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Economic History Association

The Impact of Money on an African Subsistence Economy Author(s): Paul Bohannan Source: The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Dec., 1959), pp. 491-503 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Economic History Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2115317 . Accessed: 30/08/2011 16:48
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THE
VOL. XIX

JOURNAL

OF

ECONOMIC
I959

HISTORY
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DECEMBER

The Impactof Moneyon an African Subsistence Economy


theAfrican continent before impact theEuropean the of worldand theextension trade of madecoinage general. Whenwe examine these claims, however, tend evaporate toemerge tricks definithey to or as of tion.It is an astounding thateconomists fact have,fordecades, been three fourqualities money assigning or to whenthey discuss with it of reference ourownsociety to those themedieval modern to or and or world, themoment havegoneto ancient yet they history to thesocieties economies and studied anthropologists havesought by the they "real"nature money allowing of by onlyoneofthese characdefining to teristics dominate their definitions. as that at All economists learned students money serves leastthree purposes. is a means exchange, is a modeof payment, is a It of it it standard value. of Depending thevintage persuasion theauon and of thor the one find of bookoneconsults, may another money use-storage of wealth. newer In books, money defined merely meansof is as the still that unitizing purchasing power, behind definition liethestandyet ard,thepayment, theexchange ofmoney. and uses It is interesting on thefairly occasions economists rare disthat that cussprimitive money all-or at leastwhenthey at discuss withany it empirical referrent-they discarded or moreof themoney have one for Paul to usesin framing definitions. Einzig,' takeoneexample their first a and many, makes pleafor"elastic definitions," goeson to point out thatdifferent economists utilized have different criteria their in he into he definitions; then falls thetrap hasbeenexposing: excorihe for atesMenger utilizing the"medium exchange" criterion of and only
1 Paul Einzig,Primitive Moneyin itsEthnological, Historical and EconomicAspects(London: Eyre and Spottisworde, 1949), pp. 3i 9-26.
49'

ITHAS often claimed money tobe foundin muchof been that was

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then himself omits utilizing thestandard payment and it, only criteria, thus there norealissue. was taking sides an argument which in in The answer these to difficulties be If should apparent. we takeno more than three the and major money standard means uses-payment, of exchange-we will find as thatin many societies wellas primitive in someof theancient empires, object one one use mayserve money whilequiteanother to object serves another money In order deal use. with situation, to avoidthetrap choosing ofthese this and of one uses to define "real"money, 2 Karl Polanyi and hisassociates labeled have as "general purpose all of money" item any which serves three these primary money uses,whilean itemwhichserves onlyone or two is "special purpose money." With distinctionmind, canseethat this in we special-purpose money was very common pre-contact in Africa, but that general purpose money rare. was Thispaper a brief is of of analysis theimpact general purpose money and increase trade an African in in which had known economy only localtrade had usedonlyspecial and purpose money. TheTivarea people, largely still pagan, wholiveintheBenue Valley incentral whom hadthe I Nigeria, among to and goodfortune live work forwellovertwoyears. Theyare prosperous subsistence farmers and havea highly developed indigenous market which in they exchanged their produce handicrafts, through and and which they carried local on trade. most The distinctive feature about economy theTiv-and the of itis a feature share they with many, of perhaps most, thepre-monetary peoples-is what becalled multi-centric can a economy. Briefly, a multicentric economy an economy which society's is in a exchangeable goods fallintotwoormore mutually exclusive spheres, marked difeach by ferent institutionalization different and moralvalues. somemultiIn centric economies these spheres remain distinct, though most in there aremore lessinstitutionalized ofconverting or means wealth from one into wealth another. in there three Indigenously were in of spheres themulti-centric economy theTiv. The first these of spheres thatassociated is withsubsistence, which Tiv callyiagh. commoditiesitinclude locally the The in all producedfoodstuffs: staple the and yams cereals, all thecondiments, plus vegetable side-dishes seasonings, well as small livestockand as chickens, andsheep. alsoincludes goats It household utensils (mortars,
2 Karl Polanyi, "The Economyas Instituted Process,"in Karl Polanyi,ConradM. Arensberg and HarryW. Pearson,eds. Trade and Marketin the Early Empires(Glencoe,Ill.: The Free Press and The Falcon's Wing Press, I957), pp. 264-66.

