

rut) ßißyjJ^eou,
6iux7i~i'Koi,t.

irarpiovi

Ik tivccs tig xi/TOv

tvx^»^ uai^tp iKtrtvourti

204
by them
viz.

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
the performance of their needs,

for their caution in

that they might not offend the brightness of God.^°

An

intermingling of heterogeneous elements

is

here already

found, and

much

that

is

peculiar and

alien to traditional

Judaism appears in

their teaching in general.

When
to

indeed

Josephus says, that whoever entered their order had
he had himself received them,^^
extensiveness of the
special doctrines are

swear

not to teach any of their ordinances (BoyfxaTo) otherwise than
it

may, by reason of the
doubtful whether
rate

notion of Soy/ia, be

meant thereby.

At any

however the

order was in possession of special books, the careful preservation of

which was made the duty of the members.'^

And
of

with respect to their doctrines certain peculiarities are at
least

knoM'n
(it is

to

us.

They searched the writings

the

ancients

not clear whether the books of the sect or the

canonical Scriptures are meant) to discover what would profit

the soul and the body, the sanatory powers of roots, and the
properties of stones.^*

They must have highly estimated

their

angelology.

The novice had
of the angels.*"

to swear carefully to preserve

the

names
future,

By
asserts

reason

of

their

study of

Scripture and their purifications they ensured a knowledge of
the

and Josephus

that

they

were seldom

mistaken in their predictions,*^ and gives several examples of
correct prophecies
^^ Bell.

by Essenes,

e.fj.

by one Judas
6iov.

in the time

Jud.

ii.

8.

9: ü^/h'^tx; uvycc; Cßpi^ouv rov

The contrary

assumptionisincidentally met with in the Testani. XII. Patriarch. Benjamin,
o.

8:
'^^

vihio; oil

fiixiusrcci

-Trpoat^c^iv ittI

KOTrpov xxl ßöpßopov, dXhoi [^xXKov

df<,(p6ripu. i^iyjt

Kxi
ii.

d.'T^ihoiii'jiL t'^v

ivauQiuv.

Bell. Jud.
fiiTi'ha.ßvj.

8.

7

:

fi/iOiui

fiiu f^irxQov'jxt

ruu Ooyfixrui/ izipag
uipiaiu;
vtpl tcc

s;

ü;

auTO;
^^

^° Bell.

Jud.

ii.

8.
ii.

7
8.

:

ovvT/ipyianv

6y.olug
oi

n

t'/j;

uvtuv
tuv

ßißXict.

Bell.

Jud.

G

:

IttovOx^ovoi

iK-ÖTrug
v/'fx'^?

Tra.Xot.iuv

(rvy/pxfAi/^ce.TX,

i^u.'hKjroe,

roi

Trpo; u(pi'hiiot.y
'^rxduiv

"-^^

ai)f^xro;

ix.Xiyovrii.

'Kudiv »vTOig
eeyipivuütUTXt.
*" Bell.
81 Btll.

'TTpog

6tpxirtixi/

pii^xt

zt xht^YiT'ijpioi kxi "Ktöuii iotcrrfTii

Jud. Jud.

ii.
ii.

8.

7

:

avvrrtp'/iauv

.

.

.

tx run

x'/'/ifMv ovoy.xj».

8. 12.

§ 30.

THE

ESSENICS.

205
and

of Aristobulus I./" one Menaliein in the time of Herod/'

one Simon in the time of Archelaus."
doctrine of the soul

Concerning

their

and of
If

its

immortality, Josephus expresses
trust his account, they taught

himself most fully.

we may
in
tlie

that bodies are perishable, but souls immortal, and that the
latter

dwelt originally

subtlest

aether,

but

being

debased by sensual pleasures united themselves with bodies
as with prisons
;

but

when they

are freed from the fetters of
if

sense they will joyfully soar on high, as

delivered from

long bondage.

To the good

(souls) is appointed a life

beyond

the ocean, where they are troubled

by neither
is

rain,

nor snow,

nor heat, but where a gentle Zephyr
to

ever blowing.

But
full

the

bad

(souls)

is

appointed a dark cold region

of

unceasing torment.^

n.

NATURE AND ORIGIN OF ESSENISM.

Full as are the descriptions of our authorities, especially

Josephus, the question from what point of view these various

phenomena

are to be explained,

and from what general views
to
this

and motives they proceed, remains

day undecided.

Some (and

they now form

the majority) insist on explaining
it

Essenism wholly from Judaism, regarding

either as virtuit

ally identical with Pharisaism, or at least deriving
its

(with

all

divergences) from Chasidaeic or Pharisaic Judaism.

So

especially the

Jewish scholars Frankel,

Jost,

Grätz, Deren-

bourg, Geiger, and
82

among
Bell.

Christian scholars, Ewald, Hausrath,
i.

Ann.

xüi. II. 2

;

Jud.

3. 5.
«•'

8» Antt. XV. 10. b.
85 Bell.

Antt. xvii. 13. 3
1:0.0
cti/rolg

;

Bell. Jud.
ij

ii.

7. 3.

Jud. 8. 11

:

K«( yxp ipparxi
r'/iv

'/ihi

^o^ct,

ifdap-u fih

uvdi T»
»el

aüu,a.ru,
actl

xul

v>^yiv

ov f<.6vtfiOv uvtoI^,
/xiv,
kx.

tx;

Ss

ypv^i^; ci6xi/xT0v;

oixciiuiiv,

av/mrKsKiadai

roi/

Xiirrorärov

Cponuaoci

etidipoc,

uoTZip ilpKTciii Toig auy-otaiv i'vyyi rivt (pvjiKJi x,ciT»<nruy.i'j(X.:, iTTithuu Ss toti
y,xipStV Kxl fiiTiUpOV; (piptaSut K.T.>i.

206
Tideman,
leaner,

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
lieuss,

Clemens,

and

Kiienen.

Eitschl

advocates this standpoint in a peculiar manner.

He

regards

Essenism as only a consistent carrying out of the idea of the
universal priesthood (Ex. xix.
all G).

He

endeavours to explain

the single facts from one,
priests.

viz.

that the Esscnes desired to

be a nation of
see in

Similarly Bestmann, only he does not

Essenism the carrying out of the idea of the nniversal,
Lucius also esteems Essenism
its

but of the Aaronic priesthood.
as a purely " pious "

Jewish formation, and explains

origin

from

the exclusively

having in the Maccabaean period
temple
-

renounced
regarded
it

the
as

Jerusalem
illeiiitimate.
all

worship,

because

they
of the

Erom

this renunciation

temple

-

worship,

the peculiarities of Essenism are to be

explained.

In another manner again did Hilgenfeld formerly

derive Essenism purely from Judaism.

He
243

thought
sqq.),

(in

his

work on
Essenes

Jcioish

Ajjocali/pse,

1857,
as

p.

that the

must be regarded
The object
2, Ixxxiii.

merely a school of Jewish

apocalyptics.

of their asceticism (as in
ix.

Dan.
xii.

x. 2,

3

;

Enoch

Ixxxv. 3, 4; Ezra

24-26,

51)

was, he says, solely that of making themselves worthy and

capable of receiving revelations.
tion,

" It

was

tlie

higher illumina-

the reception of revelations especially by dream-visions,
this

which they sought in
feld, after

way

to attain " (p. 2 5 3).

Hilgenp.

defending this view in his Zeitschrift for 1858,
hinted already in that for

116

sqq.,

1860

at the possibility of
p.

Persian influence.

Subsequently, in that for 1 8 6 7,

97

sqq.,

he sought decidedly to prove, that not only Parseeism, but

Buddhism had exercised essential influence upon the formation of Essenism, to which view he adhered for a longer In his more time (1868, p. 343 sqq.; 1871, p. 50 sqq.).**'
also
*ß In a certain sense he had already a predecessor in Pliilo, who adduces as examples of asceticism first the Persian Magi, then the Indian Gymnosdjikms, and immediately after the Essenes (Quod omiiis prol/ws liber,
§

U,

12, ed.

Mang.

ii.

45G, 457: 'Ev Uioaxi;

f^iu to 'Mxye^v,

.

.

.

'Ev

^Iflois

§ CO.

THE ESSENES.

207

recent publications he again insists upon the Jewish foundation

and admits only Parsee influences
Ketzcrgcschichte des Urchristcnthums,

{Zcitschr.
^•^.

1882,

p.

141-149); he thinks the Esscnes were originally Eechabites, who settled in a place called Essa, westward of the Dead Sea {Zcitschr. 1282,

299;

pp.

268 sqq., 286 sqq. Kctzergcscliichtc des Vrchristcntlmms, pp. 100 sqq., 139 sqq.)5 Lightfoot also {St. Paid's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, 2nd ed. pp. 355-396) adopts
;

the opinion of a virtual Jewish foundation, witli secondary

Parsee influence.
to be chiefly

Lipsius too declares the origin of Essenisin
;

Jewish

he how^ever concedes the co-operation of

foreign influences, only not on the part of Greek philosophy

or Parseeism, and

still less

of

Buddhism, but on that

of Syro-

Palestinian heathenism.

The development

of Essenism " took
ii.

place entirely on Palestinian soil" {Bibellcxikon,

189, 190).

While

all

the above-named regard Essenism as exclusively

or chiefly a Jewish product, Lutterbeck, Zeller,

Mangold and
and
Gfrorer,

Iloltzmann,

following

the

precedent of Baur

explain some

more, some fewer, of the peculiarities which

distinguish Essenism from traditional Judaism,

by the

influ-

ence of Pythagoreanism, with which Josephus {Antt. xv. 1 0. 4)

had already compared Essenism.

It

was

especially Zeller,

who
his

in his discussions with Kitschl sought,

on the basis of

comprehensive acquaintance with Greek philosophy, to

point out parallels with Pythagoreanism in nearly all points.
Ilerzfeld
ö£

occupied
.
.

a
.

medium
"F.'jti

position,
ii

by

finding
'S.vpiot.

that in
x-clKoku.-

TO Tv,uvo(ro:piaTuv,

Zs

x.x\

TixKxiaTtvri [^a<]

yadlcii
^^

oiiK oiyovo; ä.t.X.).

feld purely

Dead Sea, has been fabricated by Ililgonad hoc. He is himself only able to point out an "Eoact in Peraea, which is identical with Gerasa (Joseph. Antt. xiii. 15. 3, comp, with Bell Jud. i. 4. 8). He thinks however that the name means "foundation," and may therefore occur as the name of several places. But unfortunately this "E(7(7« in Peraea does not exist at all, since the reading must be Tioetact, by rea-son of Bell. Jud. L 4-8, and also the parallel passage, Antt. xiii 15. 3. Comp, note 257, vol. i. p. 117.
This place, Essa west of the

208
Essenism
" a

§ 30.

TUE ESSENES.
quite

Judaism

of

peculiarly

blended

ultra-

Pharisaic and Alexandrinian views appears in alliance with

Pythagoreanism and with many
(iii.

rites

of Egyptian priests"

369).

Keim

too

is

of

opinion,

that

while

all

the

peculiarities of

Essenism might be derived from Judaism, the
Pythagoreanism

parallels

between

and

Essenism

are

too

numerous and
the former

striking to suffer us to dispute the influence of
latter {Gesch. Jesu,
i.

upon the

300

sqq.).

It is not easy to find a

way

out of this labyrinth of views.

The question
genfeld.

will be simplified

by

first

subjecting to an exa-

mination the peculiar hypotheses of
1.

Ptitschl, Lucius,

and Hilinasmuch

The hypothesis

of Eitschl is tempting,

as the Essenes certainly desire to exhibit, like the Israelitish
priests, a condition of special purity

and

holiness.

Hence the

parallels

between the two are very numerous.
it

On

the other

hand however

leaves essential points unexplained, especially

their rejection of animal sacrifices, marriage, the oath,

and the

anointing oil.^

It is impossible to deduce

all

these pheno2.

mena

satisfactorily

from a single
if

standpoint.
is

And

still

less is this

the case

the point

that chosen

by Lucius.

His attempt

to explain all the singularities of the Essenes

by

their rupture with the illegitimate worship at Jerusalem

may

be designated a

failure.

For how should they have thus
^^

arrived at their rejection of marriage, oaths, slavery, trading,

and
For

their peculiarly puritanical tendency in general
is

?

In

other respects too this starting-point
if

unfortunately chosen.

the Essenes agreed, as Lucius admits, with the Pharisees

in their legalistic tendencies, they had, at least after the time of Alexandra,

no longer any reason
all

for

withdrawing from the

temple-worship, since
«8

sacred rites were then performed in

iii.

rhilosophie der Griechen, Zeller, Thcol. Jahrh. 1856, p. 413 sqq. 315 sqq. ^^ Against Lucius, see also tny notice in the Thcol. Literaturzeitung, 1881, 492-496.

Comp.

2.

§ 30.

THE ESSENE3
3.

209
objections as

a thoroughly correct manner.

The same

those against Ritschl and Lucius virtually apply to Hilgenfeld's

earlier

view of the Essenes as a community of Apocapeculiarities are left une-xplained."*"
he

lyptics.

Here too several

If Ussenisni in general
formation,
tlie

can

regarded as a purely Jewish
it

it is

certainly most simple to view
its

as

a climax of
of its

Pharisaic tendency, for

starting-point

and many
latter.

peculiarities are

identical with those of the

Hence
and

the question

may be

simplified to: Is Easenism nothing more

than a peculiar

offshoot

of Pliarisaism, or did foreign

alien influences co-operate in its origin
if

and development
in Hilgenfeld's

?

And
earlier

the latter question be answered in the affirmative, what
(as

were these inlluenccs, Buddhism

view), Parseeism (Hilgenfeld and Lightfoot), Syro-Palestiniau

heathenism (Lipsius), or

lastly,

the Orpheo-Pythagorean ten?

dency of the Greeks (Zeller and others)
It

cannot be denied that very many, nay, most particulars
be explained from the Judaeo-Pharisaic
basis.

may

Two main
Their high

features especially, the rigid legalism

and

the punctilious care

for ceremonial cleanness, are genuinely Pharisaic.
regard for the great lawgiver Moses and for the
tures,

Holy

Scrip-

their strict, nay, rigorous
soil of

Sabbath-keeping, place them
Their non-observance of

completely on the

Judaism.

certain precepts of the law, those especially concerning animal
sacrifices,

may have
In

been the result

eitlier

of

some case of

necessity or of an allegorical interpretation of the laws in
question.

any

case,

it

is

not inconsistent with their

unconditional acknowledgment of the formal authority of the
law.

Then

their punctilious

care for purity
to

is

essentially

Pharisaic.

The value attributed

Levitical purity, and to

the baths and lustrations by which this was restored

when

defilement had been incurred,
^^ •^

is

a characteristic of I'harisaism.^^
iii.

Comp.
II.

Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen,

2.

315 sqq.

Tertullkn,

De

baptismo,

c.

15

:

Ceteruin Isniel Juihieus quotldie lavat,

DIV.

VOL.

If.

Ü

210
Especially
is

§ 30,

THE ESSEN r:s.

the Essenian bathing before meals analoj^ous to

practices of Pharisaic Judaism,

and

is

at

most an increase of

the

riuirisaic

custom."''

Bathing after the performance of

natural functions was required at least of officiating priests.^'
If tlien this

was required by the Essenes
it

of all the

members
Jewish

of their association,

only shows that they desired to realize

in themselves the highest degree of purity according to
notions.

We

are also vividly reminded of Pharisaic views

by

the Essenian custom of bathing even after contact with a

member

of the order of a lower grade
to

{i.e.

a novice).

For just

what the unclean Am-haarez was
Essenism then
lative

the Pharisees, was the

novice not actually admitted into the society to the Essenes.
is

in the first place merely Pharisaism in the super-

degree.
life

From

the effort to carry out completely the

purity of

thus required

may

be explained also the Essenian

separation,

their

organization in narrow

and

exclusive

com-

munities.

If the Pharisee

avoided as

much

as

possible all

intercourse
pletely

with the unclean Am-haarez, the Essene comhimself
in

separated
societies,

from the multitude and formed

exclusive

which similarity of disposition and

endeavour afforded the possibility of realizing the ideal of a
quia quotidie inquinatur.
y.ivof)

AVhcn Hemerobaptisls

(=

x.oi.ff

ijfiepecv

/Sätt/^J-

are mentioned by Epiphanias, haer. xvii., as a Jewish sect,
fabrication
of a special sectarian

we have

but
"^

tlie

name from a
xeci/Tfj ol
x.'k

characteristic

peculiarity of all Jews.

Ev. Mark

vii.

o,

4

:

o/

yup
cvx,

<l>ix,Di<JCiioi
. .

kxI
.

lovOaJoi ixu
iccu

f/.y\

'jTV/fivi

vi\Loivrcit roig ^ilpet;

ovk iaSiovaiv
tadi'ovaiv.

kuI

dyopoi;

riaciiiTXt
xi.

{al. ßctTTTiauvrcct)

Comp,

also

Matt. xv.

^^ poc'jLuke 2
; ;

" For the partaking of Chullia (profane food), for tithe and heave, the hands must be washed (properly poured upon) the eating of holy things tliey must first be dipped" (the latter precept applies only to those who partake of " iioly " food, i.e. food proceeding from Comp, also p. 111. Bathing the whole body before eating sacrifices). cannot be shown to be a general precept in Rabbinic literature. The inter38.

Chaf/igah

ii.

5

:

pretation of the
^'^

New

Testament passages

is

questionable.
of the priests,

./oma
i.

in. 2.

Comp, concerning the cleanness required

voL

p.

278.

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

211
The common meals
of

lifo

of absolute

ceremonial cleanness.

these societies, the food for which

was prepared by the

priests,

were a guarantee to the Essene that only clean food would
be set before him. This close brotherly connection led
to

community of

goods.

The

strict
it

requirements

members
bers
into

of the order

made

necessary to

made from admit new memstrict

the

society only after a long

and

novitiate.

The purity and holiness which the Essenes strove to realize
were indeed
different,

more exalted and
all their

special than those of

the Pharisees.

But almost

peculiarities

had

at least

their starting-point in Pharisaism.

Their white raiment corre-

sponded with the

official

dress of Israelitish priests,

and there-

fore only shows, that tlie Essenes desired to manifest the highest

degree of Jewish purity and
bathing,"*

holiness.''*

.

.

.

Their caution in

and even their custom of not spitting forwards or
Their repudia-

to the right has its analogues in the Talmud,^''

tion of marriage is

indeed a matter quite heterogeneous to

genuine Judaism.'^

But even

this

may

be explained from

Jewish premises.

For since the act of marriage as such made

an individual unclean and necessitated a Levitical bath of
purification,*^
^^

the

effort

to

attain
it

to

the
to

highest degree of
perform the functions

According to Berachoth 61^,

was forbidden

of nature towards the east or the west (it was allowed only towards the

north or the south) to prevent exposure towards the temple. öä According to Mishna, Berachoth iii. 5, if any one happened tobe bathing at the time for praying the £hema, and had not time to rise up and Bab. Berachdh clothe himself, he must at least cover himself with water.
24*'

requires of any one unclothed before praying

tlie

Shema

to

wind

tlio

neck or his heart, that the upper parts of his body may See Herzfeld, iii. 389. Comp, also Lucius, p. G8. not see the shame. ^^ According to Jer. Berachoth iii. 5, it was forbidden to spit forwards or This custom is observed to see Herzfeld, iii. 387. to the riiiht at prayer
Tallith

round

his

;

this very day.

" No one must withdraw 9^ Comp, on the dehitum tori, Jebamoth vi. 6 from the duty of propagation, unless he has children already, according to the school of Shammai two sons, according to that of Hiilel at least a son and daughter." Also Kcthuhoth v. C, 7 Gittin iv. 5 Ednjolh i. 13, iv. KX
: ;

;

•^

Joseph. Apian,

ii.

2i

:

kccI f<.iTx

r-iiu

v6f/.iuov

awovaixu

x'jöf>6;

kxI

212

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.

purity might well lead to the entire repudiation of marriage.

In

all

these points a surpassing of ordinary Judaism

is

appatr.iit,

rent,

and

this is also the case in the strongly puritanical

by which the Essenian mode saw
in

of life

is

characterized.

They

many

of the social customs

and

institutions,

which the

development of culture

entailed, a perversion of the primitive

and simple ways of

life

prescribed by nature.
true morality

They thought
by a return
to

therefore that tliey manifested
the

simplicity of nature

and of natural

ordinances.
oil,

Hence
in

their rejection of slavery, oaths, anointing

and of luxury
life

general; hence their principle of living a simple

and allowing

themselves only so
It

much

food and drink as nature required.
actual

cannot be shown that they practised
fastings
It

asceticism

by

wine.

and mortifications, by abstinence from flesh and was only the exceeding what nature required that
Their rejection of trade
;

they condemned.^

is

quite in accord-

ance with this ethic radicalism
state, in

they desired a communistic

which each worked
bounds
already

for the

whole body, and none

enriched himself at the expense of others.
If

the
traits

of

ordinary

Judaism
is

are

exceeded

by
in

the

depicted,
fact

this

still

more the case
of

the

extremely striking

of

the

repudiation
set

animal
in

sacrifices.

That the point of view

up by Lucius
contact
for

explanation of this fact does not l^ad to
already remarked.^""

the goal, has been
it,

The
to

sole

point

of

on

Jewish ground, seems
tention of
of sacrifice.
yvvaiKog
Deut.
99

me, on the contrary, to be the con-

many

of the prophets against the over-estimation
insist,

As the prophets
.

that

God
;

does not take
Lev. xv. 16-18

a.-7roKüvaa,a6xi xiKiCtt övö/xc:

Comp. Ex. xix. 15

;

xxiii. 11, 12-

The prohibition of the use of anointing oil during the stricter kinds by Pharisaic Judaism {Taanith i. 6 Joma viii. 1 comp. Dan. x. 3 Matt. vi. 17) does not th«r(^fore fall under quite the same point of view.
of fasts
;

;

It

was
i«o

to be a total abst-npnce.

Comp,

also TJitol.

L

teraturzeitung, 1881, p. 494.

§ 30.

THE ESSEN ES.
so,

213
according

pleasure in sacrifices, but in purity of intention,
to

the

Essenian view, not the slaughter of beasts, but the

sanctification of the

body

is

true worship.
certain

This

also

is

based

upon a

amount

of

moral

radicalism.

But the

rejection of animal sacrifices involves a
propei',

complete breach with Judaism
with by the
to
fact,

which

is

not done

away

that the Essenes used to send gifts of incense

the temple at Jerusalem.
soil
is

A

still

stranger

phenomenon
€v)(r}

presented on Jewish
spect to the sun.

their peculiar conduct with re-

It is quite

impossible that their

et?

Tcv TjXiov can be only the Jewish
sunrise
;^"^

Shema

repeated

before

on the contrary, they turned towards the sun while
they
is

praying, because

saw in

it

the

representative

of

the

Divine

light.

This

proved especially by the circumstance,

that in doing their needs they carefully avoided uncovering

themselves

towards
the

the

sun.

The

information

too

of

Epiphanius, that

Ossaians (who

are certainly identical
i.e.

with the Essenes) had united with the Sampsitae,
of the sun, leads to the

adorers
in
real

conclusion, that they were

earnest in their religious estimation of the sun.^"^
this

However

may

be,

the

very turning to the sun in prayer was

contrary to Jewish customs and notions, which on the contrary
required the turning to the temj^le, and expressly repudiated
the direction towards the sun as heathenish.^"^
^"^ So most Jewish scholars, also Derenbourg, Comp, p. 169, note 3. on saying the Shema before sunrise, Berachith i. 2, and on the Shema in general, p. 83 sq. ^"2 See Epiphanius, haer. xx. kocI ^Oaaetioiv to >.fiy.[/.a, oi/x-hi iovlxT^ou, 3
:

ocXAae

avux(päiu

'S.x/n-ipiTxt;

rot;

kxt»

Ziotlox'^i"

iv

tw

Tipx'j
liii.

t'^j

vtupx;

onthKaan;
foot,
St.

vTripKi(f/.iuoi;.

Comp.
the

also Epiphan. haer. xix. 2,

1-2.

Light-

The

Colos.^iav.<i, etc., 2nd ed. pp. 88, 374 sq. and Ossaians is scarcely doubtful, thougli Epiphanius treats them as two different sects, hatr. x. and xix. (Lightfoot, He correctly explains (haer. liii. 2) the name Icty.-i^xlot by p. 83).

Paul\

Epistlea to

identity of the Essenes

'

llXiocnol
^'^^

(from

C^'?DCJ^

the sun).

See especially Ezek. viii. IG sqq. According to Sukka v. 4, two priehts used to blow with trumpets in the morning at Cück-cro\\ ing at the

214
Thus
are

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
to the view, that foreign

we more and more driven

influences co-operated in the formation of
this

Essenism.
its

And
For
if

becomes undoubted,

if

the account given of

Anthro-

'pology
it

by Josephus

is

even in the main trustworthy.

really taught the pre-existence of the soul

and regarded the

body as only the

soul's prison, this is of itself a proof of the

influence of foreign philosopliemes.

Thus the question conJoseplms.

cerning the origin of Essenism

is

changed into the question
This
is

concerning

the

trustworthiness

of

not

indeed utterly above suspicion, and
(above, p.

we have

already seen

16

sq.),

that he

has given a Greek tinge to the

teaching of the Pharisees and clothed their Jewish doctrine
in a

Greek garment.
is

But we

also

saw that
it

all
is

that he says

of

them
is

in

substance true, and that

only the form
sentence
is
i.e.

which

derived from without.

If then only one

which he says concerning the anthropology of the Essenes
true, it is

certain that their doctrine of

man

is dualistic,

non-Jewish.

And

there

is

the less ground for doubting this,

since from this

point

of

view many of their

peculiarities,

especially their efforts

after

purity, surpassing as

they did

even those of Phariseeism, are most simply and naturally
explained.

But what foreign

influences have

we

tJien to

consider

?

ICo

feast of Tabernacles, first of all at tlie door

which led from the court of

the

men

to the court of the
;

women, then

at the eastern door of exit from

the latter

hereupon they turned towards the west (i.e. towards tho " Our fathers, who were temple) and said, with reference to Ezek. viii. 16 in this place, turned their backs to the temple of God and their faces to the But we turn our eyes to cast and worshipped the sun towards the east.
:

God."

When

it

is

said in the

"Wisdom of Solomon, that we ought to

prevent the sun with thanksgivinj^ to God, and to pray to God -rrpo; x'jxtoMi/ (purös, Trpöi has not a local but a temporal meaning: "towards
bunrise," like

Luke

xxiv. 29, Trpos 'ta%ipotv\

zu Sap. Sal. xvi. 28.

comp. Grimm, Exeget. Handb. The matter too adduced by Lucius (pp. 61, 69 sq.,

note 125) to explain Esscnian customs from a Jewish standpoint is not convincing. Its irrelevance is well pointed out by Lightfoot (pp. 374-376), who conjectures th;it the Sampsitac are merely an offshoot of the Essenes.

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
factors
liavc

215
been proposed,
viz,

less

than

four

different

]>uddhism, Parseeism, Syrian heathenism, and Pythagoreanism.

Each
upon

of these factors

may

in

fact

have exerted an influence
during the last centuries

intellectual life in
;

Palestine

before Christ

and

for this

very reason an answer to the above

question must remain an uncertain one.
the most far-fetched.

Buddhism seems

But when we

consider, that an acquaint-

ance with India had already been opened to the Western
nations by the victories of Alexander the Great, that after-

wards Mesrasthenes, in the time of Seleucus
about 300
B.c.,

I.

Nicator,

i.e.

furnished, on the ground of his

own
a

observa-

tions during a prolonged sojourn in India, a thorougli descrip-

tion of the country

and

its

inhabitants,^"*

and that
of

regular

commercial intercourse with India by way
probably existed during the
also the striking parallel in

Graeco-lloman

some instances

Eed Sea when between Buddhism
the
period,'"^

See the extensive fragments of Megasthenes in Müller, Fragm. hist, ii. 397—439. Comp, also concerning him Pauly's Rcal-Enc. iv. 1721. Nicolai, Griccli. Litcraturgcscli. ii. 170 sq. The work of Älcgasthenes seems to have been for a long time the main source of information concerning
ffraec.

^"^

Strabo however availed himself also of other autliors of the retinue the Great as authorities {e.g. Aristobulus, Nearchus, For other 'li/lix,», see ^Müller, Fragm. hist, graec. iv. Oncsikritus).
India.

of

Alexander
below

(i88b

;

Nicolai, Griech. Literatvrgesch.
is

ii.

170

sq.

That certain chief
Pliilo,

points were matters of general knowledge

seen from

Quod omuis
p.

prohis

liber, § 11.

Joscphus, BcU. Jud.

vii. 8.

7 (ed. Bckker,
vol.
ii.

160,

lin.

20

sqq.).

Lassen in his Indische Alter thumskunde,

(2nd

ed.

1874)

Comp, the pp. 626-751, gives a history of Greek acquaintance with India. careful discussion in Lightfoot's St. PauVs Epistles to the Colossians, etc.,
pp. 390-396, and the two works cited by him, viz. Rcinand, lielations Politiques et Commercialcs de V empire romain avec VAsie centrale, Paris 1863
;

and Priaulx, The Indian Travels of Apollonins of Tyana and the Indian Embassies to Rome, 1873. ^"5 Comp, especially the Peripliut maris Erythraei mentioned above, pp. 37 and 44, and the literature cited in the preceding note. In the time of Augustus political embassies also came from India to Pome (Monumentum Ancyranum, v. 50, 51, and Mommsen, Res gestae divi Angnsti, 1883, p. 132sq. Strabo, XV. 1. 4, p. 686, and xv. 1. 73, p. 719. Dio Caßs. liv. 9. Sueton. Aug. 21. Orosius, vi. 21. 19).

216
and Essenism
is

§ 30.

TUE ESSENE8.
least

considered, the posdhditij at
It
is

of an

actual connection cannot be disputed.

true, that the still

very scanty intercourse between India and the West in preChristian times

makes

this

connection improbable.''*'^

It is
;

more obvious
general,

to

think of Parseeism or Pythagoreanism

for

the points of contact with Syrian heathenism are but very

and

affect

at

most

only

individual

details.

In

Farseeism, on the other hand,

we

find a

whole
:

series

of the

characteristic peculiarities of the Essenes

the lustrations, the

white garments

(for

the Magi),

the adoration of
(i.e.

the

sun,

the repudiation of animal sacrifices proper
of the flesh to the Deity),

the presentation

and especially their angelology and

magic.
affected

Since

too

ordinary

Judaism seems
i.

to

have

been

by Parseeism
influence
is

(see vol.

p.

350), the assumption of
it

Parsee

a very obvious one, since

would be
latter.'**

only somewhat stronger in Essenism than in the
liut other points again

are

not at

all

Parseeistic, especially

celibacy

and the entire

antliropology.'"*

Hence
by
be

all

things

considered, the hypothesis adopted especially

Zeller, that

the

peculiarities

of

Essenism

are

to

explained

from

I'ythagorean influences, has the largest amount of probability
in its favour.

