Italian Foreign Policy

Giovanni Brauzzi
with the cooperation of Renato Benedetto and Alessandro Fabiocchi

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• “... to clarify what had been the bases, both material and moral, on which the foreign policy rested, such as the forces and sentiments which surrounded the policy itself and also, in that historical period, the diplomatic initiative. • In other words, passions and affections, ideas and ideologies, the situation of the country and of its people, all that makes the foreign policy a moment or an aspect of the wider and more complex historical process, which encompasses the whole life of a nation and does not allow for watertight compartments; a moment for foreign relations which is intertwined with the moral, economic, social and religious life in the interior.” Federico Chabod, History of Italian Foreign Policy from 1870 to 1896
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Material bases

• Geography • Energy • Population
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Facts and Figures
• • • • • Area: 301,336 sq km Land boundaries: 1,932 km Coastline: 7,600 km Population (2005): 58.462.375 Population Growth Rate : 1,1%
– birth rate: -18,396 – immigration rate: +181,080

• Life Expectancy at Birth: 79,25 years • GDP – Composition by Sector: – agriculture 2% – industry 30% – services 68% GB Manchester 30th March 2006

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ITALY ON THE MAIN MARKETS (%)
1995 US Latin America EU EU Candidates Mediterranean Countries Middle East China 2,3 3,3 7,1 10,5 9,6 6,6 2004 1,9 2,5 5,7 10,5 8,0 5,2
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1,9 Manchester 30th March 2006 1,1 GB

Italian Crude Oil Imports (2005)
ALGERI A 5% LYBI A 23% I RAQ NORWAY 5% 3% OTHERS 15%

RUSSI A 18%

SAUDI ARABI A 14% SYRI A 4% I RAN 13%

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Italian Natural Gas Imports (2005)
LYBIA 2% THE NETHERLANDS 17%

RUSSIA 36%

NORWAY 7%

NIGERIA 4%

ALGERIA 34%

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Italian Population in the XX Century
(ISTAT 2005)
56,557 54,137 50,624 47,516 39,944 35,845 32,966 41,652 42,994 56,778

1901

1911

1921

1931

1936

1951

1961

1971

1981

1991

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Italian Population Projections 2010 - 2050 (ISTAT 2005)
60 58 56 54 52 50 48 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050
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GB Manchester 30th March 2006

THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK
• Art. 11 of Italian Constitution: Italy rejects war as an instrument of aggression against the liberties of other people and as a means for settling international controversies; it agrees, on conditions of equality with other States, to such limitations of sovereignty as may be necessary for an international order aimed at ensuring peace and justice among Nations; it promotes and encourages international GB Manchester 30th 10 organizations having suchMarch 2006 in view. ends

The Multilateral Approach
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We the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…. ….determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilisations of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual freedom and the rule of law…. …an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe……
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NATIONAL INTEREST Few commodities and energy sources Aging and shrinking population We cannot keep our gates closed Cultural and institutional pluralism Universal vision Lessons learnt from the past thus PURSUING NATIONAL INTEREST THROUGH MULTILATERAL FORA
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The limitation of sovereignty which is, for every country, the price of the participation in an integrated international system, becomes less onerous the more a country is able to contribute genuinely to the definition of the policy of international fora
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National Interest in International Fora
• Being part of the leading group in the European integration process • Strengthening transatlantic relations • Avoiding marginalisation at the UN
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Italian priorities

Being part of the leading group in the European integration process • 25 March 1957-29 October 2004: from Rome to Rome; • Simultaneous widening and deepening; • Union of people and states; • Close the democratic gap; • Principle of subsidiarity; • European pillar of transatlantic relations; • From the EDC to the ESDP; • Being always part of the leading group, as a vocation andGB Manchester 30th March 2006 a necessity.

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The Way Ahead in the European Constitutional Process •Still committed to the ratification and entry into force of the European Constitutional Treaty; •En attendant 2007 (elections in France and NL); •50th anniversary of the Rome Treaty ; •Premature to reopen the text before; •Working on policies is not an alternative to institutional developments; •Ready to improvements made without changing the Treaties; •Defining Europe’s borders would be helped by a constitutional dimension of the integration process.
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Strengthening the transatlantic link
From Cold War to new threats

New members, New partners, New capabilities, Enduring commitment Coalitions of the willing are not enough

From the Balkans to Afghanistan: the arc of crisis
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Relaunch NATO’s Political Dimension
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Complex challenges of international
Illegal immigration

security

Nuclear Proliferation

Terrorism Failed, rogue states

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Troops engaged in international missions (updated 10/03/06)

8.411 military engaged in 28 missions in 19 countries and 3 geographic areas

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Avoiding marginalisation and oligarchic backsliding at the UN

World Government vs. Global Governance; Effective Multilateralism; Criteria for the use of force; National sovereignty, democracy and human rights; Agenda for peace and agenda for development; A role for the European Union; UNSC Reform.

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The compass of Italian foreign policy
• North, towards Europe; • South, towards the Mediterranean, the Middle East and Africa; • East, towards the Balkans and Russia; • West, towards America and globalisation.
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Farnesina Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Facts and Figures

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REPRESENTATIONS ABROAD (2005)

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GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF THE EMBASSIES
(2005)

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DIPLOMATIC-CONSULAR NETWORK, STAFF AND BUDGET OF THE MINISTRIES OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
A COMPARISON IN EUROPE (year 2004)

ITALY FRANCE GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM

Diplomatic/consular Staff network 338 8.245 430 347 453
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Budget 1.561 2.175 2.215 2.520
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17.231 13.210 16.000

A provocative conclusion …the dividing line between progressive and
reactionary … falls along a very new and substantial line: those who conceive the essential purpose and goal of struggle as being the ancient one, the conquest of national political power, and who, although involuntarily, play into the hands of reactionary forces, letting the incandescent lava of popular passions set in the old moulds, and thus allowing old absurdities to arise once again, and those who see the main purpose as the creation of a solid international State, who will direct popular forces towards this goal, and who, even if they were to win national power, would use it first and foremost as an instrument for achieving international unity.

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the foundation must be built now for a movement that knows how to mobilize all forces for the birth of the new organism which will be the grandest creation, and the newest, that has occurred in Europe for centuries; in order to constitute a steady federal State, that will have at its disposal a European armed service instead of national armies; that will break decisively economic autarkies, the backbone of totalitarian regimes; that will have sufficient means to see that its deliberations for the maintenance of common order are executed in the individual federal states, while each State will retain the autonomy it needs for a plastic articulation and development of political life according to the particular characteristics of the various peoples.
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If a sufficient number of men in the main European countries understand this, then victory will soon fall into their hands, since both circumstances and opinion will be favourable to their efforts. They will have before them parties and factions that have already been disqualified by the disasterous experience of the last twenty years. Since it will be the moment for new action, it will also be the moment for new men: the MOVEMENT FOR A FREE AND UNITED EUROPE. Altiero Spinelli, Ventotene (Italy) 1941

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Do we have better alternatives for Europe ?
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