The Independencia Efimera of 1821, and the Haitian Invasion of Santo Domingo 1822 : A Case of Pre-emptive Independence

Author(s): PATRICK BRYAN Reviewed work(s): Source: Caribbean Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 3/4 (September-December 1995), pp. 15-29 Published by: University of the West Indies and Caribbean Quarterly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40653940 . Accessed: 22/06/2012 00:56
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of the West Indies and Caribbean Quarterly are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Caribbean Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

15

The Independência Efimeraof 1821, and the HaitianInvasion of Santo Domingo 1822 : A Case of Pre-emptive Independence by PATRICK BRYAN

Yesterday at dawn we were surprisedat the gates of the citynot havingbeen and shortly afterseveral patrolson horseback, withdrawn opened as customary, the streets,directing theircourse to the sabres, were observed passing through took possession of, and carried the house, whichthey immediately government to of Governorprisoner Maison a Force. On the rising the sun, the tricoloured flag a salute fired from theforts, all was hoisted,and taken theyhavingbeen previously the possession of,without least resistance.Several partiesoftroopson horseback the streets withloud cries of Viva Colombia! Viva la Indeafterwards patrolled pendência! Viva la Pátria!etc. Jago la Vega Gazette - Dec. 15, 1821 in Letter signed by "Friend" St. Domingo. Dec. 2, 1821. On November30, 1821 , Jose Nunez de Caceres, a Dominicancréole who held high officeunder the Spanish administration he was Auditorde Guerra and Asesor General as well as Rector of the University declared independentthe Spanish half of Hispaniola. He called it Spanish Haiti. In the same move he established RepublicofSpanish Haytiattachedto Gran Colomdeclared the newly the newlyestablished RepublicofSimon Bolivar. bia, In 1795 Spain bytheTreatyofBasle had surrendered Santo Domingoto France whichan elite whichclaimedto be too hispanophile live underFrenchrule to upon from Santo Domingoto the otherSpanish Caribbean territories Puerto of migrated Rico and Cuba. Probablymoreimportant their than was thefactthat hispanophilsm France had abolished the systemofAfrican Saint Dominslaveryin neighbouring and Spanish action in 1795 brought intoquestion the new society whichhad gue at In been emerging the end oftheeighteenth century. 1801 Toussaint L'Ouverture invaded the 'Spanish province' in the name of France, abolished slavery, and

16
on removedthe old Spanish restrictions commerce by throwing open the portsof and the UnitedStates.1 As itturnedout Santo Domingoto tradewithGreat Britain to Toussaint's inclination use coercive measures to supply planterswithlabour since made his brief acceptable - butonlypartly, sojournin Santo Domingopartly the Toussaint regimeenvisaged a regimeof at least racial equality.When Tousfrom Santo Domingoto face Le Clerc across the borderFrench rule saint retired continuedinSanto DomingounderGeneral Ferrand.In 1809 the Dominicans,with the full Napoleon who had invadedthe Iberian cooperationfrom British at warwith - expelled the French, and invitedSpain to resume control of the peninsula 1821 Spanish rule- Espana Boba - was restored. province.For twelveyears, until In 1821 Nunez de Caceres's movementagain terminated Spanish rule. Precisely Santo Domingo- Spanish Hayti- was invaded and and ninedays later, twomonths 1844. What is interoccupied by Boyer's troops,an occupationwhichlasted until - the name givento Nunez de Caceres's estingabout the Independência Efimera twelve to independence - is not so muchthatSpain who had been invited return beforewas expelled, as thathavingdeclared independence the Dominicans years movement should have in one swift appeared to have negated it.But the declarasome considerationsince Santo Domingo was tionof independence is also worth to to 1821 the onlyone ofthe Spanish Caribbean territories have declared and up - ifonlyfor two monthsand ninedays. maintained independence successfully This paper then really begins withtwo questions - why the declaration of nonindependence and whythe deliberatedecision to declare it,simultaneously, conclusion with thanwitha firm rather existent.The paper ends witha hypothesis the to Dominicanmotivation. Certainly, independence efimerais in many respect has and Dominicanhistoriography focused myth respects shrouded in nationalist whichfollowedthe Independence Efimera.The far more on the Haitian invasion of independênciaefimeracan best be understoodas a culmination developments in Santo Domingo and Haiti,set in motionsince the latterhalfof the eighteenth century. the In the latterhalfof the eighteenth century, colony of Santo Domingo had the of some significance.Firstly, expansion of the been experiencingchanges had created a demand forcattle, and plantationeconomy of the French colony fromSanto Domingo. In the 1870s the Spanish province exported foodstuffs 25,000 head of hornedcattle and about 2,500 mules and horses approximately at the frontier, an average cost of 30 pesos per head.2 The demand for across livestockhad at first encouraged smugglingon a large scale. But the realistic had come to recognizethatfiscaladvantages could be gained Spanish authorities if forthe Spanish treasury the trade were legalised and encouraged. In 1870, the allowed the purchases of Dominican livestockfor formally Spanish government

