Personal data

Name: Designation: Parent University: Field of Research: Title of Research

Dr. Syed Abdul Siraj Chairman, Department of Mass Communication Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad Mass Communication Image of Pakistan in the US Media: Exploring News Framing University of Southern Illinois Carbondale, USA

Name of the Host University

Date of departure for Fellowship: September 2006 Date of completion of Fellowship: E-mail address September 2006

sasiraj99@yahoo.com

Post Doctorate Dissertation

Image of Pakistan in the US Media Exploring News Framing

University of Southern Illinois Carbondale, USA

By Dr. Syed Abdul Syed Abdul Chairman, Department of Mass Communication Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad

Image of Pakistan in the US Media Exploring News Framing

Abstract

This study looks at the image of Pakistan, which has a military government, in the New York Times and the Washington Post one-year before and after the 9/11 attack on the United States. Within the context of the changed relationship between the United States and Pakistan after this attack, wherein Pakistan became an ally of the United States in its War Against Terror, this study is particularly interested in the frames and slant used to describe Pakistan and its leader. The literature on content theory (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996) suggests that various factors including personal attitudes and orientations of reporters, media routines, extra media organization and ideological factors influence news coverage, particularly while covering another country. These influences are evident in the news coverage in the form of frames journalists use. Frames are encoded in specific phrases journalists use, and once they are widely accepted, they result in social impact (Entman 1993; Kerr 2002). The study (N =335) stories selected by using systematic sampling) found that amount of coverage given to Pakistan in the newspapers differed between the pre- and post-9/11 periods. The total number as well as the mean length of stories after 9/11 was greater than before. Also, Pakistan received more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in the post9/11 period as compared with the pre-9/11 period. Similarly, in the pre-9/11 period, more stories framed Pakistan as foe than as a friend, while in the post 9/11 period more stories framed Pakistan as friend than as foe. The type of coverage Pakistan received after 9/11 is in line with the arguments of several authors (Said 1997; Kux, 2001; Obad 2003) that the U.S. media tend to portray positively those countries that are close to the interests of the United States even when they represent non-democratic regimes. Key words: Pakistans mage/9/11/New York Times/Washington Post/News Framing

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
This study has been designed to investigate a detailed picture of the Pakistani portrayal by the New York Times and the Washington Post of one-year each pre and post scenario of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon in the USA. Since the 9/11 incidents, the US media have extensively been covering the international events. The study focuses on the nature and treatment of the of the Pakistan portrayal. The coverage of Pakistan in US media is a topic of considerable currency because of the events following 9/11. Contradictory perceptions of Pakistan possibly exist in the American publics mind. Such contradictions might also be present in the American media. Wanta (2004) reported that the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 demonstrated to policymakers, the mass media, and the public, the need for a more global perspective in coverage of international news (p. 365). There are various factors that influence media content. In this regard, Shoemaker and Reese (1991) developed a model of concentric circles/level. They are: personal attitudes and orientations of reporters are in the center of the scheme and surrounded by four other levels, or circles: the media routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level, and the ideological level. Following the tradition of critical theory, the authors stress the importance of media owners in the process of making decisions about the news content, and they view hegemonic values in news as tools of permeating the notion of common sense in the society. Shoemaker and Reese state that sources can exert a subtle influence on news content by offering the context within which all other information is evaluated, by providing usable information that is easier and cheaper to use than that from other sources (p.150). While Covering international events, researchers agree that media primarily regard the national interest, Shoemaker et el. Chang's (1990) survey of American newspaper editors found that the US media primary cover U.S. interests and involvements abroad and threats to world peace. Similarly, Gans (1979) confirms that foreign news in the U.S. media cover stories relevant to Americans interests. Paletz & Entman (1981) argue that international reporting are consistent with U.S. foreign policy because reporters rely almost on sources sympathetic to the American interest. This research base on the Shoemaker and Reeves theory of content effect and particularly focuses on the factors of ideology and government policy that influence news content in the US media in the international perspective. Journalists while working with the news frames can play powerful role in determining the success or failure of social movements. One of the major news framing in the US media is by and large experienced either sensationalized or marginal the foreign country coverage. This study investigates frames that used in the US news media are "Fundamentalists, "Militancy", Pakistan as "Friend" or "Foe, and "Pejorative Description" frame.