For Pythagoreanism, of
the
greater

all

the hitherto
of
parallels
iii.

named
with
2.

tendencies,
^"8

shows

number

See, on the other hand, Zeller, Philosophic der Griechen,
St.

323.

Liglitfoot,

raid's Epistles to the

Colossians, etc.,

pp. 390-390.

The

attempts recently
to SoyJel,

made

to point out Indian influences in other

departments

also are questionable, nay,

more than

questionable.

This applies especially

Uas

Evanffelium von Jesu in seinen Verhältnissen zu IJuddha-Saf/e

und Buddha-Lehre, Leipzig 1882 (on the other hand, Theol. Liter alurzeitung, 1882, p. 415 sqq.). The same, Die Buddha-Legeiide und das Leben Jesu nach
]).

den Evancjelien, Leipzig 1884- (on the other hand, Theol. Litztg. 188 1, 185 sqq.). On Pythagoras, Schroeder, Pythaguras und die Inder, Leipzij^

1884 (on the other hand, A. W. in the Lit. Centrulhl. 1884, No. 45). ^"'^ See Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. für u-issenschaftl. Theol. 1867, p. 99 sqq. The same, Ketzergeschichte des Urchristenthums, p. 141 sqq. Lightfoot,
p.

387 sqq.
1"^

See Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen,

iii.

2.

320 sqq.

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
aspirations
for

217
bodily purity and
of
(if

Esseuism.

It

shares

its

sanctity, its lustrations, its
all

simple

liabits

life

apart from
its

sensual enjoyments,

its

high estimation
its

not exactly

requirement) of celibacy,
oaths,

white garments, repudiation of

and especially

its

rejection of bloody sacrifices, also the
all

invocation of the sun and the scrupulosity with which

that

was unclean (such
it;^°^

as

human excrements) was hidden from
view of the relation of soul and
equally to the ideal of both the
If

and

lastly, the dualistic

body.

All these belong

Essenes and Pythagoreans.""
the two
is

an actual connection between
increased by the
peculiarities

by

reason of this

far-reaching accordance, to say
is

the least, very probable, this probability
fact, that

a

new

light is thus cast

upon even those
result

of Essenism,
tion.

which may

be explained from a Jewish foundaof a

They thus become, not the

spontaneous

development, but of a fertilization of Judaism by new factors.

These latter exercised

a power of attraction over Judaism,

because they found therein a series of points of contact fur
their

own

elective affinity.
of

Such an influence

Pythagoreanism upon a Jewish

circle,
soil,

leading to the formation of this separate sect upon Jewish
is

historically easy of explanation.

Essenism

is

met with

at

the earliest about the
Christ.

middle of the second century before
if

But Pythagoreanism,
still

not as a settled school of

philosophy,
far

as a

view of

life

and a practice
culture

of morals, is

more

ancient.

As then Greek

must have had a

powerful influence upon Palestine since the time of Alexander
1"^ That the adoration of the sun formed part of the Pythafrorean ideal seen especially from the biography of Apollonius of Tyana by Pliilostratus (comp. Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, iii. 2, p. 155, note 1). The effort too to avoid the sight of what was unclean is genuinely Pythagorean. Comp. Zeller, Thcul. Jahrb. 185G, p. 425. Mangold, Irrkhrer der Pastoral-

is

lriefe, p. 52.
1^0

See the proofs
iii.

in Zeller, Theol. Jahrb. 185G, p.

401 sqq.

;

Philosophie

der Griechen,

2, p.

325

sqfj.

218
the Great,

§ 30.

THE ESSENES.
until
tlie


he

it

was not repressed
if

Maccabaean

rising,

it is

only natural,

we
the

find actual proof of this influence of

Hellenism in the

circle of the Essenes.
soil

Tlius Essenism
-proper,

would

a separation from
effected

of Judaism

which was

perhaps

in the second century hefore Christ, under Greek
to

infiuenccs,

with the view of realizing an ideal akin
to its

Pytha-

goreanism, hut loith an adherence

Jewish foundation}^^

One thing
certainty,
itself.

alone prevents our establishing this result with
this
is

and

the enigmatical form of Pythagoreanism
it

Just those peculiarities, which

has in

common with

Essenism, are themselves not genuinely Greek, but very prohably of Oriental origin.

May

not then their coincidence be

explained by the

fact,

that each of the two has independently
?

drawn from a common Oriental source

This would again

lead to a derivation of Essenism mainly from Parsee influences.

The

possibility of this cannot be denied.

But possibly both
The

Parsee and Pythagorean influences
different currents of

were in operation.

culture frequently cross each other on
in so

the soil of Western Asia

chequered and manifold a

manner that
certainty.

it

is

impossible to answer such questions with

Two

things

however may be established
:

as the

result

of our

investigation

(1)

That Essenism
(2) that in
its

is

tirst

^and

mainly a Jewish formation
ieatures
it

;

and

non-Jewish

has most affinity with the Pythagorean tendency of

the Greeks.
The question whether the Therapeutae were offshoots of the Essenes or (answered by Zoller at first in the former, but subsequently in the latter sense) must now be left undiscussed, since the only work which gives us any information concerning the Therapeutae, viz. Philo, De vila contcmplatlva (Mang. ii. 471-480), is certainly spurious, and the Therapeutae See below, § 34. 1. very probably merely Christian monks.

m

vice versa

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
The Literature.

PROSELYTES.

Remond, Versuch
bis

einer Geschichte der Ausbreitung des

Judenthums von Cyrits

auf den gänzlichen Untergang
53 sqq.
art.

des Jüdischen Staats, Leipzig 1789.
vol.
i.

Gieseler,
p.

Lehrbuch der Kirchen gcschichte,
" Exil "

Div. L (4th ed. 1844)

Winer, liWB.,

(i.

357-360) and " Zerstreuung "
cities,

(ii.

727-730).

Also the articles on separate
*'

as " Alexandria," " Antiochia,"

Gyrene," " Rom,"

etc.

J.

G. M(üller), art. " Alexandrinische Juden," in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed.

vol. i. (1854) pp. 235-239. Reuss, art. " Hellenisten," in Herzog's Real-Enc, 1st ed. v. 701-705 (2nd ed. V.

738-741).
i.

Lutterbeck, Die neutestamentlichen Lehrbegriffe, vol.

(1852) pp. 89-120.

Frankel, Die Diaspora zur Zeit des zweiten Tempels (Afonatsschr. für Gesch.

und Wissensch.

des Judenth. 1853, pp. 409-429, 449-463).

Frankel, Die Juden unter den eisten römischen Kaisern (^Monatsschr. 1854,
pp. 401-413, 439-450).
Jost, Gesch. der Israeliten, vol.
ii.

pp. 239-344.
i.

The

sarae, Gesch. des

Juden-

thums und seiner Seelen,

vol.

pp. 336 sqq., 344-361, 367-379.
iii.

Herzfeld, Gesch. des Volkes Jisrael, vol.
geschichte der

pp. 425-579.

The same, Handels-

Juden des Alterthums, 1879.
iii.

Grätz, Gesch. der Juden, vol.

3rd ed. (1878), pp. 26-54.

Chaujpagny, Uome

et

la Jude'e

au temps de

la chute de

Neron,

vol.

i.

(Paria

1865) pp. 107-154.

Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes

Israel, vol. iv. p.

305

sqq., v.

108 sqq.,

vi.

396 sqq.
ii.

Holtzniaun in Weber and Holtzmann's Gesch. des Volkes Israel, vol.
pp. 38-52, 253-273.
Ilausrath,

Neutestamentliche

Zeitgeschichte,

2nd

ed. vol.

iL

91-145,

iii.

383-392.
Friedländer, Darstellungen
pp. 504-517.
{Progr.).
219

aus der Sittengeschichte Roms, vol.
colonüs.

iii.

(1871)

The same, De Judacorum

Regimonti Pr. 1876

220
DeutGch,
Wostcott,
art.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN IHK DISPEKSION.
in Kitto's Cyclopaedia

" Dispersion,"

of Bihlical Literature.

art.

"Dispersion," in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible.

AVeizsäcker, art. "Zerstreuung," in Schcnkcl's BH'cllex. v. 712-716.

Huidekoper, Judaism at Rome B.C. 76
rheol. Litzlg. 1877, p. 163).

to

A.D.

140,

New York

1876 (comp

Hamburger, Ilcal-Encyclopadic für Bibel und Talmud, Div. ii. (1883) art "Zehn Stämme," "Zerstreuung," also "Alexandria," " Autiochia,''
" Kou),"'
etc.

L EXTENSION.

The

history of the
to

Jews during the times

of Christ is not

confined

the

narrow limits of the Holy Land.
less

Jewish

communities of greater or

magnitude and importance had
then civilised world.

settled in almost all the countries of the

These remained, on the one hand, in constant communication
with the mother country, and on the other, in active intercourse with the non-Jewish world, and thus became of great

importance both in respect of the internal development of

Judaism and

its

influence

upon other
were

civilised

nations.

Tlie

causes of this

dispersion

of very different kinds.

In

former times the Assyrian and Babylonian conquerors of Israel
violently deported large masses of the nation into their eastern
provinces.

This occurred again, though to a less extent,
carried off hundreds of Jewish captives to
tlie

when

Pompey
Of
of

e.g.

Kome.

greater importance however were

voluntary emigrations

Jewish

settlers

during the Graeco-Roman period to the

countries bordering on Palestine, and to all the chief towns of

the then civilised world for the sake chiefly of trade.
especially at the

It

was

commencement

of the Hellenistic period, that

these migrations were most numerous.

The Diadochoi and
kingdoms,

their successors, for the sake of consolidating their

promoted

to the uttermost of their

power the intermingling of
frequently in need

the different nationalities, and consequently migrations from

one province to another.

They were

also

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
for

221

of great

masses of settlers
both of these

their

newly founded towns.

And

in

interests

the rights of citizenship or

other privileges were in

many
also

places granted without further

ceremony
large
lands.

to immigrants.

Attracted by these circumstances,

numbers

of

Jews

were induced

to settle in

other

xUlverse events

at

home may

also

have contributed

their part,

and especially the exposed situation of Palestine,
all

which in

complications between Egyyt and Syria became

the scene of war.

This

induced

many thousand Jews

to

emigrate to

the neighbouring countries of Syria and Egypt,

where, especially in the capitals Antioch and Alexandria, and
in all the

newly founded Hellenistic
towns of the Ionic

cities,

valuable privileges

were bestowed upon them.
particularly the

They next

resorted to Asia Minor,

coast, as

well as to
cities

all

the

more important ports and
was

commercial

of

the

Mediterranean Sea.

Hence the
with them.^

Sibyllist

able,

about the year 140

b.c.,

to say
filled

of the Jewish people, that every land

and every sea was
b.c.)

About the same time (139-138
a circular in

the

Roman

Senate despatched

favour of the Jews to the

kings of Egypt, Syria, Pergamos, Cappadocia and Parthia, and
to

a great

number

of

provinces, towns and islands
It

of

tlie

Mediterranean Sea (1 Mace. xv. 16-24).
safely inferred, that there

may hence be
less

was then already a greater or
that the Jewish people
it

number

of

Jews

in all these lands.^^
B.c.),

Strabo, speaking of the

time of Sulla, says (about 85

had

already come into every city, and that
*

was not easy
xxi

to find

Orac. Sihyll.

iii.

271

:

Tlxax

Ss yotlot

oihv

-TrT^ripri;

TrSiuu ßä.'Kce.air*.

2a

Besides the kings of Egypt, Syria, Pergamos, Cappadocia and Parthia,
:

there are also

named in 1 Mace. xv. 16-24 Sampsaine (Samsun on the Black Seal), Sparta, Sicyon (in Peloponnesus), the islands of Delos and Samos, the town of Gortyna in Crete, the country of Caria with the towns of Myndos, Halicarnassus and Cnidos, the islands of Cos and Rhodes, the country of Lycia with the town of Phasaelis. the country of Pamphylia with the town Side, the Phoenician town Aradus, and finally Cyprus and

Cvreiie.

222
a place
in the

§ 31.

JUDiVISM IN THE DISPERSION.

world which had not received

tliis

race,
*

and was
express
of

not occupied by them.^^

Josephus

'

too

and Philo

themselves incidentally in a similar manner.
the Jewish dispersion
of
is

The extent
Jerusalem

most amply described in the
riiilo.

epistle

Agrippa to Caligula, given by
said

here

it

is

is

the capital not
of the

only of Judaea, but of most

countries,
fitting

by reason

colonies

which

it

has sent out on

occasions into the neighbouring lands of Egypt, Phoe-

nicia, Syria, Coelesyria,

and the
of

still

more remote Pamphylia
far
;

and
into

Cilicia, into

most parts

Asia as

as Bithynia,
also to

and

the

most distant corners of Pontus

Europe,

Thessaly, Boeotia, Macedonia, Etolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth,

and the most and best parts of Peloponnesus.

And not only

is

the continent full of Jewish settlements, but also the more

important islands,

— Euboea,
of

Cyprus, Crete,

— to say

nothing of

the lands beyond the Euphrates.
of a

For

all,

with the exception

small portion

Babylon

and those satrapies
it,

which

embrace the fertile land lying around
ants.'*

have Jewish inhabit-

The Acts

of the Apostles also mention

Jews and

theii

associates

from Parthia, Media, Elam, and Mesopotamia, from

Cappadocia,

Pontus

and

Asia,

Phrygia

and

Pamphylia,

2b Strabo in Joseph. Antt. xiv. 7. 2
TOTTO-j ovx. 'iart pcchiu;
fAr!o

:

us

Trccrjctu

x&'A/y

y,t/i

Tree.piy^n'Kvhi, xari

ivpth

ti}; oiKovf^ii/ms o;

ov 7;-xpxdiäsx.TUi rovro to (puhov,

i'ZiKpxTÜrcx.t

v'T!'

ctxnov.
ii.

»

Joseph. Bdl. Jud.
B-^,«oj
(/.'A

16. 4

(Bokker,

p.

188):

w

yxp Uti»
vii. 3.

M
:

rhi

olx.(tv{/.ivT,i
'

f^oJpxii vf^iTipa-j
fji-hj

ix.<^f.
T«ji/

Bdl. Jud.
oUovfiivriv

3

to

y«p
toi;

ItvOctiwv

yivo;

izohv

Kxroi

-T^ötaxv

-rupiavxpTcii

tTTty^oipiüi;.

*

Philo,

'xtt'hvccvßpuT^ictv ov X"P-*'

InFlaccnm,^ 7 (Mang. ii. 524): 'lov^»iws ydp x^-'p» f^'» oi» 'Hf ociTiXi 'iusKoc roii TrXt/ffT«? Kotl ivlotif^aviorctza,;
kuI
'Aaiee,

rüu

iv 'Evpä'Tri]
'

Kotri

n

vTiaov;

kuI

is'jnipovs ix'ji^ouTcci, f^yjTpoTo'hiv

fciu rviv

lipÖTto'Kfj iiyov/^ivot, x.aS'

^v 'iOpvTXi 6 toD vyptarov 6eov vfu; ciyio;'
vpo-T^oc.-z'Tia'j

«J o' ihxxov ix, 'Ttaripotv x,xi ttÜttttuv x.xl vpoyövuy uUüu iKxaroi, -TrxTpßxs vofci^ouTi;,
(prnxr
it;

y,xl

tuu en

uvcj

h

xl; iyi'JV/}6mxv x,xi irpx-

iuixg

Ii

x.xl

KTi^ofcivxi

%v6u;

'/j'kdou

xxoikIxv QTtl'Kx^lvai^ T0i{

xriarxtg y^xpi^oy^svot.
« Philo,

Legat,

ad Cajum,

§ 30,

Man-,

ii.

587.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

223
iL

Egypt and Cyrene, from Eonie, Crete and Arabia (Acts
9-11).

In Mesopotamia, Media, and Babylonia lived the descendants
of those

members
of

of the

kingdom

of the ten tribes

and

of the

kingdom

Judah who had once been

carried

away

thither

by the Assyrians and Chaldeans.^
returned at
all

The

" ten tribes " never

from

captivity,'

and even in the times of
whether they would ever

Akiba there were disputes
do
so.®

as

to

Nor must

the

return of the tribes of Judah and

Benjamin be conceived of as complete.
subsequently received fresh accessions.

Nay, these exiles

For the Persian king

Artaxerxes Ochus, on his return from his Egyptian campaign

340 B.c.), brought with him Jewish captives also, and planted them in Hyrcania on the Caspian Sea.^ These Jewish
(about
settlements
tions.

may
all

also

have been increased by voluntary addi-

From

these causes the

Jews

in

those provinces

were numbered, not by thousands, but by
8

millions.^"

Since

Comp, on the
Joseph. Antt.

different deportations, Winer, Realwortcrb., art. " Exil."

On
^

the localities, see note 14, below.
xi. 5. 2.

4 Ezra

xiii.

39-47.

Origen, Epist. ad A/risaid of
this

canum^ § 14. ^ Sanhedrin

X. S,fin.
:

:

them (Deut.
day.

xxix. 27)
this

"The He will

ten tribes never return, for

it

is

cast thetn into another land, as

it is

day departs and never returns, so too are they to depart and never return. As the day becomes dark and then again light, so will it one day be light again to the ten tribes with whom it was dark." ® Syncellus, ed. Diiidorf, i. 486 ''ilxo;' Aprcc^ip^ov ttccI; el; Ai'yvTTTOv arpx'
:

As then

Tsvav

i^ipticiv

oci^^fioi'Acüaiotu

sThsu

'

louücti'aiv,

uv tov;

fciv iu'Xpxoeui'cf KXr^iKiae

Trpoi Tf) K«(7x/os

Öx^^äa^i], Tüvg ds iu üxßv'hui/t,

o? x,cct

fcixP'

"''''

^'V/w oci/rödt,

äs

n-o'h'hol

Tuv

'ET^Ävit/uu

iaTopcuaiu.

Orosius,

iii.

7: Tunc etiam Ochus, qui

transactum in Aegypto maximum diuturnuraque bellum plurimos Judaeorum in transmigrationem egit atque in Hyrcania ad Caspium
et Artaxerxes, post

mare habitare praecepit: quos

ibi usque in hodiernum diem amplissimi generis sui incrementis consistere atque exim quaudoque erupturos opinio est. Kürzer in the Chronik des Eiisebius und llieronymus ad annum Abr.

1657 (ed. Schoene, ii. 112 sq.). Syncellus alone speaks of a settlement in Babylon other authorities mention only the settlement iu Hyrcania ou the Caspian Sea.
;

^^

Joseph. Antt.

xi. 5.

2:

.\i'

li

lUx

:pv>.*l T^ipotv tiuiv

Eufpürov iui hvpo,

224
tliey

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN

TIIF.

PISPERSION.

dwelt on the eastern borders of the
as

Uoman Empire,

till

Trajan,

subjects

of the

Parthians,

and subsequently as

inhabitants of those eastern provinces whicli could never be
securely

maintained
political

by the

Ilonians,''

their attitude
P.

was

always of

importance to the empire.
it

Petronius,
B.c.

legate of Syria, esteemed excite in

dangerous in the year 40
towards Eome."
incite

to

them a

hostile disposition

During
their

the Vespasian war the insurgents sought to
religionists

co-

beyond the Euphrates
peril for

to hostilities against Eome.*'

It

was a great

Trajan in his advance against the

Parthians to be menaced in his rear by the insurrection of
the

Mesopotamian Jews

(see

§

21).

Josephus names the
Nisibis, the former

strong cities

of Nehardea (NdapSa) and

on the Euphrates, the
jdaces of

latter in its valley, as the chief dwelling

the Babylonian and Mesopotamian Jews."

Both

ftvpixOe; ctTTiipot Kcil AptSfi^ yjua^'f,}/ cti ^sj ovvot,tJi.iv ot,t. Antt. xv. On the history of the \v Bxßv'hiüvi . tu6a, K»t 7!'h7)6o; yv lovoctioiu. 2. 2 Babylonian Jews, comp, especially yln«. xviii. 9. Koference is sometimes at See Shekalim least made in the Mishna to the Jews of Babylonia and Media.
' :

.

.

ChaJln iv. 11 (the firstiii. 4 (the half-shekel tax of Babylonia and Media) born not accepted from Babylonia) Joma vi. 4 (the Babylonians plucked tho wool of the scape-goat on the day of atonement) Mcnachoth xi. 7 (BabyBuha lonian priests) Baha mezia iv. 7, Shahhath vi. 6 (Median Jewesses) kamma ix. 5 = Baba mezia iv. 7 (restitution for plundered property is binding Shahhath ii. 1, Nusir v. 4, Baha hathra v. 2 (Nahum the as far as Media) Mede). The Book of Tobit also proves that Jews dwelt in Media (Tob.
;
; ;
;

;

;

i.

14,

iii.

7, etc.).

" On
vol.
12
i.

the political history, see Marquardt, llvmische StaatsverwaUungt

(1881) pp. 435-438. Philo, Lerjat. ad Cajum, § 33,

Mang.

ii.

578.
Titus

"
tTTI

Jo.seph. Bill. Jud. vi. G. 2 (p. 108, line 19 sq., ed. Bekker).
•^rpiaßiion
f<.ty

reproaches the Jews that kxI
VlUTtpKTfi^.

v^Ziv ^rpo;

iw;

vtzio liü(Ppä.rri»

"

Joseph. Antt.
v.

xviii. 9. 1

and

9, fin.

OnNehardea (syiin:),
Erdkunde,
x.

see Pauly's

Jieal-Enc.

375

sq. (s.v.

Naarda).

Ritter,

146.

Hamburger,

Real- Enc. für Bihel und Talmud, ii. 852 sq. On Nisbis, Pauly's Real-Enc. V. 659 sq. Ritter, Erdkunde, xi. 413 sqq. Nisibis was not on the Euphrates, as might appear from Josephus, but on the Mygdonius, an affluent of the It formed the centre Chaboras, which again is an affluent of the Euphrates.
of the localities mentioned 2 Kings xvii.
6, xviii.

11, to %\hiih the

niembeia

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

225

cities

were in subsequent centuries chief scats of Talmudic

Judaism, and are therefore frequently mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud."

Josephus names Syria as the country in which was the
largest

percentage

of

Jewish inhabitants, and

its

capital,

Antioch, was especially distinguished in this respect.^"
cities

Other

of

Syria also numbered
;

their

Jewish inhabitants by

thousands
ing
to

this

was the case with Damascus, where, accordof

to

the

statement
passage)
at the

Josephus, 10,000

or
to

(according

another

18,000
time of

Jews
the

are

said

have
tells

been
us of

assassinated

war.^'

Philo

Asia
every

also, as

of Syria, that
Aristotle,

Jews dwelt

in large momhcrs in

city}^

during his sojourn in Asia Minor

(348-345
had come

B.c.),

had a meeting with an educated Jew, who

thither,
rfi

who
sleep

'EX\r]vi,Ko<; rju ov rfj SiaXeKTco

fiovov

äWä
in

Kul

ylru-)(y.

Clearchus, a disciple of Aristotle, gives
further
particulars

his

book

on

concerning

this

of the

kingdom

of the ten tribes

were carried by the Assyrians (sec Gesenius'
\]Sl,

Thesaurus, and Winer's Rcalwörtcrhiich on the articles n^n, "linn,

n^,

Halach, Habor, Gozan, Media; and the commentaries on 2 Kings
xviii. 11).

xvii. G,

lonia proper.

Nehardea, on the other hand, lay further southward in BabyThus around Nisihis were grouped the descendants of the ten

tribes, and around Nehardea the descendants of the tribes of Benjamin and Judah, increased in both instances by subsequent additions. For Rabbinical matter on the abode of the ten tribes, see Lightfoot, Ilorae Ililn: in epist. 1

ad

Corinthios,

addenda ad
ii.

c.

xiv.

burger, Real-Enc.
xiii.

1281 sqq.
p.

(art.

{0pp. ed. Koterodam. ii. 929-9;)2) Ham" Zehn Stämme "). Comp, also 4 Ezra
;

39-47, and above,

170.

See Berliner Beiträge zur Geographic und Ethnographie Bahglonicns im Talmud und Midrash (Berlin 1881), pp. 47 sqq., 53 sq. syiinj is also already mentioned in the Mislma, Jebamoth xvi. 7. ^^ BeU. Jud. viL 3. 3 To yko lovZxiuu yivog %oKv yAv Kot.-'X ivü.aa.v tvj ciKovc/Jt/Yiu "TTxpiaTrocpTeci TO?j' iTri^uptoi:, t^'Kuotov "hi rfi '^vpicc Kccroi t^v yiirvi'ci'jiu ci'jccf/.sy.iyciii/ou, i^cciperui i-Trl r^f Avt iox,ii°t? ^if "ttoKv oidi
:
'

^5

TO

T/i; Trö'hiu; yAyiö'jg.
i^

Comp. Hamburger, Real-Enc.
ii.

s.v.

Antiochien.
7 (p. IGl, 27, ed.

10,000, Bell. Jud.
Philo,

20. 2.

18,000, Bell. Jud.

vii. 8.

Bekker).
18

vi'Kiv

iial '!rxf<,v}^r:6ii;
II.

ad Legat. Cajum, § Wjicc;
II.

33,

ts

Mang. ii. 582: kxI "Zvpi»;.

lovOxhi kv.S

iKxarnt

DIV.

VOL.

P

226
meeting."

§ Ol.

JUDAISM IN

TIIK DISPERSION.

Antiochus the Great settled 2000 Jewish faraihe3
in

from Mesopotamia and Babylonia

Thrygia and Lydia.""

And

to mention nothing

else,

the lioman edicts in favour of

the Jews communicated by Josephus {Antt. xiv. 10, xvi. G),

and the entire history of the Apostle Paul, show how widely
tlie

Jews had spread over the whole
and
in the

of

Asia Minor.

The

statement of Agrippa in his epistle cited above, that Jews had
settled in Bithynia
is

most distant corners of Pontus,*^

abundantly confirmed by the Jewish inscriptions in the
in the Crimea.'^^
to the

Greek language found

But most important with regard
tion

history of civilisaespecially in

was the Jewish Dispersion in Egypt and

Alexandria."^

Long before the time
of Clearchus

of

Alexander the Great

^^
(]).

The account
2ÜÜ
sq., 0(1.

is

preserved by Josephus, contra Apionem,
Strove,

i.

22

Bekker).

ilusebius, Pracp. cvniuj. ix. b, has the history
i.

ivoxx).

Josephus.

Clemens Alexandrinus,
'isWiWer^

15. 70, also briefly notices
ii.

the matter.

Comp.

Fra(jmcnta Hist. (/race.

323

sq.

Gutschmid,

Neue Beitrüge zur Geschichte des
20 Antt. xii. 3. 4.
"^

alten Orients (187G), p. 77.

Philo, ed. Manjj. ü.

587:

öi/cP'

B'^y''«? »«' "^uv rov

Uövrov

f^vx'^»-

Comp,
2-

also Acts xviii. 2 (Aquila, a

Jew

of Pontus).

See a Jewish inscription from Pantikapaion (on the Cimmerian Bos377 aer. Bosp. = a.D. 81, in the Corp. Inscr. Graec. Another from Anapa (also in the vol. ii. p. 1005 (addenda, n. Slll^J^). Crimea) of the year 338 aer. Bosp. = a.D. 42 in Stcphani, Pererga archacoliHjica (Bulletin tie VAcadtmie de St. Pe'tcr.shoim/, vol. i. 18(30, col. 214 sqq.).
jihoins) of the year

The Hebrew

See also Caspari, Quellen zur Geschichte des Tatt/s>i)nb(ils, iii. (1875) p. 2G9. inscriptions from the Crimea, some of -which Chwolsen thought might be referred to even the first century after Christ (Chwolsen, Achtzehn
ix.

hebräische Grahschriften aus der Krim, j\]emoires de VAcade'mie imperiale
des sciences de St. Pe'tcr.sbour(j, vii.e Serie, vol.

18G6, No. 7), are

much

more modern, the dates which decide the question having been fabricated by Firkowiisch. See the proof in Strack (A. Firkowitsrh und seine Entdeckungen, ein Grabstein der
hcbräi.'<cheii

Orabschriflen der Krim, Lcijizig 1876)
Me'inoires de l'Acade'niie
vii.e

and Harkavy (Altjüdische Denkmäler aus der Krim,
imperiale des sciences de St. Pctersbourg,

Serie, vol. xxiv. 187G, No. 1). to at least a limited

The

fact of the foryery

was subsequently acknowledged

extent by Chwolsen himself (in his Corpus Iiiscri])tionum Ih bruicaruui, Petersburg 1882). Comp, also Kaulzsch in the llieol. Litztg. 1883, p. 319 sqq.
^*

Comp.

Citss,

De

culoniis

Judaeorum

in

Argyplum

terras(pit

cum Acgapto

§ ai.

JUUAiSM IN THE DisraisioN.
there.

227
I.

Jewish imiuigrants were already found
is

I'samnietichus

said to

war against the

have had Jewish mercenaries in his army In the time Ethiopians, G50 B.c.''*

in his

of

Jeremiah a large train of Jewish emigrants went into Egypt,
for fear of the Uhaldees

and in opposition

to the will of the
xli.).

prophet

(Jer. xlii., xliii.

;

for the occasion, see Jer.

They

settled in various parts of Egypt, in Migdol, Tahpanhes,

Noph

and Pathros

(Jer. xhv.)

\^^

and though many of them embraced

Egypt and many were extirpated by war, still A forcible deportation of Jewish colonists a remnant was left.
the religion of
to

Egypt

is

said

to
.^^

have

taken place in the time of the

Persian supremacy
does not begin
till

Their most flourishing period however

the time of Alexander the Great.

As

early

as the foundation of Alexandria,

Jewish

settlers

were attracted

conjunctas post
art.

Mosen

dechictis,

P.

I.,

Stuttg. 1832.

Hamburger, Real-Enc.

" Alexandrien."

See other literature ia Keuss, Gexch. der he'd. Schriften

Alten Testaments, § 430.

Merx' Archiv für wissenschaßl, 255 (Havercamp's Josejthus, ii. 2. 104), t'uumeratcs the three following chief emigrations of Jews to Egypt, from 'EKtivo; ydp (i.e. Ptolemy Lagos) i-:ri>Jtkiv rx I'tolemy L backwards
-^

Aristeae, epist. ed. M. Schmidt, in
vol.
i.

Erforschung des A. T.

p.

:

KccTcc KoiAYju Ivoix!)

Kul

'PotviKi^'j cc'^xvTci, avy/,pc>>^ivo; ivr,u,ipt(x. y.er

uvOoux:,

iv

off«.)