Impact of Money on African Economy 493


grindstones, calabashes, baskets pots), and some tools (particularly those usedin agriculture), rawmaterials producing items the and in for any category. Within thissphere, either giftgiving goodsare distributed by or through marketing. of Traditionally, was no money anysort there in thissphere-allgoodschanged handsbybarter. Therewas a highly developed market organization which at their peopleexchanged producefor in their requirements, in which and today traders produce buy cheapmarkets transportto sellin dearer and it markets. morality The of thissphere theeconomy themorality thefree of is of and uncontrolled market. The second of sphere theTiv economy one which in no way is is associated withmarkets. category goodswithin sphere The of this is slaves, cattle, ritual "offices" purchased from Jukun, type that the of largewhite cloth known tugudu, as medicines magic, metal and and rods. Oneis still entitled usethepresent in this to tense case, ideally for thecategory exists spite thefact metal are that rods today still in of very rare, thatslavery beenabolished, European has have that "offices" replacedJukun offices cannot bought, that and be and muchEuropean medicine beenaccepted. still has Tiv quoteprices slaves cowsand of in The price brass rods, of cattle brass and in cloth. of rodsand tugudu magical rites, ithasbeendescribed theliterature, in terms as was in of cloth brass be tugudu or rods(though payment might madein other items); payment Jukun wasin cowsandslaves, for titles tugudu cloths andmetal rods.3 Noneofthese goodsever entered market itwas institutionalthe as ized in Tivland, eventhough might possible an economist it be for to findtheprinciple supply of and demand workin the exchanges at whichcharacterized The actualshifts goodstookplaceat cereit. of monies, moreor lessritualized at wealth displays, on occasions and when"doctors" rites medicines. refer performed and prescribed Tiv to theitems theactivities and within sphere thewordshagba, this by which be roughly can translated prestige. as Within prestige the tookon all of sphere there oneitem was which themoney usesand hencecan be calleda general-purpose currency, though must remembered itwasofonly very be it that a limited range. Brass were rods usedas means exchange of the within sphere; also they served a standard valuewithin (though theonly as of it not one),and
3 B. Akiga Sai, Akiga's Story (London: International Institute AfricanLanguages anct of Cultures, I939), p. 382 and passim.

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However,this sphereof the economywas as a means of payment. goods and its market.After sealed offfromthe subsistence tightly but the entered market, they brassrodsoccasionally contact, European not did so onlyas means of payment, as mediumof exchangeor as and Becauseof the complexinstitutionalization of standard valuation. of no morality, one eversolda slaveforfood; no one,savein thedepths goods. everpaid brassrodsfordomestic extremity, valuesforthe Tiv and unique sphereof exchangeable The supreme in a contains singleitem: rights humanbeingsotherthan slaves,parabolition official years in rights women.Even twenty-five after ticularly of exchangein whichTiv are it of exchangemarriage, is thecategory are All exchangeswithinthis category most entangled. emotionally women and in of exchanges rights humanbeings,usuallydependent and marriage. of in Its children. valuesare expressed terms kinship Again, economists complexsubject.4 Tiv marriageis an extremely at mightfindsupplyand demandprinciples work,but Tiv adamantly the Before comingof theEuropeansall and market. marriage separate In were exchangemarriages. its simplestform,an "real" marriages this sisters. Actually, two men exchanging involves marriage exchange man to have In seldomor neveroccurred. orderforevery simpleform for a ward (ingol) to exchange a wife,smalllocalizedagnaticlineages groups("thosewho eat one Ingol"-mbaye ingol ward-sharing formed i mom). There was an initial"exchange"-or at least,distribution-of wards among the men of this group,so that each man became the then,saw to the guardian(tien) of one or morewards.The guardian, marriageof his ward, exchangingher with outsidersfor another the or woman (her"partner" ikyar)who becomes brideoftheguardian or-in some situations-becomes or one of his close agnatickinsmen, groupand is exchangedfor yet another a ward in the ward-sharing woman who becomesa wife. and sensible people,and they practical extremely Tiv are,however, cannot be made if women are not marriages know that successful and someoccurred, and if theyare not happy.Elopements consulted a Therefore, debt timesa woman in exchangewas not forthcoming. group of the husbandto that of the existedfromthe ward-sharing guardian.
The Tiv of CentralNigeria pp. 120-27. Laura and Paul Bohannan, 4 Akiga,Akiga's Story, pp. 69-78 and Paul and Laura Bohannan,Three AfricanInstitute), (London: International (New Haven: Human RelationsArea Files, 1958), Source Notebooksin Tiv Ethnography pp. 384-444.