Objectives of the Studies This study has been designed to achieve the following objectives 1. To analyze the nature and extent of Pakistani image in the leading American newspapers. 2. To document the policy and sentiments of the American newspapers on the Pakistanis issues as specified. 3. To investigate different frames given by the US newspapers to the image of Pakistan 4. To find out how far publication of the issues correlate with the American policy towards Pakistan Significance of the Study Pakistan and America have closed ties particularly, in combating terrorism in the world. Being its significant geographical location, America is looking forward towards Pakistan for having close ties particularly, in the sphere of world politics and combating terrorism Americans help for Pakistan in combating poverty, educational and military development, and rehabilitation works in the earth quake zone has significant impact in changing peoples perception towards America. This study will have many folds significance, specifically, in understanding each other sentiment in the media coverage. The study will find out the nature and treatment of the Americans print media portrayal of the Pakistans socio, political, and it foreign policies on world issues and the American media perception towards Pakistan. Methods The study is primarily a content analysis, which examined both qualitatively and quantitatively the image of Pakistan in The New York Times and the Washington Post. for one year each pre and post of 9/11, 2001 terrorists events in the USA. The study examined all the stories during the specified period including hard news and soft news. Classification of all the stories was based on careful qualitative judgment for identification of the key words/terms as mentioned in the specified hypothesis. The study examined topic, slant, frame, wordage, nature of story and byline story as variables. Frames selected for the study are Pakistan being friend, foe, fundamentalist and pejorative description. These Frames were recognized in the entire story from the contextual point of view. To measure these variables, the entire story was the context unit, while headline and intro was the coding unit for identifying the topic. Similarly, each paragraph was the recording unit for identifying slant in the story. The entire story was the recording unit for identifying frames in the story. The story was coded as neural when it places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic. For example, when a story carried 12 paragraphs in which 6 carried favorable tones while the other 6 carried unfavorable tones, such story was most likely coded as neutral. However, in this case, the story was coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

CHAPTER II BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Brief facts about Pakistan Pakistan is located in the South East Asia, got independence from the United Kingdom in 1947. Its total area is 803,940 Sq. Km. (land 778,720 Sq Km. and water 25220 Sq. Km.). Pakistan has bordering with India in the East, Iran in the West, China in the North and Afghanistan in the North-West. The climate is hot, dry desert, moderate in the North-West and very cold in the North. The main natural resources of the country are agriculture, natural gas, limited petroleum, copper, coal, iron, salt and limestone. Frequent earth quakes in the west-North and flooding in the East during the months of July and August are the natural hazards of Pakistan, (https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/pk.html). Pakistan is a densely populated country with approximately 15,00,0000 populations. The growth rate is almost 1.28 percent. Male and female population ratio is 48% and 52% respectively. Life expectancy is 60 years of both male and female. Punjabi, Pushtoon, Sindhi, Baluchi and Mahajar are the ethnic groups. Urdu is the national language, however English is the official and lingua franca of the elite, (http://www.statpak.gov.pk/depts/fbs/statistics/statistics.html). Pakistan is dominantly a Muslim country with 97% of the population is Muslim (77 % Sunni and 20 % Shia). Christians, Hindus and other are 3 % of the total population. Pakistans literacy rate is about 48%. Out of that, male and female education ratio is 60% and 40% respectively, (Survey of Pakistan, 2005). Administratively, the country is divided into four provinces (Punjab, NWFP, Sindh, and Baluchistan) a capital territory, Pakistan occupied Kashmir and Northern area. Islamabad is the capital of the country. Legal system of Pakistan is based on the British common laws. The government type is federal republic with president and Prime Minister are the executive branches. According to 2005-06 budget summary of Pakistan, the per capita GDP grew by 4.7 percent and per capita income in current dollar term was up by 14.2 percent, reaching $ 847, with economic growth at 7 percent, (Economic Survey of Pakistan 2005-06). According to the Survey, there are 26% of the populations living below the poverty line. Main industries of the country are textile, clothing, leather, rice, carpet, sports items, surgical items, etc. the country is linked with road, rail, air, highways and motorways. Media in Pakistan is both privately and government owned. Television is the most popular medium with variety of private channels. There is also a state TV channel which is widely viewed in the country. Besides, there are great number of dailies and FM radios. Media is moderately independent. Advertisement is one of the chief levers with the government that control media content, (http://www.instecdigital.com/1/pakfact4.htm).

Pak-US relations before 9/11 For a long period of time, Pakistan has been considered a potentially important American ally in South Asia, but the partnership has been unstable since its beginning in the 1947, the year Pakistan was established. The interest of the United States in Pakistan has always been moderate. Pakistans domestic scene, marked by the absence of democratic institutions, inhibits its relations with western democracies, (Kux, 2001; Rahman, 1982). The 1965 war with India soured US-Pakistan relations, because Washington cut off the supply of military spares to Pakistan during the war. After the war, the relations remained frozen. Now some analysts argue that US geopolitical needs will force India to develop better understanding with Pakistan (Ijaz, M. The News, June, 25th 2001). Pakistan Ambassador Jahangir Karamat (1999) stated that Pak-US relations in past, were manipulated by the Cold War goals. The Soviets came marching into Afghanistan in 1979. Suddenly, Pakistan became Americas front-line ally and helped prosecute the USled jihad against the Soviet Union. The economic and military aid to the anti-Soviet mujahideen later turned out to be a major factor in the evolution of the jihadi culture that now Pakistan is trying hard to grapple with. Once the Soviets withdrew, the US washed its hands of Pakistan. The US backed Pakistans fight against the USSR in Afghanistan contributed to the rise of religious militancy in Pakistan in the eighties. This had a disastrous effect on Pakistans domestic scene and which later on became one of a causes of eroding Pak-US relationshipuntil 9/11 and Taliban brought them together again, The US never approved of Islamabads close relationship with Beijing. The US Government had continuously been condemning Pakistan for import of nuclear and missiles technology from China and North Korea. In response to that the U.S. government imposed all U.S. military and economic sanctions levied against Pakistan since 1980. The US further isolated Pakistan after its explosion of an atomic bomb in June 1998, Likewise, Pakistan's safeguards of nuclear technology was also being questioned in Washington, (Karamat 1999). The military coup of General Pervez Musharraf against the Nawaz elected government and appointing himself as president was initially strongly accused by the US Government However, all the condemnations were eclipsed when Musharraf announced as an ally of the US in the war against terrorism.