Xflti

"Trpog

oix-a.

i^vpixöxg sä

t^j ruv

^

lovocttuv

X'^P'^-i

^'f

Atyvrrov

fiiTtsyxysv' ä<p' av

ötoil

TOiig /xvoix'^ct;

x.udoTr'Kiaxg ecvhpuv i>cKix.ruv iig rvju

%üpxv xxrUKiaiv sv Toig ifpovpioii' vfin y.iu x,x\ rrpirfpo» ix.ce,vuu tiai'h-/i>^vd6ruv ovv TU Hipofj, KUi "Trpo TOvruv STipuu avfifcocxioJU i^XTTiOTX^utuuv Trpo; TOJ* TUV Atöto'^uu ßx(Tt7\iot. y^xx'GÖxi avv "^xf^fiYiTt'xc^' xT'.'a' ov Toaoiroi tu ttT^'/jSh "TTxptThat 1 sannnctichus yi'jy,dr,axi/, oaov; llToXiiixJo; 6 to5 Axyov f^iTkyxyi.
li.-id

foreign mercenaries in

liis

army

is

evidenced elsewhere also
vi. 1.

;

sec Cless,

De

coloniis, pp. ^^ and

4-7, and Pauly's Jleal-Enc.

167

sq.

SMJP

Dn^ann (= Daphne)

are situate in the neighbourhood of
of

Pelusium,

i.e.

on the north-eastern boundary

^fcmphis on the southern extremity of the Delta.

Lower Egypt. Cjb or C]b is DilDB is Upper Egypt.

See the commentaries and the articles on this matter in Gesenius' Thesauriui

and Winer's
'^^

lleulwvrlcrb.

Aristeas speaks of such a one in
ed.

two passages

;

see one in note 24,
ii.

above; the other,

Schmidt,

p.

260, Havercamp's Josephus^

2.

107.

Comp,

also Closs,

De

coloniis, pp.

11-13.

23S
to
it

§

:!1.

JUDAISM

IN TIIK DISPKltSION.

by the bestowal upon them of the rights of

citizenship.*'

Large numbers of Jews afterwards came to Egypt chiefly under
I'tolemy
I.

Lagos, some as prisoners of war and some as voluntary

iiiimigrants.

They were employed by Ptolemy

as mercenaries,

especially for garrisoning fortified places.'^*
special quarter apart from the rest of the

In Alexandria a
city

was, in the

times of the Diadochoi, assigned to the Jews,
lead a purer
life

" that

they might
This

by mingling

less

with foreigners." ^^

Jewish quarter lay on the harbourless

coast, in the neighbour-

hood of the royal palace, and therefore in the north-eastern
]>art of

the town.*"

This severance was not afterwards strictly
to Philo there

maintained.

For according

were Jewish houses

of prayer in all parts of the city,*^
27
-*'

and many Jews dwelt
p. 203, lin.
it;

Apion.

ii.

4.

^1«//. xix. o. 2.
i. '1'2

Hectitensin Josepli. Apion.
y-eci

(ßekkcr,

31 sq.)

:

ovk oyjyat

oi

\_f/.vpiothif\

fiirci xov

Af^iS.cciOpov

6u'ja.rov

Aiywrov

kocI 'PctuiKYiv

f/.-riazfi'jciu

öix tr.v iv ^vpi'x arcciiv.
'2i

'.piottd

note

Further particulars in the passage from Aristeas, and Josephus, Antt. xii. 1.
ii.

-^ Bell.

Ji/iJ.

18.

7

:

(o<

oiüooy^oi)

totto-j

Wivj uvroi;

oitüptacc-j,

o-rrur

Kxdxpujlpxv
ill

'ix'^'-'-'

''i^ oi'ctiTcev, ViTTO'j i'TTtfita'yopci'jav tüiv d.K7^o(pv'hvu.

Strabu

Joseph.
fiipo;

Aiitl, xiv. 7.
T4)
'iä^ii

2

:

x^'^'f ^^ '"^J

'^^''

'

AXs^xvOpeuu

ttc'Xsw; eKpupiaro

According to Joseph. Apion. ii. 4, it might appear as though Alexander the Great had assigned this special quarter to But, according to the evidently more accurate statement in the Jews. JJell. Jud. ii. 18. 7, this was first done by the Diadochoi. Comp. J. G. Müller, Des Flavins Joseplius Schrift (jcrjcn den Apion (1877), p. 239. Josephus, c. Apion. ii. 4, init. (cited from Apion): i'hdovri; d-o Ivploi;
f'-iyci

toÜtüi.

"•'^

uKTiUctu "Jrpoi d'^ I ftsuou dd.'Xci.aaocv,
'A»t;
.
.

yHTUiüauvTi; Txic ruv Kufiä-Tuv
:

£x/3o-

Trpogroi; ßxai'Kiioi; Ttictu iopvThe great harbour of Alexandria, along which lay the greater part fAiJoi. of the town, is bounded on the west by the island of Pharos and the mole connecting the island with the continent, on the east by the promontory of

(Josejlius himself

id.-o

says)

Lochias, which juts out from the mainland into the sea (see especially the
jilan in Kiepert,

Zur Topographic
10-23).

des allen Alexandria, Berlin 1872; also

M. Erdmann, Zur Kunde der
J'ragr.

helknisii.'^chen Siädtcgründunr/cn,

Strassburger

1883,

pp.

On

the promontory

neighbourhood lay the royal
taining to
it

citadel, with tlic

Lochias and in its numerous buildings apperof
(

the town (Plinius,
3'

791), which together made up a fifth f 62 see in general Pauly's Real-Enc. i. 1. 739 sq.). llchce the Jewish quarter lay on the coast east of the promontory of Lochias.

(Strabo,

xvii. 1. 9, p.
;

v. 10.

Philo, Lvgal.

ad Cajutn,

§ 20,

Mang.

ii.

565.

§ Ol.

JUDAISM IN TUE MSPEKSION.

229
also,

scattered tlirougli all its quarters.^*

But even Philo says

ihat of the five districts of the town, whicli were

named
called

after
"

the

first

five

letters

of the alphabet,

two were

the

Jewish," because they were chiefly inhabited by Jews.^^
separation was however on the whole maintained, and
find the

The
shall

we

Jewish quarter

still

in

tlie

same

place, viz. in the east

of the town, in Philo's time.^*
in Josephus, the

According to an incidental notice
chiefly in the " so-called Delta,"
i.e.

Jews dwelt

in the fourth district of the town.^

I'hilo estimates the entire

number

of the

Jewish inhabitants of Egypt at about a million

in his days.^^

The Jews

of

Alexandria and Egypt took, in

conformity with their large numbers and importance, a pro-

minent part

in all the chief conflicts

between the Jewish and

the heathen world, in the great persecution under Caligula (see
§

lie) and in the insurrections in the times of Nero, Vespasian^^

^- Pliilo,

8^ Philo,

tTTUvvfioi

In Flaccum, § 8, Mang. ii. 525. See the next note. In Flacciim, § 8, Mang. ii. 525 Uevrs ^olpxi ri;; -t^-öMu; ilctv, run "TrpuTUu aT(jf)(,iiuu T^; iy/pxinfAUrov (pavvi;' tovtuu Ot/o 'low:

OciiKcti TiiyouTKi, dfcc

TO nrMwrciv; 'lofSas/of f
ö>.l'/oi oTropochig.

ii>

Totinrccig Kxjoiiceist.

Oikovoi ii

Kccl

h

7x7; oLyCkat; ovk

The

division of Alexandria into five

districts

and their

apj^ellation after the first five letters of the alphabet is

also

testified elsewliere.

See Pseudo-Callisthenes,
class. Philo!.
^

i.

o2 (ed. Aleusel in
&i/x.i'kiü<ret;

Fleckeisen's Jahrbb.

für
£.

Supplemental, vol. v.):
x.xi y(,upo''/pot.(pr,<rci.;

Ii

TO 7^'huarov fcipo; tvh wo'Aswf A>A^xu'hpn;,

tT^typx-^i ypxfA,-

y^xTx

-T^iuri'

a

/3

y

S

inscription of the time of
rui/

The second of these Antoninus Pius:
6
tTri

districts is

mentioned

in

an
(see
;

Tißipio; 'lovT^toi ^A'Ki^xvlpo;

xyopxvn^u,nx,(iruv

Tig tvdrjytxs rov

B

ypüf4,fiUTo;

Lumbroso

in

the Annall
i.

ddV

Instituto di corrisp. archeol.
ii.

1875, p. 15

Bursian's Jahresbericht,
Staatsverwaltung,
2*
i.

1874-75, vol
p. 455).

p.

305; Marquardt, Römische

1881,

c. Apion. ii. 4, that the Jews did not subsequently relinquitih the place occupied by thcra {x.xTiax'''->t'>; [/.rio vanpo»

Josephus expressly

says,

^^ Bell.
lovdxiy.üs/.
3<>

Jud.

ii.

18. 8

:

tig

to x.x'hovf^.ivov

AiXra,' avvJ.Kiaro

yxp
vp

ix.£i

t«>

Philo, In Flaccnm, § G,
01 T/jv

Mang.
Tvi»
'"'J"

ii.

523

:

oük x-Troliovai

[/.

i

xo u
rotJ

iKXTOv
TTpog

A'Ai^xvopstxv xxt
f^tx"'
vii.

x^F^-" 'ioulutoi KXTOtKoiiim; ecvö

Aißunv xxTxßxdfiov

öpiuv AiöiOTrixg.

37 Bell.

Jud

ii.

18. 7-8,

10.

230
and Trajan
at the

§

;;i.

JUDAISM

IX TIIK DISI'EItSIOM.

(see § 21;.''*

The very
of
tlie

history of these conflicts

is

same time a proof
in

continued importance of the

Egyptian Jews

the lioman ])eriod also.

But besides the

Jews properly
in

so called, there were also Samaritans dwelling
I.

Egypt.

Ptolemy

Lagos,

when he conquered

Palestine,

carried

away with him many
them
in Egypt.''®

captives, not only from

Judaea

and Jerusalem, hut
and
settled

also " from

Samaria and Mount Gerizim,"
In the time of Ptolemy VI.

Philometor the Jews and Samaritans are said to have brought
their dispute, as to

whether Jerusalem or Gerizim was the
before

true

place

of

worship,
letter

the

tribunal

of

the

king.'*"

Hadrian in his

to Servianus says of the

Samaritans in
there,

Egypt
that

as well as of the
M'ere
all

Jews and Christians dwelling them
" astrologers,

they

of

haruspices

and

quacks."^*
a

In a work of one Piishop Eulogius

we
If

are told of

synod held by him against the Samaritans.
that

we

are to

understand,

he

is

Eulogius

of

Alexandria,
of

elsewhere
in

spoken

of,

the

flourishing

condition

the

Samaritans

Egypt during the
westward.
*8

sixth century after Christ

would be

proved."*^

The Jewish Dispersion penetrated from Egypt farther It was very numerously represented in Cyrenaica.
Comp, on the Alexandrian persecutions
Joseph. Anil.
xii.

of the Jews, the Rabbinical

passages cited by Buxtorf, Lex. Chald.
^^ 1
:

col. 99, s.v.

N''"nJD2?Xä.'zö rt

ToXXoyr oäxy-cc'KÖnovg
Aiptjao'Kvfici

'Kaiiu»
rii;

t^; öohutj;
t6j'j

^lovoxiecg Kxl ruv Tipl rcc
sv Toi offii
'"'

rci—wj

kccI

'^Kuccpiirioo; nxl

rZ

Yccpil^ii'v,

KXTUKiatu ötTTX'jra;

iig Ai'-/V77ro'j

dyctyuu.

Antt.

xiii. 3.

4.

Comp.

xii. l,Jln.
:

*^
illic

Vopisc. vita Saturnini, c. 8 (in the Scrijitorcs historiae Aurjustae)

nemo

Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum presbyter non uiathematicus, non harnspex, non aliptes. *- AVe know the work of this Eulogius only from the information given in Photius, Bihlioth.cod. 230, s.fiii. (cd. Bckker, p. 285). Photius esteemed the author to be Eulogius of Alexandria (at the end of the 6th century), which however is not consistent Avith the fact, that the synod is said to have been held in the seventh year of the Emperor Marcianus (450-457). The only alternative is either to alter Marcianus into Mauricius, who reigned from a.D. 582 to 602 (as e.g. Fabricius-IIai'les, Bihlioth. (jr. x. 754), or to think of some other Eulogius, perhaps the bishop of rhiladelphia, iu
archisyiiagogus

§

,31.

JUDAISM IN

TIIK DISPESSION.

231
thither."

Ptolemy
were

I.

Lagos had already sent Jewish
to

settlers

According

Straho, the

inhabitants of

the city of Gyrene

in Sulla's time (about

85

B.c.)

divided into four classes:

1. citizens,

time
the

the

At tliat 2. agriculturists, 3. nietoikoi, 4. Jews." Jews were already playing a prominent part in
in

disturbances

Gyrene,

which Lucullus had
there.^^

to at

allay

during his accidental presence

The Jews

Gyrene

seem

to

have been at

all

times quite specially disposed to

insurrection.

In the time of Vespasian the after-piece of the
here,^*

war was played out
was a main
VYe

and

in the time of Trajan Cyrenaica
(see above, § 21).''^

seat of the great

Jewish revolt

may

also safely assume, that

Jewish settlements likewise
single traces of such are

existed

still

farther westward.

Only

however

to be discovered

with any certainty.**
e.g.

Palestine, "who signed the acts of the Coimcil of Chalcedon 451 (as

Tillemont and Ceillier
Christian BiograpJnj,

;

see in general, Smith

.i.ri.

Eulogius).

and "Wace, Dictionary oj In the latter case his work would bo

taken no account of in the history of the Egyptian Samaritans. *^ Joseph. Apiiin. ii. 4. Comp, on the history of Cyrenaica, Thrige, Chnton, Fasti Helleneci, iii. 394-398. MarHe,'! Cyrenensium, Hafniae 1828. quardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. (1881) pp. 457-464, and the literature
there cited.

On

the geography, Forbiger, Ilandh. der alten Geographic,

ii.

825-832. ** Strabo in Joseph. Antt. xiv. 7. 2 Tirrapi; o' tcü!/ yiupyuv, rpizYi KvpYi'JXi'av, VI Ti ruv T^o'ht-uu kocI
:
'<j

iJTau
o'

Iv

rn

-kc/kh

ruu
x.ccl

^ roju fi-roiKou

TiTXprvi
^^

VI

ruv lovocciuu.
7.

Strabo in Joseph. Antt. xiv.
see

Cyrene,

Plutarch. Lucull.

2.

2. On the doings of Lucullus in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, i. 459.

His main object was to requisition ships for Sulla.
organized as a province
^G
•*''

internal disturbances to compose, the condition of Cyrene,
till

But he had also which was not

74
11
;

B.c.,

being

still

very disordered.
1 Mace. xv.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.

vii.

Vita, 76.

Comp, on the
p.

history of the
;

Jews

in Cyrene,

23 (also

above,

and the inscription of Berenite, Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 5361. Jews of Cyrene are mentioned 2 Mace. ii. 23 (Jason of Cyrene), Matt, xxvii. 32 = Mark xv. 21 = Luke xxiii. 26 (Simon
221)
;

Antt. xvi. 6. 1, 5

Acts ii. 10 (Cyrenians at the feast of Pentecost at Jerusalem) of Cyrene) Acts xi. 20 Acts vi. 9 (synagogue of the Cyrenians in Jerusalem) (Cyrenians come from Jerusalem to Antioch) Acts xiii. 1 (Lucius of Cyrene at Antioch). *** A Jewish inscription Pompejo Restuto Judeo at Citra, in Leon lieuicr,
; ;
;

;

232
The

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

diffusion of the

Jews

in

Greece

is

already evident from

the history of the Apostle Paul,
in Thessalonica, Beroea,

who found Jewish synagogues
xvii. 1, 10,

Athens and Corinth (Acts
is

17,

xviii.

4,

7).

This

confirmed

by the expressions of
Caligula.''^

Agrippa
were

in the

above-mentioned epistle to
in

There
Grecian

also

Jews

almost

all

the

islands

of

the

Archipelago and the Mediterranean Sea, and in some of these
in large numbers.

In the

epistle

Euböa, Cyprus and Crete

are decidedly mentioned.*"

And

if

we only know

this

ex-

pressly in a smaller measure of the smaller islands, the reason
lies in

the scantiness of our sources of information."
Italy

In

Eome was
thousands.*^

tlie

seat

of

a Jewish

community

numbered by
R.

The

first

appearance of Jews in
Inscr. Lat. vol.
viii.

Inscriptions de VAUjerie (Paris 1855), n.

2072= Corp.

7155.

A pater sinagogae

upon an

inscription at Sitifis in Mauritania in

Orelli-Henzen, Inscr. lat. vol. iii. n. 6145 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. viii. n. 8499. That there were Jews in Carthage in TertuUian's time appears from the commencement of his work, adv. Judacos. FrcMländer, Be Judacontm coloniis (Königsberg Pro(/r. 187G), refers to a passage of Procopius (De
acdif. vi. 2, ed. Dindorf,
*9
iii.

334).
iv. n.

Comp,

also Corp. Inscr. Grace, vol.

9900 (a Jewish inscription

at Athens), n. 9896 (at Patras in Achaia).
so
xiii.

Philo, Legat,

ad Cajum,
above)

§ 36,
4,

4 sqq.
7. 1

Joseph. AiM. 10.
(§ 21,
;

under Trajan
Jud.
ii.
;

Mang. ii. 587. Comp, on Cyprus, Acts and the history of the great insurrection on Crete, Joseph. Antl. xvii. 12. 1 Bell.
;

Vila, 76.

51 Comp. 1 Mace. xv. 23 (on this see above, p. 221. Delos, Samos, Cos and Rhodes are named). Corp. Inscr. Oraec. n. 9894 (a Jewish inscrip-

tion at Algina)

;

Joseph. Antt.
;

xvii. 12,

1;

Bdl

Jud.

ii.

7.

1

(Melos)

Antt. xiv. 10. 8 (Paros)

Antt. xiv. 10. 8

and 14 (Delos)

;

Antt. xiv. 7. 2

and
52

10.

15 (Cos).
in

Comp, on the Jews

Rome,

Migliore,

Ad

inscriptionem Flaviuc

Antoninae commentarius sive de antiquis Judaeis Italicis excrcitatio cjngrapliica (MS. of the Vatican library, n. 9143, cited by Engeström). Auer, J)ie Juden in Rom unmittelbar vor und nach Christi Gehurt {Zeitschr. für Hausrath, die gesammte kathol. Theol. vol. iv. No. 1, 1852, pp. 56-105).
Ncutestamentl. Zeitgesch., 2nd ed.
iii.

383-392 (1st

ed.

iii,

71-81).

Renan,

Paulus, p. 131 sqq. Engeström, Om Judarne i Rom under äldre tider och lluidekoper, Judaism at Rome, New York dcras katakomber, Upsala 1876. Schürer, Die Gemeindcver/assung der Juden in Rom in der Kaiscr1876.
zeit,

Leipzig 1879.

Hamburger, Real-Enc. für Bihd und Talmud,

Div.

ü

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
the

233
Judas

Ptome

dates

from

time

of

the

Maccabees.

Maccabaeus sent an embassy
alliance with

to the

Senate to conclude an

Rome,
its

or, to

speak more correctly, to obtain an

assurance

of

friendship

and assistance

(1

Mace.

viii.

17-32).

His brother and successor Jonathan followed
xii.

his

example (1 Mace.
the
brothers sent to

1-4,

xvi.).

Of greater importance was
third
of

embassy, which Simon the

the
B.c.

]\Iaccabaeau
It effected

Home
24,

in the year

140-139
During
For

an actual offensive and defensive alliance with the Eomans
(1

Mace. xiv.

xv.

15-24).

their

prolonged

sojourn at

Eome
a

the envoys or their retinue
p)ropaganda.

seem
is

also to
this

have
is

attempted

religious

it

that

alluded to in

the

certainly
i.

somewhat confused

notice

in

Valerius Maximus,

3.

2

:

Judaeos, qui Sabazi Jovis cultu
erant,

Idem (viz. the praetor Ilispalus) Eomanos inficere mores conati
coegit).*^

rcpetere

domes suas
deity.^*

Jupiter

Zabazius

is

indeed a Phrygian
pp.

Since hov^ew er Judaeos

is certified

1033-1037 (art. " Rom "). Ilild, Zcs jiiifs d Rome devant V opinion ct dans la Uil&ature {Revue des etudes jidves, vol. viii. 1884, pp. 1-37, and continuatiou). Hudson, History of the Jews in Rome, 2nd ed. London 1884 (394 pp.). The works and articles of Levy, Garrncci and others on
the inscriptions of the Jewish catacombs in

Rome

(see above, § 2).

There Maximus.
that of

*^

book of the text of Valerius Two extracts from his works, which have been preserved to us, Julius Paris and that of Januarius Nepotianus (both ^iveu by M;ii,
is

a large hiatus in the

first

Scriptorum vclerum nova
passage with which
extract of Paris.
follows
:

collcctio,

iii.

3,

1828) help to

fill

it

up.

(For

the hiatus, see also Kempt's edition of Valerius Maximus,

1851.)

The

we

are concerned

is

given above, according to ihe

In the extract of Nepotianus this same passage runs as Judaeos quoque, qui Romanis tradere sacra sua conati erant, idem Hippalus urbe exterminavit arasque privatas e publicis locis abiecit. Since then both summarizers have the word Judaeos, it must without doubt have existed in Valerius Maximus. It is wanting only in the printed common text derived from a bad transcript from Paris, which I followed in
;

the

first

edition of this book.

Comp, on Sabazius, Georgii in Pauly's Real-Enc. vii. 1, G15-621. Lenormaut in the Revue archtolorjvpie new series, vol. xxviii. 1874, pp. 300 sqq., 380 sqq., xxix. 1875, p. 43 sqq. On his worship in Rome,
**
,

Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung,

iii.

1878, p. 80 sq.

;

Corp. Inscr.

234
by the

§ 51.

JUDAISM

IN'

THE DISPERSION.

text, liis

appellation in our passage undoubtedly rests

upon a confusion of the Jewish
Sahazius:'^

Sahaoth

{Zchaoth)

with

The event here

related

happened however (accord-

ing to the immediately preceding words in Valerius

Maximus)

during the consulate of Popilius Laenas and L. Calpurnius
Piso
(b.c.
it

139),
is

i.e.

exactly at the time of Simon's embassy, to
to be referred. It

which

most probably
it,

may
of

also be

inferred

from

that no

Jews then dwelt permanently

in

Eome.
only

The settlement there of a great
from
the

number
his

Jews

dates
of

time

of

Pompey.
B.c.,

After

conquest

Jerusalem in the year 63
prisoners of
slaves
;

he brought numerous Jewish

war with him

to

Eome.

They were then

sold as

but

many

of

them were soon

set at liberty, their strict

adherence to their Jewish customs being inconvenient to their
masters.

Endowed with

the privileges of Ptoman citizenship,

they settled beyond the Tiber and formed an independent

Jewish community.^''
Lnt. vol. vi. n. 429, 430.
deiirum,
iii.

From

that

time

onwards

tlie

Jewish

Cicero already knows of the Sabazia {De natura

23. 58).

*5 Zebaoth is indeed not a proper name. The Hebrew Jahveh Zebaoth having however been rendered by x.vpto; 'S.ußxud (by the LXX. especially in Isaiah, see Trommius' Concordar.ee., the form "^aßctud being better evidenced than 'S.xßßctud), 2xßuü$ has iu fact been treated as a name of God by Jews, Christians and heathen, see Orac. Silnjll. i. 304, 316, ii. 240, xii. 132

(ed. Friedlieb, x. 132).

Celsus in Origen,
i.

c.

Ceh.

i.

24, v. 41, 45.

The

Gnostics in Irenaeus,
haer. xxvi. 10, xl. 2.
Ililigionsgcschickte,

30. 5; Origen,

c.

Cols. vi. 81,

32; Epiphanins,
.semiii.ichen

Many
1,

Gnostics (see Baudissin, Studien zur
;

No.

1870, p. 187 sqq.)

Ilieronynius, epist. c. 46 Dei {0pp. ed. Vallansi, i. 130). Also in similar anonymous treatises on the names of God (Ilieronymi 0pp. ed. Yallarsi, iii. 749 sq. Lcgardc, OnomasTlie Hebrew Sabbath is certainly out of the tica sacra, pp. 160, 205 sq.).

martijrium,

;

Origen himself, Exhoriatio ad 25 ad Marcellam de decern nominihuf

question, as

it is

not possible to see

how

tliat

could be understood as the

name

of the Deity.

^^ Philo,

Legat,
TV^v

ad Cajum,
x,oii

§ 23,

Mang.

ii.

Augustus)
i}u oi/x,

nrifav tow Tißipiag 'TFOTety.ov
oiKOV/^ivriv

508 Uu; ovj d-TnQiyjro {seil. fnyuXnu t^j Fufcru »7iroTOfiy,!>,
:

viyvin xxTi'/^ofiivviv

vpo^ ^lov^ulav;

Piofixiot

tiouv

oi TThiiov; oi'TZi'KfväipuSivrii.

Al%uoi,'hOiTOi

yxp

eix,^evTSs tii ^IrotKictu

IttI

tuv

KT-nnUl/AvUV

Yi'f.ivhpÖlSfi'jXU, oiioiV Till/ TTCtTpluU 'TTOt.pctX^-P'^'i^' ßiotidiyTi;.

§ ;U.

JUDAISM IX THE DISPERSION.

235

colony in Trastevere formed no unimportant factor in
life.

Roman
the

When

Cicero, in the year

59

b.c.,

made

his oration in

defence of Flaccus,
auditors."

we

find

many J^ws

present

among

At the

deatli of Caesar, the great protector of the

Jews, a multitude of the latter made lamentation at his bier

during whole nights."^

In the time of Augustus they were

already numbered by thousands.

Josephus at

least tells us that

8000 Eoman Jews
Palestine to

joined the deputation which came from

Eome

in the year

4

B.c.*^

In the time of Tiberius
tlie

repressive measures

commenced.

According to Josephus,

whole Jewish population was banished from

Rome

A.D.

19,

because a few Jews had swindled a noble female proselyte

named Fulvia
Jews capable
to

of large

sums

of

money under

the pretext of

sending them to the temple at Jerusalem.^*'
of bearing

Four tliousand

arms were on

this account deported
;

Sardinia to fight against the brigands in that island

the
of

rest

were banished from the
Suetonius,^^

city.

Such are the accounts
whose

Tacitus,^^
*" ^8

and
In

Josephus,^

statements

Cicero, pro Flacco, 28.

publico luctu exterarum gentium more lamentata est, praccipueque Judaoi, qui etiam noctibus continuis bustum frequentarunt. Sueton.
:

Caesar, 84

summo

niultitudo circulatim suo quaeque

59

Antt. xvii. 11. 1

;

Bell.

JwJ.

ii.

6. 1.

Antt. xviii. 3. 5.

^^

Annal.

ii.

85:

Actum

et

de sacris Aegyptiis Judaicisque pcllcndis
niilia libertini

factuiuque patrum consultura, ut quattuor
stitione
infecta,

generis ea super-

insulam Sardinian! veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli iuterissent, vile damnum ceteri cederent Italia, nisi certam ante diem profanos ritus
in
;

quis idonea aetas,

exuissent.
^2 Vita Tiber. 36 Externas caerimonias, Aogyptios Judaicosquo litus compescuit, coactis qui superdtitione ea tencbantur religiosas vestes cum iustrumento omni comburere. Judaeorum juveututem per speciem sacra:

raenti in provincias gravioris caeli distribuit, reliquos gentis
similia

ejusdem vel
nisi

sectantes

urbe

summovit, sub
3.

poena perpetuae

servitutis

obtemperassent.
öä

Josephus {Antt.

xviii.

5) says expressly,

that 4000

Jews were

chosen for military service and sent to Sardinia. Tacitus gives the samo number, but speaks of Eijyptians and Jews. According to Tacitus, the rest

236
essentially

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE

DISrEi;<^ION.

agree.

According to the contemporary narrative

of Philo, these measures

were

chiefly carried out

by the then

powerful

Scjanus.*'*

After his

overthrow, A.D. 31, Tiberius

perceived that the Jews had been slandered without cause
Sejanus,

by
all

and commanded the authorities {vTrdpxot^)

in

places not to molest the Jews, nor to prevent the practice of
their customs.''^
It

may

here be assumed that a return to
;

Eome was

also allowed

them

and

this explains the fact that

riiilo should, so early as

the time of Caligula, again take for

granted the existence of the Jewish community.

The reign

of Claudius began with a general Edict of Toleration in favour of the Jews.^®

But

this

emperor also subsequently found
According to
Acts and

himself obliged to take measures against them.
the
short

accounts in the
tlie

Suetonius,
Claudius.^'
of

an actual
According

expulsion of

Jews took place under

however

to the evidently

more accurate account
;

Dio Cassius,

had been expelled from Italy according to Josepliiis, only from Rome. Suetonius agrees more with Josephus. On the chronology, comp. Volkmar, J)ie Itdic/ionsrcrfdl/jiing unter Kaiser Tiberius und die Chronulor/ic des FL
Josephus in der Pilatus-Periode (Jahrlh.fürprot.
Tlicol.

1885, pp. 130-143).

Volkmar correctly coiicliuk'S, that Josephus (^Anlt. xviii. 3. 5) means the same expulsion of Jews as Tacitus, and that it took place (according to the
narrative of Tacitus) A.D. 19.

Euseb. Chron. ad a7in. Abr. 2050 (ed. Schocne, ii. 150), from the Seianus Tiberii procurator, qui Intimus erat consiliarius Meminit regis, universim gentera Judaeorum deperdendara exposcebat.
^*

Armenian

:

autem huius Philon
"Sriixuo;
'

in

secunda
TU

relatione.
'X'spl

Syncellus, ed. Dindorf,
ÜTraXiix; row
lovhciio: s|
^

i.

621

eVap^oj Tißiplov
Tzo'A'Acc, oii'j

ILxiactpo;

TiT^ttas

'iouovg

tuv

lovOcciuu

£/3ot/?i.£f£

Kuiaccpi, Ü; <^i'Kav

A>,e^cci/^p£ioc.{

Ilicronymus, Chron. 151): Seianus praefectus Tiberii qui apud cum plurimum poterat instantissime cohortatur, ut gcntem Judaeorum The same information, Filo mcmiiiit in libro legationis sccundo. deleat.
"htöf/uv

ioTopel iv

rfi

oevrepcc rij; rmpl olItüv -zpiaßitot.;.
ii.

(in Euseb. CA?-««, ed. Schoene,

according to the same work of Philo,
5. 7.

is

also

found in Euseb.
ii.

Hist. eccl. iL

Comp, on

this

work

of Philo, § 34, below.
§ 24, ed.

85 Philo, «6

Legat,

ad Cajum,

Mang.

5G9.

Joseph. Anlt. xix. 5. 2, 3. '^ Acts xviii. 2: lix to OiunTXy^sucn K7<ci6oiov x^pi^iodctt "Tra-vrxi tüv; 'Uvoxiov: üvo T'/is 'Tüfin;. Sueton. Claud. 25 : Judacos impulsorc Chrcsto
aauidue tumultuantcs

Koma

expulit.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSIOX.

