Landlords Without Land: The U. P. Zamindars Today Author(s): Thomas R. Metcalf Reviewed work(s): Source: Pacific Affairs, Vol.

40, No. 1/2 (Spring - Summer, 1967), pp. 5-18 Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2754619 . Accessed: 27/04/2012 03:41
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Landlords Without Land: The U. P. Zamindars Today

ThomasR. Metcalf
duringits first decade of independence were the extensive programs of land reform carriedout in almosteverystate.Basing themselves upon CongressResolutions datingback to the I930's, which called foran end to feudalism and exploitation theland as well as to imperialism, various on the stategovernments took up the questionof agrarianreform soon as they as were in power. In the large and populous stateof Uttar Pradesh,for instance,a Zamindari(Landlord) AbolitionCommittee was appointedeven before in independence, I946, and its report formed basis of legislation, the enacted i95i, whichstripped largelandlords thebulk of their in the of estates and awardedthe land to the cultivators. Similarlegislation was soon passed into law elsewhere, and providesto this day the fundamental legal frameworkforIndia's agrarian order. In the fifteen this land reform yearssince its enactment has legislation come underseverecriticism. have pointedout how the initial Many critics proposalswere watereddown for politicalreasonsin the course of their passage through statelegislatures, the with the resultthatsizable loop-holes were builtinto the legislation. that They insistfurthermore the proposals wereeven in theirinitialconception for excessively timid, theyfailedto deal in any significant witheitherof the two fundamental way problems facing ruralIndia, thatof social inequality and thatof agricultural stagnation. The lot of the landlessand the outcaste the bottom ruralsociety, critics at of the contend, was in no way improvedby the abolitionlegislation, while the cultivating casteswho were its beneficiaries simplybecame tenantsof the staterather than of the zamindar,with neither theirsocial statusnor their tax burdensubstantially altered, and withlittle new incentive investment for in the land. W. C. Neale concludeshis exhaustive studyof land reforms in UttarPradeshwiththeflat that"theabolition thezamindarisysassertion of tem will not end poverty UttarPradeshor even contribute in much to the solution that of problem."'
1 WalterC. Neale, Economic Change in Rural India: Land Tenure and Reform Uttar in Pradesh, 1800-1955 (New Haven, i962), p. 288. See also Daniel Thorner,The Agrarian Prospectfor India (Delhi, i956), and Baljit Singh and ShridarMisra, A Study of Land Reforms UttarPradesh(Calcuttai965). in

MONG THE MORE SPECTACULAR ACHIEVEMENTS

oftheIndianGovernment

rural society, how itexercised? and is Indian and In zamindars ina bewildering ofshapes sizes. orcome array der to keep the discussion I within reasonable bounds, shallconfine myattention onestate, to Uttar Pradesh, to onegroup zamindars and of within state, that namely, Oudhtaluqdars. consists thetwelve the of Oudh central districts ofU.P.clustered the about capital ofLucknow. city Because itwastaken bythe over British i856, in fifty after rest the years the of province, Oudhwas formany decades administered separately, theland and policy pursued the by British differed there radically that from carried in out the ofU.P.,then rest known theNorth-Western as Provinces. the After Mutiny i857, which Oudhtook form a widespread of in of the agrarian uprising, British outtoestablish the the on landa strong set conservative bulwark the for Empire. result the was creation a specially of The favored and legally privileged group zamindars, of known theOudh taluqdars, as off all marked from other of landownersthe by possessionsanads awarding them unfettered title their estates.2 270innumber, Some proprietaryover the taluqdars over percent the inthe of soil owned sixty ofOudh, twelve districts and were, nota truelanded if an aristocracy,elitegroup much very
2 On the post-Mutiny Oudh settlement JagdishRaj, The Mutinyand BritishLand see Policyin NorthIndia, 1856-68, (Bombay,1965), and Thomas R. Metcalf, The Aftermath of Revolt:India, x857-70 (Princeton, 1964), ch. iv.