Pak-US relations aftermath 9/11 In the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist incidents, Pakistan obtained a crucial role in the South Asian region because of its convenient geo-strategic position. Since the 9/11 incidents, Pakistan joined the US in the war on terror and is assisting the US in its efforts in the war and since then the US-Pak relations moved in so many directions: military to military, US helped Pakistan in economic difficulties through debt relief, through access to US markets, and provided opportunity for greater participation in

political and economic levels. President George W Bush, in Camp David, June 24, 2003 said, America has a strong relationship with Pakistan, and we have benefited from the industry and talents of the Pakistani Americans, (The News, June 24, 2003). In October 2001, President Bush signed legislation which was tantamount to waiving the ban on military sales and economic sanctions. The law eliminates virtually all U.S. military and economic sanctions levied against Pakistan since 1980; the banned was endorsed through a legislation call Presslare amendment bill. The rapid removal of sanctions and rescheduling of debt by the US government are positive move in fostering the friendship. The present government is projecting that Pakistan is a moderate and peaceful nation, (Pakistan Observer, March 2005). In March 2004, the United States for the first time acknowledged its desire for a longterm strategic relationship with Pakistan and made it a major non NATO ally (The Nation, March 20, 2004). Amid shocking howling, emanating from earthquake-stricken vicinities of Pakistan in 2006 affected up close to a million people. America has not only dispatched a number of helicopters to Pakistan for emergency rescue operations in remote devastated areas, but has also announced initial monetary help to the tune of US $ 40 million. (Daily Express, March 28, 2006). Obad (2003) argues that shortly after the 9/11, the rhetoric of the United States government made clear that the world was about to experience the first major political division since the end of the Cold War in the 1980s. The new political discourse, mainly built upon binary oppositions, was primarily defined through the speeches of President George W. Bush. He defined the War on Terror as a fight of freedom against oppression, and a fight of the democratic against the undemocratic. Against the backdrop of this clear rhetorical division of democratic versus non-democratic the role of Pakistan and Musharraf as an ally and a strategic partner of the United States in the war against terrorism is interesting, (Obad 2003). Pakistan itself has been a major victim of terrorism due to continuing instability in the region. At the same time, Pakistan's role as a critical ally in the war on terror hardly requires any doubts. Pakistans security agencies have apprehended or killed more than 700 Al Qaeda operatives. Pakistan has deployed more than 80,000 troops on the border with Afghanistan, and the Pakistan security forces suffered more casualties than the combined losses of the Afghan, US, and NATO forces in the war on terror. Historical Evolution of War on Terrorism On September 11, 2001, two hijacked airplanes manned by Al Qaeda slammed into New York's World Trade Center and another into the Pentagon in Washington, DC. A fourth plane flew into the earth in Pennsylvania. Thousands of people were killed in an event. The events were unprecedented. Never before had attacks of similar magnitude been launched against civilians in peacetime on the territory of the United States (Gannon 2001). Many world leaders, in their initial remarks, described the attacks as no less than an act of war.

These incidents led to the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan and marked the beginning of the "War on Terrorism", (wikipedia.org 2006). Wanta (2004) reported that a web of terror has spun across many different nations of the world. He argues, The emergence of the Al-Qaeda and terror organization established the need for a more global perspective, (P. 45). The phrase "War on Terrorism" was first widely used by the Western press to refer to the attempts by Russian and European governments, and eventually the U.S. government, to stop attacks by anarchists against international political leaders. Many of the anarchists described themselves as "terrorists," and the term had a positive valence for them at the time, (wikipedia.org 2006). The phrase gained currency was its use to describe the efforts by the British colonial government to end a spate of Jewish terrorist attacks in the British Mandate of Palestine in the late 1940s. The British proclaimed a "War on Terrorism" and attempted to crack down on Irgun, Lehi, (wikipedia.org 2006). The phrase "War on Terrorism" was used frequently by U.S. President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s. In his 1986 speech to the U.N. General Assembly, Reagan said: "the United States believes that the understandings reached by the seven industrial democracies at the Tokyo summit last May made a good start toward international accord in the war on terrorism," (wikipedia.org 2006). On September 12, 2001, less than 24 hours after the attacks in New York City and Washington, NATO invoked Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty and declared the attacks to be an attack against all 19 NATO member countries, (wikipedia.org 2006). Kent (2004) argues that the press faced a tremendous task in reporting on the events and developments after September 11. He comments the the press of the United States also rushed to fill in all the blank spaces in the national consciousness resulting from the dearth of international news in preceding years. Campbell (2001) argues that foreign news on terrorism are being questioned both in terms of quantity and quality that comes from reporters parachuting in for events without much on-the-ground context.