23 7

Claudius only prohibited the assemblies of the Jews, because
their expulsion could not be carried out without great tumult.'"^

This prohibition was indeed equal to a prohibition of the free
exercise of their religion,

and would certainly have the
the
city.

result

of inducing

many

to
;

leave
it

Its

date cannot be

accurately determined
later
''^

was probably promulgated in the

times of Claudius.*'^
Ccass. Ix.

From

the words of Suetonius

it

Dio
S'^

6: tov?

n

^lovhxi'ovg irMovöcactuTct; ccvdi;, uarf. ^ct7^S7rcä;
sip^^^vj'jcti,

&y

cc'jsv

rxp!X)(,^; v'Tto
'TTot.Tpia
ß't'j)

tou o^Xot» aXuv rva T.ö>.ia;
'^po)u.iv(>v;

oüx.

i^yj'Kccfjs fci»,

TM

3s

eyJ'Ksvas

fiV}

avvxdpoi^sadcti.

In Dio Ciissius

this notice stands at ihe

beginning of the reign of Claudius, while the measure related in the Acts of the Apostles probably took place much later Dio Cassius however is not here giving as yet a chrono(see note G9). logical narrative, but only describing the general characteristics of Claudius
(this to

me seems

certain notwithstandii'g the remarks to the contrary of

H. Lehmann, Stuflien zur Gesch. des apost. Zeitalters, pp. 2-4, with the words "hi^u 0£ x.scS' iKxaro» uv l-Troinai, c. 3. Dio passes over not to a chronological narrative,

but to a description of the good side of Claudius).

Ifc

is

not credible that an unfavourable edict against the Jews should be carried into effect in the early days of Claudius, who was just then i.-suing an edict
for their toleration.

The edict therefore mentioned by Dio Cassius is most For it would indeed be strange The expuUt of if one should mention the former and the other the latter. Suetonius must be understood according to the analogy of Suetonius, expulit et mathematicos, sed deprecantibus veniam dedit. Tiber. 36 The expulsion was indeed contemplated, but when it was perceived that it This also explains the would encounter difficulties, it was abandoned. silence of Tacitus and Josephus. *9 The year might be accurately determined if this edict were identical with that mentioned by Tacitus of the year 52. Tac. Annul, xii. 52 De mathematicis Italia pellendis factum senatus consultum atrox et irritura. But the matltcmatici cannot possibly mean the Jewish community at Rome. In the Chronicle of Eusebius and Jerome the expulsion of the Jews by
probably identical with that of Suetonius.
:
. .

.

:

Claudius

is

nut mentioned.

Orosius alone,
:

vii.

ü.

15 (ed. Zangemeister,

1882), gives a precise date for this edict

per Claudium Urbe Judaeos Josephus refert.

makes no mention

at all

expulsos Since however Josephus of the matter, the statement is certainly incorrect

Anno ejusdem nono

with respect to authority and therefore probably unreliable with respect to matter. It is moreover probable, from the connection of the Acts of the Apostles (observe the '7rpM(fü.Tug, Acts xviii. 2), that the edict was issued about A.D. 50-52. Ccmp. in general. Anger, Dc temporian in actis apostvlorum ratione (1833), p. 116 sqq. "Wieseler, Chronologie des apostol. Zeüulters, pp. 120-128. Winer, liWB. i. 231 eq (art. "Claudius"). U.

238

§

SI.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSIOX.
it

might iuJeed be inrencd, that
This

was occasioned by the

dis-

turbances, which arose within Judaism in consequence of the

preaching of

Christ.'**

edict of Claudius

had

also but

transient consequences.

Such measures were not capable of
was already,

extirpating the firmly rooted Jewish community, or of even

])ermanently weakening
of its
life

it.

It

chiefly

by means The Jews,

numerous

proselytes, too

much

intertwined with lioman

for its

complete suppression to be successful.

when

expelled from the city, emigrated to the neighbourhood,

perhaps to Aricia,'^ soon to return thence to their old abodes.
Their history in
J)io

Eome may

be

summed up

in the

words

of

Cassius

:

Often suppressed, they nevertheless

mightily

increased, so that they achieved even the free exercise of their

customs."

The

aristocratic

lioman indeed looked down upon

them with contempt.
i-atirists

But the numerous lampoons of the

in

many evidences of the notice they attracted lioman society.'^ Even from the time of Augustus direct
are just so

relations of
in

Jews

to the imperial court are not lacking

;

nay,

the reign of Nero the Empress Poppaea seems herself to
V>y degrees

have been inclined to Judaism.'*

they spread

Lehmann, Studien zur Geschichle des apostolischen Zeitalters (185G), pp. 1-9. Lewin, Fasti Sacri (London 18G5), n. 1773, 1774. Keim, art. " Claudius,"
in

Schenlccrs Bihellex.
'0

On
sq.

Chrestus

=

Ciistus, see

Hug,

Einl. in das

N.

T. (4tli ed.) iL 335.

Credner, Einl. in das N. T. p. 381.

Hilgenfeld, Ei7d. in das N. T. p.

303

Huidekoper, Judaism at Eome, p. 220 sq. qui ud portam is intimated by the sclioliast on Juvenal, iv. 117 Aricinam sive ad clivum mcndicaret inter Judaeos, qui ad Arioiaiu
'^

This

:

transierant ex
'^

Urbe

missi.
:

Die Cass, xxxvii. 17
^oXAaÄ/f,

iort

y-al
oi
iTTi

rrxpx to?;
TT'Aihrov,

Vuy^xioig to

yho^

tovto,
riji

x.(,'Aova9iv f^iv

(tv^Y,div

üan

x.»i

it;

"yva.ppr.aietv

n'jf^t'aiu; iKUiK'/jicci.

'3

On

the social position of

tlie

Jews

in

Rome,

see the literature cited

above, note 52, especially Ilausiath, Ntuteslamtntl. Zeitgesch.

2nd

ed.

iii.

383-392.
'*

Tlie

names

hlywo-vj'H'ii

munities in

Home

(see below,

Augustus and Agiippa.

and AypiTr'TrTiaioi, borne by two Jewish comNo. 2), point to the relations of Jews to The Empress Livia had a Jewish female slave of
^

§ ;n.

JUDAISM IX

TIIK DlslT.KSIOX.

21^9

farther in

tlie

city also.

The
"VVc

qiiaiter

in

Trastevere was no
in

longer

their

only one.

fmJ them subsequently
No.

the

Campus

Martins, and in the midst of the
(see below,
2).

Eoman commercial
Juvenal
jests at the

world in the Suhura

fact, that the sacred grove of Egeria, before the Porta Capeno,

was leased
12-lG).

to

Jews and swarmed with Jewish beggars
of

{Sat.

iii.

The settlement

Jews

in various quarters of the

town, and their continued prosperity
the

down

to the later imperial

name of Alcme (Joseph. Autt. xvii. ö. 7; /Uli. Jnd. i.o'l. 0, '^\^. 7). Upon an inscription of the lime of Claudius, a [Cl]:ui(lia Aster [Ili]crosoly-

mitana [ca]ptiva, evidently a Jewish female slave of Claudius, is mentioned (Orelli-Henzen, Inscr. Lat. n. boO'2 = Mommscn, Imcr. JiCf/ni Nenp. n. 6467 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x. n. 1971). We find a Jewish comedian Poppaea is herself desij,'Alityrus at the coiu-t of Nero (Joseph. Vita, 3). nated as dioaeßv;;, and was always ready to advocate Jewish petitions with
Tacitus, Aiinal. xvi. 6, the emperor (Joseph. Antt. xx. 8. 11; Vita, 3). remarks of her, that after her death she was not burnt according to Roman custom, but embalmed "after the fa.shion of foreign kings." The Jewish historian Josephus lived in lionie under Vespnsian, Titus, and Domitian honoured and assisted by the kindness of all three emperors (Joseph. In the person of Domitian's cousin Flavins Clemens, not Vita, 76). Judaism indeed, but Christianity, which proceeded from Judaism, penetrated even the imperial family (for so are Dio Cass. Ixvii. 14, and Sueton.
J)omit. 15,

now

universally and correctly understood).

Of

later date

may

perhaps be mentioned also the Jewish playfellow (conlusor) of Caracalla
(Spartian. Caracalla, 1
p.
;

also Gorres, Zcitschr.f. Wisscnschaftl. Thcol. 1884-,

147 ^qq.). We must remember too the active relations of Ilerod and his dynasty with Augustus and his successors. Most of Herod's sons were

brought up at Rome. Agrippa I. spent the greater part of his life in Rome, remaining there till his nondnation as king ; as a boy ho was on terms of friendship with Drusus, the son of Tiberius (Joseph. Anit. xviii. 6. 1), and afterwards with Caligula. The intimate relations of Agrippa II. and Berenice with Vespasian and Titus are well known and lastly, it is worthy of remark how frequently the Gentile names of emperors are found among
;

Jewish names upon inscriptions.
large
:

The following occur, and that in tolerably numbers Julius, Claudius, Flavins, Aelius, Aurelius, '\'alerius. Even though these names may frequently refer not to the old fandlies, but to
later

emperors (Constantine the Great's

full

name

e.ff.

being C. Flavius

Valerius Aurelius Claudius Const.),
relation

still

they certainly prove a close

of the Jews to the emperors. Comp, also Ilarnack's article on the Christians at the imperial court {Princeton Review, July 1878, pp.

239-280).

2 -to

§

;jl.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

times, arc also especially evidenced

by Jewish Lurying-grounds,

some of them the discovery
five

of recent times.
"""

Of

these, the

following are

now known

(1)

A

somewhat

insignificant

cemetery before the Porta Portuensis, discovered by Bosio in
tlie

year 1G02.

This was certainly the burial-place of the

Jews
wards

in Trastevere.
lost,

The knowledge
efforts

of the locality

was

after-

and

all

for its re-discovery

have hitherto

been unsuccessful/*

(2)

A

large cemetery, discovered in the

beginning of the sixth decade of this century, on the Via

Appia
a large

in the

Vigna Eandanini (somewhat farther out
Callistus).

tlian the

catacomb of

To

it

we owe our acquaintance with
(3)

number
(or

of Piomano-Jewish inscriptions.'^

In the
Ptossi

year

18G7

186G)

a Jewish cemetery, of

which de

gives a short account, was discovered in the vineyard of Count

Cimarra, also on the Via Appia, nearly opposite the catacomb
of Callistus.'^

(4)

A

Jewish cemetery on the Via Labicana,

therefore in the neighbourhood of the Esquinal and Viniinal,
of

perhaps the date of the Antonines, was pointed out by
(5)

Marucchi in the year 1883.'®^
(at
tlie

There was also in Porto

mouth

of

the Tiber) a Jewish cemetery, from wldch
of the

are derived
fur a long

many

Jewish epitaphs with which we have

time been

acquainted.^"

The antiquity
it,

of

this

cemetery, and
''^'

of the inscriptions contained in

can only be

p.

p.

489 271
'^''

Comp, the summary in Kraus, lloma Sottcrranea (1st. ed. 1873), and in Caspari, Qudlai zur Gesch. des Taußymlols, iü. 1875, sq.
;

sq.
fler/Ii

Garrucci, Cimifem

antichi Ebrei, p. 3.
degli antichi

'^

Comp. Garrucci, Cimitcro

Ehrci scopcrto rcccntemente

in

VIgna Ilandanini,
rario argomento,

Rome 1862. The same, Disscrtazioni On the vol. ii. Roma 18G5, pp. 150-192.
De
and the explanation,
p. 16.

archeologiche dt
situation of the

cemetery, see the plan in
series), vol. v. 18G7, p. 3,
7^

Rossi, BullcUino di Archeologia cristiana (1st

De

Rossi, JJuUcttino, v. 16.

Marucchi in de Rossi's Bullettinn, 1883, p. 79 sq. See de Rossi, BullcUino, iv. 186G, p. 40. The inscriptions known down to the year 1850 are collected in Corp. Inscr. Graec. vol. iv. u. 0901 992Ü. Comp, the literature on the inscriptions, § 2, above.
'"

'»a

§ 31.

JUDAISM

m

THE DISPERSION.
cliiefly

241
from the

appioximately determined.

They may date
so
called,
also.

second to the fourth centuries after Christ.
Besides

Jews properly

there

were

in

Eome

(as in Alexandria)

Samaritans

A

Samaritan of the name
Tiberius, once lent a

of Thallus, a freedman of the large

Emperor

sum

to

Agrippa
in

I,

in

Eome.^ The existence

of a Samari-

tan

community
is

Eome,

in the time of the Ostrogoth king

Theodoric,

evidenced by a letter of this king to the knight
is

Arigernus, which
Cassiodorus.^^

embodied in the collection of
Samaritans

letters of

That the

were

by

no

means

without importance in the
times,
is

Roman Empire
to

in later imperial

shown by the frequent reference community
in

them

in imperial

legislation.^*

After the Jewish
(Dikäarchia)
is

Eome, that

of Puteoli
Italy.

presumably the most ancient in

In

this chief trading port of Italy

with the East, we find Jews so

early as
Great.^^

b.c.

4,

immediately after the death of Herod the

Their presence cannot be pointed out in other parts
till

of Italy

later

imperial times

;

this

does not however

permit any negative inference as to the date of their settlement.'^*

Much

material in the

way of

inscriptions has recently

8"
*^

Joseph. Antt.
Cassiodor.

xviii. 6. 4.
:

Illustri

Variarum, iii. 45 (^Opp. ed. Garetius) Arigerno Yiro Cotuiti Theodoricus Eex .... Defeiisores itaque sacrosancUie
ecclesiae conqucsti

Romauae
plicium

sunt, beatae

recordaticnis

quondam

Siin-

domnm

in sacratissima

Urbe positam ab
;

Eiifrasio Acolyto iiistni-

mentis factis solenniitcr comparasse quam per annoruni longa curricula ecclesiain Eoraauatn quicto jure suggerunt possedisse et in usus alienos
transtulisse securitate dominii.
stitionis

Nunc autem

existero

Samareae superfuisse

populuni improba fronte duratum, qui iniquis conatibus mcutiatur.
82

Synagogam ibidem

Codex TheotUmaims
Joseph.
Antt.
xvii.

(ed. Haencl),

xiii.

:>.

18, xvi. 8. IG, u. 28.

Novell.

Justin. 129, u. 144.
83

12.

1

;

BcU.

Jud.

ii.

7.

1.

There

Avas also a

Christian church here so early as a.d. 61 (Acts xxviii. 13, 14). 8* See the information in Friedländer, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Farns, vol. iü. (1871) pp.

511, 512.

The same, De .Tudaeorum

UIV.

II.

VOL.

II.

Q

242

§ 31.

JUDAISM

m

THE DISPERSION.

been furnished especially by the discovery of the catacomb of
Vcnosa (Venusia in Apulia, the birthplace of Horace).
inscriptions
in
Its

Greek, Latin and

Hebrew

are,

according to

Mommsen's judgment,
Gaul and Spain

of the sixth century after Christ.*^

We

likewise meet with Jewish communities in various parts of
in later imperial times.

In respect of dates,

what has been
also.^
coloniis

said

with regard to Italy holds good here

(Königsberg Prngr. 1876), pp.

1, 2.

Rcnan,

L'AuticJirist (1873), p. 8.

For Lower
ii.

Italy, also Ascoli, hcrizioni (1880), pp. 33-38.
:

The places

in

whicli they are found are especially the following

Genoa

(Cassiodor. Variar.

27), Milan (Cassiodor. Variar. v. 37), Brescia (inscription, Corp. Ivscr.

Lat. vol. V. n. 4411), Aquileia
p. 62),

(Roman

inscription in Garrucci, Cimitero,

Bologna (Ambrosius, Exhortatio virginitatis, c. 1), Ravenna (Anonymus Valcsiij cc. 81-82, in the appendix to most editions of Ammianus Älarcellinus), Capua (inscrijjtion in Mommsen, Inscr. Bcgni Neap. 3657 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x, n. 3905), Naples {Procop. Bell. Gotth. i. 8 and 10, ed. Diiidorf, vol. ii. pp. 44 and 53), Venosa (see next note), Syracuse (inscription, Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 98Ö5), Palermo, Messina, Agrigeutam {Letters of Gregory the Great). In Apulia and Calabria the official posts of the different communities could not be regularly filled up, because the .Jewish inhabitants refused to undertake them (edict of the Emperors Honorius and Arcadius of the year 398 in the Codex Iheodosiamis, xiL 1.158: Vacillare per Apuliam Calabriamque plurimos ordines civitatum compcrimus, quia Judaicae superstitionis sunt, et quadam se lege, quae in
Orieutis

partibus lata

est,

necessitate

subeunJorum nmcrum acstimant

defendendos).
^5 The catacomb was discovered as early as 1853, and described in two memoirs (by De Angclis and Smith and by D'Aloe). The MSS. of both memoirs however lay buried in the archives of the museum at Naples, till their contents were recently made known (1) in Ascoli's hcrizioni inedite o mal note greche latine elraiche di antichi sepolchri giudaici del Napolitano, Torino e Roma, 1880, and (2) in Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. ix. (1883), n. 6195Ilirschfeld had already givin a short notice on the 6214, comp. 647, 648.

catacomb {Bullettino dclP

Listituto di corri.sp. archeol. 1867, pp. 148-152).

Comp, also
p.

I'heol. Lileraturztg.

1880, pp. 485-488.

Grätz, Monatsschr. 1880,
(ftudes

433 sqq.

Lenormant, Za catacomhe juive de Vennsa {Revue des
vi. n.

juives, vol.

12, 1883, pp. 200-207).

Besides the inscriptions in the

catacomb, dated Hebrew epitaphs of Venosa of the ninth century are also

known.
^'''

Thcol. Lilztg. 1880, p. 485. See Ascoli's above-named work See the information in Friedländer's above-named work. With respect to Spain, we mention only the inscription Corp. Inscr. Lat. voL iL n
;

1982.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN TUE DISPERSION.

213

n. CONSTITUTION OF

THE JEWISH COMMUNITIES.

1.

TJicir Internal Organization^^^

Tliere

was of course but one way by which those of the

Jewish people that were scattered over the whole earth could
possibly maintain their native religion and usages, and that
Avas

by organizing themselves into independent communities,

within which they might cherish the faith and practise the
observances of their fathers in a foreign land and in the heart
of the Gentile world, just as though they were living in the

Holy Laud

itself.

And

that this

is

what, as a rule, they were
at all

in the habit of doing,

and that from an early period,

events from the
impossible to

commencement of the Hellenistic era, it is The nature of the organization may doubt.
to time

have varied according
far

and place, and above

all in so

as

those

communities had sometimes the character of

purely private associations, while at others they were to a
greater or less extent in the enjoyment of political privileges
but, be this as it

may,

it is

certain that wherever

any consideran

able

number

of

Jews happened

to be living together, there

independent organization was always to be met with as well.
It is

with regard to the eastern diaspora that our informathis point is

tion

on

most scanty

;

nay, so far as the diaspora
is

dwelling in the countries bordering on the Euphrates

con-

cerned we have none at

all,

at least

none dating farther back

than Talmudic times. Asia Minor and Syria.

Nor are matters much better as regards The most notevvoitliy item of inforlatter is

mation that can be gleaned in connection with these
8Ga Yqjtiiig

comp. Rheuferd,

De aralarcha vd
;

ctlnarcha Judacorum

(Rhenferdii opera 2>häolo(]ica, 1722, pp. 584-613 also in Ugolini's llicsaurus, Wcsseling, Diatribe de Jiidaeoriim archonlibus ad inscnptioumi vol. xxiv.).

Berenicensem,

Traj.

ad Rhen. 1738

(also in

Ugolini's

Then. vol. xxiv.).

Weseelinjr's dissertation continues to be of value even in the present day.

244
tlie

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
äp^^cov tCjv

incidental reference on one occasion to an
in Antiocli."

'lovBalav

In Alexandria, Avhere the Jews formed a large portion of
the entire population, their community enjoyed very extensive
political privileges.

According to Strabo, they were presided

over

by an

i6vdp-)(^7]<;,

administers justice
their obligations

who governs the people and among them, and sees that they fulfil
"

and obey orders just

like the archon of

an

independent
lived

city."**

Consei^uently, although the

Jews

avIio

here

enjoyed the rights of citizenship (sec No. III.

lielow),

they nevertheless formed an independent municipal
or co-ordinate with the rest of the city,

community within

precisely as in the case of Cyrene.

This independent position

they also succeeded in maintaining in imperial times, and that
very

much owing
all

to the circumstance that Alexandria, unlike
civic
council.*"

almost

other Hellenistic towns, had no
of

The
of

constitution
to

the

Jewish community in Alexandria

would seem
Augustus.

have undergone a certain change in the time

At

least

Philo informs us that,

oftc)' the

death

of the jevdp-^7)<!, Augustus instituted a
the direction of

yepovata,

to

which

Jewish affairs was entrusted?'^

No

doubt this

8'
it

Joseph. BfU- Jud.

vii. 3. 3.

Seeing that upxcuv
ä.pxuv^''

is

without the

article,

should be rendered not "the

but "an
xiv. 7.

ä.ü'/,uv^' i.e.

one of the
oi

Jewish authoritius. 8^ Strabo as quoted by Joscphus, Antt.
iSudipxyii
eiiiTUi/,

2: Kotoiarxrcti
x.piaiig

noci

og

hioiKsi

re to

£d:io;
ocv

x.»l

Oiour»

xeti

cvy.ßo'Kxluu

tTny-ihUTUi Kxl
"^

TrpcffTW'/ff'Ctruv,

ü;

T^oT^miu; aa-^uu »vTUTe'hnv;.

Sjiartian, Sevcrus, chap. xvii. (in the Scriptorcs Historiae Avgustae, ed.

Peter, 1865).

Dio Cass.
xvii. p.
ii.

11.

17.

On

the constitution of Alexandria generally,

comp. Strabo,
p.
les

797.

Kuhn, Die

des römischen Reichs,

47G sqq.

städtische und hürgerl. Verfassung Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung, i, 1881,

451 sqq.
*">

Lac/ides (Tuiin 1870), p.

Lumbroso, Rechtrehes sur V economic politique de VEgijpte sou.% 212 sqq. t^,- '^/niTtpas yepovai»;, Philo, In Flaccum, § 10, Mang. ii. 527 sq.
:

nu 6 ouTVip
•sr,!/

X.U.I

ivipyiTVi; 2£/3«crToj
itcc

i-77tiiii'hyj(70f/Juyiv

roiv

^IovOccikuu

i't'?iS70

furt*

Toi/

yivüoyjjv riMvr'^v

rZiu "Tcpo;

"^locyuov

Mx^i^uov iVTO'huv, fii'kKcjTX

TTO.'KtV

£^' AiyVTTTOV HCcl TVl; X^'pCt; iTTlTpOTTiVitV.

§

31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

245

appears to be at variance with the fact that in an edict of

Claudius

it

is

stated, that after the

death of the iOväp^Vi
ethnarchs.''"

Augustus did not forbid the further appointment of

But probably
form of the
to

this latter is only a repetition in a less accurate

fact

mentioned by Philo,
this,

all

that Claudius
also

meant

say being simply

that
their

the

Jews

continued as

before to be governed

by

own

rulers (iömp^ac).
is

The

more accurate version of the matter
states that ever since the time of

that of Pliilo,

who

Augustus the

single i6vdpj(rj<i

had been superseded by a yepovaia, over which a certain number of apj^ovre'i presided. Both the yepova-ia and the
ap')(ovTe<i

are frequently mentioned

by

this writer."^
rrj^;

These
that

latter are identical

with the

irp(ürevovre<i

•yepova-La'i

occur in

Josephus.^^

number
them
is

of

As bearing on the question of the members composing the 'yepovala, we may mention
and there
scourged.'"**

the fact that on one occasion Flaccus caused thirty-eight of
to be dragged into the theatre
It

a very

common

error to identify the

Jewish ethnareh with

the Egyptian alabarcli.

The
No.

office

of this latter
it

was

of

a

purely civil character, but of course
distinguished

was often held by

Jews

(see

III. below).

That the Jews living in Cyrene in like manner formed a
separate political

community
to,

is

evident from the notice of

Strabo already referred
inhabitants of this

from which we learn that the
into four classes
;
:

town were divided
ground
;

(1)

citizens; (2) tillers of the

(3) settlers

and

(4) Jews.'''*

^^

Joseph. Antt. xix.
f^vi

5.

2
10,

:

n'h.ivrYiace.vros

toS

'lonSot/i»!/

lövupy^ov

re»

lißxaTOv

xiKuT^VKti/xi eävoipxot-s yimadai.

82 Philo,

In Flaccum, §
Ibid.:
sq.
:

Mang.
t'/jv

ii.

528: tuv

cc~o

t^j

yepovclcc;
cipx'ivr »g.
li, p.

Tptig

civhpig.

fCiTcfTref^.tpccf^ivu

TrpoTfpov

tovj iiuiTipov;
Ibid. §

Ibid. p.
Tiiv

528

Tovg

üp^t^oura;,

ytpovalctv.

534

:

yAu cip)c6vTiJv.

33

Joseph.

IJdl.

Jud.

vii.

10. 1.

"
*'

Philo, In Flaccum, § 10,

Mang.

ii.

527

sq.

Strabo as quoted by Josephus, Antt.

xiv. 7. 2.

246

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSIO.V.
this separate existence the

Rut notwithstanding

Jews enjoyed

equality of civic rights {laovoixid)?^

A

very important light

is

thrown upon the constitution of

the Jewish communities of the diaspora by a Jewish inscription found in Berenice, a

town

in Cyrenaica, and, according to

Bockh's

calculation,

dating from the year
find that the

13

B.c.'"^

From
f.)

that inscription

we

Jews of Berenice formed a
(lin.

distinct iroXirevfia

by themselves

17

f.,

21

with
(lin,

nine (and these of course Jewjsii) archons at

its

head

2-8, 21-25).
^^ Joseph. Anft. xvi.
iraptix'nf^i'Jf^''.
•'^

6.

1

:

rZv

/niv

vpönpou

ßuniT^icav liovoutetu
i.

«üroxf

Comp. Marquardt, Rum. Staatsverwaltung,
iii.

463.

Corp. Inscr. Grace, vol.

No. 5361

•Tryiyici:;, iirl

u!>%Övtuv K'hsxvopov toD

'SirpecTOiitx.ov, V.ii^poivopo;

tov

Apiarauog,

"StUJiyivov; roy 'S.uaiTrTfov,

Auopofixxov
Acii'kiov 'Ovxai-

5 Toy

'A'jZpo,u,cixou,
^

MccpKov
rov

avog TOV h.'^rOCKuviov.,
fiovo:, h.vTOK'hiovg

<I>i'>.uvidov

rov 'Ay^-

Z'/juuyo;,

Sfyx-

xov ToD ©soo&Voy, 'luatj—ov rov 1rpä.ruvof
'E^rgJ

MeipKo; T/tt/oj Ss^roy vUs

Aljui'Ki»,

10

eivvip
T'/jv

KUKog

x,ccl

ccyudog, '7recpcty[_i]vYihig d;

i7rctp)(^sixv tTrl Crif^ooiuv 'zpv.yiA.i.TUV zvj»

rt "TTpooTotaicty
•jfug

avruv kvatiiauro

(pt'h.u,v6pii>'/i<jV'/^tov

Kdl KctXug

tu Tt t>5 ccvctarpoCpTi

?j6o; eul[_s']ix,'jvf4£'jo; clil ^lecreT^uv rvyx^-ivit,

15 ov

fiövov oi

ill

rovTOig ußctp^i iccvTOv Trapiaioiocv ii/rvyx.ci.i'iJVffl
"Trof^iTiv-

XyiTCtt,

aXK«, Kxl Tol; kcit

ruv

'TTo'Kiruu, tri Bs

kxI toI; sk tov
xoii/f,

fiXTog iipcuv ^lovauioi; xxt

k»i x.«t'

idi'xf

£V)cpyiiTOv 'zpotTOTciaicc'j 'TTOiovf^o/o; ov oix-

20

XiiTTH Tr,g ioi'xg KxKoKoiyxdiu;

u^tx Tzpxaaa»

uv x^^P'"
TOJ/ )(,x\

toc>S,s

rolg xp^ovai kxi

ry

To'KtTiv-

ftXTl TCJV iV

Taipivix-'fl

^lovOXtUU i'TTXtVilXI T: XU»

are(pxvovv ovof^xoTi x-xff kx-xaTrtv

ovvohov x,xl vovfcYjiiixv aTi(px'/u iKxi'vu Kxl

25

T^rifiviaxt/)'

Tovg

'he

cip'/,0VTxg
T^iSov

xvxypx-^xi to
x.xi

ypvjcpta/^x itg

aT'/j^inji/

Tixpiov

ßshxi tU

TOI* 'fTrwinfAÖrxTOV

TOTtov tov xf^npiöexTpov.

AiVKxl TTxaxi.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

247

But

it

is

with regard to the constitution of the Jewish

communities of

Eome and

of Italy generally that

we

are

most

thoroughly informed, and that owing to the great amount of
light

thrown on the subject by the large number of Jewish

epitaphs that have been found in the cemeteries of
Venosa.''*

Eome and

These further show

us,

among

other things, that

here the same arrangements continued to subsist for centuries

running without any material alteration.
of Venosa, dating

For the inscriptions
after

from the sixth century

Christ, still

present us with substantially the same picture as those of

Eome, the

oldest of

which probably belong

to

one of the
inscriptions

earliest centuries of our era.

From
that the

the

Eoman

we

gather, in the

first place,

Jews

living in

Eome
syna-

were divided into a

largo,

number of separate and independently
its

organized communities {o-vvaycojal), each having
gogue,
gerousia,

own

and public

officials.

Of the
is

existence of

anything in the shape of a corporate union of the whole Jews
of

Eome under

one

yepouaia there

no trace whatever.
formed a great
poli-

While

therefore the

Jews

of Alexandria

tical corporation, those of

Eome had

to

be contented with the

more modest position

of separate religious societies.

Those

various communities called themselves by special names, of

which the following are mentioned on the inscriptions
a-vvayco<yr]

:

(1) a

AvyovaTrjalcov

^^
;

(2) a o-vvaycüjr] ^Ayptinrrjaiojv

^^
;

(3)

&.

synagoga Bolumni

(I.

Volumni)}"^

These three took their

For what follows, comp. Schürer, Die Gemeindeverfassung der Juden in in der Kaiserzeit nach den Inschriften dargestellt, Leipzig 1879. The texts of the majority of the inscriptions to which reference is made are also reproduced in an appendix to this work. ^^ Corp. Inscr. Grace, n. 9902 = FiorcUi, Catalogo del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Inscrizioni Laiine, n. 1956: yspovaixpxyi; (fvi/xyayvj; Avyoamaluv (sic). Corp. Inscr. Gr. 9903 = Fiorelli, Catalogo, n. 19G0: ci-zo rr,i avux'/ayr,;ruu AvyovarYitn'av. OreUi, Inscr Lat.ii.'ß222 Marcus Cuyntus Alexus grammateus ego (1. £«) ton Augustasion mellarcon eccion (1. tx nit») Augustesion. "" Corp. Iscr. Grace. 9907.
^^

Rom

:

^°^ Orelli, Inscr.