status position? and Whatare thesources his continuing of influence over

Pacific Aflairs In allofthis discussionthe of working land of reform attention been has focussed almost exclusively village upon society agricultural and productivity. Onceit became apparent zamindari that abolition ineffectual was in meeting problem rural the of poverty, planners theeconomists the and turned other to more promising schemes: community development, panchayati consolidation holdings, cooperative raj, of and farming, among others. ofthese Each schemes hasitsband enthusiasts,continual now of and warfare between for rages them official sanction funds. the and In process the zamindars been have completely ignored. Perhaps because havebeen they officially "abolished," assumed they it is that and havedisappeared areno longer any of consequence. this far the Yet is from being case. shorn Though ofmuch their of former power, zamindars exercise the still considerable influence Indian in rural so society. Indeed firmly is thelocalposition based ofmany these andsowidely of men, spread networkcontacts intheir of and fluence, the ofthe that fate various now development schemes being hawked about, the and shape rural of political as well, to life depend a surprising extent theattitude thezamindars on of toward them, on thenature and of their involvement inthem. is,then, It worth asking only not what zamindari abolition meant thepeasantry,for has for or productivity, it butwhat has meant thezamindar. hasfifteen of"abolition" for How years affected his

Landlords Without Land: The U. P. Zamindars Today

conscious their of superior status rural in society. early i86i they As as had cometogether a specialorganization, British in the IndianAssociation of Oudh, which their expressed corporate ofbelonging a distinct sense to group, andthrough which fought secure they to what they regarded their as rights.3 their Withtheir elitist extensive and closeties ethic, landholdings, their withtheBritish, taluqdars the werepeculiarly to vulnerable thethreat of zamindari abolition. Indeedthey fought not strenuously, though too effectively, avert to thislegislation from timeit was first the In proposed. the zamindars from restofU.P., formed the and independent political parties contested legislative withtheCongress a platform private seats on of property free and enterprise.4thefaceofthegreat In strength theCongress, of however, efforts unavailing. landlord such were The parties weredecisively beaten both theI937 andthei952 elections. Zamindari in Act The Abolition passed law as ActI ofi95i, andtook into effect July i952. on i, As a result zamindari of abolition taluqdars the found themselves stripped of all their landholdings that which had keptunlet "home except they as or farms" and khudkasht) as groveland.Acquisition agricultural (sir of the landafter passage theactwas prohibited of it whenever wouldgivethe total within state more of the purchaser holdings than acres. cushTo thirty ion the blow the Government compensation the formof nongave in negotiable Government bondsto all zamindars therateof eighttimes at net their assets. addition actprovided thepayment rehabilitation In the for of grants all intermediary to holders paying than i0,000 oflandrevenue less Rs. annually. thenumerous zamindars comprised bulkofthe For tiny who the U.P. landholders abolition often madeitself more a reduction social felt in of status ofincome, itseffects alleviated a large than and were to extent more by intensive cultivation the land which of remained themin their to home villages. theOudh talqudars, For however, had beenaccustomed who for decadesto support themselves fromthe rental incomeof their extensive estates, process adjustment theneworder a difficult delithe of to was and cate task, onewhich and would their try reserves adaptability. of to the Contrary whatonemight successful thetaluqdars of expect, most in adapting the newconditions to have beenneither largest the the nor but the of smallest, rather holders middling-sized estates. Before zamindari the in abolition largest estate Oudhbyfarwas that theMaharaja Balof of the of rampur, headofa family Janwar Rajputs whohad entered provthe incein thefourteenth The century. Balrampur holdings encompassed some
3 See T. R. Metcalf, "The Taluqdars of Oudh 1860-i900: Landlordsor a Landed Aristocracy?",in R. E. Frykenberg, Land Control India (Madison,Wis., in press). ed., in 4For an extendedanalysisof landlordpoliticsin U.P. see P. D. Reeves,The Landlords' Responseto PoliticalChange in the UnitedProvinces Agra and Oudh, 1921-37, unpubof lishedPh.D. dissertation, Australian NationalUniversity, Canberra, 1963.