The Talibanization Phenomena Taliban ranks consist of local tribesmen, students of religious seminaries and few foreigners Jihadis who are against the Pakistani government for its support in the war on terror and want Islamic system in the areas of their control. This study takes Taliban as Pakistani Taliban who may have resemblance with those who ruled Afghanistan in the 1990s. They along with other Afghans and foreigners defeated the then USSR army in Afghanistan. After the Soviets defeat in Afghanistan, the Taliban got control over most of the territory of Afghanistan in 1996 and imposed a combination of Islamic rigid laws and Pashto fundamental culture/traditional values. This stringency in governance earned a lot of animosity for them.

However, the spell of Taliban rules was epigrammatic as they were alleged to have provided conduit to Al-Qaeda leadership responsible for the September 9, 2001 terrorist attack on the US. They were unseated by the mighty superpower USA through its hightech military hardware with active support from Pakistan. The Pervez Musharraf military government joined the US led war on terror which provoked the local Taliban in Pakistan and they started attacks on the security forces with the help of Taliban across the border in Afghanistan. To quash the local Taliban, Pakistani government started army operation against them. Thousands of troops have been deployed in the tribal areas and dozens of operations have been conducted in the areas of Taliban dominance. Hundreds of military personnel, Taliban and civilians have been killed in the fight. A number of peace efforts have been initiative to find out reasonable solution. This study investigates media perspective on the issue in the context of war and peace journalism particularly in the slant and frames towards Taliban. The war by now has entered into the sixth year. The area once bastion of peace has been turned into a veritable hell (Rustam Shah Mohmand, 2008). The number of Taliban has swelled in the recent years and the movement has gained momentum in other settled parts of the Frontier province. According to Anwar Syed (2008), the Taliban have two main objectives. First, they want to expel the Americans from Afghanistan. To this, they attack the US and Afghan forces. They want Pakistan dissociate itself from the terror war. As Pakistan will not do that, they consider Pakistan a friend of their enemy and hence their enemy. Secondly, they want Islamic and morality as they know them to be implemented in Pakistan. Ahmad Rashid (Taliban: militant Islam, oil and fundamentalism, 2000) fears Pakistani society is succumbing to Talibanization as the conflict between the moderate (state) and fundamentalists (Taliban) enters into a decisive stage. In this new stage, a cultural change is happening, starting from the Frontier province and then spreading in the whole country. He fears the growing religious militancy will certainly silence the voice of the liberals. Taliban are being criticized for entertaining a rigid view of Islam and the fear that Taliban victory would transport the country into the ephemeral dark ages. Pressured by the horrific prognosis, the state has often retaliated with force. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, gross human rights excesses have been made by the security forces in the troubled areas. Attacks on the non-combatants and the collateral damages are all times high. Hundreds of thousands of ordinary people have been rendered affected and in total discomfiture. The present study aims to analyze the media strategy in reporting the tension between the Taliban and the security forces. Taking cue from the original Galtung model of peace journalism, this study strives to help devise a media strategy to inculcate peace and moderation between the warring sides.

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Pak-India Conflict over Kashmir India and Pakistan were created as a result of the Indian Independence Act of 1947. Soon after the independence both the countries started differences over the territory of Kashmir. Pakistan claims Kashmir, where the majority of people are Muslim bound to India against their will. India claims Kashmir, as agreed under the Indian Independence Act. Meanwhile, within Kashmir a separatist movement has emerged, seeking an independent state, which is opposed by both Pakistan and India, http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/Kashmir-India_vs_Pakistan. As a result of the unresolved dispute on Kashmir, India and Pakistan went to war for several times. Both India and Pakistan are the world's most populous countries both with nuclear capability have the ominous potential to escalate into threat nuclear war, or beyond. About 65% of the territory of Kashmir is administered by India, the remaining 35% by Pakistan, http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/KashmirIndia_vs_Pakistan.