Impact of Money on African Economy 495


Thesedebts sometimes lagged twoor eventhree generations behind themoff actualexchanges. simplest of paying The way was forthe eldest daughter themarriage return theward-sharing of to to group ofhermother, ward, as the thus cancelling debt. of Because itsmany impracticalities,system tobe buttressed the had in several in one for ways order work: waywasa provision "earnest" to the during timeof thelag,another to recognize other was of types as to are marriage binding limited extents. Thesetwoelements somewhatconfused oneanother, with of that because thefact right until up theabolition exchange of marriage i927, theinclination always in was all to treat non-exchange marriages ifthey as were"lags"in thecompletion exchange of marriages. When lags in exchange occurred, theywere usuallyfilledwith "earnests" brass The of rodsor,occasionally,wouldseem, cattle. it of brass rods cattle suchsituations never or in were exchange equivalents (ishe) forthewoman.The only"price"of one womanis another woman. Tiv to Although decline grant antiquity, it another ofmarriage type at occurred thetime Europeans metthem-itwas called"accumfirst ulating woman/wife" a to just (kemkwase).It is difficult telltoday whatitconsisted because terminologythis the of has exactly in, union beenadapted describe bridewealth to the marriage was declared that byan administrative ofI927 tobe theonly fiat legalform. Kem marriage consisted acquisition sexual, in of domestic ecoand nomic rights a woman-but therights filiate children in not to her to the socialgroupof thehusband. in another Put way,in exchange both marriage, rights genetricem in (rights filiate woman's to a children) and rights uxorem in (sexual,domestic economic and rights in a woman) automatically acquired husbands were by and their In lineages.5 kem marriage, rights uxorem only in wereacquired. In to order affiliate kemwife's the children, additional payments to had be made to the woman's guardians. These payments werefor the not the in in children, for rights genetricem their mother, which could be acquired of only exchange equivalent by in rights another woman. were rods. Kempayments paidinbrass However, rights women in had or no equivalent "price" brass rodsor in anyother in item-save, of identical in woman. course, rights another Kem marriage similar was to butshowed differences bridewealth from important marriage it as
5Laura Bohannan,"Dahomean Marriage:A Revaluation," XIX Africa,
(1949),

pp. 273-87.

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in and in and is known South EastAfrica. Thererights women rights be incattle form single a economic and sphere, could exchanged directly for another. one of Among Tiv,however, in conveyance rights women The Tiv cusinvolved direct of necessarily woman. exchange another of tomthat approached bridewealth notan exchange equivalents, was butpayment a medium wasspecifically equivalent. in not that of there that Thus, within sphere exchange the marriage wasno item fulfilled oftheusesofmoney; any whensecond-best ofmarriage types not were was was made, payment in an item which specifically usedas a standard value. of ThatTiv do conceptualize to exchange articles belonging different as categories, that and they rank categories a moral the on basis, that and most notall exchanges limited one sphere, but are to gives to the rise fact twodifferent ofexchanges be recognized: that kinds may exchange of items contained within single a category, exchanges items and of to belonging different categories. Tiv,these different of For two types are exchange marked separate distinct by and moral attitudes. To maintain distinction this between two types exchanges the of Tiv which mark different behavior different and I by values, shalluse I separate words. shallcall those exchanges items of within single a and category "conveyances" those exchanges items of from category one 6 Roughly, to another "conversions." conveyances morally are neutral; conversions a strong have in moral quality their rationalization. within category-particularly of subsistence, a Exchanges that the one only intact today-excite moral no judgments. Exchanges between do a categories, however, excite moral the reaction: manwhoexchanges lowercategory goodsforhigher category goodsdoesnotbragabout his market luckbutabouthis "strong heart" and his success life. in The manwho exchanges highcategory goodsforlowerrationalizes hisaction terms high-valued in of motivation (most often needs the of his kinsmen). The twoinstitutions intimately most connected conveyance with are and markets marriage. in Conveyance theprestige sphere seems(to thelatter-day at investigator,least) to havebeenlesshighly institutionalized. centered slavedealing, curing on theacquisiIt on on and tionof status. Conversiona much is more matter. complex Conversion depends on thefact that someitems every of on sphere could, certain occasions, be
1954),

6 Franz Steiner, "Notes on Comparative British V Economics," Journal Sociology, (June of


Ii8-29.