I930's,

andagain the I940's, the in late Oudh taluqdars,conjunction in with

Aflairs Pacific
enabledthe Maharaja to supporta way of lifeequal in splendorto thatof and estate household His elaborate Indian princes. manyof theindependent his establishments, several palaces, including an ornate Victorian guest and his lavish durbarsand shootingtours, house for European visitors, gave the Maharaja a commandingposition among the status-conscious century onwards.Wheneverhe was of taluqdarsfromthe mid-nineteenth held age and of sound mind the holderof theBalrampurestateinvariably of thepostofpresident theTaluqdars'Association. insulatedfromthe But the Maharaja was at the same time effectively of harshrealities rurallife,and frompoliticaleventsas well, by his assured For servants.5 decadesat a timethesucof incomeand his manylayers estate of cessiveMaharajas lefttheaffairs theirestatein thehands of the Manager, to and the local thekadars, whom was farmedout on an often Englishman, the the contract duty of collecting rent.Hence when the estate long-term was faced with the crisisof zamindariabolitionmuch dependedupon the and upon the extentto which the Maharaja of competence theseservants, Fortunately be could himself inducedto take an activepartin estateaffairs. who astuteMuslim,Syed Ali Jafri, themanagerat thetimewas a politically realizedwhich way the wind was blowing.In the earlyI940's, well before largelyat his initiawere established, trusts endowment zamindariabolition, enterprises tive,for the supportof the various educationaland charitable trusts was The land deeded to thesecharitable whichthe estatemaintained. the Act.Although of fromtheprovisions theZamindariAbolition exempted the no Maharaja could,of course, longerappropriate produceof such land,it his through power to appointtrusstillremainedlargelyunder his control stillspreadabroadthe presworkswhichit financed tees,and thecharitable tigeoftheMaharaja. for the however, estatewas ill-prepared zamindariabolition. Beyondthis, Prasad Singh,was by commonreputea "simple The Maharaja,Pateshwari while the bulk of the huge devotions, onlyin his religious man," interested corners this of in the remoter were poorlypaid and, particularly estatestaff at incentive thebestof They had little looselysupervised. far-flung property, and were onlytoo willing of timesforthe faithful performance theirduties, to aboutby zamindariabolition enchaos brought to utilizethemomentary in As richthemselves. the Maharaja tookno personalinterest what wenton and otherunscrupulous personsmade away almost about him,his servants that his property was notnaileddown.Mango before very eyeswithall estate to rest belonging the werestripped, housesand bungalows grovesand forests weresold records and even the estate estatein remoteareas were ransacked,
5 For a view of the lifeof the Maharaja duringthe i920's see Gertrude Emerson,Voiceless India,secondedition(New York,I944), pp. 8 and 154-58.

and of districts Gonda and Bahraich, 500 square milesin thesub-Himalayan

Landlords Without Land: The U. P. Zamindars Today

for waste paper. Almost overnight Balrampur wasreduced a shell the Raj to ofitsformer magnificence. precipitous The character itsfallcanbe readily of appreciated anyone by spending night itsEuropean a in Guest House,alone with lizardsand themosquitoes the amidst overstuffed the the furniture, Rubenesque nineteenth century paintings, thelavish and marble bathrooms whose faucets longer no work. Muchthesametale, an only on can slightly grand less scale, be toldofthe Maharaja Ajodhyia, theowner thesecond of once of largest estate Oudh. in A Brahmin family comparatively prominence Oudh,theAjodhof recent in yia taluqdars prospered had from earlydecades thenineteenth the of century onwards through connection with Nawabsandthen their first the with theBritish.6 political This astuteness notwinfor Ajodhyia did the taluqdars theexalted status a Balrampur-they neither private of had a militia a nor European guest house-butas second thevery in carefully defined order of precedence the taluqdars of theywereentitled of right the Viceas to Presidency theOudh British of IndianAssociation. Theirhugerambling palacedominated sacred ofAjodhyia, mythical the city the home Ram on of thebanks theGhagra. thelastfewyears, of For however, Maharaja the of Ajodhyia inhabited decaying has his mansion a recluse, as playing little part inlocalaffairs. emerges on religious He only occasions, hasmadeno atand tempt mobilize secular political to for or purposes considerable the influence he couldcommand hisformer on estates. Evento arrange interview an with himrequiredsizable a effort persuasion. of For thegreatest thetaluqdars, zamindari of abolition then, effectively put an endto their Eventhough careers. these menafter still coni95i possessed siderable of in holdings land,and a prestigious position society, were they unable respond theopportunitiestheneworder. to to of Theyhad livedfor so longin suchsplendid assured an ampleincome, of surrounded isolation, and bysycophants, relieved all managerial of that duties, oncetheir unquestioned had position disappeared couldonly retreat they before the helplessly onslaught. hadcome They too and down far toofast. in werealso often reduced a to The smaller taluqdars, similar fashion, of state demoralization thecatastrophe i95i. Thesemen, of by distinguished landlords theprovince of zamindari from numerous the more their petty by status thanbyanysubstantially of possession taluqdari were greater wealth, to on estates to support and content livequietly their themselves usually on income. did of rental receive much theproceeds their Rarely they education, in tookpride their for and while a they taluqdari status, it gavethem sense elite to ofbelonging thearistocratic of theprovince, onlyinfrequently they in or or ventured Lucknow participated provincial taluqdari into politics.
6 For the earlyhistory thisextraordinary see family Gazetteer the Province Oudh of of of (Lucknow,I877), Vol. III, pp. 38-42.