17

It sale across the frontier. was the best times forthe Hateros, the cattle ranchers of the east. Bourbon policy, obsessed with increased agricultural production in the Empire facilitated the slave trade, and Bourbon 'generosity' was extended to Dominicans who saw the potential of Santo Domingo to become a significantsugar producer, based on slavery. Antonio Sanchez Valverde, a Dominican créole, writingin the existence of twenty-twosugar late eighteenth centurycommented on the inefficient engines in the environs of the capital city. In 1789, these estates altogether employed 600 slaves.3 Sanchez Valverde lamented that these mills were devoted exclusively to the production of syrup, used principallyby the Dominican population and only occasionally exported in limitedquantity to Puerto Rico. The proprietors, he said, needed "Negroes, equipment and the advantages of trade." The available slaves in Santo Domingo, were, moreover, treated withfar too much leniency. Our slaves rest or work for themselves almost one-third of the year... The abuse of hiring out slaves fora wage, too widespread in our America, makes a large number of the few we have, useless, because this is a type of Negro who lives without discipline or subjection. ..They hide and protect each other and those who escape from the haciendas. The few who do work do so withoutmethods.4 The Dominican slave, continued Sanchez Valverde, worked one day and rested the next. He criticised the "poorly understood principle of religion, which consists in favouring by all means possible and withoutany foresight,the libertyof slaves." Sanchez Valverde was in effectadvocating a revolution in the mode of production in contemporary Santo Domingo; a society more sharply divided into a class of masters and a mass of slaves; a classical plantation model a la St. Domingue] and the emergence of a planter class which would probably over time have superseded the ranchers (the hateros). Sanchez Valverde was not alone in his desire to see a more rigorous system of slavery imposed in Santo Domingo. In 1783, Juan Batista Oyarzabal, an hacendado of Santo Domingo, requested from the Crown permission to import 400 blacks forwork on his ingenio.5 The Crown obliged. More slaves, more production, and more gold for the Spanish treasury. Indeed, in 1789, the Crown, eager to stimulate production of sugar, coffee, and tobacco, granted a grace period of two years forthe free importationof slaves.6

18
In the same year, the crown promulgateda slave code (Código Negro) to of between slave and master,the rights slaves in educaregulatethe relationship tion,clothingand amusements.7 The law allowingthe free entryof slaves was suspended in 1794, but not beforea large numberof slaves had entered Santo Domingo to swell the black population and to consolidate the demographic dominance of coloured over white. In 1793, there were an estimated 14,000 slaves8 out of a populationof 119,600,9 and in 1794, 30,000 slaves out of a the populationof 103,000.10 The slave and freedpopulationoutnumbered white a almosttwoto one in 1794. Jamaica,for longtimea portof re-export population by of slaves to Spanish possessions, was a source forthe slaves enteringSanto Santo Domingo Domingo. Between 1796 and 1801, accordingto Klein's figures, of re-export, became the primary 2,617 of the 5,294 slaves port taking "again leavingJamaica."11 that Itis significant up to 1789 a slave code had notbeen deemed necessary. in Local custom, itwould appear, had been the guidingprinciple the relationship between master and slave, who, in the particular system of productionwhich to 1780, relativeto the rest of the Caribbean, enjoyed a certain prevailed prior The inflow slaves and the incipient of revisionofthe measure of physicalfreedom. code. A Swiss traveller Santo to made necessary a regulatory mode of production in 1782 went so faras to say that "here ... the whiteskin is a titleof Domingo command, consecrated by the policy and laws. The black skin constitutesthe of uniform contempt."12 whichNorth American a The Bourbonsalso made Montecristi freeport, through the tradewith FrenchinSt. Dominguewas conducted.Montecristi thougha village St. witha few hutswas contiguousto northern Domingue. The exportsfrom port all Montecristi were, itis true,all Frenchproduce,and itsimports wentimmediately Frenchcolony,13 the essential pointfrom Spanish pointof but the to the adjoining view was that fees could be collected fromvessels, and the Spanish governor "gave themclearance and charged duties on the sugar and molasses exported." was carriedon mainly the New England merchants This trade withMontecristi by and West Indians. In orderto facilitate trade the of and by a sprinkling Virginians NorthAmericans took up residence at Montecristi, purchased French sugar, North Americanportsto London,where itenteredas British sugars, shipped itfrom which gave the products of British the West "thus vitiating preferential system The whiletakingan of Indies a monopoly the home market."14 British government adverse view of the Americantrade had of course no objectionto trade withthe Spanish colonies - in facta Free PortAct had been passed in 1766 to encourage Caribbean. trade between Spanish portsand portsofthe British