Hindus and Muslims slaughtered each other during the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan (Malik, 2002). Soon after the independence from British, both the countries warred over the territory of Kashmir in the Himalayas. The claim over Kashmir goes to the heart of the identities of these two rivals. According to UN records Kashmir is the oldest conflict inscribed in the body of UN resolutions and one of the most serious (Burki, 2007). The troubles began with the British who were eager to quit India and the dillydallying maharajah of Jammu and Kashmira Hindu ruler, not especially popular with his mostly Muslim subjects. Against the will of his subjects, maharaja agreed to the annexation of Kashmir by India. Pakistan has never seen the maharajah's decision as legitimate (Rahman, 1996). By Pakistan's logic of partition, Kashmir, with its Muslim majority, belong to Pakistan, (Ganguly, 1994). As Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then the foreign minister and later the president of Pakistan declared in 1964, "Kashmir must be liberated if Pakistan is to have its full meaning" (Malik, 2002). Kashmir has also been essential to India from the start. "Many Indians think something would be diminished in our lives if Kashmir were to go," said Kanti Bajpai, a international relations professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. India claims Kashmir, as agreed under the Indian Independence Act. India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, an ardent secularist who vehemently opposed carving the subcontinent along religious lines, was born to a Brahmin family from Kashmir. His sentimentality about the place infuses Indian feelings about Kashmir today (Ganguly, 1994). Meanwhile, within Kashmir, a separatist movement emerged. India accuses Pakistan of waging a proxy war in Kashmir by arming and training militants. Pakistan says it provides only moral and diplomatic support to the Kashmiri freedom struggle (Harrimirza, 2007). About 65% of the territory of Kashmir is administered by India, the

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remaining 35% by Pakistan (http://www.flashpoints.info/countries-conflicts/KashmirIndia vs. Pakistan). India and Pakistan are the world's most populous countries with nuclear capability have the ominous potential to escalate into threat nuclear war (Hussain, 1998). Human rights groups have repeatedly raised an outcry about disappearances and extrajudicial killings in the Indian held Kashmir (Human right commission, 2001). That first India-Pakistan war on the issue of Kashmir began in 1947 and lasted for more than a year. When it was over, Pakistan had seized a swath of northwestern Kashmir. India agreed to hold a plebiscite under international monitoring, to allow Kashmiris to choose which nation they wanted to join. The plebiscite never happened. It became the mantra for Pakistani outrage against India (Rahman, 1996). Pakistan- India fought another bloody war in 1965 for the claim of Kashmir. In December 1971 India helped East Pakistan (Bangladesh) to secede from Pakistan (Haq, 1997). The rigged election in 1988 in the Indian held Kashmir caused the Kashmiri discontent to erupt into guerrilla warfare. The Kashmiri insurgency was radically transformed more than a decade ago by the introduction of militancy, (Cohen, 1995). India accused Pakistan of assisting the militant groups; Pakistan denies the accusation (Harrimirza, 2007). In 1998, both India and Pakistan carried out nuclear tests, renewing the dispute over Kashmir. Efforts for peace bubbled up in 1998. A historic bus route was opened from Delhi to Lahore, and both sides pledged to talk about Kashmir, (Malik, 2002). In 1999, war broke out for the third time on the cease-fire line at a place called Kargil. More than over 1,500 soldiers on both sides were killed. Afraid that Kargil might turn into nuclear war, US President Bill Clinton pressured both sides to end the war. President Bill Clinton described the Line of Control (LoC) dividing Kashmir as the most dangerous place on earth (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmirconflict). SIPRI (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) yearbook 2002 reports that South Asia is one of the regions that recorded the strongest growth in defense expenditures. The end of the Kargil fighting intensified the militancy in Kashmir. The 9/11 attacks on the US, resulted in the US government wanting to restrain all kinds of militancy in the world, including liberation struggles. Due to Indian persuasion on US Congress Members, the US urged Islamabad to cease help to the kashmiri millitants. In December 2001, a terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament linked to Pakistan resulted in war threats, massive deployment and international fears of nuclear war in the subcontinent. After intensive diplomatic efforts by other countries, India and Pakistan began to withdraw troops from the international border June 10, 2002, and negotiations began again (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir conflict). The competing claims to Kashmir have been complicated by the domestic politics on both sides of the Line of Control (Harrimirza, 2007).

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Pakistan's Nuclear Pakistan's nuclear weapons program was established in 1972 by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Shortly after the loss of East Pakistan in the 1971 war with India, Bhutto initiated the program. India's 1974 testing of a nuclear "device" gave Pakistan's nuclear program new momentum. The 1975 arrival of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan considerably advanced these efforts. Dr. Khan is a German-trained metallurgist who brought with him knowledge of gas centrifuge technologies that he had acquired through his position at the classified URENCO uranium enrichment plant in the Netherlands. He was put in charge of building, equipping and operating Pakistan's Kahuta facility, which was established in 1976. Under Khan's direction, Pakistan employed an extensive clandestine network in order to obtain the necessary materials and technology for its developing uranium enrichment capabilities, In 1985, Pakistan crossed the threshold of weapons-grade uranium production, and by 1986 it is thought to have produced enough fissile material for a nuclear weapon. Pakistan continued advancing its uranium enrichment program, and acquired the ability to carry out a nuclear explosion in 1987, Wisconsin Project (2001). On May 28, 1998 Pakistan successfully conducted five nuclear tests. The Pakistani Atomic Energy Commission reported that the five nuclear tests conducted on May 28 generated a seismic signal of 5.0 on the Richter scale, with a total yield of up to 40 KT (equivalent TNT). Dr. A.Q. Khan claimed that one device was a boosted fission device and that the other four were sub-kiloton nuclear devices. On May 30, 1998 Pakistan tested one more nuclear warhead with a reported yield of 12 kilotons. The tests were conducted at Balochistan, bringing the total number of claimed tests to six, Wisconsin Project (2001). These tests came slightly more than two weeks after India carried out five nuclear tests of its own on May 11 and 13 1998, Terry C. Wallace. (1998). Several sources, such as Jane's Intelligence Review and Defense Department reports maintain that Pakistan's motive for pursuing a nuclear weapons program is to counter the threat posed by its principal rival, India, which has superior conventional forces and nuclear weapons. Pakistan has not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). According to the US Defense Department sources, "Pakistan remains steadfast in its refusal to sign the NPT, stating that it would do so only after India joined the Treaty. Consequently, not all of Pakistan's nuclear facilities are under IAEA safeguards. Pakistani officials have stated that signature of the CTBT is in Pakistan's best interest, but that Pakistan will do so only after developing a domestic consensus on the issue, and have disavowed any connection with India's decision", US Defense Department Report (2001). On several occasions, under the authority of amendments to the Foreign Assistance Act, the U.S. has imposed sanctions on Pakistan, cutting off economic and military aid as a result of its pursuit of nuclear weapons. However, the U.S. suspended sanctions each