Pacific Agflairs
Zamindari abolitionconsequently caught them unawares,and left them withtheawkwardchoiceof either ekingout a meagrelivelihood fromtheir few remaining acresor movinginto the city.But without capitalor educain tion theywere poorlyplaced to retrieve theirfortunes the competitive marketplaces of Lucknow and Allahabad.The plightof thesepettytaluqdars can perhapsmostreadilybe appreciated noticing by one or two representative individuals. The taluqdar of Raje Sultanpurin Faizabad District, whom I met in old home just outside Novemberi965, stilllivesin the unpretentious family the villageof Sultanpur. The villageitself a bustling is place,with a twiceweeklybazaar and intermediate school,but it is locatedin a remotecorner of the district, fromany towns and five miles by dirt trackfromthe far nearest bus stand.The taluqdaris a member the Palwar clan of Rajputs, of "is writer an ancientlineagebut one whosehistory, thegazetteer as records, mainlya recordof intestine quarrelsand violentdeaths."7 Because of this continuedfeudingthe familyhabitually divided theirholdingsinto small parcelsheld individually thevariousmembers theclan,withtheresult by of thatno one man everpossessed sufficient property sustaingreatwealthor to sufficient education escapefrom confines his narrowupbringing. to the of By i965 the taluqdarof Raje Sultanpur had sunk into such obscurity the that district officer in theold days,whilecampingin thevillage,would have who been lavishly entertained the local taluqdar,was totallyunaware of his by on existence evincedno interest and evenin meeting him.The villagers, their part,looked on the taluqdaras an anomaly, harmless a relicof thepast,and when questionedabout his former positionin the village theypreferred to talk insteadof the i942 "Quit India" movement, which the village had in playeda prominent part. Those of the smallertaluqdarswho had moved to the cityrarelyfared closebyLucknow,and once underthetight muchbetter. Barabunki district, a of control theOudh Nawabs, contained very of largenumber exceptionally small taluqdariestates, manyof themheld by Muslims.It was onlynatural themof their had deprived forthese men,once zamindariabolition lands,to But Lucknowin searchof new opportunities. theywerenot drift intonearby of members the province's ruralelite, ordinary job-seekers. Statusconscious in theyhad no interest manuallabor or in the demeaningminorclerkships could alone ordinarily command.As a thattheirlimitedskillsand training at result, manyspentmoretimelookingforjobs thanworking themand the One jobs theydid findwere rarely veryremunerative. scionof a Barabunki even set himself in businessas a travelagentin the lobbyof the family up CarltonHotel. This positionhad the great advantageof being adequately and at the same time of requiringlittlecapital. Unfortunately, dignified,
7

Vol. XLIII), Allahabad, H. R. Nevill, Fyzabad: A Gazetteer(U.P. DistrictGazetteers,

p. 90.