Impact of Money on African Economy 497


usedin exchanges which return notconsidered in the was equivalent such a (ishe). Obviously, giventhe moralranking the spheres, of one situation leaves party theexchange a goodposition, the to in and other a badone.Tiv saythat is "good"totrade in it food brass for rods, butthat is "bad"totrade it brass rods food, it is goodto trade for that your cowsorbrass rods a wife, very totrade for but bad your marriage wardforcowsor brass rods. Seenfrom individual's ofview, is profitable possible the point it and toinvest one's if wealth oneconvertsinto morally it a superior category: into toconvert subsistence wealth prestige into wealth both and women is theaimoftheeconomic endeavor individual To putit into or Tiv. economists' terms: conversiontheultimate ofmaximization. is type We havealready examined marriage the system whicha man by couldconvert brass toa wife: couldgeta kem his rods he and wife kem herchildren they as wereborn. Her daughters, couldbe usedas then, in wards hisexchange It of Tiv marriages.isthedesire every to"acquire a woman"(ngohokwase)either wifeor wardin somewayother as than in sharing theward-sharing group. wife A one in whom acquires anyother is nottheconcern one'smarriage-ward way of sharing group because woman other the or property exchanged herdidnotbelong for to themarriage-ward group. The daughters sucha wifeare not of divided the of among members a man's marriage-ward butonly group, his of among sons.Sucha wifeis notonlyindicative a man'sability and success in financially personally, rights herare theonly and but form property of is which notethically subject thedemands his to of kinsmen. Conversion theprestige from to sphere thekinship sphere thus, was, it fairly common; consisted all theforms marriage exchange in of save in marriage, of rods. usually terms brass from subsistence Conversion the to sphere theprestige sphere was in also usually terms metalrods.They,on occasion, of entered the market If placeas payment. theowner thebrass of rodsrequired an of to unusually largeamount staples givea feast, making heavy too a food on drain hiswives' he brass rods. supplies, might itwith buy brass rods could possibly beena general not have However, currency. not One Theywere divisible. couldnotreceive from brass "change" a a rod. Moreover, singlerod was worth muchmorethanthe usual for market purchases anygivendayof mostTiv subsistence traders. to be it withbrassrods,one Although might possible buychickens a of to wouldhavetohavebought very large quantity yams equalone

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rod,and to buyan itemlike pepper withrodswouldbe laughable. Brassrods,thus,overlapped fromthe prestige the subsistence to sphere someoccasions, onlyon special on but occasions forlarge and purchases. Not onlyis conversion but possible, it is encouraged-it in fact, is, thebehavior which proves man'sworth. are scornful a man a Tiv of who is merely richin subsistence goods (or, today, money).If, in having adequate he subsistence, doesnotseekprestige accordance in the with oldcounters, ifhe doesnotstrive more or for and wives, hence morechildren, fault the must personal be inadequacy. Theyalsonote thattheyall tryto keep a man from makingconversions; jealous kinsmen a richmanwill bewitch and his peopleby fetishes, of him to in order makehim expend wealthon sacrifices repair his to the fetishes, maintaining thus economic equality. However, once a conhas version beenmade, demands kinsmen noteffective-at of are least, takea newform. they the Therefore, manwhosuccessfully converts wealth higher his into categoriessuccessful-he a "strong is has heart." is both He feared and respected. In this entire process, metal rods holda pivotal position, itis not and surprising early that administrators considered money. them Originally from imported Europe, they wereusedas "currency" somepartof in southern Nigeria theslavetrade. in Theyaredowels abouta quarter ofan inch diameter some in and three long;they be madeinto feet can jewelry, wereusedas a source metal castings. and of for Whatever their elsewhere, rodsin Tivlandhad somebut use brass not all of theattributes money. of Within prestige the sphere, they wereusedas a standard equivalence, they of and werea medium of exchange; werealsoa modeforstorage wealth, wereused they of and as payment. short, rods In brass were general a purpose currency within theprestige However, outside theprestige of sphere-markets sphere. and marriage werethemost active institutionsexchange of outside it -brass rodsfulfilled oneof these only functions money: of payment. We haveexamined detailthereasons in whyequivalency couldnot exist brass between rodsand rights women, in between brass rodsand food. We have, in a thus, Tivland, multi-centric of economy three spheres, and we have a sortof money whichwas a general purpose money the within limited of and range theprestige sphere, a special purpose