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time developments in Afghanistan made Pakistan a strategically important "frontline state," such as the 1981 Soviet occupation and in the war on terrorism.

President MusharrafA US ally Pakistani leader, President Pervez Musharraf, is also a military Chief of Staff, who took power in a military coup in 1999 from Navaz Sharif. Musharraf discontinued his support of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan after the September attacks, which made him an instant ally of American foreign policy, Obad (2003). During Musharraf visit to the United States in February 2002, President George W. Bush admired the Pakistani Presidents courage and vision and described him as the key partner in the global coalition against terrorism (BBC News, February 14, 2002). According to the Pakistani News Service, Musharraf was born in Delhi in 1943 as second of three brothers. Musharraf spent his childhood in Turkey due to his fathers deputation in Ankara. He joined the Pakistani Military Academy in 1961. He also served for seven years in the Special Services Group Commandos. Musharraf studied at the Royal College of Defense Studies in the United Kingdom. Musharraf military career peaked when Prime Minister Navaz Sharif promoted him to the rank of general and appointed him as chief of army staff. In addition to this, Musharraf was given the charge of Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee in 1999. After the military coup in October 1999, he proclaimed himself the Chief Executive of Pakistan and he was sworn in as the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan in June 2001. In response to the military takeover, the U.S. government imposed the sanctions legally required in the case of the overthrow of a democratically elected government, but those had little actual impact since Pakistan was already under severe sanctions after the explosion of atomic bomb, (Kux, 2001). Obad (2003) documents that Musharraf after becoming US ally in the war against terrorism, the US media portray him as courageousness, modern, civilized, pro-Western, progressive and liberal leader and who deals with the Islamic fundamentalists in a proWestern stance; and whose rule has a lot of characteristics of a true democracy. President George W Bush, in Camp David, June 24, 2003, said, President Musharraf is a courageous leader and a friend of the United States, (The News June 24, 2003).

Pakistan and the Western Media Pakistan is covered in the media in terms of an overall frame of West versus Islam, as explained in the works of Said (1997), Siddiqi (1997) and Karim (1999; 2001). They argue that a new binary opposition of West versus Islam replaced the Cold War frame in the international coverage of news. Said (1997) dissects the misunderstanding of Islam in the media, starting from the misrepresentation of facts to deliberate examples of cultural prejudice. According to Said, Islam is subject to the stereotypical portrayals and malicious generalizations in the western media. Such portrayal has excessively been observed in the Western media

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particularly after 9/11 and the gap between Western and Islamic countries has become widen. Said (1997) arguers on the superficial layer in the U.S. media about the coverage of Islam are produced because of the lack of journalists knowledge and education. Said (1997) claims that the Western, and particularly American media, tend to cover Islam in an orthodox, canonical way, which mirrors long-standing cultural prejudices of the West towards Islam. Karim (2001) comments that one of the greatest problems of Western media coverage of Islam is that Muslims as a whole are presented as dangerous to Western interests. Karim (2001) argues that throughout a long period of misusage, the Islamicness of certain actions became a self-explanatory denominator that denotes a militant religion opposed to modernity of any kind. He refers to the terms like Islamic fundamentalists or Islamic militants, that have become a part of the large frame of the Western media coverage of Islam, therefore, irretrievably attribute negative meanings to one whole religion. Said (1997) claims that labels attributed to the Muslim population today could not be attributed to any other ethnic or religious group in the mainstream discussion. When discussing the influences on media content, Shoemaker and Reese (1991) argue that news construction is influenced by the reporters framework, personal attitudes and orientations. There are other factors that influence news making and selection in the US media, i.e., media routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level, and the ideological level, Shoemaker and Reese (1991)