1905, IO

Landlords Without Land: The U. P. ZamindarsToday however, neither taluqdar's the business into acumen, theflow tourists nor of was the hotel, sufficient tosustain business more the for a than short time. For theMuslims Musamong for these minor as taluqdars, indeed many lims throughout life U.P., under neworder peculiarly the difficult. was Many of theMuslim landlords beenactive theMuslim had in the Leagueduring before years independence, eventhose and themselves who had notfound after I947 alienated toward from political a oriented system increasingly Hindu interests. Although Congress the leadership consistently proclaimed itsloyalty theideals thesecular to reof never state, party in practice the was luctant cater thereligious to to of for sentiments themajority community political purposes. when Congress And over the exercised restraint itsactions Jan Sanghand Socialist Perzealots Lucknow the at werequicktofill void. hapsthemostdeeply-felt source Muslim of resentment thecontinuing was exaltation theHindilanguage, theaccompanying of attack and uponUrdu, formany Muslims heart soulof their the and culture. This marked all out tooclearly extent their the of estrangement the from newpolitical order. Someofthelarger wealthier and the Muslim landholders, amongthem Raja of Mahmudabad, retired Pakistan, thesmaller to but men,boundto India by tiesof family and property, moreoften movedintoLucknow, where they took residence their up in townhouses, their usually with kinfolk, in thechowk, oldMuslim or quarter thecity. of There, bereft both of landed position political and power, they nursetheir grievances cherish and such mementoes pastgreatness thesanads of as to awarded their ancestors Lord by in Canning i858. Not eventhose Muslim few taluqdars haveremained who politically active havebeenableto escape sense isolation. this of Indeedthey havebeendriven their by jointopposition zamindari to abolition the and imposition Hindiintoa position extreme, thereby of of and hopelessly ineffectual, conservatism. conspicuous Most amongthemis doubtless Begam Aizaz Rasul,wifeof theformer taluqdar Sandilain Hardoidistrict. of A member the original of Zamindari Abolition in Committee I946, Begam Rasul almost led single-handedly a protracted struggle against recomthe mendations thecommittee, in theU.P. Legislature then the of first and in courts. is nowa leading She member theimpotent Swatantra of U.P. Party. holders largeto middling-sized Among of estates (i.e.,those comprising from to250 or30ovillages) effects zamindari 50 the of abolition beenby have no means disabling fortheMuslims thepetty as as or landlords Baraof bunki. Manyofthese larger taluqdars havein fact shown surprising a resilso iency, muchso that they havebeenableto preserve largemeasure in not their fortunes their but only political influence well.The possession a as of in a moderately estate i95i was in itself valuable large for asset, it gavethe owner accessto considerable and capital resources increased likelihood the that wouldretain viable he a baseofoperations thedeluge. mere after But sizewasnoguarantee success thenewera.As we haveseen, owners of in the
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PacificAffairs
of such mammoth properties Balrampurand Ajodhyia,livingin almost as regalsplendor, were so insulated from realities theworld,and psychothe of logically unprepared change,thattheycouldnot cope effectively so for with the problemsof adjustment. Even those holding moderately sized estates could-and oftendid-fall victimto the commontaluqdariobsessionwith statusand prestige the exclusionof all else. Success in the new postto abolition worldrequired, other in words, onlya soundeconomic not base but some appreciation the value of education, of combinedwith a modicumof common senseand adaptability. Education, aboveall,was crucial. In i864, barelysix yearsafterthe flamesof the revolthad been extintheirassociation, guished,the taluqdars, through foundedCanning College, lateraffiliated theUniversity Lucknow; a fewyearsafterwards to of theyesthe tablished Colvin Taluqdars' School as a preparatory schoolforthe college. The supportof thesetwo institutions remaineduntil the veryeve of zamindari abolitionthe taluqdars'major corporate philanthropic activity. From thestart, the to however, bulk of the taluqdarsgave theirsupport the schoolsnot out of any deep commitment education, to but as a prestigious act of charity and becausetheirBritish rulersexpected of them.Securein it their local position, often and orthodox their in Hinduism,they saw no benefitto themselves education.The Colvin School cateredespecially the in to sonsof taluqdars, withspecialclassesset aside forthem,and modeledmany of its activities and customson thoseof the English public schools; yetits appeal to the aristocratic sentiments the taluqdarswas only moderately of Not successful. eventhemotto emblazonedoverthe doorway theschoolof "noblesse oblige"-could inducemanyto partwiththeirsons forverylong. Hence thosefew taluqdarswho did attendschool,eitherat Colvin or elsehad a distinct advanwhere,and who wenton to obtainuniversity degrees, tage overtheothers duringthetroubled timesof the I940's and 5o's. Almost without the havebeenthemosthighly educated. exception mostsuccessful the underthenew withcapitaland education opportunities For taluqdars and The mostreadysourceof income, orderwerebothremunerative diverse. holder'spossession. was theland stillin the former and of social standing, and prohibited law fromleasof thebulk of their Though stripped land, by the land to tenants, taluqdarswere permitted retainin to ing agricultural their private possessionall sir and khudkasht(personallysupervisedor the "home farm") land and all groves.Anticipating eventualenactment of abolitionlegislation, many foresighted taluqdars had already,well before cultivatedland into mango groves,and converting i95i, begun shifting tenantholdingsto sir cultivated hiredlabor.On the eve of abolitionthe by averagesize of sir and khudkasht holdingsamong thosepaying over Rs. was 245 acres.8 I0,000 in landrevenue During thecourseof theabolition pro8 Report of the United ProvincesZamindari Abolition Committee(Allahabad, I948), Vol. II, p. 5.
12