Lat. n. 2522

:

mater synagogarum Campi

ct

DolumnL

248
names from
that
injaioi, there

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
distinguished
personages.
also

certain

And

seeing

along with Av'yovaTi]cnoL

we

meet with ^Ajpiir-

can hardly be a doubt that the former derived
the
first

their

name from

Augustus, while the latter derived

theirs from his friend

and adviser M. Agrippa.

The designa-

tion

may

be accounted for either by the fact that Augustus

and Agrippa were patrons, the one of the one community and
the other of the other, or from the circumstance that those

communities were

for the

most part composed

of slaves

and

freedmen of Augustus on the one hand, or of Agrippa on the
other (comp, ol
e'/c

t^9 Kaiaapo<i

olKca<;, Phil. iv.

22).

Other

communities

again

took

their

names from the

particular
to reside,

quarter of the city in which their
as, for

members happened

example, (4) the Kafxinjcnot, from the Campus Martius^'^^
the Suhura, one of the busiest
of trade

and

(5) the ^ißovp7]aioL from

quarters of ancient

Eome, and a centre

and

industry.^"^

Besides these

we

also hear (6) of a awaycoyr) Alßpeoou, pro-

bably that of such of the Jews as spoke Hebrew, in contradistinction to those of

them who had ceased
called

to speak

it,

and
the

(7) a avvaycoyrj 'E\aLa<;, so
olive."''

from the symbol of

Of the

officials

who

are

mentioned on those

inscriptions

we would
(1)

notice above all the jepovcnapxTi and

the äpxovT€<;.

A

ryepovacdpxv^ occurs not only upon the

'"2

fiarrucci, see

Corp. Inscr. Grace. 9905, 9906 (for more accurate texts according to my work, i)/e Gcmiindcvcrfaasung der Juden, Appendix, Nos.
5).

4 and
^^^

Orelli, 2.022.

Garriicci, Disscrtazioni,

ii.

IGl, n. 10.

Corp. Imcr. Grace, n. 6447

=

Fiorelli,

Catalor/o, n.

1954

:

N£;y-o3>i,aof
cla.9y.

dpx,^]v

lißovpmiau.
1.

On
526.

the Svhura, see Pauly's Ecul-lCnc. der

Alkrit
i.e.

thumsuHsscn.tch. vi.

At

the

commencement

of the imperial age
in

was

of course forbidden to celebrate

any foreign sacra

Eome

proper,

within the pomaerium (see Marquardt, Römische Staatsvcrwaltuiifj, iii. 1878, But from the second century it was no longer so. Since then it ]\ 35).

was quite permissible to have Jewish synagogues
10*

also within the

/Joniamum.

Corp. Inscr. Grace. 9909.
Inscr. Grace. 9904.

"5 Corp.

De

Rossi, Bullettlno, v. 1867, p. 16.

For

the name, comp, also § 27, p. 74.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
on
tliose at

249
Venosa
'"'

Roman
to

inscriptions/"^ but likewise

and

elsewhere.^*^

This

title

cannot have been intended to refer
yepovai'a.

any other than the president or head of the
'y6poucna.p^r]<;

But

from the designation
it is

avfayooyfjii AujovarrjaLcov

evident, as has been already pointed out above, that each

of the

Eoman communities had
upon the Eoman

its

own

yepovaia, with

its

own
the
the

officials.

In view of this fact

it is

highly instructive to

lind, that
title

inscriptions

we nowhere meet with
it,

irpeaßvrepo^ (or any other like
of the yspouaia as such
;

by which

to denote

member

for the

ap-)(pvTe<;

were

certainly

not ordinary

members, but the committee of the
cir-

yepovaLo).

This fact can only be accounted for from the
it is

cumstance that

only the oßccs properly so called that are
" elders "

mentioned by name upon the epitaphs, whereas the were not looked upon as
word.
officials in

the technical sense of the
advisers of their

They were the representatives and
officials

community, but not
to them.

with
is

specific

functions entrusted

(2)

The

title

ap-^wv

of very frequent occurrence

in the

Eoman

inscriptions.'^^

We

have already met with

it

elsewhere, viz. in Antioch, Alexandria, and Berenice.

It also

occurs sometimes upon epitaphs found outside of Eome,"° and

ua Corp.

Inscr.

Graec. n. 9902

= FiorGlli,
:

Calal. n. 1956:

Kvvriotvoi

•yipov(TtiÄp)cni avvxyuyvi;

KvyoüTnaluv.
Ibid. p. 9G

Garrucci, Cimilei'o degli anfichi
Ibid. p.

Ebrei, p. 51: 'Annpta yispovaäpx'fi {sic).
'

62

:

OupaxKiov

oItto

AKOvi'hiloig

yipava iä,py,oxt.
ii.

Jluw^iX'pti yepovtricc p^^yiS'

Gar-

rucci, Dissertazi'mi,
^''''

183, n. 27: 0ä/o?);A[oj yepo]v(nä.p}cyi»-

Ascoli, Inscrizioni, p. 55, n. 10

=

Corp.

Iiiscr.

Lat. vol.
:

ix.

G213

=

Lenormaut, Revue des etudes juives,
aiüpy^ou
upyJoe.Tpo(;.

vol. vi. n. 12, p.

204

<t>civaTivo;

yepiiv-

Ascoli, p. 58, n. 15

=

Corp. Inscr. Lai. vol.

ix. n.

6221:

ßlius Viti icrusiarcontis.

Observe in both instances the form yipovatipx'-'v, whereas on the Eoman inscriptions it is always ytpovatüpx'fi; that is used. 1°^ Mommsen, I?}scr.Regni Neap. n. 2555 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x. n. 1893 (at Murano, near Naples) Ti. Claudius Philippus dia viu et gerusiarches.
:

103

Corp. Inscr. Graec. nn. 9906, 6147, 6337.
Ibid. Dissertazioni, iL

Garrucci, Cimitcro, pp. 35,

51, 61, 67.

158, n. 4, 164, 15, 16, 17, 18.

De

Rossi, BuUcttino, v. 16.

For more on this point, see my work, Die GemeindeVerfassung der Juden in Rom. p. 20 ff. 110 De Rossi, Bulleltino, iv. 40: K>^xi>lios 'laaij; öipyuv (at Porto, near

250

§ 31.

JUDAISM

m

THE DISPERSION.
classes

we may add

that Tertullian

the

priest,

Levite,
all

and

archon together as Jewish

olficials.'"

According to

analogy

elsewhere (comp, especially Alexandria and Berenice)

be taken for granted, in the case of the
as well, that each of

it may Roman communities them would have several ap^ovref, who

would act

as the

managing committee of the
title

yepova-ia.
is

It

would appear from the
"^
;

BU

ap^oov,

which

repeatedly
a definite

met with, that the archons were appointed
period
to

for

and

in a Ilomilia in S. Johannis Natalcm, ascribed

Chrysostom, and which has specially in view the state of

matters in Italy during the imperial times,

we

are expressly

informed that the archons were ahvays

elected

in ScjJtemher, the
are

beginning of the civil year of the Jews.

The following
^^'
:

the ipsissima verba of this interesting passage

Inter haec
;

intuendae sunt temporum qualitates et gesta

morum

et pri-

mum

perfidia Judaeorum, qui semper in

Deum

et in

Mosern

contumaces exstiterunt, qui cum a Deo secundum Mosern
initium anni

mensem Martium acceperint, illi dictum pravitati-j sive superbiae exercentes mensem Septembrem, ipsurn novum annum nuncupant, quo et mense magistratus sibi designant,
quos Archontas vocant.
definite period, there

But besides the appointments
also to

for a

seem

have been cases in which
least it is probable
is

the appointment was for
the enigmatical
Rome). 3905
title Blo,

life.

At

that
is

ßlov, which

repeatedly met with,

Moramsen,
:

Inscr. Rerjui

Neap.
ix.

n.

3657

=

Corp. Inscr.

TmU

vol. x.

n.

Alfius

Juda arcon arcosynagogus

(at Capua).

1^^ Tertullian,

De

corona^ cliap.

:

Quis dcniquc patriarchcs, quis pro-

phetes, quis levites aut sacerdos aut archon, quis vel postea apostolus aut

evangelizator aut cpiscopus invenitur coronatus?
112

Judame
113

Corp. Inscr. Grace. 9910 (for a facsimile of which see Engeström, Om 2«/3/3«t/j oi; upxe-»»Garrucci, i Rom, 1876, as a supplement)
:

Cimitero, p. 47

:

Mxpcav

ß' upY,{uv).

This homily
is

(according to Wesselmg,
this edition, I

De Judaeorum
ii.

archontihm,

chap. X.)

to be found in Chrysostonii 0pp. vol.

ed. Paris 1687.

As

I

have no means of consulting
Wesseling.

quote the passage as given by

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

25

1

to be understood as referring to archons
life."*

who were

elected for

As

in

Palestine

so

also

in

Kome and

Italy,

and

in

fact through the diaspora generally,

we meet with

the office
p.

of the apxto'vvdycoyo';}^'^
said
all

We

have already

27,

64)

that
this

is

necessary to

say regarding the
y€povaiäp')(T}<;

difference

between
äp-)(ovT6<i.

ofQce and that of the
is

and the

The archisynagogus
he
is

not simply the president

of

the

community, but

entrusted

with

the

special

task of conducting and supervising the meetings for religious
purposes.

Of

course he

may have been

chosen from among

the

ap-)(pvTe'i,

so that the

same person might thus be an archon

^^*

Corp. Inscr. Graec. 9903
TTi:

=

Fiorclli,

Catalogo, 1960

:

AaTtßov toD

^ai

(=
ii.

B/«) ßiov d-zo

avvccyw^/vig

ruv Avyovarrialuv.

Corp. Inscr.

Grace

9907: Züaiuoi ot» ßiov avyxyayva' Kypi'Tr'Trm'av. Garrucci, Dissertazioni 18i, n. 29 AA/« IlxrpiKix TovTCaio Eipyiuxio xoviovyi ßivsfcipii/rt <p>jx/T Mommsen, hiscr. Regni Neap. 2555= Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x. 3/«/3/o. Mommsen, IRN^. Ti Claudius Philippus dia viu et gerusiarches. n. 1893 Tettius Rufinus Melitius vicxit annis 7190 = Fiorelli, Catalogo, 19G2
: : :

LXXXV.
ix. n.

iabius.
:

Ascoli, Inscrizmii, p. 51, n. 2

=

Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.

6208 TaC^og kvu, oiaßiov. Ascoli has advanced certain objections Certainly to the above-mentioned explanation at p. 112 of his Inscrizioni. in the case of some of those inscriptions (where the expression 3/« ßiov comes lu in at the end) the correctness of this explanation may be questioned. any case the inscription fjrtx,irs, 6 yxuo; oioi ßiov, discovered by Clerniont:

Ganneau
matter

in

Emmaus =
in
;

Nicopolis in Palestine,

is

iiot

pertinent to the

band {Archives des missmis scievtifiques, ord series, vol. ix. also in The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs, iii. 1882, pp. 307-310 This seems to have been merely the expression of some one's good 81). wishes on the occasion of a marriage " May the union last oid ßiov." ^1" In Rome, Corp. Inscr. Graec. 990G 'lovT^ixvov ä.px'ovua.yüyov.
:

now

:

Garrucci, Cimitero, p. 67

Mommsen,
not. 1

In Capua, Regni Heap. 3657 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. x. n. 3905 Alfius Juda arcon arcosynagogus. In Venosa, Ascoli, Inscrizioni, p. 49,
:

Stafulo arconti et archisynagogo.

Inscr.

atvxyuyov

6201 Tatpo? KaXX/ffTow vfTziov »pxoa= Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. ix. n. 6232 = lienormant, Revue des etudes juives, vol. vi. n. 12, p. 203 Tut(^; AariKo-JV» Ascoli, p. 57, n. 12 = CIL, vol. ix. n. 6205 = LeuoröipY,o(jy\vuyovyov. mant, p. 201: Tci(pa); loijifi^ oLp^cnavvotyuyug via;' luari^p dipx,^(JVUuyoyov. For the rest of the material, see § 27, p. 63.
Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.
(sic).
ix. n.
:

=

Ascoli, p. 52, n. 4

:

252

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
at

and an archisynagogus

one and

tlie

same time.
of the

But as
ap^ttitle

the inscriptions plainly show, the two oflices were in themselves quite
crvvä'ycü'yo'i

distinct.

On

the

later use

title

by women and

children,
p.

and that merely as a
G5.

and nothing more, see above,

Besides

tlie

archi-

synagogus there was also another who had certain functions
to discharge in connection

with

tlie

meetings for public wor-

ship,

and that was the synagogue
is

officer (uTTT/per?;?),

an

official

who

also

once mentioned upon
titles

a

liuman inscription."'
are

Lastly,

the

pater synagoyae and mater synagogae
inscriptions.^^^

pretty often

met with on the
probable that

The circumstance
to denote

of the title occurring also in this last-mentioned form should of
itself
it

render
office

it

it

was not intended

by

an

in

the proper sense of the word, but simply an
It

honourable position in the community.
applied, above
all,

was one that was
such of them as
service or

to aged

members, and
to
for

to

the

community was indebted

some good

other."^

2.

Tlicir Political Position,

The Jewish communities

are by no

means a unique phenoIn the

menon within

the circle of the

Graeco-Eoman world.

Hellenistic period all the larger seaports of the Mediterranean
^*''

Garrucci, Disscrtazioni,

"' xocrr.p ovuoiyuyvi?,
Garrucci, Clmitero, p. 52.

ii. 166, n.22 <^'hüßics 'lov'hiotvos t^Trjjpsrijf. Corp. Inscr. Grace. 9901, 99U5, 9908, 9909.
:

Il/id.

Dissertazioni,
ii.

ii.

161, n. 10.

Pater sina-

gogae, Orelli-Henzen, Inscr. Lat.

6145=

Cor/). Inscr. Lat. vol. viii. n.
:

Codex Theodosianns (ed. Ilaciicl), xvi. 8. 4 Hiercos ct archisyna8199. gogos et patres synagogarum et cetcros, qui synagogis deserviunt. Pater (without anything more), Garrucci, Dissertazioni^ ii. 164, n. 18. Ascoli, Ascoli, p. 61, n. 19 p. 58, n. 15 = Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. ix. n. 6221. Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol. ix. n. 648 and 6220 = Lenormant, p. 205 sq. Mater

=

synagogue, Corp. Inscr. Lat. vol.
^^8

v. n.

4411.

Orclli,

2522.
:

Comp, the ages given
'E'Auixs

in Corp. Inscr. Grace.

9904

Uetv/^xpio; ttut^p

avi/ecyy/'/i;
.
.

et

quae bixit an. Bolumni.
.

iruu ix.»ruu (sic) lix.u,. LXXXVI. mcses VI.
.

Orelli 2522, Bcturia Paulini
.
.

ruater

synagogarum Campi

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
eacli other

253
in consequence

came
of

to

be closely counected with

of the brisk trade that

was carried on between them, the

result

which was that not only Jews, but
x\sia

also Phoenicians, Syrians,

Egyptians and inhabitants of
smaller numbers in

Minor

settled in larger or

many

of the principal

towns of Greece

and

Italy.

All the settlers belonging to the same nation were
led

naturally
interests,

by a community of temporal
all

and

spiritual

above

by

their

common

worship, to band tiiemto

selves

together for

mutual help, and consequently

unite

themselves under a
siderable

common

organization.
to

AVherever a con-

number

of

them happened

be living together,

there they formed themselves into a separate society, and that
principally for the purpose of maintaining their native worship
in
their

midst.

Consequently, just as there were diaspora

communities composed of Jews, so in like manner there were
those composed
early
as

of Phoenicians, Egyptians,
B.c.

and so

on.

As

the

year 333

the Athenians

issued a decree

granting permission to the merchants from Citium (e/nropoi
KtTiCi?) to erect a temple to Aphrodite in the Piraeus,
it

being

mentioned at the same time that the Egyptians

(oi AlyvTTTiot)

had already built a temple
Inscr. Attic,
ii.

to

Isis

in the

same place {Corp.
of

1, n.

168).

At the beginning

the second

century

b.c.

we

find

a communit}'' of Tyrian

merchants in
-q

the island of Delos {Corp. Inscr. Grace.

Tvpiwv

ifjbTröpcop

kol vavKX'^pcov).^^^

2271 Then we
:

avuoSo<i tcov

learn from an
at that date

inscription belonging to the year

17-i a.D.

tliat

there lived in Puteoli a
assistance from

community

of Tyrians
to

who requested
5853
ol ev

home

to enable

them

carry on the observ:

ance of their native worship {Corp. Inscr. Grace.
HoTiöXoL'i KaToiKovvre^,
'^^^

seil.

Tvpioi)}''^

In Puteoli there were

On
les

the date of this inscription, see Foucart, Des associations religieuses
Grccs, p.
'22').

chcz
120

At

pp. 223-225 of this

work we

also find

a more

correct text of the inscription than that of the Carp. Inscr.

On

this interesting inscription,

comp, the commentary of Mommseii

254

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION. Bery tenses qui Puteolis con-

also cultures lovis Heliopolitani

sistunt (Orelli, Inscr. Lat.

12-i(^

= Corp.
tlicy

Tnscr.

LaL

vol. x. n.

1G34).

But these

Orientals,

when

came

to the

West,

were not contented with merely forming themselves into such
communities as we have just referred
to,

but exactly like the

Jews they endeavoured to win converts to their religion among the Greeks and Romans, and that sometimes with great
success.

We

know

in fact that
little to

even in early times the Greek In the
be more

religion

owed not a

the influence of the East.

Hellenistic period again Oriental worships

came

to

and more in vogue.
Itepublic

Then

as early as the latter days of the

we

find

the worship of the Egyptian gods already
this

naturalized in

Rome, while

was followed by the

establish-

ment
above

in imperial times of the
all

Syrian and Persian worships,

that of Mithras (for

more on

this point, see

No.

5,

below).

With

the view of cultivating those worships, where

thoy did not happen to be established and maintained directly

by the State
into

itself,

the adherents of

them
as

also

formed themselves
their

religious associations which,

regards

internal

organization and their political position, are to be conceived of as

being in every respect analogous to the corporations of foreign

merchants mentioned above.

Both in Greece and

in

Rome
it

the law of the land contained express legal provisions for the
benefit of those

associations
for

under the shelter of which

became possible
condition.

them

to

attain to a highly flourishing

In Greece these associations are met with from the
B.c.

beginning of the fourth century
the

downwards, and that under
notwithstanding their

name

of

Oiaaoc or epavoi.

And

diversity otherwise,

they are

alb characterized

by

certain
all

common
of

features, as

might be expected from their being
In

them

so far

under State regulation.^"
Gesclhch. der

Rome

again,

and

in the

transactions of the Sachs.

Wissensch., philologico-

historical
^'''^

department, 1850,

p.

67 sqq.

On

the religious associations in Greece, comp. Wescher, Revue

arch^

§

31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
iieriod,

255
for

that from

an early

there
for

were coUajia
objects

a great

variety

of purposes, sometimes

chiefly religious,

sometimes

for those of a political character (but forbidden since
^^•\\^\

the time of Caesar and Augustus), sometimes

a view to

the mutual help of their members, above all for the purpose

them honourable burial (collegia tenuiorum, collegia The main distinction between these and the funeraticia).
of securing

sacerdotia publica populi liomani lay in this, that while recog-

by the State they were not publicly endowed, but had depend for their support upon the voluntary contributions
nised
their

to

of

members/^
position
of

The

voluntary
it,

religious

associations

as

we

have here described

was precisely that which the Jewish

communities also occupied

now both
still

in

Greece and Eome,

except in those instances in which, as in Alexandria, they

enjoyed political privileges of a

more extensive

character,

which however was
logique,
p.

certainly not the case in Greece proper
18C4, p. 460 sqq.,
xii.

new

series, vol. x.

1865, p. 214 sqq.,
Ics

xiii.

1866,

245 sqq.

Foucait, Des associations religieuses ckcz

Grecs, thiases, cranes,

orgeons, avec la texte des inscriptions relatives a ces associations, Paris 187o.

Heinrici, Die ChristenLiider's Die dionysischen Künstler, Berlin 1873. gemeinde Korinths und die religiösen Genossenschaften der Griechen (Zeitschr.

für Wissensch.

1876, pp. 465-526, particularly p. 479 sqq.). Idem, Zur Anfange paulinischer Gemeinden (ibid. 1877, pp. 89-180). Neumann, QiuauTxt 'ir.nov {Jahrhh.für prot. Theol. 1885, pp. 123-125). ^22 On the Ivoman collegia, comp, above all Mommsen, De collegiis et
TJieol.

(beschichte der

sodaliciis, 1843.

Idem, Zeitschr. für

geschichtl. Eechtsicisscnschaft, vol. xv.
]'creinsrccht, Berlin
ii.

1850, p. 353 sqq.
the notice of
Boissier,
it

Max
in

Colin,

Zum römischen
Philol.
d''

Bursian's

Jahresbericht, 1873,

1873 (and 885-890).

La

religion

romaine

238-304. Uuruy,
vol.

Du regime municipal dans Vempire romain

Auguste aux Antonins, 2nd ed. 1878, ii. {Nevue historiqite,

i. 1876, p. 355 sqq.). De Rossi, Roma sotteranea, vol. iii. 1877, p. 37 sqq., and especially p. 507 sqq. For an excellent summary of the whole matter, consult Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 1878, pp. 131-142. For

additional literature, see Hatch, Die Gesellschaftsvcrfassung der christlichen

Kirchen im Altcrlhum (German edition, 1883),
of material
xlvii.
is

p. 20.

A considerable amount
The
Digest,

furnished by the indices to the Corp. Inscr. Lat.
collegiis et

22, de

corporibus,

is

important as bearing upon tha

juridical side of the matter.

256
nor
ill

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
tlie

Home.

In

dominions of the Ptolemies and the
tlie

Sclcucidac the toleration of
religion

Jewish communities and their
course.

was simply a matter of

Indeed the

first

of

the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae conferred important political
privileges

upon the Jews who resided within
paragraph
8),

their

kingdoms
gone

(see below,

Ptolemy

II. is

said to have

even the length of causing the Jewish law to be translated
into Greek,
sacrifice

and Ptolemy
Jerusalem.*^^

III. to

have gone so
doubt when
it

far as to offer

in

No

was becoming
to treat
all

more and more evident that the Jews were disposed
Hellenism rather contemptuously, and that unlike

other

nations they insisted in maintaining a strong wall of partition,
so far as religious matters were concerned,

between themselves
as

and every other people, several kings such
üpil^hancs for example tried to break
tried to suppress the

Antiochus

Jewish religion

down this opposition by force. But history
of

teaches us that every attempt to do this only proved a failure,

and we

find that

on the whole the toleration

former days

continues to be enjoyed in later times as well.

One

of the

foremost

(Philometor),

among the friends who went so far

of the

Jews was Ptolemy VI.
4, below).

as to sanction the erection of a

Jewish temple in Egypt

(see

paragraph

And

if

Ptolemy VII. (Physcon)

assumed

an

attitude of

hostility

toward the Jews, he did so not because of their
tlieir political partisanship.^"*

religious,

but

In a similar way the
first

legislation

123

On

the Jews, see Josephus, contra Ap'wn.

the friendly disposition generally of the ii. 4-5.

Ptolemies toward

124 Josephus (c. Apiuii. ii. 5) relates the following incident in connection with Ptolemy VII. (Physcon) After the death of Ptolemy VI., Ptolemy VII. tried to supplant Cleopatra the widow and successor of the former, and whose army was under the command of the Jewish general Onias. Well
:

then when Ptolemy was marching out against Onias he ordered the Jews of Alexandria to be put in chains and then thrown down in the way of the elephants, in order that these might trample upon them and crush them.

But instead of who on seeing

that, the elephants turned against the friends of the king,
this regretted

what he had done and

at once desi;ätcd.

I5y

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

257

ance of their

Romans expressly conceded to the Jews the free observown religion, and extended its protection to them when sundry attempts were made to suppress it. But it was
of the

Caesar and Augustus to wdiom tliey were chiefly indebted for
their formal recognition within the

Eoman Empire.

Josephus

{Äntt. xiv. 10, xvi. 6) has transmitted to us a large

number

of public enactments, partly decrees of the Senate, partly edicts

of Caesar
officials or

and Augustus, and partly those of certain Roman
municipal authorities of that period
to

all of

which

have as their object the securing
observance of their
of

the Jews of the free

own

religion,

and the further confirmation

their privileges.^^^

As

a rule the policy of Caesar was

peculiarly unfavourable to those free unions, because at that

time they were often made use of for political purposes, and so
for this reason the
collegia

emperor found

it

necessary to proliibit

all

except those of ancient standing.^^^

But the Jewish

way

of commemorating this miraculous escape the Jews of Alexandria have been in the habit ever since of holding a thanksgiving festival every year. The story of the miraculous escape from being crushed to death by the elephants also forms the main subject of that absurd piece of romance known
as the third Bnok of Maccabees, where it is likewise mentioned that the Jews have observed an annual thanksgiving festival ever since (3 Mace. vi. 36). Here however it is not Ptolemy VII. but Ptolemy IV. that is the hero of

the story.

This parallel, as well as the contents themselves, tend to

make

the story more than doubtful.

But

if

this

much be

historical, that

VII. assumed an attitude of hostility towards the Jews, then it consequence of their religion that he did so, but owing to their having espoused the side of Cleopatra. ^25 On those enactments, comp. Gronovius, Dccrcta Romana et Asiaticn pro Judacis, Lngd. Bat. 1712. Krebs, Decreta Romanorum pro JndaeU

Ptolemy was not in

facta

e

Josepho colkcta, Lips. 1768.

Mendelssohn, Senati

cojisidla

Romaned.

orum quae sunt

in Josephi Antiquilatlbva

{Ada

sociclatui phii. Lips.

Ritschelius, vol. v. 1875, pp. 87-288).

Literaturzei lung, 1876, pp. 390-396.
hei

The noticeof this work in the Thcol. Niese, Demerkwnjen über die Urkunden

xiii. xiv. xvi. (Hermes, vol. xi. 1876, pp. Mendelssohn's reply to the latter, Rhein. Museum, new series, xxxii. 1877, pp. 249-258. For additional literature, see § 3, above (the paragraph on Josephus).

Josephus ArchäoL, books

466-488).

^^'

Sueton. Caesar,
II.

xlii

:

Cuncta collegia praeter antiquitus constituta

DIV.

VOL. IL

B

258
communities

§ 31.

JUDAISM TN THE DISPERSION.
expressly

were

exempted,

it

being

further

ordained that in future they were not to be forbidden to have
a

ings.^^'

common fund of their own, and And accordingly on one
appealing to this decree

to hold

meetings or gather-

occasion

we

find a

Koman
in the

official

when

issuing instructions to

the authorities of Paros not to interfere witli the
practice of their religious observances.^*^

Jews

In like manner the

four public enactments, which Josephus has brouglit together
in ÄTÜt. xiv. 10.

20-24,

are doubtless to be traced
all

to the

influence

of

Caesar.

They

of

them

serve directly

or

indirectly to guarantee to the Jews of Asia Minor the undis-

turbed exercise of their
distraxit.

own

religious observances.^^®

After

The prohibition was subsequently repeated by Augustus, Sueton.
:

Aug.

xxxii.

Collegia praeter anti(iua et legitima dissolvit.
xiv.

^^' Antt.

vrrotroi

iv

TOVTOv;
"TT

K«i yxp Txio; Kuhxp 6 ijf*iTipo; aTpXT/tyo; k»1 xu^vuv diüaov; avuocyiaSitt x.urx icoKtv, /liouovs cvK ix,ü'Avaiif ours ^osj^ttar« avvita(pipitv ovTi avvhenrv cc
10.

8

:

ZiXTxy/^xri

on IV.
'28

Antt. xiv. 10. 8.

The

texts of those
it

carelessly that iu

many

instances

is

the

Roman names
"ft

are intended for.
is

documents are reproduced so no longer possible to make out who The name of the official who addressed
&?,' \ov>,iüg

the communication to the Parians
Fetios,

given in the transmitted text

hich in any case

is

a corruption.

Mendelssohn (Acta
it is ^tpoui'htoi

sucietatiK jihihL,

Ijips. V.

Asia 46-45
^2^ Tlie

pp. :^12-:^16) conjectures that b.c., that is meant.

Ovstrixi, proconsul of

four enactments are as follow

:

(1)

A

communication from the

authorities of Laodicea to a

Roman

official

(proconsul of Asia?), in which

they assure him that, in conformity with his instructions, they would not interfere with the Jews in the observance of the Sabbath and the practice
of their

own

religious usages (Antt. xiv. 10. 20).

(2)

A

from the proconsul of Asia to the authorities of Miletus,
latter are enjoined

in

communication which these

not to interfere with the Jews in their observance of the Sabbath, and in the practice of their religious rites, and to allow them to dispose of their earnings in the way tiiey have been accustomed to, rov;
xupTTCivs f^iru'/,iipil^io6<*.t x.a6u; ido; sariv otiiroU (Antt. xiv. 10. 21). (3) public decree of the city of Ilalicarnassus ('^^(p/a/*« AfitKotpvutTiiav), pursuant to which the Jews were to be allowed, t« t£ accßßxr» öiyuv kuI t»
'

A

iipä.

avvriKih

x-xt«. toi)?

^

lovhx'iKbv; uii^cov; kxI

äx'hü.aiyi

X.XTX to -TTXTpiov Uog (Antt. xiv. 10. 23;
§ 27, p. 72).
(.1?///.

rxg -Trpovivxxi Troi-iaöxt vpog on the offering up

jtraye)S

by the seashore, see
to the effect

(4)

A

public decree of the

town

of Sardes,

xiv.

10.