19

From the Dominican point of view the BritishFree Port Act of 1766 made and Spanish ports.The possible closer commercialconnections between British ports of Kingston,Savanna-la-Mar, Montego Bay and Lucea (Jamaica) were opened to tradewith Spanish ports.Whilethe freeportact forbadethe importation of sugar, coffee, pimento,ginger,molasses and tobacco in foreignvessels, it allowed the exportof negroes in exchange fora dutyof thirty shillings per slave. half Jamaica, over a quarter Bythefirst of 1788, ofthe86 Spanish vessels entering came fromSanto Domingo.15 Duringthe late eighteenthcentury, the Spanish to trade poultry, horned cattle, corn and mahogany to rice, province began salt and cottongoods of Jamaican portsin exchange forironmongery, provisions, coarse quality,blue Yorkshire of blaize, Osnaburgs, and a "variety otherarticles for labourersinwood-cutting agriculture."16 is clear enough that the and It required were partly Santo Domingo's imports slave designed to feed and equip itsgrowing population.In the Cibao Valley,across the Central range of mountainsfromthe southerncapital of Santo Domingo,the tobacco industry experienced growth.In authorization was given to exportthe surplus of tobacco to St. Domingue, 1778, the were supplied.Tobacco cultivation after royalfactories Moca to La spread from and Cotui.17The townof Santiago became the major distribution centre of Vega and the Portof Puerto Plata the principal exitforthe crop. The tobacco tobacco, merchants even describedbyJuan Bosch as composingan incipient are "commercial oligarchy."18 The HaitianRevolution reversedor stuntedsome of these developments.The Haitian Revolutionwhichwas to providea stimulusto the growthof the Cuban a plantation system duringthe nineteenth centuryby providing large gap in the international had preciselythe opposite effect Santo in sugar and coffeemarkets, Domingo. In 1796, slave rebellionsflaredin Santo Domingo,as 200 slaves from the ingenio,(Boca Nigua) proclaimedtheir freedom, destroyedthe canefields and attackedthe home of the proprietor Juan Oyarzabal.19 Otherslaves fledacross in the frontier search of immediate freedom.Slave owners,obviouslysensing that France, when formal possession of Santo Domingotook place, would liberatethe their available slaves, jewelry, etc. slaves, fledto PuertoRico and Cuba with titles, Notonlydid the incipient butthe thriving cattleeconomy sugar economycollapse, of the eighteenthcentury,intimately linked with Saint-Domingue was much weakened bythe revolution across thefrontier.20 population Santo Domingo The of 1 fellfrom 19,600 in 1783 to 71 ,223 in 181 9.21 The economy of Santo Domingo had continuedto be regionalizedduringthe late eighteenth but social class had been the hateros, century, the predominant who were notreplaced bythe sugar plantersas the predominant social class. The long dominanthateros,a creationnot of systematicexpl stationby Spain, but of