Landlords Without Land: The U. P. ZamindarsToday ceedings these loop-holes further were widened lenient by application the of law,particularlythecaseofpolitically in influential landholders, bythe and division large of holdings among family members that so eachcouldclaima certain amount unlet As a result larger of sir. the taluqdars often kepthold of quitesubstantial acreage. The Raja of Mankapur GondaDistrict, in for some instance, retained 2000 acres hisprivate in possession.9 Butholdings ofthis couldsupport affluent oflifeapproeven size an style priate theposition a taluqdar, to of onlyif they werevigorously effiand ciently exploited underthedirect personal supervision theowner. of The waste, incompetence, disdainforagrarian the the affairs, whichwereso marked feature theold taluqdari a of land system, couldnotbe tolerated under these newandmore straitened circumstances. taluqdars now, The had of necessity, takean active in agricultural to part improvement. have Many taken thisunaccustomed withenthusiasm. Raja of Kasmanda, to role The forinstance, man of considerable a meansand cultivated tastes, proudly showed through extensive me the mangogroves whichnow surround his country housein Sitapur District, thenbrought backto watcha and me demonstration newox-drawn harrow, ofa disc which hoped introduce he to to thevillagers. demonstration placein themiddle whathad The took of beenuntilthenthesidelawnimmediately adjacent his house.WhenI to commented uponthisnewly found interest agriculture, replied, in he "Ah it well, gets outofdoors theair." one into The more successful havenotonlyundertaken intensive taluqdars cultivation their lands, havediversified new areas.Several of old but into have invested appleorchards theHimalayan in in foothills-a most unprofitable in dertaking a country where fresh apples command exorbitant prices-while manyhavesetup ancillary on or processing enterprises their estates, have taken distributorships up for agricultural electrical and Few equipment. perhapshavegoneso farin this direction theRaja ofMankapur. estate, as His which Paul Brasscalls"a small-sized agro-industrial complex," in includes, to addition his 2000 acresof land,a livestock a farm, 35o,ooorupeecold a storage, tubewellparts a distributing agency, petrol and a mango tank, canning The factory.10 management suchdiverse of enterprises, of many which demand constant supervision,of course easymatter. close is no One common solution theproblem beendivision labor to has of the within family. On thethriving Pratapgarh estate, instance, sonlivesat theold Raj for one family of Qila Pratapgarh, seat another manages PratapAgencies (Ltd.), an equipment in Lucknow, distributorship whilethe Raja himself, Jan a in Sangh M.P.,is active national in politics Delhi. No lessthan economic enterprise, participationpolitics essential in was to
9 Paul R. Brass,FactionalPolitics an Indian State: The Congress in Partyin UttarPradesh (Berkeley, Calif.,i965), p. 70. 10 Ibid.

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Pacific Aflairs thetaluqdar on preserving position bent his under neworder. talthe The uqdars ofcourse, a group active provincial had, as been in politics many for decades. political This though successful securing in involvement, initially for them position dominance, through British a of first the Indian Association then and through landlord the parties thedyarchy wasin the of era, long a dismal run failure. oldlandlord The system indefensible was before an aroused tenant electorate. once But emancipatedzamindari by abolition from constraints class the ofa platform, taluqdars ableas individthe were ualstoreap political advantage their from traditional influence. local And their allegiance, asmen standing the of in countryside,eagerly was sought by allpolitical parties. Where hadfailed they together, could they succeed apart. Somefewtaluqdars, spurning landlord politics, from start had the thrown their with established in lot the political parties. men, Such when they joined Congress, ablenot the were only build to upon their established positionswealth power, atthe of and but same time, following by Gandhi to jail, enhance status furtherseeming renounceall.Byfar to their still by to it themost politically influential thetaluqdars Dinesh ofall is Singh, of Raja Kalakankar Pratapgarh in district.member oneofthevery landA of few lordfamilies a tradition radical with of Dinesh Singh joined the politics, Congress movementa youth as during I930's, became close the a friend of the Nehru family, worked way through party, tothe and his up the first post ofMinister theExternal in Affairs and after Ministry, then, thei967elections, the to cabinet where isnowCommerce he Minister. the Though most spectacularly Dinesh successful, Singh not only is the to made taluqdar have a mark national in The Congress politics. Raja ofPirpur, instance, for is Parliamentary Secretary Minister Education Power, tothe for while Rai and Bahadur Singh Bhadri recently elevated the of has been to post of Bajrang Vice-Chancellor Agricultural of the in U.P. UniversityPantnagar, from few these exceptional Apart most individuals, ofthe who taluqdars joined Congress so as a matter calculated did of political expediency during theimmediate post-independence The alliance mutually years. was advantageous, the for party wanted access thelarge to purses extensive and local influencethetaluqdar, theoldlandlord anxious secure of while was to for himself a place honor prestige the of and under neworder. Opposition The no than Congress, sought support these magparties, less the also the local of nates. Initially Opposition inU.P.were radical, ineffectual, the parties too too or toodisorganizedappeal to to these But landholders. successfully proud from middle the 1950's onward U.P. Congress been the has rent bitter with factional while Jan and strife, the Sangh Swatantra have into parties come existencecongenial as homes the for conservative the and disillusioned. The for adherence substantially has resulting competitiontheir increased talthe uqdars' bargaining and leverage their readiness shift political to their allegiance. isnolonger It uncommonseea long to time Congress supporter deI4