Impact of Money on African Economy 499


in money thespecial transactionswhich other in the spheres overlapped it. The next is: question whathappened thismulti-centric to economy and to themorality of it accompanyingwhenit felttheimpact the and expanding European in economy thei9thandearly 20th centuries, whenan all-purpose of muchgreater money very rangewas introduced? The Western is impact not,of course, instituto limited economic tions. Administrative organizations, missions others havebeenas and of effective instrumentschange anyother. as One ofthemost startling innovations theBritish of administration was a general one peace.Before arrival the British, did not the of far the venture beyond areaofone'skinsmen special or friends. do To so wastocourt death enslavement. or Withgovernment policesystems safety, building also road and was about country been the begun. Moving has madeboth andcomparsafe atively easy.Peace and thenew roadnetwork to bothincreased led trade a greater and number markets. of Not only theinternal has marketing system beenperturbed the by of introductionalieninstitutions, theeconomic but of institutionsthe Tiv havein fact beenputintotouch withworldeconomy. Northern like Nigeria, muchof therestof thecolonial world, was originally takenoverby trading The close companies withgoverning powers. linkageof government tradewas evident and when taxation was introduced Tivland. into Tax was originally in produce, paid which wastransported soldthrough and Hausatraders, were who government contractors. few yearslater, A coinagewas introduced; taxeswere in demanded that medium. became It necessary Tiv togo into for trade ortomake their contract foreign own with traders order getcash. in to The trading companies, which had had "canteens" theBenuefor on somedecades, werequickto cooperate thegovernment introwith in a ducing "cashcrop"which couldbe bought thetraders return by in for cashtopaytaxes, incidentallybuyimported and to goods. The crop whichproved adapted thispurpose Tivlandwas beniseed best for in (sesamum indicum), cropTiv already a grewin smallquantities. needonly increased facilities saleestablished. be Acreage and for Thereis still another in which economy linked, way Tiv is through thetrading totheeconomy theoutside of companies, world. Not only do thecompanies their crops, also"stake" cash buy they African traders

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with imported goods. Thereis,on thepart bothofthecompanies and a desire buildup "native thegovernment, to entrepreneurial classes." Imported cloth,enamelware and ironmongery generally are sold throughnetwork dependent a of African traders traders. African Thus, arelinked thecompanies, hence to and intointernational trade. no Probably single factor beenso important, has as however, the introductionall-purpose of money. of Neither introductioncashcrops and taxesnor extended trading affected basic congruence the has between ideasand their Tiv institutionalization sameextent to the as has money. Withtheintroduction money indigenous of the ideasof maximization-that conversion all forms wealth is, of intowomen of andchildren-no longer leadstotheresult oncedid. it General purpose money provides common a denominator among all thespheres, making commodities thus the eachexpressible within interms a single of standard hence and This immediately exchangeable. newmoney misunderstoodTiv.Theyuseitas a standard value is by of in thesubsistence category, when-as is often case-the exeven the change direct is barter. Theyuse it as a means payment brideof of wealth under newsystem, still the but refuse admit to thata woman hasa "price" canbe valued thesameterms food. thesame or in as At it time, hasbecome something formerly in lacking all savetheprestige sphere Tiv economy-a of means exchange. havetried cateof Tiv to gorize money with other the newimported goodsand placethem all in a fourth economic sphere, be ranked to morally belowsubsistence. They have, course, beensuccessful so doing. of not in Whatin fact happened that was general purpose money introwas duced Tivland, to where formerly special only purpose money been had known. It is in thenature a general of purpose money thatit standardizes theexchangeability ofevery toa common value item It scale. isprecisely
thisfunction whichbrassrods,a "limited-purpose money"in the old system, not perform. we have seen,brassrods were used as a did As standardin some situations conveyance the intermediate of in or "prestige" category. They were also used as a meansof payment (but not specifically as a standard)in someinstances conversion. of In this situation, earlyAdministrative the officers interpreted brass rods as "money,"by which theymeanta general-purpose money.It became a fairlyeasy process,in theirview, to establishby fiat an brassrodsand a new coinage,"withdraw" exchangeratebetween the and hence"replace"one currency rods, withanother. The actualeffect,