20

a Spain's neglectofSanto Domingo,were a genuinecréole institution,response of Dominicans isolated fromSpain to findtheirown means of survival.They had evolved somethingof the patriarchal quasi-feudal hacienda system,whichwhile of to responding the stimuli tradeinthe 1780s, was muchweakened bythe events after 1791. Their position,however, could not be challenged by the tobacco had weakened the prospective and the Haitian revolution farmersof the north, in But competitors, the sugar industry. theireconomic base routedby revolution the and war,and bymigration, yetretained social prestigewhichwas attached they control peon and slave labour. of to their quasi-feudal The invasion by Bonaparte of the Iberianpeninsula in 1807 had provoked in Spanish America widespread sympathyfor the deposed Spanish King. Santo the Domingowas no exception.Withthe open assistance of Britain, Dominicans, the hateros of the east, underJuan Sanchez Ramirez, expelled spearheaded by suicide. Dominicanshores in 1809. GovernorFerrandcommitted the Frenchfrom to Ferrand had, afterToussaint's retreat Saint Domingue, reimposed slavery in some 10,000 slaves into Santo Domingo, and had succeeded in reintroducing to of an Santo Domingo,22 actionwhichcontributed the return exiles to Dominican in the production and exportof cacao, of shores. There had been an increase the tobacco, sugar and coffee.The tradewith UnitedStates - especially intimber reactionwas relatedto the sentimenincreased. Itis probablethatthe anti-Ferrand of and to to tal attachments the Spanish Crown,to the machinations Great Britain, the of Ferrand'santi-clerical policies. Moreover, restoration Spanish rulepromised British to of a continuation slaveryand an expansion oftradewith ports.According Jamaica between 1808 and 181 5, manyoftheSpanish vessels entering Armytage, from PuertoRico or Santo Domingo.23Santo DomingofollowedCuba were either and Puerto Rico in the trade of cottonto Jamaica,24and in 1809, the year of the merchantswent to Santo Domingo to establish expulsion of the French,British relationswithSpanish merchantsand to chartervessels fortrade.25Napoleon's invasionof the Iberianpeninsula had, afterall, convertedAnglo-Spanishhostility hostile powers. One of Santo into an entente cordial between two traditionally whose chiefproduct, was woodcutting mahogany, Domingo's emergentindustries founditsway to British ports. to We now return the independência efimera. Bosch, gives his view very explicitly: could have done somethingsimilar(to Anybody, what Caceres did) withotherobjectives and the resultwould have been the same: no one moved of the to prevent foundation HaytiEspanol, butno one movedto help it.Andthereis butone reason:

21

the society of the hateros had failed and in the countrythere was no social class to take the place of the hateros. Thus Nunez de Caceres in acted witha groupof friends a social vacuum. It was as though he had gone to battlewithout soldiersagainst an enemythatdid notexist.26 The assumptionthatBosch makes, based on his readingofwhathad transpired is overthe previoushalfcentury, thattherewas no social groupor class whichhad the stamina to supportindependence. The strongestsocial group, the hateros, were too weak to attractthe support of other social groups in the interestsof politicalindependence. Iftherewas no 'social class' whose interestswere to be served or defendedby a declarationof independence,whydid Nunez de Caceres act in the way he did? Did he act in a vacuum as Bosch suggests, going to war enemy? Was Nunez de Caceres, then,a hopeless romantic against a non-existent the caught up in the struggleforindependence which was rampantthroughout Spanish American Empire between 1807 and 1821? Did Nunez de Caceres behave as he did because of the personal factor, viz. the failureof the Spanish to administration granthimhigheradministrative office? The otherquestion is why was itthatSanto Domingoshould have been the onlySpanish Caribbean territory to behave inthisway? BothPuertoRico and Cuba remainedloyalto Spain. In his proclamation independence Nunez de Caceres gave his own interof of his movement,and it mightbe useful to examine what the hero of pretation independence thought. Among otherthingsNunez stresses thatthe "threeprinand ciple goods inwhichlie the happiness of nationsare life, liberty property." In order to enjoy these rightsgovernmentsare instituted and formed, theirjust powers deriving fromthe consent of the governed (Asociados); from whichitfollowsthatifthe government does not conform these essential ends, iffar from to for looking the conservationofsociety(ital.mine) it becomes oppressive, it comes within the provinceof the people to alter, or abolish that formof governmentand to adopt a new one whichseems moreappropriate itsown security to and future good.27 If we assume that this is not just idle Enlightenment where does rhetoric, Caceres see a danger to the preservation society? A hint an answer is found of of laterinthe manifesto when he says:

22

With(independence) we shall have laws formed by ourselves corresponding to the character, education and customs of the people accomand our namodated to the climateand locality, tional representation based on numerical will equalitybetween proportion providea perfect the people ofthese provinces,and willnotserve discordbetween the various classes, as to foster has happened withtheprovisions(bases) estabof lished by the Constitution Cadiz, (ital.mine).28 Nunez de Caceres and his associates were perhaps, afterall not acting in a vacuum, butto 'conserve society'and eliminate'class discord'whichthe Spanish In itself seemed to be threatening. anothersection ofthe proclamation government in of situation Spain and the inability Nunez de Caceres declares thatthe turbulent for offered further and improvement to the mothercountry offer justification help independence. In 1821, in fact,the Spanish Crown was under attack fromthe liberal 1812 of of constitution Cadiz. The constitution 1812 was to be forover fifty years the - and to some extentthe reality of Spanish liberalism. This constitution symbol would have suggested that the metropolishad gone liberal,liberal enough to In constitution social and economic relationships. factthe liberal traditional threaten intendedto "create",as Carr suggests "thelegal framework was largelyreformist, of was concerned withthe "sovereignty of a bourgeois society."The constitution from the second followed of the the people,"with control the powersofthe king(the civilequality, It with personal liberty, suffrage.29 was concernedwith first), universal assumed an attack The constitution of and of the rights property, freedom contract. the removalof seigneurial on 'regional , ecclesiastical, and aristocratic privilege, the in local government, suppresthe privileges, adoptionofthe electiveprinciples The liberalsalso and the paymentof taxes by the clergy.30 sion of the Inquisition to of of the notion the indisputable right the "individual dispose of his own accepted as property he saw fit...the essential foundationof a liberal economy and a concerned witha bourgeois society."The liberals of Cadiz were not "primarily with establishment the but of sociallydesirable redistribution landed property rather of clear and absolute property rights- the Roman Law notionof jus utendi et claims to enjoy the use of abutendias against the medievalconfusionsof multiple the same piece ofproperty."31 was proclaimedin Spain and the Empirein 1812, and This liberalconstitution in 1821. In 1812, there had been a serious slave revoltin Santo Domingo later and inspired theconstitution led byfreemen ofcolour.Itwas fearedthatthe new by

23

would reinforce efforts slaves and coloured the of of proclamation the Constitution in combination bring to about an end to slaveryand all discrimination against the Aristotle had declared, "in order that they coloured population."Inferiors revolt," The constitution Cadiz of of be equal, and equals thattheymaybe superior..." may 1812 and 1821 could - even thoughit mightnot have been so intended- have of with stress on 'sovereignty the people,' its of a provided charter sortsforrebellion and The proposal for equalitybeforethe law, personal liberty freedomof contract. could also have affected traditional the absolute title property to relationproperty the ships, and certainly entrenchedpositionof the Roman Catholic Church. It is is oftennot what is but what people think thatdeterminesaction. And the Cadiz could have been interpreted a charter freedom(for enslaved) as for the constitution the and equality(for freebutsecond-class citizen). In 1821 GovernorKindelanrecalledthe year 1812 in whichJose Leocadio, Pedro de Seda, Pedro Henriquez, and several other free men and slaves, seduced by evil men, or hallucinatedby the same false ideas of liberty, dared to disturb the publicpeace.32 The Governorof the Spanish colonyalso founditnecessary to stress thatthe did Constitution not imply elimination distinction of between whites, browns and blacks, and between freemenand slaves, as some people eithererroneouslyor were informing 'less instructed' the maliciously among the people. The governor founditnecessary to explainfor benefit potential the of clearly agitatorsor creators of class discordthatthe Cadiz Constitution was never intendedto altertraditional class relationships. The liberalconstitution governorstressed did not imply the freedom for Dominican slaves. Slaves were neither,declared the governor, and libertos whether Spaniards norcitizens,and freemen pardos or morenoswere from (Spanish) Cortes the Spaniards butnotcitizens,until theyreceived a charter that they were. Could the view of the Spanish governor be entirely indicating Nunez de reassuringto the créoles or to the Roman Catholic Church? Evidently, Caceres thought because referring the turbulent to situationin Spain in 1821 not, he expressed doubt about the ability Spain to offer of 'assistance and improvements.'We mustpresumeassistance with of respectto the potential disruption the created bytheaspirationsaroused in 181 2 and 1821 bythe Cadiz constitusociety tion.The 1812 rebellion had been suffocated blood, butwas Spain able to do the in same in 1821? The slaves had been restless and there had been conspiracies even after1812. Apartfromthe threatfaced in 1821 fromthem and fromthe therewas inaddition veryrealthreat the from Haitiwhichinthe latter freemen, year