Landlords Without Land: The U. P. ZamindarsToday sert party the with followers some his after as personal slight, didthe Raja of an behind opposition throw influence his in Mankapur i955,andthen party. a who had previously whenproSimilarly taluqdar ignored politics might, enter political the vokedby the actions thelocal Congress of leadership, the The Raja ofPrafor first as theheadofan opposition time arena party. the in outside district returned tapgarh, instance, a longresidence for after setoutto mobilize for and i960 as a Jan Sanghcandidate Parliament, supwhathe regarded themisuse power theBrahmin as elite port against of by the In AudeshPratapSingh, a controlling district Congress. likemanner to election an Independent as candidate the taluqdar Faizabad,secured of in of President defiance theCongress, of powerful position ZillahParishad in and proudly me that was theonly told he non-Congress president all the districtsU.P. of at It wouldbe tedious todescribe length individual oftaluqdari cases here at dealtwithin the recent has success thepolls.The subject beenamply which discuss electioneerstudies Paul Brass Angela of and Burger, taluqdari as of of districts part an overall ingin Gondaand Pratapgarh analysis U.P. for local state The politics.'1 reasons thetaluqdars' persisting influence do, somenotice. dishowever, require Why have theseold and presumably landlords in credited gainedsuch a commanding position local politics? on or beenso conspicuously whether Congress Whyhavethey successful, in and seats opposition tickets, theracefor Parliamentary State Assembly in of therural areas thestate? in Muchoftheanswer be found their can in position theritual hierarchy ofcaste. The bulkofthetaluqdars, almost theHinduholders all including to ofmoderate large are caste. ritually caste, A estates, ofRajput high second to have the only theBrahmins, traditionally provided secular of elite Rajputs theprovince. onlyas largelandlords, as petty Not but zamindars suband stantial peasant cultivators, control mostof theproductive agriculRajputs tural and havelongdominated village the land, panchayats other and local institutions. mere The government existence sucha large of group influof ential caste fellows scattered the throughout countryside thetaluqdar gives a substantial rival advantage a non-Rajput in gathering over electoral support. Butthetaluqdar usually than a Rajput;he is alsotheheadofthe is more just or localRajputlineage clan.This position, its traditionally with acknowledgedceremonial precedence powers dispute and of settlement, invariably a the gives incumbentgreat dealofdeferential respect from other the members thelineage, provides very of a and strong from base which mount to an electoral campaign.
11See P. R. Brass,op. cit., ch. iv, and Angela Burger,Opposition a DominantParty in System:A Study of the Jan Sangh, Praja Socialist,and SocialistPartiesin UttarPradesh, India,unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University Wisconsin. of

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the of In additionto the support fellowcastemembers, taluqdaris also of This consustained the deference thelowercastesfora ritualsuperior. by tinuingdeference, when the taluqdarshave lostmostof theirold legal and is of of economicsanctions, a reflection the persisting strength traditional ruralelite of long social ties and values in the villagesof U.P. As a settled the of and festivals, sometimes even thefocusof standing, patrons local fairs the religioussentiment, taluqdarsare oftenlooked upon with veneration similarto that accordeda raja. Indeed, many of the taluqdarswere once the came; manyhold the rajas,or rulersof men,in the days before British surrounds themeven now in greatness titlestill;and theaura of thisformer as This deferential distheeyesof thelocal peasantry.'2 loyalty, thetaluqdars or to in covered their dismay I937 and I952, was notgivenautomatically unto of and thinkingly, could not be harnessed a platform landlordclass priviRaj, and no lege. But now thatthetaluqdarsare no longertiedto theBritish of withthe defense an exploitative of system agrarianrelalongerburdened to to tions,theyare well situated turntheirsocial eminence politicaladvantage. on Their landlordpast does, of course,place certainrestraints taluqdar act or in politicalactivity. They mustnot,forinstance, together concert in the any way give the appearanceof wishingto restore old agrarianorder. Their electoralappeal is almostof necessity conservative, it mustbe a but conservatism. The mere passage of time worksin calculatedand selective the taluqdars'favor, it softens harshmemories landlordexploitafor the of tion and diverts and pin-pricks, occasionaldraattention the continuing to maticfailures, the CongressGovernment. The new ordermay be better of thantheold, but it does not alwaysappearso to a peasantry engagedin still in a precarious for More important, however, accounting struggle existence. fortaluqdaripoliticalsuccess, the factthattheyhave effectively married is Unlike modern electoraltactics to their traditionalsocial pre-eminence. theirnaive predecessors the i930's, who expectedtheirpositionof local of dominance itself secureforthemthe votesof the tenant the electorate, to by voteand taluqdaripoliticians todayhave becomeaggressive sophisticated of At timethey campaignactively theruralareas,addressing in getters. election on publicmeetings, smoking huqqa withfellowRajputs,and sitting the the They remain alcharpoys the lower castesto listento theirgrievances. of and oftenconsciously ways accessible, at the same timeexploitadroitly but the glamourand mystery themas rajas. Perhapsthe most which surround distinctive markof thesuccessful taluqdaripolitician thathe is bothaware is ofthebasisofhispowerand adeptat itsmanipulation. As mightbe expected taluqdaris bestable to translate social posihis the
12 See T. R. Metcalf,"From Raja to Landlord: the Oudh Taluqdars 1850-1870," in R. E. Frykenberg, Land Control India (Madison,Wis.,in press). ed., in