Public opinion about Pakistan in US since 9/11 Following is a summary of the US public opinion on Pakistan reported by the Roper Center at University of Connecticut Public Opinion Onlineperiod 2001 to 2006. To a question of how much Americans like Pakistan, the survey reveals that only 28% Americans like Pakistan To a question regarding Pakistan being an ally in the war against terrorism, 70% views that Pakistan is not doing enough to support the U.S. campaign against terrorism. Similarly, regarding Pakistan reliability in the war against terrorism, the responses were scattered and saying that 10%, very reliable, 33% somewhat reliable 29% somewhat unreliable, 21%, Very unreliable and 7% not sure/decline. Regarding Pak-US friendship, the survey reveals that 6%, 27%, 31%, 24%, and 11% Americans believe that Pakistan is a close friend, not close friend, not friend, neither enemy nor friend, and not sure/refused respectively. Certain countries of the world are important to the U.S. for political, economic or security reasons. In this regard 70% opined that America

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has vital interest in Pakistan. To a question of whether to favor or oppose U.S. troops if the government of Pakistan requests to help against a radical Islamic revolution? 61% wanted to favor the request, while 32% opposed and 7% were not sure. Opinion regarding President Pervez Musharraf as US ally was moderately favorable. In the light of the earthquake disaster in Pakistan, majority thought that the US government should increase assistance to the victims. Regarding economic aid to Pakistan by the US, 32% opined that it should be kept as it is. However 28%, were of the view the aid should be decreased and 23%, wanted to stop the aid altogether. 17% refused to respond. Regarding conduct of war against terrorism in the presence of dispute between Pakistan and India over Kashmir. Majority viewed that it would be difficult to conduct such war in the presence of Pak-India conflict. To a question of whether Pakistan or India will have a better relationship with the United States in the long term? Majority favors India.

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CHAPTER III LITERATURE REVIEW

There are number of factors that influence news content. Shoemaker & Reese (1996) found that media serve as means of the ruling power to produce and maintain the dominant ideology. Galtung and Ruge (1970) argue that news is an ideological product in countries of all types. Ahem (1984) found that, among extrinsic variables, GNP, trade, and political relations influence on media coverage. Previous studies revealed that international news coverage in the US media has a direct influence on U.S. public opinion. Wanta (2004) found strong effect on American public opinion, especially for conflict-related international stories. While commenting on the symbiotic relationship between media and society, Gary (1986) quotes Saturday review cartoon caption, If a tree falls in the forest, and the media is not there to cover it, has the tree really fallen? Gary (1996) argues that all governments spend quite great money and use more people to circulate news than the news organizations do to collect it. He furthers says, There is now a bureaucratic state and a media state. According to James David Barber, Media in the United States are the new political parties and the old political parties are gone. Linsky (1986) argues Press has the tendency to speed up the policy making process p.107). Communication Scholars consider government views as strong extramedia factor that influence media content. Graber (1993) argues that government is considered a strong factor, which influences news coverage. Herman & Chomsky (1988) believe that media largely serve the dominant elite. They argue that this is equally true when the media are privately owned without formal censorship, as when they are directly controlled by the state. While arguing on the media routine approach, Hirsh (1977) says that the mass media may serve different functions, but they share many organizational similarities that overshadow many of the differences. The organizational perspective proposes is another factor that might affect news coverage; even though the media are not financed by the government, they are in many ways controlled by the state, Hirsh (1977). Graber (1993) argues, "violence conflict, disaster and familiar persons or situations are the major selection criteria in the US media. He further comments that negative and conflict news seem to be more important in the United States than in any other society" (pp. 207-31). Hester proposes that culture affinities, economic associations, and news and information conflicts could be determents in selecting international news in the US media. Gen (1979) detected ethnocentrism, altruistic, democracy, responsible capitalism, small-town photorealism, individualism, modernism, social order, and national leadership as values influencing decision for selecting news in the US media. Shoemaker, Chang, and Bredlinger (1987) developed a criteria to determine what is newsworthy in terms of international news; i.e., potential for social change; normative deviance (oddity or uniqueness of the event, which break the norm); relevance to the U.S.; language affinity; geographical distance (closer countries are preferred in news

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coverage); press freedom; and the economic system of the country being covered. Hester (1973) argues that international news worthiness in the US media are determines by a nations geographic size, population, economic development, and its length of existence as a sovereign nation, their cultural affinities, economic associations, and news and information conflicts. Gans (1979) proposes an eight point criteria to decide what values make newsworthiness according to the American point of view in the international perspective. These criterion values are: ethnocentrism, altruistic democracy, responsible capitalism, small-town pastoralism, individualism, moderatism, social order, and national leadership. Shoemaker and Reese (1991) developed a model of concentric circles/levels that influence media coverage. They are: personal attitudes and orientations of reporters are in the center of the scheme and surrounded by four other levels, or circles: the media routines level, the organization level, the extramedia level, and the ideological level. Following the tradition of critical theory, the authors stress the importance of media owners in the process of making decisions about the news content, and they view hegemonic values in news as tools of permeating the notion of common sense in the society. Shoemaker and Reese state that sources can exert a subtle influence on news content by offering the context within which all other information is evaluated, by providing usable information that is easier and cheaper to use than that from other sources (p.150). Mujajid (1971) says that there are large number of content studies pertaining to the flow of foreign news in the US media While covering international events, the researchers agree that media primarily regard the national interest, Shoemaker et el. Chang's (1990) survey of American newspaper editors found that the US media primary cover U.S. interests and involvements abroad and threats to world peace. Similarly, Gans (1979) confirms that foreign news in the U.S. media cover stories relevant to Americans interests. Paletz & Entman (1981) argue that international reporting is consistent with U.S. foreign policy because reporters rely almost on sources sympathetic to the American interest. This research base on the Shoemaker and Reeves theory of content effect and particularly focuses on the factors of ideology and government policy that influence news content in the US media in the international perspective.