24

was united under Boyer, militarily stronger than the Spaniards in Santo Domingo and dedicated to the principle that the island should be ruled under one flag, and that slaves were to have freedom. It seems probable that Nunez de Caceres and his supporters sought independence from Spain not, ironically,with the intentionof breaking away fromthe Spanish tradition but with a view to maintaining certain aspects of that tradition intact. Caceres's position on the slavery question was very clear - and coincided with that of Kindelan, namely that he would not "withthe stroke of a pen ruin so many of his compatriots." The freedom which he gave to his own slaves was perhaps a political device to attractsupport fromPablo Ali who controlled the major battalion in Santo Domingo, and who was coloured. (Jose Gabriel Garcia describes him as a Valiant African,'others describe him as having Haitian origins).33 The independence coup of Nunez de Caceres emerges more and more as a pre-emptive coup, against the possibility of a Haitian invasion which would have freed the slaves of Santo Domingo. Ifwe can assume that Nunez de Caceres was serious when he suggested that Spain could not assist Dominicans in the defence of their society, we must ask defence fromwhom? The answer lies in the particular relationship which existed between Haiti and Santo Domingo at the time. In effect, it is being proposed that Nunez's act of independence was a pre-emptive coup against Haitian intervention, and that he sought the protection of Gran Colombia, still a slave state and one dedicated to the preservation of colonial hierarchy,to secure itselffromHaiti. Itwas which was feared, but the fact that Haitian intervention not only Haitian intervention would bringabout precisely what Nunez was seeking to avoid - the liberation of the slaves and a regime of legal equality. Much has been made of the fact that the number of slaves in Santo Domingo was not large. But even the existence of 15,000 enslaved human beings who have the option of liberation through alliance with a neighbouring state is room enough foraction. President Boyer had been busy during 1820 campaigning for an annexation, and had even been in touch withPablo Ali,the chief of the major battalion in Santo Domingo. Pablo Ali, and others of his troops, had requested Spanish citizenship which had been refused. Nunez and his fellow conspirators, to win Ali's support and to wean him away fromHaiti offeredpromotions forhis men and a promise of to liberty all slaves.34 That or those promises enabled Nunez to win Ali over to his side. Nunez de Caceres had prevaricated.

25

In his proclamation Nunez denounced Spanish monopoly well. So thatapart as from concernabout the social discordarisingout ofthe Cadiz Constituexpressing créole demand forfreetrade. In truth, the traditional the tionhe was reasserting had tradebetween Santo up Spanish government certainly to 181 6 been permitting ports.Nunez envisaged neverthelessa periodwhen Domingoand British All nations willcome to our portsto provideour needs and to ... purchase the fruit our country; of instead of the system by whichSpain apart from articleswhichwe consume, lackingthe principle has never been able to negotiateotherthan for the benefit the Exclusive and withthe avarice of of monopoly, whichis bornand is derivedas the son legitimate ofthatabsurd principle.35 Ifthe breakwith Spain was deemed necessary, itwas also truethatDominican could not be guaranteed ifHaitipersisted in its designs, to annex independence Santo Domingo. Protection had to be obtained fromelsewhere. Gran Colombia had in the past showed some interest in Santo Domingo, as Mexico had demonstrated interest closer ties withCuba. More vitalwas the factthatColomin bia was still slave-holding a of state,and had shown all the indications maintaining or ofbeingable to maintain concluded créole, elitedominance. Bolivarhad himself that among the coloured masses of Colombia liberty could be confused with licence - and his executionofAdmiral to padilla was symbolicof his determination avoid the establishmentof a pardocracia.36The suffragewas to be limitedby whicheffectively disenfranchised bulkofthe the prohibitive qualifications property The Colombian system, then, was infinitely population. superior to the regime - inthe eyes of Nunez de Caceres and his associates - the Constituenvisaged by tionof Cadiz or by a Haitianinvasionand occupationwhichenvisaged the unity of to Hispaniola underHaitianrule,and the abolitionof slavery. French "radicalism" which Dominicans had already been exposed under Toussaint L'Ouverturehad reached Spain throughthe Cadiz constitution, could also returnto Santo but form.(Itwas truethatPresidentPetion had Domingo via Haitiin its most virulent assisted Colombia in the latter'sstruggleagainst Spain after 1816 in militarily exchange for Bolivar's promise to free Colombian slaves but Colombia was to refuseto recognizeHaitianindependence,and had onlycommitted itself gradual to abolition). Nunez de Caceres and his colleagues pronounced the independence of Haitian Spanish Hayti,and joined Colombia in order to forestallan imminent invasion.Haiti,unitedunderBoyer,following deaths of HenryChristopheand the AlexanderPetionwas too strongmilitarily Santo Domingo,whichcould not be for