24) that the Jews were to

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

259

tho death of Caesar the two contending parties vied with each

other in maintaining the privileges of the Jews.
side

On

the one
'ivho

we

find Dolabella, the

warm

supporter of Antony, and

in the year
privilege of

43

B.c.

took possession of Asia Minor, ratifying the
service,

exemption from military

and of observing

their

own

religious worship conferred

upon the Jews of that

province by previous governors, and sending a communication
to the authorities of

Ephesus
find

to apprize

them

of this.""
in

On
Asia

the other again

we

Marcus Junius Brutus, who

Minor was preparing in the spring of the year 42 b.c. to march against Antony and Octavianus, prevailing upon the
people of Ephesus to issue a public edict declaring that the

Jews were not
of
to

to

be interfered with in

the observance of

the Sabbath and their other sacred usages.'^^
all this,
he

In consequence
it

Judaism acquired such a
as

legal standing that

came

treated

a

religio licita

tliroughout the whole extent of

be allowed to meet on the days appointed by them for the celebration of
their religious observances,

were

and further that the magistrates of the town own " on which to build and in which to reside" {si; oiKooof^ioiy x-xl oix-mi" »vrau, though from the petition of the Jews previously mentioned it would appear that it was only the building of a synagogue that was in question). These enactments seem to be traceable to one and the same stimulus emanating from Eome. Mendelssohn's conjecture, that the stimulus in question was a decree of the Senate, passed in the year 46 B.c., is doubtful. See Mendelssohn, Acta societatis j>Jtilol., Lips, vol. V. pp. 205 sq., 211 sq., 217-228, For the name of the proconsul who addressed the injunction to the Milesians {Antt. xiv. 10. 21), see Bergmann,
to assign

them a

place of their

Phüülogus, 1847, p. 684. AVaddington, luistat des provinces asiatitiitcs de I'empire romabi, pt. i. 1872 (reprinted from Le Bas et Waddiiigt<tn'.s
Inscriptions, vol.
iii.),

p. 75,

and Mendelssohn's reply
v.

in his notice of the

work
1874,

in the Jenaer Littratiirzeitung, 1874, art. 341.
p.

340

f.

Mejidelssohn, Acta,

212

f.

Rhein. Museum, The probable reading is
liitschl,

IloVX/of

'2ipovl'hio; TloTTTiiov vio;

Oi/XTiot; (Vatia).

^^^ Antt. xiv.

10.

11-12.

Mendelssohn's observations on this passage,

Acta,
^^^
V.
is

v.

247-250.
Mendelssohn's observations on the passage. Acta,
In the generally received text the

Antt. xiv. 10. 25.

251-254.

name

of

M. Junius Brutus

corrupted into

M«säm

'

lofA/^ IIo^^jj/sj viZ Bpoürov.

tions as to
p. 687, note.

how

it might be corrected, see Waddington, Pastes, p. 74. Mendelssohn, Acta,

For various suggesBergmann, Philologus, 1847
v.

254.

2G0
ihe

§ 31.

JUDAISM IX THE DISPERBION".

Roman

Empire}^'

That the Jews living
is

in

the

city

of

ll;»nie also

shared in these legal privileges
to

specially

vouched

for

by Philo with regard

the time

of

Augustus.'**

At
to
it

the
liave

same time,
been

if

we may judge from what we know
to

the case in regard to other foreign M'orships,
the second

must be assumed that down
era the

century of our

Jews

of

Eome were

not at liberty to celebrate their

religious observances within the pomaeriuvi}^*

In the recognition of the Jewish communities and their

worship on the part of the State two important privileges
are virtually included
:

the right of administering their

own

funds Q.n^ jurisdiction over their
of these prominence

oum members.

To the former
This was a

had already been given over and over
Caesar's time."®

again in the edicts issued in

matter of special importance to the Jews, as otherwise they

would have been unable
^3-

to

fulfd

their

obligations

to

the

The expression
:

rclif/io

licita

is

derived from Tt-rtuUian,
It

Apologet.

chap. xxi.

insifjnifmima religio, certe licita.
il

the tcchnic

phraseology of
(^Digest, xlvii.

Roman
'22).

does not otherwise belong to legislation. This latter speaks rather of
lies in this,
is

collegia licita

For the decisive point here

that to the adherents of any particuhir woi'ship permission

granted to

organize themselves as a corporatiun and to meet together for the celebration Hence the formula coire, convenire licet, whicli is also of of their worship.

frequent occurrence in the toleration edicts issued in favour of the Jews. 133 Philo, Legat, ad Cajiim, § 23 (Mang. ii. 568 f.). It is there stated

Rome
0i'»v.

with reference to the way in which Augustus had acted toward the Jews of that: 'H^t/utäto ovu km Trpoaivx^? 'ixovrct; x.xl avviövrxg d; ctvTci;,
x,xi (^»Kiarce.

T«7f

iipocig ißhöfioci;, ors ürty^Mtct t'/j»

vocrpiov

'jrot.iötiiovToi.i

(p/Xooo>c»t

^llTTiarctTO

Kxl

y,pyji^.ciToc avvot.yce.'/osirix.g

oLtto

ruu

oi,~ ot.p-)(,uv

iep»,
o fis»

'priuTTOsnct; si;

ItporroAvfiX tide Tcav resj dvaia; oiuxl,ö'jzm'j.
r'/'.v

hKh

ovn

icÜKiQi
ry,i

T'/;;

'Pu'f^r,; SKsivov;, oi/Ti

Vuy.cnKY,'j

uvtuv cc^ny^STO

'ttoKithxv, ot<

Kxl ^lovoxiKTis iiPpcvri^tu, oi/n iuiUTtpiatu u; rci;

'Tzp^iv^ix,;, oiirs iy.it'hva-.

av'jcc'/ia6a,t tto&V Toi:

Comp,
^^*

also ihid. §

tuv vofiuv vf-/iy/;an;, oun ^vx'jrtü6n 40 (Mang. ii. 592).

toi; ctT^'ctp^^of^hct;.

Comp. Marquardt, Ilömische Staatsvericaltimg, iii. 35. Caesar himself conferred upon the Jews the right xP'^i^<^'^<* avuii<j(pipitv (Antt. xiv. 10. 21). In the communication addressed by the proconsul of
13^

Asia to the Milesians (Antt.
Toi»; Ku,p77'.u; y^irux-'P'^'-'^^^'

xiv. 10. 21),

permission

is

given to the Jewa

y.xBu; kdo; tariv ctvToi:.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

20 1

temple at Jerusalem and to send thither the tribute prescribed

by the law.

But

it

was precisely

this

draining

away

of
in

money from the provinces that seemed peculiarly offensive
the eyes of the Gentile authorities.

"We learn from Cicero's
latter,

speech in behalf of Flaccus, that this

during his adminis-

tration of Asia, in several places confiscated the

money thus

col-

lected

by Jews with the view
in

of forwarding

it

to Jerusalem."''

Further, the municipal authorities in Asia would seem to have

cone on

actinti

a similar

manner even

after the edicts of

Caesar's time and actually in defiance of them.

Consequently

the public documents belonging to the time of Augustus refer
principally to this point.

remitting of these sums of
municipalities of Asia
interpose

As Augustus had sanctioned money from Eome itself,"' so way
of the

the the

Minor and Cyrene
in the

are enjoined not to

any obstacle

Jews
all

in

regard to

this matter.^^

Further, the appropriation of

such monies

was
^^^

to

be punished as sacrilege."^
Pro
Flacco,
:

And

that those decrees

«juotaunis ex Italia et ex

xxviii. Quura aurum Judaeorimi nomine omnibus provinciis Hierosolyma cxportari soleret, Ubi ergo crimen Flaccus sanxit edicto, ne ex Asia exportari liceret. 2St? quoniam quidem furtum nusquam reprehendis, edicturn probas, judicatum fateris, quaesitum et prolatum palam non negas, actum esse per viros primarios res ipsa declarat Apameae manifesto deprehensum, ante pedes praetoris in foro expensum esse auri pondo centum paullo minus per Sex. Caesium, equitem Romanum, castissimum liominem atque integerrioium Laodiceae viginti pondo paullo amplius per hunc L. Peducaeum, judicem nostrum, Adramyttii per Cn. Domitium legatum Pergami non multum. Previous to this Mitliridates had appropriated the sums belonging to the Jews in Cos (Anit. xiv. 7. 2). 1^^ Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 23 (ed. Mang. ii. 568 sq.). •38 Joseph. Antt. xvi. 6. 2, Philo, Legat, ad Cajnm, § 40 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. (ed. Mang. ii. 592). ^39 Antt. xvi. 6. The decrees which Josephus has collected in Aiitt. 2, 4. xvi. 6. 2-7 have evidently been the outcome of those negotiations^ an account of which is given in Antt. xvi. 2. 3-5 (comp, also xii. 3. 2). When, for example, Herod happened to be visiting Agrippa in Asia Minor in the y >ar 14 B.c., the Jews in that quarter took occasion to contplain of the o)ipression to which they were being subjected at the hands of the municipal authorities throughout the province, declaring that they had been

Cicero,

,

.

.

:

;

;

262
were
still

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN TUE DIS^ERSIO^^.

in furoe in ihe time of the Vespasian

war

is

evident

from an incidental utterance that on one occasion
lips of Titus.""

fell

from the

It

was a matter
For,

of no less importance to the

Jews
ilicir

to

be allowed

to exercise jurisdiction over the

members of

oiari

coiiimunitij.

as

the

]\Iosaic

law concerned

itself

not only witli acts of worship but with the affairs of
life

ordinary

as well, these latter being also
it

subjected to the

regulative principles of a divine law,
to

was utterly repugnant
be tried by any

Jewish ideas of things that they
than Jewish law."^

sliould

other

Wherever the Jews went they
the

took their
it

own law

along with them, and in accordance with

they administered justice among

members
for

of

their
all in

community.
the

Evidences of this are to be found above

New

Testament.

The Apostle Paul,
Christianity

example, obtains
for the arrest of

a warrant from the
certain

Sanhedrim in Jerusalem

converts

to

among

the

Jews

living in

Damascus (Acts
converts
xxvi.
to

ix. 2).

In other places again he causes such
xxii.

be put in prison and scourged (Acts

19,

11).
five

Subsequently he himself was scourged by the
xi.

Jews

times for being a Christian (2 Cor.
it

24), on
living

which
abroad

occasions

is

doubtless Jewish communities

that are in question aud not those of Palestine.

In Corinth

the proconsul Gallic directs the Jews to carry their complaint
against Paul before their

own

authorities,

on the ground that
if

he would be prepared

to

interfere

only

Paul had been
it

charged with a criminal offence, but not

if

was merely a
xviii.

question of transgressing the Jewish law (Acts
despoiled of the

12-16);

money intended

for the temple,

pelled to appear in the courts of

and that they were comlaw on the Sabbath. Agrippa protected

the Jews against any invasion of their rights in regard to both of those
matters.
^"^

But

it

was

also to these very points that the toleration edicts iu

question had reference.

Bdl. Jud.

vi. G.

2 (Bekker,

])p.

107, 22 sqq.)

:

oxa/noXoyeiu

n

vfMv

iz-i

T^

6iü) Kcil dvecdvif^UTOt.

av'Kh.iyuv iTTirpty^ctuiu k.t.X.
Test.,

^*^

Comp,

the

Rabbinical passages in Wetstein, Nov.

note on

1 Cor. vL 1.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

263
to maltreat

and then he quietly looks on and allows the Jews

Sosthenes, the ruler of the synagogue, under his very eyes

(Acts xviii. 17).

From

all

this

it

will

be seen that practicivil,

cally at all events the

Jews exercised not only

but even

criminal jurisdiction over the

members
the

of their

communities.
doing so
is

But whether they were actually warranted
open
to

in

question.

In any case
to

foreign

communities
in
this

would doubtless be subject
respect, similar to those
in the time of the procurators.

certain

restrictions

imposed upon the Jews in Palestine

But

it is

certain that in civil

causes they enjoyed an independent jurisdiction, not merely in

Alexandria (see above,

p.

244), but elsewhere as well.

Even

before the time of Caesar

we

find

such jurisdiction expressly

conceded to the Jews of Sardes in a communication addressed
to

the authorities of that town by Lucius Antonius (governor

of the province of Asia in

50-49

B.c.).^*^

And we

see

from

the legislation of the Christian emperors that in later times as well the Jewish communities
this

were everywhere

left

in

the

enjoyment of

privilege

(see

below at the

close

of the

present paragraph).

As
the

the requirements of Jewish legalism might easily bring
of the

Jews

dispersion into collision with the arrange-

ments of
free

civil life,

they could hope to enjoy the absolutely

exercise of their

own

religion only in those cases

where

the civil legislation and government did not require of them

anything that was incompatible with their

own

law.

r>ut

even in this respect
'*2

Boman

tolerance

made

large concessions

Joseph. Antt. xiv. 10. 17: 'lovoxioi
tec T£

Tra'Kirxt iiy,iTicot
'Troe.Tp'tov;

'irooaiKdovng y.ni

i^ihsi^oiv iotVTOv; avviicov ix,^iv iot'xv kxzoc roii;
KCtl

vofcovg ax'

dpxVi
ff
OC

T'jTOU

i'ilO!/,

iV

(i>

Vp

(X,

"/ [/,

OC.

T Ot, KU,l T ct ;
'iv

TT

p6;

«AX

>j

A

V-

T i>^0'y iccg Kptvovat' rovrö Tt xhyiaxuivoig
(TtTpi-ipcit iKDiucc.

i^fi ctv~oi; 'ttoiiiv, rYipijucn kccI

On

L. Antonius, a brother of the triumvir M. Aiit(»ny,
i.

see Pauly's Encyclop.

1.

Waddington, Fastes,
ICD, 186.

p.

63.

1182 sq. Bergmann, Mendelssohn, Ada

Philolorjus, 184:7, p. 68Ü.
societatis phil.^ Lips.
v.

264
to

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN TUE DISPERSION.
of
tlie

the

Jews.

One

most

important of
to

them was

exemption from milüarj/
service in
sible, for

service.

For Jews

perform such

any but a Jewish army would be simply imposon the Sabbath they were forbidden either to beai
cubits."*

arms or to march farther than 2000

This matter

assumed a somewliat

practical character when, at the breaking

out of the civil war between Caesar and

Pompey

in the year

47

B.c.,

Pompey 's party endeavoured

to raise large levies of

troops throughout the whole of the East.
of Asia

In the province

alone the consul Lentulus raised as
of

many
it

as

two

legions

Eoman

citizens."*

Now
we

if

it

was the

case, as

precisely on this very occasion
in

are informed

was, that

that quarter there was also a large

number
their

of

Jews who
would
from
request

enjoyed the rights of

Roman

citizenship, then they too

be liable to this conscription.

But

at

own

Lentulus

granted

them the

privilege

of

exemption

military service, and issued instructions to this effect to all the
authorities everywhere

who had

charge of the conscription."*

Then
Jews
and

six years after this (43

b.c.)

Dolabella confirmed the

of this
in

same province
so

in their privilege of darpaTeia,

doing

he

expressly

appealed

to

the

previous

edicts."^
to

In Palestine also was this same privilege conceded
Caesar.^*'

them by

Among

the other pj-ivilcjes that were
of

conceded to them in deference to the requirements
legalism,

Jewish

we might

further rueution that, in pursuance of an

order to that effect by Augustus, the Jews were not to be

^*^

Shabbath
^**

For the prohibition with regard to bearing arms, consult Mishna, vi. 2-4 ; and for the marching, see above, p. 102 ; also Antt. xiiL
Caesar,
Bell.
.
.

8. 4, xiv. 10. 12.

Civ.
.

Rumanorum IX.
curaverat.
'^^

iii. 4 (Pompejus) legiones effeccrat civium duas ex Asia, quas Lentulus consul conscribendaa
:

Antt. xiv. 10. 13, 14, 16, 18, 19.

in Acta soc. phil., Lips. v.
»<«

Comp. Mendelssohn on this passage 167-188; Theul. Liter aturzeitunq, 1876, p. 393.
i<7 Antt. xiv. 10. 6.

Amt.

xiv. 10. 11-12.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
^*^
;

265
that

compelled to appear in a court of law on the Sabbath

when a public

distribution of
fell

money

or corn took place and the

day of the distribution

on a Sabbath, then in pursuance of

a similar order by the same emperor, their share of the

money

or the corn was to be delivered to them on the day following ; "* and lastly, that instead of the oil furnished by the

provinces and which Jews were forbidden to

they were to receive an equivalent in money,

make use

of,

a usage the

continuance of which was confirmed to the Jews of Antioch,
for

example, by the governor Muciauus in the time of the
war.^^"

Vespasian

This whole position of the Jews with regard to their enjoy-

ment
the

of public rights
at

was never materially or permanently
period.

altered

any

subsequent

Sometimes

no

doubt

imperial legislation introduced certain
also

restrictions,

and

Judaism was
persecution.

subjected
of

now and then
the

to

temporary
lasting
or
till

But nothing
later imperial

nature

of a

material change took place in the existing state of things

down toward

times.

The measures used by
confined exclusively
crisis

Tiberius against

Eoman Jews were

to

the city of Eome.

No
But

doubt a serious
it

arose in

the

time of Caligula.
it

was precisely
it

in such a crisis that

was seen liow important
For
nothing

was

for the

Jews

to be able to

take their stand upon the public rights they had
enjoyed.

now

so long
to

was

more

calculated

seriously

endanger the religious freedom of the Jews than the introduction and gradual diffusion of the worship of the emperors.

The

more

that

such
it

worship

was

being

promoted

by

public authority,
**8 Ajitt. xvi. 6.

would necessarily have more and more
means
to
will

2 and 4 (the technical phrase iy/vx; öuoXoyui/

give a guarantee
"'••

tliat

one

appear before a court).
§ 23 (ed.

Ou

the occasion of

those decrees, see note 139.
Philo, Legat,

ad Cajum,
xii.

Mang.
i.

ii.

.509).

150

Joseph. Antt.
Grtjntiles,

3. 1.

Ou

the prohibition against the use of oil
p. 55.

supplied by

see above, § 22, vol.

266

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

the appearance of an act of disloyalty on the part of the Jews

when they
Caligula

refused to join in

it.

And

so

at

a time

when

was

everywhere peremptorily

insisting

upon the

ohservance of that worship, which, ever since Augustus, had

been introduced again and again by people from the provinces
in

the heat of their

own

zeal (see § 22,

vol

i.

p.

16), the

religious
lost

freedom of the Jews would have been irretrievably
in their case

had the demand been consistently enforced

as well.

As

long as Caligula lived the attempt to do so was
tell

actually

made, and history can
for the

what

frightful
(see

storms
§
17*^).

were conjured up

Jews

in consequence
of

But fortunately
short duration.

for

them the reign

Caligula was

but of

Claudius his successor lost no time in simply

restoring the previous state of matters
^^^ universal toleration.

by issuing a decree
has

of

Since then the
in

idea of forcing the

Jews

to

take

part
of.

emperor
title

worship
to

never

been

seriously thought

Their

exemption was regarded

as an ancient privilege, a circumstance

which placed them in

a

much

more favourable position than the Christians enjoyed.
of the

The subsequent treatment was

confined, like that of Tiberius, to

Eoman Jews by Claudius Kome itself, and did
Even the
The
result

not lead to any permanent result.

reign of Nero,

thanks to the Empress Poppaea, was on the whole favourable
to

the

Jews (comp, note

74).

of

the

great

Vespasian war and the destruction of Jerusalem, so

far as the

Jews

of the dispersion were concerned,

was

this,

that the tax

of two drachmae previously paid to the temple at Jerusalem

was from that time forward
Jupiter Capitolinus."^

to be

given to the temple of

No

doubt to have to do this was a

thing somewhat repugnant to the feelings of a Jew.
"1
1^3

But

in

Antt. xix.

5.

2-3.
vii. 6. 6.

Joseph. Bell. Jud.

Dio Cass.

Ixvi. 7.

For the history of

this

tax,

comp. Zorn, Historia

fisci Judaici sub imperio veterum

Romanorum,

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

267

no other respect did Vespasian do anything to prejudice the
religious

freedom of the Jews,

Their political
in

rights

are

expressly safeguarded by
for
exaniple.^^^

him even

Alexandria and Antioch
in

Domitian

insisted

the

most

rigorous

manner possible upon the payment of the two
tax/**
as

drachmae

and

visited with severe

punishment such

of the

Romans
rights of

became converts

to Judaism.'**

But the existing

the

Jews were not

rescinded.

Under Nerva again
-

certain

alleviations

were granted with regard to both the points just

mentioned.
abolished,
it

As

lor

the

two

drachmae

tax,

though

not
it

was imposed

in a less offensive form,"''
to

and

was no longer allowable

prosecute any one on the charge

of having adopted " Jewish

modes

of

life."

^^^

A

violent dis-

turbance of the existing state of things, nay the most violent
that the

Jews had ever experienced

since Caligula's time,

was brought about by the serious struggles that took place in
the reign of Trajan and Hadrian.
"3 Joseph.
below.
^^* Sueton. Boiititian. xn. Judaicus fiscus acerbissime actus est; ad quern deferebantur, qui ve! inprofessi Judaicam viverent vitam, vel dis:

Hadrian had gone
vii.

so far

Aritf.

xii.

3.

1

;

Bell. Jud.

5.

2.

Comp, paragraph

3,

simulata origine imposita genti tributa non pependissent.
adule.scentulum
^^^

Iiiterfuisse

me

memini, cum a procuratore frequentissimoque consilio inspiceretur nonageuarius senex, an circumsectus esset.

Die Cass.

Ixvii.

14: kxI
x.ui

ä.'h'Koi

i;

tcc

ruv 'lovhuiuv Uri i^oKiM.ouoi is

Tic

TToXAoi

KxreZiKocadmocv,

oi

ju,iv

oiTTißxuov,

Tuv

yoiiv

oiiatuv

iaTcov-Jnaxv.
^^''

This

we

arc

bound

to infer

from the coins of Nerva's time, with their

inscription: Fisci Judaici calumnia sublata (Madden's History of Jewish

Coinage, p. 199, and elsewhere).

Sedng
:

existence at a later period (Appian,

by payment

§ 14; TertuU. Ai>oli)get. chap, xviii. of a tax), what is

found to be still in ad African. vectujulis fe7/er/a5= freedom purchased
tliat
1.
;

the tax

is

Sijr.

Origen, Epist.

abolished altogether, but that it to offend the religious scruples of the Jews.

meant cannot be that the tax was was exacted in a form less calculated
It

may

be conjectured that

from this time forth they were not to be called upon to pay it as for the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. ^^^ Dio Cass. Ixviii. 1: our' daifinx; ow-' lovocciKov ßiov x.XT0tntxa6xi
^

268
and
this

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
of the insurrection in his time

was the cause
that

— as

to

issue

a

formal prohibition

of the

rite

of

circumcision/'* a

prohibition

was hardly revoked
But
his

after

the

successful

quelling

of the rising.

successor Antoninus

Pius

granted permission to circumcise in the case of native Jews,

and confined the

proliibition to

Gentiles.'"^

In like manner

Septimius Severus contented himself with merely proliibiting
conversions to Judaism/*'" and this continued to be also the

standpoint of several Christian emperors

who were

not otherIt will

wise favourably disposed toward the Jewish religion/"^

be seen therefore that the whole of the repressive measures

aimed merely

at preventing the

further

spread of Judaism.
their existing public

As

far as native

Jews were concerned,

rights

were not interfered with to any appreciable extent.
are three points that are worth noting.
also in later times the

As showing this, there (1) As in earlier/^^ so

Jewish worship

continued to enjoy the formal protection of the State.

On

one occasion when Callistus, subsequently a bishop (in the
time of Bishop Victor,

189-199

A.D.),

ventured to disturb
for

Jewish worship in Rome, the Jews prosecuted him
so before Fascianus the prefect of the city,

doing

who

sentenced the

offender to be banished to the mines of Sardinia.^^

Of the

Christian emperors, even those of

them who were unfavour-

ably disposed toward the Jews, and
building of

who had

forbidden the

new

synagogues, had nevertheless no objection to
xiv.
:

1^ Spartian. Hadrian,

nioverunt ea tempestate et Judaei bellum,

quod vetabantur mutilare
*^3 Dbjest. xlviii. 8.

genitalia.
pr.
:
:

11,

Circumcidere Judaois
in

filios

suos tantum

rescripto divi Pii pertnittitur
castrantis
i""
^'1

non ejusdein
fieri

religionis qui

hoc

fecerit,

poena irrogatur.
sub gravi poena vetuit.
Joseph. Antt. xiv.
inrevdii/o; i<rza

Spartian. Sept. Sev. xvii.: Judaeos

On
.

this see

Codex Theodosianus,
the
Vi

xvi. 8.
'

'^^

Comp,
kv

especially

•^//(ptafict
ii

At.iKxpvtx.aaiuv^

10.

23

Si T/f X.UKVIJVI

oLoyjuv

lotuTr,;, to'Oi

rZ ^my-tüfixTi

163

Hippolyti, Philosophumcna,

ix.

12.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

269

place the existing ones under the protection of the laws of the
empire.*^*

(2)

The Jewish communities continued

to enjoy to

quite the same extent as in former times the right of administering their oivn funds.

Above

all

were they

still

permitted

as

much

as ever

(till

toward the end of the fourth century of

our era) to send their sacred tribute to the patriarchate in
Palestine (the

new
of

central authority of the Jewish people after

the

destruction

Jerusalem).

This tribute was collected

every year by the apostoli sent out by the patriarchs for the
purpose, and
tine.^''''

when thus
was not

collected

it

was conveyed
the
close

to Pales-

It

till

towards
civil

of the

fourth

century of our era that the

authority began gradually to

put a stop to

this.^^'^

(3) In later imperial times the
still

Jews

were also permitted
over the

to

enjoy independent jurisdiction
of course
parties in

members

of

their

exclusively in civil causes

own community, but and only when the two

the case agreed to have the matter disposed of by a Jewish
tribunal.'"'^
1«*
*"*

Powers of a very extensive character must have

Codex Tlieododanus, xvi. 8. 9, 12, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27. On these apostoli and tlieir functions, see Eiiseb. Comment, ad Jesaj. xviii. 1 (^Collectio nova patrum, ed. Montfaucon, iil 42f)). Epiplian. haer. XXX. 4 and 11. Jerome, ad Gal. i. 1 {0pp. ed. Vallarsi, vii. 1. 363). Codex Tkeodus. xvi. 8. 14. Their chief duty would seem to have been to act as media of communication between the various Jewish communitits. Hence we also meet with them in later times wlien the collecting of the tribute in question was no longer allowed, for example, in Venosa on the epitaph of a girl fourteen years of age, quel diserunt trenus duo apostuli ft duo rebbites (Ilirschfcld, Bullettino deW Tnstitulo di corrisp. archeol. 1867, p. 152 = Ascoli, Inscrizioin, p. 61, n. 19 = Corp. Inner. Lat. vol. ix. n. 648 and 6220 = Lenormant, Revue des etudes jiiivcf!, vol. vi. No. 12, p. 205). i*^«! On the suppression of this practice (which did not take place all at once), comp. Julian, Upist. xxv. Codex Theodos. xvi. 8. 14, 17, 29. ^^'' Cod. Theodos. ii. 1. 10: Sane si qui per compromissum, ad similitudinem arbitrorum, apud Judaeos vel patriarchas ex conscn&u partium in civili duntaxat negotio putaverint litigandum, sortiri eorum judicium jure
publico

non

exsequantur,
(edict of the

vetentur eorum etiam sententias provinciarum judices tamquam ex sentcntia cogniloris arbitri fuerint attributi
:

Emperors Arcadius and Ilonorius of the year 398

a.D.).

Comp,

further, Cod. Theodos. xvi. 8. 8.

270
been in
Palestine,
tlie

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

hands of the Jewish ethnarch or patriarch in
after

who

the

destruction
tlie

of

the

Jewish

state

formed the supreme liead of

people.

The whole
so

of the

communities of the dispersion seen)
jurisdiction

to liave sulnnitted to his

without any hesitation.

And

full

were the

prerogatives he exercised, that the Fathers of the Church felt

themselves under the necessity of taking very considerable pains
in order to

show

that,

notwithstanding those prerogatives, the

sceptre had been taken from

Judah

as far

back as the time o^

Christ/^
the

But there

is

perhaps nothing that indicates better
political

secure basis

on which those

privileges of the

Jews

just described were found to rest, than the circumstance

that in the time of the persecution of the Christians
find instances of these latter

we even
for

becoming converts

to

Judaism

their

own

safetv.^^"

3.

Their Equality in regard

to the

Rights of Citizenship,

There can be no question
cities

that, in the majority of the older

of

Phoenicia,

Syria,

and Asia Minor, as well as in

Greece proper, the Jews who went to live in them occupied
the position of settlers (as opposed to
citizens).^^^*

We

no

doubt hear of occasional instances in which individual Jews
^^^

Painphil.

Apolorj.

Cyrill, (.'ateches. xii. 17.

pro Or ig. in Routh's lidiquiae sacrae, iv. 860. Also in general, Orig. ad African. § 14 (for the
Vopisc. Vita Saturnin. chap.
viii.

passage, see vol.

i.

p. 173).

Chr. G. Fr.

Waloh, Historia Patriarcliarum Judaeorum, quorum Jit nieiiiio, Jenae 175^.
i''9

in libris juris

Ilomani

Euseb. Hist. eccLvi. 12.
fj'iiig

1.

iCMa

ai^pears indirectly, above

all,

from Joseph, contra Apion.

ii.

4.

draws attention to it as being something nuusual that the Jews should be in the enjoyment of the rights of citizens in Alexandria, Antioch and the cities of Ionia. Of course the list here given is not complete, for they also enjoyed similar rights in all the towns founded by Seleucus I. Still we can see that it was not usual for Jews to
For
in that passage the historian

possess them.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

271
Paul,

have the rights of citizenship conferred upon them.
for instance,

who was a

citizen of Tarsus (Acts xxi. 39), is a

case in point.
cities are to
settlers,

But, as a rule, the Jeivish communities in those
liglit

be regarded in the

of

2Jf'ii-'aie

asaociations of

which were recognised

by the

State and

on which

certain rights were conferred, but the

members

of

which did

not enjoy the rights of citizenship and consequently were also

debarred from having a voice in the direction of the
the city.
Still

affairs of

there was after

all

a pretty large

number

of

towns in which the Jews enjoyed the rights of
This was true above
the
Hellenistic
all

citizenship.

of the towns

more recently
tlie

built in

period,
viz.

and

pre-eminently of

foremost

amongst them,
Seleucus

Antioch and Alexandria, the capitals of

the kingdoms of the Seleucidae and the Ptolemies respectively.
I.

Nicator

(t

280

b.c.)

conferred the rights of citizen-

ship upon the Jews
in
to

living in all the towns founded hy himself
tliey

Asia Minor and Syria,"" rights which
be
still

were

all

found

enjoying in the time of Josephus."^

The most
also con-

important of these towns was Antioch, where the rights of the

Jews were inscribed upon
period,

tablets of brass."^

They
after

tinued to enjoy their rights of citizenship there at a later

not

only

under

the

Seleucidae

Antiochus
in the

Epiphanes, but under the

Romans

as well"'

Even

time of the great Vespasian war Titus declined to accede to the
urgent request of the people of Antioch to deprive the Jews
of the
rights

of

citizenship

by simply appealing

to

their

ancient
*'"

privileges.'^*
list

In

like

manner

in

Alexandria

the

them consult Appian. Syr. Ivii. I'l Joseph. Antt. xii. 3. 1 'S.ihtvKog 6 N/xärwo ku etig enriai iröXitriv h Aat'at x.cti rifi kxtu "^vplct x,a,i iv otvryi rri f^rirpo'TroKii AvTioxuet vo'htriiot.g ryi
For a
of
:

ocvroiii vi^iuas,

x,oil

xxi'EWriaiv,
^^2

äg

Tttv

toI? ivoiKtadila tu laoTif^ovi d-TriZet^i mohmiccv TuvTn" 'in x,xi vvv 'hiocf/.tuuv.