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tionintovotes thevillages hisold estate. in of Therethetraditions deferof enceare strongest, thenumber peopledependent thetaluqdar's and of on the patronage, either now or formerly,greatest.13 throughout rural is But areas, longas thepeasantry so continue be moved traditional to by symbols, are Indeed thetaluqdars remain powerful will a political force. they themost likelybeneficiaries the mounting of populardissatisfaction the enwith trenched Brahmin and Kayastha leadership the U.P. Congress. of Alone amongthecontenders power therural for in areas, taluqdars the (and zaas of an mindars) possess acknowledged position pre-eminencemembers of an elite them provide to caste, sufficient and wealth education enable and to an alternative in source leadership. valueofa largepurse politics of The is the for self-evident, education thiscaseis no lessessential, it enables but in his aspiring taluqdar seekoutthemost to effective ofcombining tradiways Hence the most tionalsocialposition withmodern political techniques. successful members this of newpolitical haveso farbeenmen, elite usually estates whonow and withuniversity degrees, onceheldmiddling-sized who as business managetheir remaining holdings efficient enterprises. arenaitself, On theland,in commercial and enterprises, in thepolitical old then, taluqdars the havefound waysto preserve muchof their wealth have been of and influence. appearance The and techniques dominance The taltransformed, thesubstance beensurprisingly altered. but has little oncewere, as uqdars notnow,ofcourse, are anywhere so wealthy they near unnordo they tower overrural society thesameextent. to Their formerly challenged dominance beenundercut onlyby zamindari has not abolition butbythegrowth suchnewchannels political as of of expression universal But loss suffrage, panchayati and easier raj, access thebureaucracy. this of to status, forcing taluqdars revamp by the to drastically style life betheir of and havior, had theresult enabling moreenterprising has of the amongthem to playa muchmoreconstructive thanbefore boththeeconomic role in andthepolitical ofrural life India. Where they were oncerenowned fortheir only bloated wealth social and distance, arenowactively they involved rural in development. providing By capital and managerial talent agricultural for experimentation theesand and of tablishment ancillary these processing distributive enterprises taluqa darsaremaking notable, somewhat if belated reluctant, and contribution to India'seconomic in progress. Similarly politics, where they oncelooked down disdainfully boundto themby thetiesof rent, upon a peasantry whosesupport tookforgranted, taluqdars the they now campaign actively
13 For an analysis of the pattern support the Raja of Mankapurin the i962 election of for see P. R. Brass,op. cit.,p. 84. The Raja of Kasmanda,describing experiences Congress his as candidatefor Parliament the i962 electionin SitapurDistrict, in told me in an interview in Novemberi965, thathe had won decisively all the villagesof his old estate,but lost the in remainder the constituency-and election-to his Jan Sangh opponent. of the

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for the votes of the rural populace. Like the landed and princelyclasses throughout much of northIndia, the Oudh taluqdarshave proventhemin selvesremarkably adeptpoliticians thenew democratic politicalorder. To be sure,thiswide-ranging has transformation been accomplished underthe and spurof necessity, manyhave been leftbehind, in theprocesstheold but landedclasseshave established themselves a moderately as progressive force at thehead of ruralsociety. Despite thedisappearance thezamindarisystem, of thezamindars individuals stillvery are as mucha powerto be reckoned with in ruralIndia.

UniversityCalifornia, of Berkeley

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