26

assistance from assured of military Spain. NeitherPuerto Rico norCuba adopted the tactics of Santo Domingo, preciselybecause they were not under a similar to a threat.Moreover, Haitianinvasionwas likely lead to an immediatere-abolition ofslaveryin Santo Domingo. of Jean Pierre Boyer made it clear that he had no intention recognizing of Dominicanindependence, and regardedthe proclamation November30, 1821 laws" ofthe (Haitian)state, viz. that of as invalidand inviolation the "fundamental Hispaniola was "one and indivisible." Ina letter the "GeneralofSanto Domingo"on January11,1 822, Boyernoted: to I have a high esteem for all those who were of the in instrumental preventing effusion blood; whichhas butat the same timeI deplorethe error led to the organization of a Government thatwhichhas been established separated from laws ofthe state, and declarthe fundamental by intentionof becoming a part of the ing your RepublicofColombia...Alwaysdisposed to be indulgent,and to judge others by the pureness of I thatthose who directed my principles, thought the change whichtook place on the 1st December, 1821, might have been mistaken in the choice of their means, and mighthave been governed by circumstances of which I am ignorant.37 that 41 The HaitianPresidentemphasised Article ofthe Haitianconstitution had of and proclaimedthe island "one and indivisible," notedthatthe disunity the island had been prolonged only because of the "calamities sufferedby our (Haitian) Government." Boyer had heard of the proclamationof independence Evidently, a missionto Santo Domingo. The mission,headed by Colonel Frement, through at had found"on his arrival, Santo Domingo,thatthe change had taken place the fist day of December." The Haitian occupation commenced on February9th, 1822, led by Boyer, acts was to in whose entry Santo Domingowas not resisted.One of Boyer's first to dated February14th,1822 referred a from abolish slavery.A letter Martinique 2000 men,destinedforSamana to retakeSanto Domingofrom fleetthatincluded slaves in the Haitians."The unfortunate plantersare ruined, consequences oftheir A been declared free by act of the Haitian Government."39 letterfrom having of Mayaguez, Puerto Rico noted that"we have been inundatedby an emigration

27

St. DominicanFriars,from Domingo,the consequences ofthe negro government fromSt. Domingo bring of Hayti having taken possession of the city...Arrivals of accounts ofthewhole ofthe slave population Spanish St. Domingohavingbeen On added to Hayti."40 March8, 1822 GovernorManchesterof Jamaica in a letter to Earl Bathurst commentedon the greatincrease ofTerritory powerwhichthis and of accession had added to the Republic of Hayti.The contiguity that Island to Jamaica and the Language assumed by Boyerin his proclamation whichbreathes a spirit ambition no means favourable the peace or security neighbouring of to of by anxious to ascertain the real state of affairsin St. colonies made me extremely Domingo." Manchester promised to send the ship Carnation to Hispaniola to the of investigate "designs"ofthe government Haiti.41 seems to have emerged out of these early responses. Nothingimportant Haitianindependence had been recognized (at greatcost to Haitiand great profit were by 1822 committed abolitionwhichtook to forFrench planters),the British was in no positionto intervene, place twelveyears later.The Spanish Government continuedto evince no substantialinterest. and the Colombian Government Juan thatno one moved to help Spanish Hayti,is equally Bosch's comment, therefore, validforSpanish HaytiunderHaitianrule. Twenty-two years laterthe Dominicans expelled the Haitians,and proclaimed the Republica Dominicana, under the leadership of Juan Pable Duarte. Those twenty-two years, however, set the stage for an antagonism between the two whichhas had implications thecurrent for between Haitiand countries, relationship the DominicanRepublic. NOTES
1. Emilio Cordero Michel, La Revolucion Haitiana y Santo Dominqo, Santo Dominqo; * y Taller 1968, pp. 49-53. Bibllioteca 2. M.L. Moreau de St. Mary.Descriptionde la Parte Espanoia de Santo Dominqo. Ciudad * : 944, pp. 382-386. Trujillo" EditoraMontalvo/1 3. Antonio Ciudad Sanchez Valverde,Idea del Valorde la Isla Espanoia ed. CiprianoUtrera, Trujillo, Republica Dominicana,EditoresMontalvoMCMXLVII,p. 61 . 4. Ibid, ρ . 170. 5. Carlos Larrazabal Blanco, Los Negros y la Esclavitud en Santo Domingo. Coleccipn Pensamiento Dominicano,Santo Domingo, Republica Dominicana, Julio Postigo e hiios editores,1967, p. 56 and p. 60. 6. Ibid., p. 59. 7. Ibid. oo. 126-128. 9. FrankMoya Pons. 'Nuevas Consideraciones sobre Ia historia a poblacion dominicana: de curvas,tasas y problemas,'Estúdios Dominicanos,Vol. 3, Num. 15, nov.-dic, 1974, p. 21.