MaxtSoV/

BtU. Jud.
ii.

vii.

5. 2.
ocvtojv

Comp,

iu general, besiilcs Aiitt. xii. 3. 1, also
^

contra Apion.

4:

Xii? 6vo/adi^üVToti' Tvtu yöip

ydp iji/.uu o/ Ttju huTtox^ioe.u Koe,roix,üljvTig iiO^mixv xvroi; 'ihuKSv 6 K-riaTV}; SiAtfscof.
i'*

"'Avtiü'

1" Bell Jud.

vii. 3. 3.

Bill. Jud. vii. 5. 2

;

Antt.

xii. 3. 1.

272
Jews obtained

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
rights

citizen

when

the city was founded."'
" equal

Alexander the Great conferred upon them
the Macedonians
citizens
"

rights with

(who are no other

tlian just the regular

of Alexandria),
call

while the Diadochoi granted them

permission to

themselves Macedonians.^^"

Nor did any

change take place with regard to those rights in the time of
the

Eomans.

Caesar, as might be seen from
pillar set

They were expressly confirmed by Julius what was inscribed upon a
and which was
still

up

in Alexandria,
It
is

standing in

Joseph us' day."^
Caligula's

true that, during the persecution in
of

time,

the
foot.

rights

the

Alexandrian Jews were
Claudius succeeded to
continued

trampled under
the throne he

But

as soon as
in

lost

no time

guaranteeing the
as in

existence of Jewish rights.^'^

And

Antioch so here too

they were not curtailed in the slightest degree, even after the

war of the year 70 of our
^'5

era.'''*

On
;

the Jewish rights of citizenship in Alexandria, comp. Lumbroso,

Rlcerche Alessaiulrine, Turin 1871.

Löscher in Comm. (90 pages large
delle scienze di

quarto
Torino,
^'^

reprinted from the Mcmorie dclla Reale Acai/emia

2nd

scries, vol. xxvii.).
it in
ii.

I

am

acquainted with this trcatLje only
1.

through the review of
Joseph. Apion.
X.OLI
ii

the Litcrar. Centralhl. 1873, No.
:

4

E/f KO-roinnaiu

5s

ocvroi;

eoaice
.

töt.ou 'AAs|.
.

uuOpo;,
vl/v

I'ayii

'Trxpot
ry,u

to/j Mctx.io6ai rifcii;
Trpoa/iyopicti/
iTx,i

t-z-srv^c'JV.

kxi ftixP*
ii.

ai/Tüiv

(pt/A'/j
.

MxKihovs;.
tviu

Bell.

Jud.

18. 7

:

A?i£S«:»0|5o;

.

soax."^

to

fitrotKiiv
i)

xxrec

"koKiv

ef

i<j(tTty.ioi,c

-Tcpo:

EXTdj!/«;.

Aii^sivi OS ecvroig

rifi^ Kctt votpci

ray

Zieto6x,av, ol

Kui totzov

thiou uvToig »(pupiax», ottu; y-uoxpuztpctu

exonu

r'/,v

di'xiTXv, Tjrrov i-TTijuiayo-

fchuv ruv «XXofpyXsj",
T£ 'Fu^xxlot

x.xi

ypriuxr ii^iiu tvirps-^xv Mxx.id6v x<:.
TVi'j

Ez-f/

KxziOTr.nxvTO

AtyvvTOv,

ovre
^

Kxtaxp

6

-Trpuro;

ours

roiv fiir'
i

xvrov tu

vvri/iCiiui

rxg

x-tto

A>.i^xiiOpov
'

n fix;

^lovöxioif

Xxrr uaxi.
^^^

Anlt. xiv. 10.
)(,*>•. y.vfj

I.:

Kxhxp
iu

'lot/X/oj

ret; lu

A'ki^.xvopu'x ^lovoxioi;
iiaiv.

ttoi-

iiaxs
T'/jy

arifK-riv

iOyi7^coriev

'on

'AAj|«i/0/5s'iSi»

-ttoTCitxi

Apion.

ii.

4

:

arvj'Kriv

rviu

laruoxv

'A'hs^xi/dpit'x

kx'i

rx oikxiUi^xtx

7rtpti)covaxv

x

Kxlcxp
^''^

6 i^kyxi rot; 'lov^xt'oi; ihuKiv. Antt. xix. 5. 2 (with a glance back at the history of the citizen rights

of the
^^*

Jews

of Alexandria).
;

Antt. xiL 3. 1

»pxrviaxi/ro;
oi

r»is otKOVfiii/Yi;,

iiriOivrt;

Oviavxaixvov x.x\ Ti'rov rov viov xi/rov 'AM^xyhpti; kxI 'Auriox^h *"« !« iix.xix riii

§

r,l.

JUDAISM IX THE DISPERSIOX.
rii^hts of

273

Nor did the Jews enjoy the
in those

citizenship merely in

the towns newly founded in the Hellenistic period, but also

on the

coast

of Ionia as well, and

above

all

in

Ephesus, in which towns those rights had been conferred upon

them by Antiochus
petitioned that the

II.

Theos (261-246

B.c.).

When,

in the

time of Augustus, the

municipal authorities in that quarter
either be excluded from the

Jews should

enjoyment

of

the rights of citizenship, or be

compelled to

renounce their separate worship and conform to that of the
native
divinities,

Agrippa,

who

happened

to

have

the

administration of the eastern provinces, maintained intact the
ancient privileges of the Jews, whose interests on this occasion

were represented by Nicolaus Damascenus, deputed

to

do so
^^'

by Herod
the
for

(in the

year 14

b.c.).^^"

"We learn incidentally that

Jews

also possessed the rights of citizenship in Sardes

example, and not less so outside of Asia Minor as in the

case of Cyrene.^^^

The

position thus created for the

Jews

in consequence

o\

possessing all those privileges was one involving an internal
contradiction.
TroTiiTBixs
fiTiKiTi

On

the one hand, they formed
Toi;
'

when

living in
(in tlio

fiif'/]

lov'^uioig,

ovx,

i'77i~v)co!/.

Lumbroso

Ptolemy IV. (Pbilopater) created a new order of citizen rights in Alexandria, which found its expression in the worship of Bacchus. Now, as tlie Jews were not at liberty to join in this worship they were excluded from tliis new order of citizen rights, and only retained the former designation of Macedonians though it had lost its original value. But it may be proved from what is said over and over again by Josephus, that no change whatever took place with regard to the political status of the Jews of Alexandria from the time of Alexander the Great till that of Vespasian while the third Book of Maccabees, on which Lumbroso founds, is as a rule hardly to be appealed
dissertation already referred to) expresses the opinion that
;

to as historical testimony.
^8" Antt.
'l6)!/(«y
xii.

3.

2.

Apion.

ii.

4:

o/

tv

'E^'iaw

kuI

Kxrx

t'/jv

aAX/i»

Tol; ccvStyivtat

'KCKnoctc. öy.oivvf<.ovi}i,

rouro 'Ttupu.oYjjyruv ui/rol; tü»
xii. 3. 2,

lioCitoy^uv.

On

the negotiations of the year 14 u.C, see besides Antt.
2.

also Auit. xvi.
^8-

3-5, and note 139, above.

^81 Antt. xiv. 10. 24.
.4?)«. xvi. 6. 1.
II.

Marquardt, Staati-rerwaUung,

i.

1881, p. 463.

DIV.

VOL. n.

S

274

§ 31.

.ITDAISM IN THE HISrERSION.

Gentile cities a commmiity of foreigners who, for the hnllier-

ance of their religious concerns, had organized themselves into

an independent body, and whose religious views were hopelessly

at

variance

with every species

of
as

Gentile

worship.

And

yet,

on

tlie

other, they participated
life,

citizens in all the

rights

and duties of municipal

they had seats and the

right of voting in the civic councils, and
direction of the affairs of the city.

had a share in the

This must of necessity

have led
religious

to incessant

collision.

For the idea of separating
long as
it

from
itself,

political concerns was, so

remained
;

true

to

altogether

foreign

to

classical

antiquity
as

it

looked upon the worship of

the

native

divinities
affairs

also

forming an essential part of the public

of the city.

And

so

how
all

it

must have been

felt

to

be a standing contramunicipality, and

diction to see in the

very heart of the
of citizenship, a

enjoying

the rights

body of people who

not only persisted in worshipping their
those of the city, but

own God

alongside

who

assailed

every form of Gentile

worship whatever as an abomination.

Such a thing as

the

toleration of tarious worships alongside of each other
possible

was

really

only

within

the

cosmopolitan
all

circle
its

of the

Roman

Empire.

For there was realized in
for

fulness the funda-

mental thought
every

which Hellenism paved the way, that

man

is free

to be

happy

after his
for

own

fashion.
well.

ConseIn
the

quently there was room

here

Jews

as

municipal towns, on the other hand, which clung to the
ancient modes of
life

in matters of religion as well, the

Jews

must have been
rather should

felt to

be a continual thorn in the sides of be wondered at

their fellow-citizens.

It is therefore not to
it

we
of

say that

entirely accords with the historical

development
persecuted

things, that

the

Jews

should

have
the
its

been
higher
wing.

by

the

municipal

towns,

whereas

authority of the

Roman Empire

took them under

In those towns there Mere outbursts of hatred against the

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION. and
tliat

275
them
as

Jews on every
in

occasion,

above
of

all

in tliosc of

which they enjoyed the

rights

citizenship,

such

Alexandria, Antioch,

many

of the

towns of Asia Minor, and

also Caesarea in Palestine

where the laoiroXiTcia was conferred
Great,^®^

upon Jews and Gentiles by Herod the
principal accusations against the
precisely this, that they refused
city.^^*

One

of the

Jews on those occasions was
to

worship the gods of the

But the Eoman
latter

authorities always

came

to the rescue
far

and safeguarded the
as

religious

freedom of the Jews in so
forfeit

these

did not

themselves

their

rights

by

showing revolutionary tendencies.

It is

well worth noting

how, in the address in which Nicolaus Damascenus pleads
for the
^"^
rijj,hts

of the

Jews being

respected,

it

is

pointed out

In A] 'xandria

Jews

anil Gentiles lived in
ii.

a state of constant fend
18. 7)
;

and in Caligula's was here above all that the Gentile jjortion of the populace persecuted the Jews before the emperor himself had begun to oppress them (Philo,
pver since the city was founded {Bell. Jud.

time

it

adv. Flaccum).

In Vespasian's time the Alexandrians besieged the emperor

with p?titions to get him to deprive their Jewish fellow-citizens of tlieir rights (Autt. xii. 3. 1). In Antioch it got the length of bloodshed in
Vespasian's time (Bdl. Jud.
vii. 3. 3),

while Titus again was asked to expel
if

the Jews from the city altogether, and
this,

then to deprive them of their

riglits at least {Bell.

he could not see his way to do Jud. vii. 5. 2 Antt.
;

xii. 3. 1).

In Asia Minor the municipal towns were always making

frtsli

attempts to prevent the Jews from practising their

own

worship, whicli

was

precisely the rea.son

that

the

Roman

edicts

of

toleration

became

necessary
xvi.

{Aiitt. xii. 3. 2, xvi. 2.

3-5, and in general the edicts given in

Antt. xiv. 10
6.

and xvi. 6). The same thing also took jilace in Gyrene {Antt. and 5). In Caesarea it often got the length of sanguinary encounters between Gentiles and Jews {Antt. xx. 8. 7, 9 DM. Jud. ii. 13. In like manner in towns where Jews did not enjoy the 7, 14. 4-5, 18. 1).
1
;

rights of citizen.ship the hatred of the Gentile popidace occasionally venteil
itself

upon them

in the

shape of bloody persecution, as was pre-eminently
Jud.

the case at the outbreak of the Jewish war in Ascalon, Ptolemais, Tyre,

Hippos, Gadara With regard to
576).

{Bell.

the •people

inveterate dislike to
ii.

ii. 18. 5) and Damascus {Bell. Jud. ii. 20. 2). of Ascalon., Philo observes that they had an the Jews (Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 30, ed. Mang,

Of the Phoenicians
specially
i.

who were

it was, according to Josephus, the Tyrians animated by feelings of hostility toward the Jews

(contra Apion.

13).

^^*

Antt.

xii. 3. 2.

276
as

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

something quite new, as a boon wliich the Eomans, with
tlie

their orderly system of government, were
viz.

first

to create,

that everywhere every one was

at

liberty " to

live

and

M-orship his

own

gods."

^^^

The more that the
was

attitude

of

the

Ilomans, with their
it

world-wide power, was on the whole favourable to Judaism,
of but the greater consequence to the

Jews

of the disper-

sion that so
citizenship, not

many

of

them possessed the

rir/hts
M'ell.

of

Eoman
living

only in Rome, but elsewhere as

According

to

the testimony of Philo, the majority of the

Jews

in

Eome

enjoyed such

rights,

and that in the capacity of
in war,

descendants of freedmen.

Of the Jews taken captive

and

whom Pompey

had once brought to
set free

Pome and
own

there sold

as slaves,

many were

by

their

master, and on

obtaining their freedom they were at the same time invested

with the rights of citizenship, which rights their descendants
continued to enjoy ever
after.^^^

It

would even appear that

some

of those Ithcrtini

must have quitted Rome and gone

back to Jerusalem again, where they had founded a community

by themselves.
of

For the Aißeprlvot mentioned in the Acts
(vi.

the

Apostles

9)

can hardly have
their

been

other than

Poraan
^^^

freedmen and
xvi. 2.

descendants.^^^

Consequently
xi^'po^"

Amt.

4 (cd Bekker,

vol. iv. p. G)

:

s^nhxt kutcc
sq.)

iKÜarot;

rot, (ilKiioi

ri,u,u(Tiv

ciynu kxI

oictl^Y,v.

I'C

Pliilo, Lcfjat.

ad

Cajurii, §

23 (Mang.

ii.

508

:

'Puftottot oi riaxv o/

-TT'f.iioug

ÜTreÄivßepoiöiuns.
'/ihiv

Alx,f*K'Kinoi yoip ii.y,6ivri; ilg

IrxT^ixv vwo tuv
.
.

y/zYiact^ivuv

iou&fin «'>, oi/diu

tuu

ttoctoiuv

'!r»pxx<^pci^*' ßtxaßiuTs;
'Füf/^ri;

.

ovre Tf,v The act of niamimission miglit 'Puy.x'ix.r.u xvrau dipsiT^iro Tro'hiTiixv. take place ia different ways. When it was performed in the formal solemn
'AXX'
fiiv
{seil.

Augustus)

oiVs

k^ÜKios

t-^?

iKtivovz,

fashion
18^

citizenship.

the slave received along with his freedom the rights of Roman See Rein in Pauly's Reul-Enc. iv. 1026 ff. (art. " Libertini").
lihertinus is cither the son of a frce.lman

A

or a frcedman himself

(see Rein as above).
lihcrtini

But the community
still

at Jerusalem founded

by such

seems to have
vi.

retained

its

designation of awxyuyvi AißipTivuv

among

the later generations as well.

Comp,

in general the

commentaries

on Acts

(the matter being treated wicli great detail for example in

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
living in Jerusalem too

277

there would be

Jews

who

possessed

the rights of

Eoman

citizenship.

But we
all

also find such in large

numbers elsewhere, and above
there
is

in Asia Minor.^^

Hence
to be in

nothing at

all

strange in the circumstance that the
Cilicia,

Apostle Paul, a native of Tarsus in
the eujoyment of the rights of

was found

Eoman

citizenship (Acts xvi.

37
of

sqq., xxii.

25—29,

xxiii.

27).^""'^

It is true

we have no means
to this

knowing how the Jews of Asia Minor attained

position.^^"

But the
well
there

fact itself is all the less

open to question,
first

that

it

is

known

otherwise that as early as the

century

B.c.

were many thousands of

Eoman

citizens

living in Asia Minor.^^^
Jo. Chrph.

The advantages that accompanied the
Nov.
Test.
i.

Wolfs Curae
;

phil. in

1090-93, with a
ii.

earlier literature

also Deyling, Observai iones Sacrae,

list of the 437-444), and the

Bible lexicons of Winer, Schenkel and Riehin under "Libertiner."

Delos (Antt.

Ephesus (Antt. xiv. 10. 13, 16, 19), Sardcs (Antt. xiv. 10. 17), xiv. 10. 14), and generally, Antt. xiv. 10. 18. 189 Doubts as to Paul's enjoyment of such rights have been raised for example by Renan (Paulus, chap. xiii. of German edition 18G9, p. 442) and Overbeck (^Erklärung der Aposldgesch. pp. 266 sq., 429 sq.). But the reasons advanced in support of those doubts appear to me much too weak in presence of the fact that it is precisely in the most trustworthy portions of the Acts that the matter is vouched for. 190 for a conjecture as to this see Mendelssohn in Acta soc. philol, Lips. On the various ways generally in which the rights of Roman V. 174—176. citizenship might be acquired, see Rein, art. " Civitas," in Pauly's 2tealEnc. ii. 392 sqq. Winer, Ilealwörth. i. 200, art. "Bürgerrecht." On tlie special question as to how Paul became a Roman citizen, see the literature given in Wolfs Curae phil. in Nov. Test., note on Acts xxii. 28. De Wette, T. p. 288 .sq. AViner's T. § 119b. Credner, Eiid. in das Einl. in das Reuss, Gesch. der heil. Schriften N. T.\ § 58. Realwörth. i. 200, ii. 212.

188

So

in

N
is

N

Wieseler, Chronol. des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 61 sqq.

AVold. Sclimidt in

Herzog's Recd-Enc. 2nd ed.
131

xi.

357.

There

the well-known fact of the massacre perpetrated

by MithriAsia .Minor

dates,

who

in the year 88 B.c. ordered all the

Roman

citizens in

to be put to death with their wives and children (see the passages for

example in Kuhn, Die
25).

städtische

und

bürgerl.

Verfassung des röm. Reichs,
of the

i.

Valerius

Maximus

estimates the
:

number

(Valer. Max.

ix. 2,

extern,

una

epistola Ixxx. civiura

Tam hercule quam iii. Romanorum in Asia per
it

massacred at 80.000 Mithridatcm regem, qui
urbcs uegotiandi gratia
Italy

dispersa interemit).

Of course here

would seem to be natives of

278

§ ;u.

JUDAISM

m

THE DISPERSION.

possession of the rights of liornaii citizeu.ship were very considerable.

For

those

living

in

the

provinces

it

was
to

of

consequence above

all that

a lloman

was subject only

the

jurisdiction of Eonian courts, the civil causes being disposed
of

by a jury composed of lioman

citizens,'''^

and those of a
It

criminal character by the

Roman

procurator or governor.

was only
lioman
ing
(1)
for

in the civiiates, recognised as liherae, that the Iloinan

citizens as well

were subject to the jurisdiction of other than

authorities.^'"*^

Of the various
as

privileges

''"'*

the follow-

may

be

further mentioned

worthy of special note

Exemption from every kind of degrading punishment, such
example as scourging and crucifixion '^ and
;

(2) the Jus

provocationis or a^jpcllaiionis, both

which phrases were used

synonymously in the imperial
denote

age,

and were employed

to

the right of appealing against any sentence to the

emperor himself.
well as criminal

This right held good in the case of
causes.^'^"

civil as

We
a

must beware
sentence

of confounding

with
the

this

appeal
that

against

already
the very

pronounced

claim

might
to

be

put in at

commencethough

ment
the

of the

process
in

have the whole matter referred to
According
to

emperor

Eome.

the

usual

that are in question.

number
them
view.
^^2 ^^^
ii.

of

Roman

citizens in

Lcntulus was able in
tiiinly in

But we find scarcely forty years after this that tho Asia Minor was so large that the consul the year 49 B.c. to raise as many as two legions of
iii.

(Caesar, Bell. Civ.
this

instance

it

4 for the passage, see note 144, above). Cercan hardly be only natives of Italy that are in
;

Rudorff, Komische Rechtsgeschichte,

ii.

1.1.

Kuhn, Die

städtische

und

biirgcrl.

Verfassung des römischen Reichs,

Marquardt, Römische StaalsverwaUuvg, i. 1881. p. 75 sq. these see Kein, art. " Civitas," in Tauly's Encycl. ii. 392 sqq. Winer, Realwörth. i. 200, art. " Bürgerrecht," and the literature quoted by
24.
1"*

On

both.
^^^

See Acts
See Riin

xvi.

" Crux," " Lex Porcia
^^®

in

37 sqq., xxii. 25 sqq., ami Pauly's Real- Enc. uadur " and " Lex Sempronia." Pauly's Real-Enc. under " Appellatio " and " Provocatio.'
p.

Geib, Geschichte des römischen Criminalprocesses (lb42),

G75 sqq.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPKUSIüX.
view,
also

270
charged
this

not

altogether
capital

indisputable
offences

lionian
at

citizens
to

with

were

liberty

urge

claim.'^'

In

many

Hellenistic

cities

the Jews, in

virtue

of their

possessing the rights of citizenship, were on a level with
rest of the inhabitants.
failed

the

Of course
to

in those

communes they

on an average

attain
as

to

a leading position.

We
was

should rather say

that,

we have
to

already

seen,

it

precisely this possessing of the rights of citizenship that led
to the hostility

and persecution

which they were so often

exposed.

At

the same time there were

many
life.

places,

Egypt
of

in particular,

where at certain periods Jews

also

have been
fu'st

found to play a proonincnt part in public

The

the Ptolemies were on the whole favourably disposed toward
them.^^^

Under some
and

of

the

later

Ptolemies
to

again

very

important appointments
VI. (Philopater)
his

were entrusted

them.

Ptolemy

consort Cleopatra " committed the
to

care of their entire

kingdom

the hands of Jews, while

it

was the Jewish generals

Onias

and

Dositheus

that

had
the

command
carrying

of the

whole army." ^^

Another

Cleopatra,

daughter of the two royal personages just mentioned, when

on war

against

her son

Ptolemy Lathurus,

also

appointed two Jewish generals, Chelkias and Ananias, to the

'3'

alii

similis amentiae,

Acts XXV. 10 sqq., 21, xxvi. 32. Pliny, Epist. x. 9G (al 97) quos quia cives Romaui erarit aduotavi
Gtib, Gesch. des röm.
Criminalprocesses, p. 251.

:

Fuerunt

iu

urbom
tlie

remitteudos.

AVicseler,

Chronol. des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 383 sqq.

(who iiowever confounds
Staatsrecht,
ii.

claim put in by Paul with the appellatio proper).
der Aposttlgesch. p. 429 sq.
p.

Overbeck, Erklärung
1 (1874),

Mommsen, Römisches
See,

245.

That Roman

citizens could insist

on the procedure

in question as

a right is not perfectly certain. Ruprechts just published.
^^^
^^^

on the other hand, a monograph of

Joseph. Apion.

ii.

4.
Is

Apion.
T'/iv

ii.

5: "O

^t'Kafi-^-oip

TIto'Ksukio; kxI

i)

ywn

»vtov

K\io-

Trürpoi

ßctaiT^iiau

t'KrtV

t%v iuinoiu

IcvOocioi; iTrtoTivaxi/,
'

Kcci

oTpxr/i'/oi

notary

TY.i Ivuxf'.iu; r,a:/.u

Unix; kxI Soaiözo;

lov^xioi.

280
chief

§ 31.

JUDAISM IX THE DISPERSION'.

period

command of her army.-"" Likewise in the Eoman many wealthy Jews were still fuund to be playing a
life

prominent part in public

in Alexandria.

In particular we

happen
collector

to

know

tliat

the ofiice of alaharcli, probably chief

of customs

on the Arabian side of the Nile, was

repeatedly held by wealthy Jews, as for example by Alexander
tlie

brother of Philo the Philosopher, and later on by a certain

person called Demetrius.""^

informs

us

that

the

With reference to Romans had allowed

this

Josephus

the
tliat

Jews

of

Alexandria

" to retain

the responsible position

had been

entrusted to them by the kings, namely the duty of watching
"^^^

Antt.

xiii.

10. 4, xiii. 1-2.

Chelkias and Ananias were sons of
xix.

tlie

liigh priest
-"^

üuias lY., •who built the temple at Lcontopolis. Alexander the brother of Philo, Antt. xviii. 6. 3,
Demetrius, Antt. xx.
7. 3.

8.

1,

5.

1,

XX. 5. 2.

On

the office of alabarcli, comp,

my

article in the Zeitsclir. earlier literature is

für

wissenscTiaftl. Theol. 1875, pp.

13-40, where the

a<lded

to

the

list,

Since that was written there fall to be Grätz, Die jwllsclien Ethuarchen oder Alaharchcn in
also given.

Alexandria (^Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wissensch. des Jndenlh. 1876, pp. 209 sqq., 241 sqq., 308 sqq.), who, while in essential points accepting my results, has nevertheless overlaid them with all manner of confusions.

two alabarchs mentioned by Josephus happen to have been wealthy the alabarch to have been the president of the whole Jewish community in Alexandria, and have therefore identified him with the Jewish ethnarch. But there is not the slightest warrant for this. I rather incline to think that I have shown to a demonstration that the d'Mx.ßöi.pxyig (^Edict. Just. xi. 2-3; Palladas, Anthol. graec, ed. Jacobs, a coin in Mionnet's Descripvol. iii. p. 121 Corp. Iiiscr. Grace, n. 4267

As

the

Jews,

many have supposed

;

;

379) is identical with the dpccßüpx'fts {Corp. Inscr. Graec. n. 4751, 5075; Cod. Just. iv. 61. 9; Cicero, ad Atticuni, ii. 17 Juvenal, i. 130), and is the de.'^ignation given U) the chief collector of customs on the Arabian side of the Nile. See in particular
tion de medailles antiques, Suppl. vol. vi. p.
;

61. 9 (edict of the Euq^erors Gratian, Valentinian and Usurpationem totius Lcentiae summovemus circa vectigal Araharchiae per Aegyptum atque Augustamnicam constitutum, nihilque super transductionem animalium, quae sine praebitione solita minime
(.'od.

Just.

iv.
:

Theodosius)

licrinittenda est, temeritate per licentiam vindicari concedimus.
(lilEculty in the

The only

way

is

that with regard to the inscription 4267 of Co7p.
;

Inscr. Graec. found in Lycia and the coin of Teos (wliich I have not taken account of in my article). But in both instances the title may have becu imported from Egypt.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

281

the river." the

'°^

There was a distinguished Alexandrian Jew of
Alexander, a son
of

name

of Tiberius

Alexander the
of the highest

alabarch just mentioned,
positions in the

who even

rose to

some

Eoman
in

army, though at the

sacrifice of the

religion of his fathers,'^"^

No

doubt the Jews had grown to be
in

an influential element

society even

Eome

itself.

Eut

here they never succeeded in gaining the position they had
attained in Egypt, the contrast between the

Eoman and Jewish

natures being too strong and abrupt for

that."'"^

4. Their Religious Life.

The constant contact
development as
their wealth
well.

of

the

Judaism
fail

of

the

dispersion

with Gentile culture could not

to

influence its internal

Above

all,

in those places where,

from

and

social standing, the

Jews were
the

in a position

to avail themselves of the educative

agencies of their time

as

in

Alexandria in particular

— did

Judaism of the
not only

dispersion follow a direction essentially different from that of
Palestine.

In the dispersion the cultured

Jew was

a

Jew, but a Greek as well, alike in respect of language,
^''^

Apion.

ii.

b,ßn.

:

JIaximam vero

eis

fidem olim a regibus datam con-

Rorvare voluerunt, id est fluniinis custodiam totiusque custodiae,

nequaquam

Ms

rebus iiidignos esse judicantes.

The words

totiusque custodiae ai'e in
(

any case a corruption.
lead
Bu.'hii.aav^;.

Perhaps instead of custodiae

= (Jt/X«>c-<j) we should
Bell. Alexandr.

By

custodia

we

are r.aturally to tinderstand the watching

with a view to the collecting of the customs.
c. xiii.
:

Comp. Caesar,

Erant omnibus ostiis Nili custodiae exigeudi portorii causa dispositae. Naves veteres erant in occultis regiae iiavalibus, quibus midtis
annis ad navigandum non erant
2"^ Antt.
usi.

XX.

5.

2

:

to?? yoip

vocTpiot;

oiix,

ivi[yt.iiui:t

oZto;

td-aiv.

On

Tiberius Alexander, comp. § 19, above.

Perhaps we may be allowed only further to add, that among tlie Jews crucified by Florus in Jerusalem in the year G6 a.D. there were also some who held the rank of Roman lirifjhthood {Bell. Jud. ii. 14. It).
20*

who were

Their execution
their rights.

is

justly described

by Josephus as a serious vioLtion

of

282
educatiüii,

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPEUSION". and by the
slieer force of

and

habits,

circumstances

he was impelled to find ways and means of harmonizing and

combining Jewish and Hellenistic idiosyncrasies
this

(for

more on

point

see

§

33 and

34).

But

strictly

speaking this

can only be said with regard to the more highly educated

among them, while even
original
Tliis latter

in

their

case

it

was always the

Jewish element of their character that predominated.

was

true, in a still higher degree, of the great nia.s3

of the

Jewish people.

However much
lax
their

those of the dispersion

may have

adopted the Greek language as their vernacular,

however defective

and

observance

of

the

law

might have seemed in the eyes of the Pharisees, however

much

they

may have

given up as unimportant what to the
still

Pharisee appeared both essential and necessary,

in

the

depths of their heart they were Jews notwithstanding, and
felt

themselves to be in

all essential respects in

unison with

their brethren in Palestine.

One

of the principal

means employed

for preserving

and
of

upholding the faith of their fathers among the communities

the dispersion was the regular meetings for worship in the

synagogues on the Sabbath.
the dispersion as well those

There cannot be a doubt that in
meetings took place wherever
to
exist.

an organized community of Jews v/as found

We

learn from Philo that " in all the towns thousands of houses
of instruction

were
and

open where
justice

discernment
all

and

modera-

tion

and

skill

and

virtues

generally

were

taught."^""

In the course of his travels through Asia Minor

and Greece the Apostle Paul everywhere met with Jewish
synagogues
;

as for

example in Antioch of Pisidia (Acts
xiv.
1),

xiii.

14), Iconium (Acts

Epliesus
(xvii.

(xviii.

19, 20, xix. 8),
(xvii. 17),

Thessalonica

(xvii. 1),

Berea

10),

Athens

Corinth
2oa

(xviii. 4, 7).

Josephus mentions synagogues as being
(Mang.
ii.

Philo,

De

septenario, c. vi.
itself,

282 = Tischendorf, Philonea,

p.

23).