Impact of Money on African Economy

50I

as we haveseen, to introducegeneral was a in purpose currency place of a limited purpose money. Todayall conversions mostconveyand ancesaremadein terms coinage. Tiv constantly of their Yet express distrust money. of This fact, and another-that singlemeansof a exchange entered theeconomic has all broken downthe spheres-has major the in distinctions has among spheres. Money created Tivland a unicentric economy. onlyis themoney general-purpose Not a money, butitapplies thefullrange exchangeable to of goods. Thus, when semi-professional using traders, money, in began trading thefoodstuffs marketed women the by and formerly solely province of women, rangeof themarket very the was and greatly increased hencetheprice Tiv markets determined supply demand in is by and fardistant from local producer consumer. react this the to and Tiv situation saying by thatforeign traders "spoil"theirmarkets. The overlap marketing men'slong-distance in staples of and trade also results truckload truckload foodstuffs in after of exported from major Tiv markets every they day meet. Tiv saythatfoodis lessplentiful today thanit was in thepast, though more landis beingfarmed. Tiv elders deplore situation knowwhatis happening, they this and but do notknowjustwhere fixtheblame. attempts do something to In to about they it, sometimes announce no women to sellanyfood that are at all. Butwhentheir wives disobey them, mendo notreally that feel were they wrong havedoneso. Tiv sometimes to discriminate against non-Tiv traders attempts stop in to export food. their of In condemnation thesituation of which depriving is them their of foodfaster than are they able to increase production, elders Tiv always curse money itself. is money It which, theinstrument selling as for one'slifesubsisis tence, responsible theworsened for situation-money theEuroand peans whobrought it. Of evengreater concern Tiv is theinfluence to money had on has marriage institutions. Today every woman'sguardian, accepting in as money bridewealth, thathe is converting feels down.Although are attempts madetospend money is which received bridewealth in to
acquirebrides one'sselfand one's sons,it is in thenature money, for of Tiv insist, thatit is mostdifficult accomplish. to The good man still spendshis bridewealth for receipts brides-but good men are not so numerousas would be desirable. Tiv deplorethe factthat theyare to "sell" (te) their and "buy" (yam) wives.There required daughters in is no dignity itsincethepossibility makinga bridewealth of marriage has intoan exchangemarriage been removed.

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has Withmoney, of Tiv thus, institutionalization economy bethe comeunicentric, though still it withmulticentric see values. even Tiv from so The single takes ofitscharacteristics themarket, sphere many that new situation be consideredspread themarket. the can a of But in throughout changes institutionalization, these thebasicTiv valueof one's maximization-converting wealthinto the highest category, women children-has and remained. in this And between discrepancy values institutions, havecome Tiv is and a uponwhat tothem paradox, for that all Westerners understandandarefamiliar it.Todayit it with is easyto sellsubsistence and goodsformoney buyprestige to articles so sold The food oneself a rapid rate. women, thereby at aggrandizing is exported, for decreasing amount subsistence the of goodsavailable consumption. theother On hand,thenumber womenis limited. of is The result thatbridewealth higher: in gets rights womenhave entered market, since supply fixed, price women the is and the the of hasbecome inflated. The frame reference mebytheorganizer this of given of symposium asked comments theeffects increased for on of monetization trade, on onthedistribution ofwealth indebtedness. sumup thesituation and To in these trade vastly has of terms, increased theintroductiongenwith eralpurpose money alsowith other but the factors brought a colonial by form government. thesametime, market expanded of At the has its of range applicabilitythesociety. Tiv are, in The indigenously, a people who valuedegalitarian of to distributionwealth theextent they that believed bewitched another whittle one to they of downthewealth one mantothesizeofthat another. of Withmoney, degree extent the and of differentiation by wealth greatly has increased will probably and continue increase. to has Finally, money broughtnewform indebteda of ness-onewhich know, we onlytoo well.In theindigenous system, of debttookeither form owingmarriage the wardsand was hence with congruent thekinship or system, elsetooktheform decreased of Therewasno debtin thesphere subsistence prestige. of because there wasno credit save kinsmen neighbors and there among whose activities of wereaspects family not The status, actsofmoney-lenders. introductionof general and the concomitant purpose money spreadof the market divorced from has debt and and the kinship status has created of notion debtin thesubsistence divorced from activities the sphere of andneighbors. kinsmen of because thespread themarket theintroduction In short, of and Tiv has of general-purpose money, economy becomea partof the

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It world about in economy. hasbrought profound changes theinstituof is tionalizationTiv society. Money oneoftheshatteringly simplifying ideasofall time, likeanyother andcompelling itcreates and new idea, The itsown revolution. monetary revolution, leastin thispartof at is from multicentric Africa, theturn away the Its economy. course may but is be painful, there very little doubt about outcome. its
PAUL BOHANNAN,Northwestern University