Q.lbidfo.184.

28

10. Larrazabal Blanco, Los Negros ... p. 185 and Franklyn Franco, Los Negros, Los Mulatos y La Nation Dominicana . EditoraNacional. 2a Edicion,Santo Domingo, 1970, p. 72. The are However,they population figures notbased on census data, and are infactcontradictory. of indicatethe pattern miscegenation. 11. HerbertKlein. The Middle Passage: ComparativeStudies in the Atlantic Slave Trade. Princeton: Princeton Press, 1978, pp. 154-155. University 12. Jean Price-Mars,La Republica de Haity La Republica Dominicana. Diversos Aspectos from FrenchbyJose Luis the de un Problema Histórico, Geográfico Etnológico(translated y Munoz Azpiri), Vol. 2, PuertoPrincipe, 1953, p. 30. Colonial Policy,1754-1765, New York,MacMillanCo. 1922, 13. George Louis Beer, British y y p. 97. 15. Frances Armytaqe,The Free Port System in the BritishWest Indies, A Study in CommercialPolicy,Γ/66-1822. London and New York, LongmanGreen, 1953, p. 64. remarkson itsAgriculThe 16. James Franklyn, Prescht State ofHayti(St. Domingue) with Finances, and Population,etc. (1828) FrankCass Reprint, ture,Commerce,Laws, Religion, e Santo Domingo, 17. JMan Bosch, CompositionSocial Dominicana:Historia Interpretation, DominicanRepublic,tditoriaArtey Cine, 1970, p. 164. 18. Ibid, p. 167. ΈΙ 19. Hugo Tolentino, Fenómeno Racial en Haiti en la Republica Dominicana,"inTolentino y Autónomade Mexico,Mexico, et al Problemas DominicoHaitianosy del Caribe,Universidad 1973, p. 120. de 20. DorvoSoulastre, 'Viaje portierra Santo Domingo,ai Cabo Frances, Capital de la Parte ea. Espanola de la Misma Isla,' inRodriquezDemorizi, La Era de Franciaen Santo Domingo, a Contribucion su Estúdio.Academia Dominicana de Ia Historia.Editoriadel Caribe, 1955, p. 75. 21. Moya Pons, 'Nuevas Consideraciones ...,' op. cit.,p. 21. de 22. 'NoticiaHistórica Estadisticade la Colónia yparticularmente la Parte Espanola,1 in y EmilioRodriquez Demorizi,La Era de Francia en Santo Domingo,p. 123.
23. Armytage, The Freeport System ..., p. 123.

14. Ibid,p. 102.

ιy/1, p. ob.

24. Ibid,p. 79. 25. Ibid,p. 69.

26. Juan Bosch, CompositionSocial..., p. 171. de 27. 'Reclaratoria Independênciadel Pueblo Dominicano,'inE. RodriquezDemorizi,Santo Domingo ν la Gran Colombia: Bolivary Nunez de Caceres, Editora del Caribe, Santo Domingo R.D., 1971 p. 50. 28. Ibid, p. 50. 29. RaymondCarr,Spain: 1808-1939. London,Clarendon Press, 1966, p. 98. A of 30. H.V. Livermore, History Spain, Inc. New York,Grove Press, 1960, p. 358. 31. RaymondCarr,Spain..., p. 98. 32. Quoted in Franklyn Franco, Los Negros...,p. 128. 33. Jose Gabriel Garcia (Rasgos Biográficosde Dominicanos Celebres, Santo Domingo who commanded the battalion 1971) Editorade| Caribe, describes Ali,as 'a valiantAfrican the of 'pardos' organized after reconquest.'See p. 160. 34. FrankMoya Pons, La Domination Haitiana, 1822-1844, UCMM, Santiago, Dominican Republic,1972, pp. 2d-30. 35. Nunez de Caceres, Oeclaratoria...' p. 51. 36. See among others,David Bushnell,The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia, 1954. 37. Jean PierreBoyerto the General of Santo Domingo. Published in St. Jago de la Vega Gazette (Jamaica), March23, 1822. 38. Ibid.

29

dated February14, 1822. St. Jago de la Vega Gazette from Pierre.Martinique St. 39. Letter (Jamaica), March23, 1822. from 40. St. Jago de la Vega Gazette (Jamaica), March23, 1822. Letter Mayaguez, Puerto 1 Rico, dated February t>th, 822. 41. Jamaica ArchivesGovernor'sDespatches. Manchesterto Bathurst.March8, 1822.