Fur the passage

see note 113, § 27, above.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN TUE DISPEKSIOK,
coast.^""

283
Jewish
in

in

Caesarea

and Dora on the Phoenician
are

'irpo<Tev)(ai

met
in

with
those

even

upon

inscriptions

the

Crimea.^'''

Then

towns in which the Jews were
Thi.s

rather

more numerous there were several synagogues.

was

so in the case of
xiii, 5),

Damascus (Acts

ix.

20), of Salamis in

Cyprus (Acts
multitude of

while in Alexandria there was quite a

them.^*^'

Joaephus singles out as being particu{i.e.

larly elegant the

synagogue at Antioch

the chief synagogue

there,

for

in

any case there was a considerable number of

them

in that

town

as well).

To

this latter the successors of

Antiochus Epiphanes had presented the sacred vessels of brass
(and these alone, not the valuable gold and silver ones) which

Antiochus had carried
the

off

from the temple at Jerusalem, while

Jews

of

Antioch

themselves

were

at

the

expense of
still

providing cups of a more valuable kind in order

more

to

enhance the beauty of their sanctuary (to lepöv)^^
there was a large

In

Eomo

number

of synagogues as early as the time

of Augustus, as Philo testifies throughout his works generally.

Further, the

names

of the various syuagogal

communities have

been handed down to us through the medium of the inscriptions.
''^°

Consequently wherever Jews were found

to

be living,

there

the

law and the prophets were read and expounded

every Sabbath

and the

religious

ordinances observed.
ride,

The

language emploTjed in public worship was, as a
the Greeh^^^

undoubtedly

The truth
Jud.
ii.

is

Hebrew was

so little current
6.

amou"

2»« Caesarea, Bell.

14. 4-5.
ii.

Dora, Antt. xix.

.*?.

2W Corp.
^"8

1004 ?q. Addenda, Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 20 (Maug. ii. 565)
Inscr. Grace, vol.
p.
:

n.

2114b, 2114bb.
Ii

ci-oAX«/

mt

Kxff

^09 Bell.

Jud.

vii. 3. 3.

210 Philo,
itself,

Legat,

ad Cajum,

§ 23 (Mang.

ii.

see note 133, above.

On

the various

668 sq.). For the passage names of the synagogal com-

munities of Rome, see above,
2^^

On

hebr. in

p. 247 sq. and as partly pro and partly contra, comp. Lightfoot, Ilorao Epis. I. ad Corinthios, Addenda ad Cap. xiv. {^('pp. ii. 93.)-940 he

this

;

questions the use of the Suptuagiut in the public services),

llody,

De

28-4

§

;il.

JUDAISM

IN

THE

DISrEIJSIOX.

tlie

Jews

of

the dispersion
its

that not

a

single

instance

has

been met with of

use upon a tombstone.

At

all

events
first

the inscriptions in the

Roman

catacombs (dating from the

centuries of our era) are composed almost exclusively in Greek
(»r

Latin (the latter less frequently), or at most with short

postscripts in

Hebrew.

It is

not

till

we come down

to the

epitaphs of Venosa (dating from somewhere about the sixth

century of our era) that
gradually into
use."''

how Hebrew But among these too
we
see

begins to come
it is

Greek or

Latin that

is still

most frequently met with.

H even for such
much
less

monumental purposes Hebrew was not
likely is
it

in use, then

to

have been so in the oral addresses at the meetworship.

ings

for

public

The Eablnnical

authorities

in

Palestine have expressly sanctioned the use of

any language

whatever in repeating the Sliemah, the Shemoneh Esreh, and
the grace at meals
;

while

it is

only in the case of the priestly

benediction, and a few special passages of Scripture, such as
tlie

formula repeated in connection with the offering of the

firstlings

and with the chaliza

that the use of

Hebrew

is

absolutely insisted upon.^^^

A

certain E. Levi bar Chaitha
in

once

heard

the

Shemali

repeated
of

Greek

(priD'^rbK)

in

Caesarea.^*^

Then the writing
case of several

the

Holy Scriptures

in

Greek
only

is

expressly sanctioned, while here too, as before,

it is

in

the

passages composed for certain

specific purposes,

such as the tephillin and mesusoth, that the
224-228
(in

Bihliorum textihus originallbus, pp.
Diodati,

De

Christo graece loqnenle (Neapoli 17G7), pp. 108-110.
i.

answer to Lightfoot). Waehner,

Anliquitatcs Ebraeorum,
p.

§ 253.

Fraukel, Vorstudien zu der Septuaginta,

56 sqq. Caspari, Quellen zur Geschichte des Tavfsyvihols, iii. p. 269 sq. 212 This is a circumstance to wliicli Askoli in particular {Inscrizioni Comp, my review iu the Theol. Litztg. incdite, 1880) has drawn attention.
1880, p. 485 sq. 213 Mishna Sota,
21*
vii. 1. 2.

Comp.

vol.

i.

p. 10.

Jer.

Sota,
col.

vii.

fol.

21b.

See the passage for example
Lightfoot, 0pp.
ii.

in Buxtorf's

Lrx.

Chald.

104 (under pnD'r^iX)i.

937.

I evy.

Aeuhebr. Wörterh.

88.

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN TUE DISPERSION.
insisted on.^"

285

use of
or

Hebrew

is

If therefore, in oral address

written

compositions, the use of

Hebrew was
it

obligatory-

only in the case of certain passages, then one should say that,
according
to

the

Eabbinical view,

must

also

have been

considered legitimate to read the Scriptures at the meetings
for

public

worship in some other language, say in Greek.
distinctly assured us that, as

But several of the Fathers have
matter of
fact, it

was the Greek translation of the Bible that
synagogues, and
it is

was used in the
worship.*^^

therefore

during

public

At
was

the same time

quite possible that on such

occasions the Scriptures were read in

Hebrew
in

as well as in

Greek, as

subsequently the

case

the

time of the

Emperor
for

Justinian.^^^

But

if

we

reflect

how

the Apostle Paul

example was familiar only with the Greek translation of

the Old Testament,^^"
21"

we can hardly suppose

it

probable that
tephillin or

Merj'dla

i.

8: "Between the Holy Scriptures and the

mesusoth the only difference is this, that the former may be written in any language, whereas the tephillin and mesusoth must be written in Assyrian (nmcx, ?-e. in Hebrew square characters). Rabban Simon ben Gamaliel
says: likewise the Holy Scriptures are allowed
to

be written only

in

Greek."
^^^ Justin.

Apolog.

i.

31

:

'if^itvav

ct'i

ßiß'hoi

kxI

'zrccp'

Alyvinloi; f^ixst
ducf/rjuoKOVTis

rou Oivpo, x,«l

-TzoiUTOiYfii)

impoi, TrScaiv ilaiv

'lovQccict;,

oi

x.ct\

ov avuiSiai rot iipmyJi'».

Apologet,

c. xviii.

:

Comp, also Dial. c. Tryph. c. Ixxii. Tertullian, Hodie apud Serapeura Ptolemaei bibliothecae cum ipsis
Sed
et Judaci

Hebraicis
libertas;

litteris

exhibentur.

palam

lectitant.

Vectigalis

vulgo aditur sabbatis omnibus.
c. xiii.
:

Pseudo-Justin. Cohort, ad Grace.
. . .

(third century A.D.)
ciiXhd.

E/

3s rt; (pxaaoi

y.'/i

ijuiy

t«j ßiß'hovg rxv-ag
otvTuv
d^ioiy.sv

^lovoxiot;

-TrpoaviKStv,

Oix to

irt

x.oe.1

uvu iv

T*ig avuw/w/otig

(rü^iddcci x,.T.'K.

Ibid.:

cctto

t^j

tojj/

'lovo^iai/

avvecyw/'/ji rxvrctg

In all those passages the Greek translation of the Old ':rpoKoui'^sodcii. Testament is expressly referred to. On the keeping of the Holy Scriptures in safe custody in the synagogues, see above, p. 74 sq. ^" Justinian, Novell, cxlvi., where the emperor states in the preamble that he has heard ü; oi ,uiv /xovr,; 'ix,0'Jrot,t Ttj; ißpxl'Qüg (Dcoui); kxi xirvj Kixp-?,a6cti
Vipl
•t:

T'/}v

TU'j

itpuv ßiß'Atcdv

duäc/vuitu ßony^üi/rxt,
VO'hVV
iiOYI

oi

§£

Kai

-rviv

'

V.'h'K-/fjiooc

pOO'hol.fAßÜviiV CC^iülKTi, KCcl

)(,p6vO'J

VTip TOVTOU

TTpOg

a^X;

xi/TOVi

arecaiü^ovaiv.
-i**

This has been demonstrated by Kautzsch,
allegatis, Ijips.

De

]'ctci-is

Tcstameiiti locis

a Paulo apontulo

18G9.

28

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

there was any such simultaneous use of both the ITebre^v and
tlie

Greek

text.

Considering liow rigidly Jewish worship was centralized in
Jerusalem, the existence of the Jeioish temple at Lcontopolis

cannot but strike us as a somewhat remarkable phenomenon.

In the time of Antiochus Y. Eupater (164-162
IV., the son of the high priest Onias
III., finding

B.c.),

Onias

that there

was no

pro.spect of his

succeeding to the high-priesthood in
lie

Palestine, caine to

Egypt wliere

was cordially welcomed by

Ptolemy VI. Philometer and his consort Cleopatra.
polis a dilapidated
to

The king

placed at his disposal in Leontopolis in the province of Helio-

temple wliich had previously been dedicated
This ruin Onias proceeded to
defined
in
.

the
21«

a-ypia

Bovßa(7TL<;?^^

The

locality is
'

most

rainiitely
lipo'j

Anit.
. .

xiii.

3.

2

:

to

it
oi

AinvTOTToT^ii Tov
T'/i;

llT^ioTTo'KiT .V

aujü-^i-TTTUKOt:

•!rpoact'yopiuifcivoi>

oiypiccg
is

Bovßtxonu:.
said AjiU.

A similar precise

fixing of the spot
else

may be found
Ileliopolis'''

in

what

xiii. 3. 1.

Everywhere

Josephus merely mention.?

in a general

way

that the temple f<tood "in the province of
10. 4, xx.

10; Bell. Jud. i. 1. 1, vii. 10. 3). In one passage only is it further added that the place ou which it stood was 180 Now as we know from other fctidia froin Memphis {Bell. Jud. viL 10. 3).
(AntL:x.n. 9. 7,
xiii.

than Heliopolis (Strabo,
h.

sources that Lcontopolis formed a province of itself lying more to the north Pliny, v. 9. 49 Ptolemaeus, iv. xvii. 1. 19, p. 802
; ;

51),

it

follows that

tiie

Leontopolis here spoken of must be another one

unknown to us rnd lying in the province of Heliopolis. As affording a clue towards a precise identifying of the spot, the following Memphis stood on the southern point of the facts may be subjoined. To the north of it some 24 miles off and on the eastern side of the Delta.
otherwise
p. 73).

Delta lay Heliopolis (see It'merar. Antoninl, ed. Parthey et Pinder, 1848, The distance as here stated corresponds pretty closely with the But the Itbtcrarhun Antonini stadia = 22^ miles given by Josephus. 180 again mentions a place called Vkus Judacornm at a distance of 22 12 = 34

+

miles to the north-east of Heliopolis (Itincrar. Antonini, ed. Parthey et Pinder, p. 75 the distances as given at p. 73 are somewhat greater on
; ;

One is the situation of the place, see Menke, Atlas a/t^ü/?/«,?, map xxx.). tempted to identify the place here in question with the site of Onias' temple, for it may easily enough have belonged to the province of Heliois further favoured by the circumstance Bubastus being near by. But as this Vicus Judacornm was as far as 24 -f 34 = 58 miles (therefore 4G4 stadia) from Memphis, we are bound to assume that Joseohus must have been oxpresbiiig himself in

jiolis

;

besides this identification

of the province of

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
it

287
tlie

rebuild,

and transformed

into a

Jewish sanctuary after

model of the temple in Jerusalem, though smaller and plainer
and with numerous deviations
there also
at
in regard to details.

Now

as

happened

to be a sullicient number of priests already

hand a regular Jewish temple

service

was

at once instituted,

a service which continued without interruption from that date
(therefore

from somewhere about 160
its

B.C.) till
it

the destruction

of Jerusalem, after which, like

prototype,

was closed by the
of Palestine

liomans (73

a.d.).'^^

Of course the learned doctors
liis

very vague terms, and that
distance between
as

Memphis and
ttie

180 stadia were not meant to represent the the temple of Onias, but merely that
3 runs thus
^iouaiv ctvTu ^Üool'j 'muTov

between Memphis and
it

capital of the province of Ileliopolis (the passage
:

occurs in Bell.
oyoovinoinct,

Jitd. vii. 10.

'nr'i

TOi;

araoiov;

d7ri)(^ovuee-v IMtj£t<pr<yf*

vouoi

o"

outo;

ll'^.iovTro'Kiryi;

Onias" (sj 'Ov/oi/ "Kiyoi^ivn x^>P'*)i which was mentioned in Antt. xiv. 8. l=BeU. Jud. i. 9. 4, and that as lying between Pelusium and Memphis, which accords Avith the foregoing statements. Different from this again is the " so-called camp of the Jews," to ko.'Kov^ivüv 'loviuiuv ct pctrövi^ov, Antt. xiv. 8. 2 = Ptell. Jud. i. 9. 4, on the otlier side of the Delta and to the north-west of Memphis (the army of Mithridates and Antipater in hastening to the assistance of Caesar marched from Pelusium through the "land of Onias" on to Memphis and thence round the Delta to the " Jews' camp "). Jjastly,
Ku'hurxi).
of

The "land
is

inhabited by Jews,

likewi.se

in the Nutitia

Dignitatum Orientis, chap. xxv. (ed. Booking,

i.

60), a Castra

Judacorvm is mentioned as being in the province of Augustamnica. Kow as Augustamnica is the land to the east of the Delta (see my article on the
alabarchs in the
Zeilschr. f. wissenscha/tl. Theol. 1875, pp. 20-28), this Castro Judaeorum must therefore be identical with the Vicus Judaeorum. Comp, in general, Pauly's Real-Enc. iv.354 (article "Judaeorum Vicus"),

where however the Judaeorum Vicus
220

is

erroneously represented as standing
1-3, 10. 4, xx. 10

to the south-east instead of to the north-east of Ileliopolis.

See
i.

in general,
1,
vii.

Joseph.
2—4.

Aiitt. xii. 9. 7, xiii. 3.

;

Bell.

Jud.

1.

10.

Cassel,

De

templo Oniae Ileliopolitano, Brem.
a7iti(juitatihus sacris et

1730

(also in Dissertatlonum

variorum de

profanis

fasciculus novus, ed. Schlaegcr, 1743, pp. 1-48). Herzfcld, iii. pp. 460 sqq., f)57-564. Jost, i. pp. 116-120. Grätz, iii. 3rd ed. p. 33 sq. Ewald, iv. p.

462 sqq. Wieseler, Chromd. des apostol. Zeitalters, p. 498 sqq. Untersuchung idler den Ilebräerhrief, ü. 75 sqq. Stud. u. Krit. 1867, p. 065 sqq. Frankel, l'Äniges zur Forschung üher den Onias-Tcmpel {Monalsschr. für Gesch. und
Wissensch. des Judenth. 1851-52, pp. 273-277). Jastrow, Einiges über den Hohenpriester Onias IV. in Aegijpten und die Gründung des tempels zu
Ileliopolis (^Monalsschr. 1872, i>p.

150-155).

Lucius, l)er Kssenismus, pp.

288

§ öl.

JUDAISM IN TUE DISPERSION.

nevLT looked upon the services of this temple as legitimate
worship, nor did they recognise the sacrifices offered in
it

as valid

except to a very limited extent.^^^

But even the Egyptian Jews

themselves were not satisfied merely with the worship in their

adopted country, but
salem.

still

kept up their connection with Jeruother Jews they

In

common with

all

made pilgrimages
Holy
City.''

to Jerusalem,^" while their priests

on getting married always

had their
In

wife's pedigree authenticated in the

common with

the

law

generally,

the

prescriptions

regarding the temple tribute and the pilgrimages to Jerusalem

on

festival occasions

were as

far

as possible complied

with

by the Jews
ing
of

of the

dispersion.

This was particularly the

case with respect to the tribute.

Apropos of the plunderremarks
that
it

the

temple by Crassus, Josephus
at that

was not to be wondered

such a large amount of

treasure should have accumulated there, for from an early date

82-86.

Enc. part

Hamburger, IkalT.'s, § 488. " Oniagtempel." 221 Mislina, Menachoth xiii. 10: "When any one vows to offer a burntIf he did so in the temple of Oniaa offering, he must offer it in the temple. he would not fulfil his duty. If he said: I wish to offer it in the temple But if he di<l of Onias, be is bound nevertheless to offer it in the temple. E. Simon says that so in the temple of Onias, still he would fulfil his duty. would not be in the least a burnt-offering. If any one vows to be a Nazarite he must shave off his hair in the temple, and if he were to do it
Keuss, Gesch. der heil Schriften A.
ii.

art.

in the temple of Onias he

would not be

fulfilling his duty.

If

he made the

vow on

was to take place in the temple of Onias, he is nevertheless bound to have it done in that temple. But if he did it in the temple of Onias it would be sufficient. R. Simon he would not be a Nazarite. The priests who have ministered in the temple of
the condition that the shaving of the hair
:

Tliey Onias are not at liberty to minister in the temple at Jerusalem. are like those with some bodily defect they get their portions and partake lu the of the offerings, but they are not to be allowed to sacrifice." common printed text the name of Onias is written VJin (Chonjo). Two of the best authorities, cod. de Rossi 138, and the Cambridge manuscript edited
. . . ;

by Lowe, 1883, uniformly read instead p"'3"in3 (Nechonjon). 222 Philo, De Providentia, quoted by Euseb. in Praep. evang. viii. 16. 64, ed. Gaisford (= Phil.mis 0pp. ed. Mang. ii. 646); and in Armenian in
Aucher's Philonis Jndaei scrmones
tres, p.

110.

^^3

Apion.

i.

7.

§

:il.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
proselyte

289
world,
to in

every

Jew and every
Asia

throughout the

Europe and
temple."*

alike,

had

been

paying

tribute

the

Philo gives us the following details as to the

way
to

in which the temple tribute

was collected and remitted
of

Jerusalem:"*

"The revenue

the temple
fioni

is

derived

not

merely from a few lands, but

other

and much more
Because as
sources

copious sources which can never be destroyed.

long as the

human

race endures so long will the

of the temple revenue continue to exist, seeing that they will
last

as long as the

world

itself.

For

it

is is

prescribed that
to

every

Jew who

is

over twenty years of age
.
. .

pay so much

tribute annually.
of so
large.

But

as

might be expected in the case
is

numerous a people, the amount thus contributed
In almost every town
there is

very

an

office

for
is

the

collection

of the sacred funds and into which the tribute
at particular seasons these

paid.

Then
For

funds are entrusted
to

to

men of good

standing whose duty
this purpose
it

it is

convey them

to

Jerusalem.

is

always those of the highest rank that are
is

chosen, as
Israelite's

a

kind of guarantee that that which

every
with."

hope

may

reach the

Holy City untampered

That the withdrawal of those sums from the Roman provinces

was frequently objected
mention.

to

we have already had

occasion to

Flaccus

for

example had ordered the sums thus

collected in

Apamea, Laodicea, Adramyttium, and Tergamum

to be confiscated.

the withdrawal of

From the time of Caesar onwards however this money has everywhere been sanctioned,
no
less

even from
"^^
if DU,

Eome
7.

itself^^^
:

than from Asia Minor"' and
u
roaoZro;
ij»

Antt, xiv.

2

Suvtiocatj Ss f^viOzi;
tvjv

'ü'KwTOi tv

ru ^fttrip^
dtöu,

vetmuu tuu kxtx
d-TTO rii;
xf"^"'^»-

oiKovfiifriv ^lovhetiuv
f/j

kuI aißof^tuav riu

in

ot

KUI ruv

'Aa/osj xai t^j 'EüpÜTT/j;

xi/TO avf^i^ioo'jrav Ik "TsoKKuy

Tctw

On

the question as to what items of tribute had to be paid by

the Je\v3 of the dispersion, see vol.

i. p. 247. 225 Philo, De monarchia, book ii. § 3 (Mang. ii. 224). 226 Philo, Legat, ad Cajum, § 23 (Mang. ii. 568 sq.)227 Antt. xvi. 6. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7. Philo, Le<jat. ad Cajum,

§

40 (Mang.

ii.

692).

DIV. U. VOL. IL

T

290

§ ni.

JUDAIi^M IX

THE dispeksion.

Cyrenaica,"" aiul of course from Egypt also, as wc have seen

from the words of Philo already quoted.
quarter from which the

But there was no
abundantly as from

money poured

in so

Babylon and the

districts

beyond the Euphrates.
which in the
.

Here the

system of collecting and remitting was of a thoroughly organized
kind.
tribute
fxara)

The head

offices

into

first

instance the

(namely to re BtSpa-^nov

.

.

koX iTrocra

aXka

ava6r)-

was paid were in the two
at a particular date they

cities of Nisibis

and Nehardea.

Then
this

were conveyed from these places

to Jerusalem,

many
as
to

thousands of people being entrusted with
secure
the

task

so

sacred

treasury

against

the

attacks of the Parthian bandits.^^''

After the destruction of
to

the
at

temple
least

the

sacred tribute

had necessarily

undergo

some modification or

other.

The

didrachmon was

converted into a

Roman

tax,

while the other items of tribute

could from the nature of the case be no longer payable (comp.

§24,

notes

95 and 109).

But even

in

the altered state

of things the

Jews continued

to evince their internal

union by
central
this

imposing a voluntary tax upon themselves.
authority, viz. the
patriarchate,

A

new
to

was

created,

and

a

portion at least of the sacred tribute required
Virus

by

their

law

handed over year by

year.

Under

this

new arrangement
sent

the

money was
p.

collected

by individuals

out by the
apostoli
(see

patriarchate

for the

piurpose, viz. the

so-called

above,

269).
that contributed so

But there was nothing
country as the
regular

much

to

cement

the bond of union between the dispersion and the

mother

pilgrimages

which

quarters of the world were in the habit of

Jews from all making to Jeruof

salem on festival occasions.

"

Many
made

thousands

people
to

from

many thousands
Ann.

of

towns

pilgrimages

the

-28 Antt. xvi. 6. 5.
-2»

xviii. 9. 1.

Comp.

Pliilo, Lcrjat.

ad Cnjum,

§

31 (Mang.

ii.

578).

Shekalim

iii.

4 (the didraclimae tax from IJab^luii aud Media).

§ 31.

JUDAISM
festival,

IN

THE DISPERSION.
laud,

291
sea,

temple at
south." ^^°
in

every

some by

some by

ami

coming from the

east

and the west, from the north and the
of

The number

Jews that were usually assembled
feasts has

Jerusalem at the time of the

been estimated by

Josephus at as high a figure as 2,700,000, the inhabitants of
Jerusalem beins of course included.^^^

5.

The

Proselytes.

As forming an
the

essential

element in the physiognomy of

Judaism

of the dispersion, of

numerous body
themselves to the

we must also mention that who in every quarter joined Jewish communities and were known under
adherents
it

the designation oi proselytes.

On

a mere cursory glance

seems strange that Jewish
all

propagandism should have been at
like success

crowned with anything
tlie

among

Gentile populations, for

feeling on the

part of the Graeco-Roman ivorld tou-ard the Jews was by no

means of a sympathetic
how, in the
regarded with disfavour,

character.

We

have already seen

Hellenistic towns, the

Jews were everywhere

how
the

not only the mass of the people

but the autliorities tliemselves
interfere

with

them

in

free

religion (see above, pp.
230 piiiioj

260
book
Old.

sq.,

made repeated attempts to observance of their own 275 sq.). Again, the opinions
(Mang.
Ss
Otx.
ii.

Dc

nioiiarchia,

ii.

§ 1
oi

223)

:

Mvp/ot y«p äz-o
i^ dua.TO'h^; Kotl

fivpluv oaav "TroKiuv oi yJu
ovasoi;
Keel

yij;,

oxhoLTTvi;,

£px,rov kxI /nia/iy-ßpia;, ku.S' SKÜori/iv iopTViv

li;

ro hpöv

x.ce.rui-

povaiv.

Ou

the pilgrimages from
viz.

already quoted,

Antt. xviii. 9.

Babylon, comp, besides the paspago Mishna, Joma 1, also Antl. xvii. 2. 2.
tliis in

vL 4

;

Taauith

i.

3.

^^^ Bill.

Jud.

vi. 9. 3.

Comp. Giätz on

the Monatsschr.filr Gesch.

und Wissensch. des Judcnth. 1871, pp. 20Ü-2Ü7. The passage in Acts ii. 9-11 does not apply here, for according to ii. 5 it is not the festival pilgrims that are in view there, but foreign Jews wlio had tlieir stauitl
residence iu Jerusaleui.

292

§ 31.

JL'DAISM IN THE DISPERSION.

expressed regarding
lor
tlie

than in Greek and
of

Roman

literature

are

most part
of the

a

liiglily disparagini,^

kind."^

By

the

majority
religion

educated people of that time the Jewish

was looked upon as a haihara superst it io.^^^

Men

did

not hesitate to believe and circulate against them the most
ridiculous and most abominable stories, stories that liad been
liatched above all

by the

literati of

Alexandria.

Many

of the

wretched allegations in question were of course due only to
ignorance and not to malevolence.
It

was

so for

example when

some inferred from the appellation Judaei that they belonged
originally to Crete

and derived their name from Mount

Ida,^"*

or

when

others, in consequence of the

famous golden vine

in

"^^^ Oil this comp. Meier (Fr. Carol), Judalca seu vctcrum scriplorum profannrum de rebus Judaici.s fragmenta, Joiiae 1832. Schniitthenner (Ciir. J.), De rebus Judaicis quatcunquc prodidcrunt ethnici scriptorcs Gratci ct

Weilburg 1844. Gieseler, Kirchcngesch. (4th ed.) i, 1. 50-52. Miillor (J. G.), Kritische ifntersuchuvg i. G38 sq., note. der taciteischen Bericlite über den Ursprung der Judev, Hist. v. 2 sqq. (Stud. Frankel, jMonatsschr.fur Gesch. und Wi.'<sensch. 11. Krit. 1843, pp. 893-958). Giles, Ibid. 1860, pp. 125-142. des Judenihums, 1856, pp. 81-94.
Latini,

Winer, Realwörtb.

Heathen Records to the Jewish Scripture Hii<tory ; containing all the extracts from the Greek and Latin writers in which the Jews and Chri.ttians are Goldschmidt, De Judaeorum apud liomanos connameel, IiOii<loii 1856. Gösser, Die Berichte des classi.^ichen Alterthums dicione, Halis Sax. 1866.
über die Religion der Juden {Tub. Thiol. Qnnrtalschr. 1808, pp. 56.5-637). Friedländer, llausrath, Zeitgesch. 2ih1 ed. i. pjj. 149-156, iii. pp. 383-392.

Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms, iii. 1 87 1 pp. 5 1 3-515. Scheuffgen, (Jude Romanorum de Judaeis opininues coiijlalae sint, Köln 1870, Program
,

Gill, Notices of the Jews for the Rheinische Ritter- Akademie of Bedburg. and their Country by the cte.stc writers of antiquity, 2nd ed. London 1872.

Geiger (Ludov.), Quid de Judaeorum moribus atqiie institutis scriptoribits Pumanis persuasum fuerit, Berol. 1872. Grätz, Ursprung eler zwei VerlaumdwKfen (je(jen elas Judenthum vom Eselskultus und von der Lieblosigkeit gegen
Andersgläubige {Monatsschr. für Gesch. und Wisscnsch. des Judcnth. 1872, Rösch, Caput asinijium (Stud. u. Krit. 1882, pp. 523-544). pp. 193-206). Hcliubl, Les preventions des Romains coutre la religion juive, Paris 1883,
Diirlaeher.

(Revue dts etudes juives,
233
23* Tacit. Hist. v. 2.

d Rome devant Vapinion and Cicero, Pro Flacco, chap. xxvüL
Hild, Les juifs
vol. viii. 1834, pp. 1-37,

et

dans la litterature

sequel).

§ 31.

JUDAISM IX THE DISPERSION".

293

tlie

temple '^'^ and certain observances at the feast of Taber-

nacles,

were betra^^ed into supposing that they worshipped
M'liich there is

Bacchus, a view about
discussion in

a

somewhat protracted
it

Tlutarch,''^""^
:

while Tacitus scouts

by simply

remarking that

Liber festos laetosque ritus posuit,

Judaeorum
for the

mos absurdus

sordid usque.'"

But the majority

of the things

alleged against the

Jews were wicked slanders which
all

most part owed their origin

to the prolific soil of Alexandria.

AVe find that the exodus from Egypt above
course of time, been

had, in the

worked up

into

a complete romance.
laid

The foundation
Alexandrian

of this

had been already
after

by

i\Ianetho (or

an interpolator), and,
literati

being further developed by the
it

Charemon, Lysimachus, Apion,

was

taken up by Tacitus and Justin and retailed with sundry
alterations

and

additions."'^*

The substance

of

this

story

is

that a

number

of persons suffering from

leprosy had

been

expelled from
called

tlie

country by an Egyptian king

Amenophis and sometimes Bocchoris
to be

— and

—sometimes
sent to the
there
of Mohcs

stone quarries or into the wilderness.

Among them
name

happened
(whose
This

a priest of Heliopolis of the

real

name,

according

to

Manetho, was
lepers
to

Osarsiph).

Moses
he

prevailed

upon the

renounce

the

worship of the gods of Egypt and to adopt a new religion

which
quitted

offered

them.

Under
after

his

leadership
vicissitudes
acts

they then

the country,
of

and

many

and

the

perpetration
district

numerous disgraceful

they reached the

around Jerusalem, which they proceeded to subdue
of.

and take permanent possession
with which
235

To the various

incidents

this

exodus was accompanied, Tacitus has
iii.

no
.5.

Mishna, Mvhioth
Plutarch, Sympns.

8.

Joseph. AtiIL xv. 11.3;
2'''

Bell.

Jud.

v.

4.

Tacitus, Hist. v. 5.
-3C 22^
ibid.
iv.
.5.

Tacitus,

IJi.it.

v. ö.
;

Mauetho
ii.

in Joseph, contra Apion.
J7i.<>t.

i.

26

;

Cliäremon,

iliifl. i.

82

Apion,
literary

2.

Tacitus,

v. 3.

Justin, xxxvi. 2.

For more on

tlie

LLstory, see below, §

'o6.

294

§ 31.

JUDAISM IN THE DISPERSION.
origin of pretty nearly all
tlic

difficulty in tracing the

lialiita

and usages of the Jews, whether of those that are real or of
those
that are

only imputed.

Apion the grammarian had

already maintained that the Jews were in the habit of paying
divine honou