The influence of Ideology on news contents Ideology has extensively been defined by the social scientists According to Becker (1984) "An ideology is an integrated set of frames of reference through which each of us sees the world and to which all of us adjust our actions" (p. 69). Hall (1986) defines ideology as "the mental frameworks--the languages, the concepts, categories, imagery of thought, and the systems of representation--which different classes and social groups deploy in order to make sense of, define, figure out, and render intelligible the way society works" (p. 29). Samuel Becker (1984) defines ideology as govern the way we perceive our world and our selves; it controls what we see as natural or obvious (p. 69). According to

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Raymond Williams (1977) ideology is a relatively formal and articulate system of meanings, values and beliefs, of a kind that can be abstracted as a world view or a class out look (p. 109). Press is generally consistent with the values and aspiration of the society, therefore, ideology is wielded with the media contents. Shoemaker & Reese (1991) argue that ideas have links to interests and power and that the power to create symbols is not a neutral forces (p. 185). They further observe that not only is news about the powerful, but it structures stories so that events are interpreted from the perspective of powerful interests. (Shoemaker & Reeve, p.185). According to them media work as extensions of powerful interests in society. Media portrayal of foreign countries often reflects the dominant ideology of the host country, Yu and Riffe, (1988). News reporting is often motivated by ideology rather than newsworthiness. Ideology is a tool that serves as a binding force in a society, Shoemaker and Reese (1991 p.186). News is basically constructed for the people in a given society. The world of media reality is different then the social reality. Shoemaker & Reese (1991) "news is a socially created product, not a reflection of an objective reality, (p.186). Ramaprasad & Majid (1995) argue that as a socially constructed product, news is influenced by a number of factors, i.e., political, economic, and ideological, and open to a fascinating process of cognitive simplification, (p.1). They state that these factors influence media for advocating ideology in a given society. Hull (1989) explains that ideology focuses our attention on the symbolic influence of media on audience of media, the definition that prevails, and the legitimization and exercise of symbolic power (p. 309). Postmodern media has moved every thing into representation. Jean Budrillard (1993) argues that the Tangible world is replaced by selection of images and which simultaneously has imposed itself as a Tangible. He further argues that mass media is shifting our experiences away from the reality to hyper-reality. Media construct social reality on the bases of ideology of a given society. Shoemaker & Rerve (1991) comment that ideology is a tool that serves as a binding force in a society. Zengjun (2004) argues that national image is constructed through a complex historical process involving many factors, such as the political and social realities of a particular country, diplomatic relations, and changes in the international political and economic spheres. Adoni (1984) found that mass media by using these factors can play a major role in shaping a country image. According to Kellner (1995) media frame events within the context of ideology, politics and culture in such a way that cultivate representational picture in the audience mind. Media maintain an ideological base in order to reaffirm social norms. In this regard, Shoemaker and her colleagues (1988) found that those political groups perceived as deviant by newspapers editors were typically given less favorable treatment. Shoemaker, Chang, Brendlinger (1987) established that International stories published by the US media were more deviant then those stories not reported. They observed that events

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often conveyed normative deviance. That is, they would have broken American norms had they occurred in the United States (Shoemaker, Chang, Brendlinger, (1987 p.165). Media portray deviance in a way that tantamount to ridicule. Miliband (1969) argues that irrelevant eccentricities which serious and responsible people may dismiss as of no consequence (Miliband, 1969, p. 238). As quoted by Shoemaker and Reeve (1991) Gitlin (1980) in the 1960s students radical movement identified a number of specific techniques that were used to make students action appear more deviant. These included trivialization; polarization by showing counter-demonstrations; emphasis on external discussion; disparagement by undercounting the students numbers and minimizing their effectiveness; reliance on official; emphasis on the presence of Communists, Vietcong flags, and violence and considerable attention to right-wing opposition (Shoemaker & Reeve, p. 187). Daniel Hallin (1986) explains that media maintain three ideological boundaries, i.e., legitimate controversy, consensus and deviance. He argues that the sphere of legitimate controversy is relating to the medias objectivity and balance. In the sphere of consensus, journalist is neither neutral or oppose. While in the sphere of deviance, journalist is not natural. In this regard Hallin (1986) argues it plays the role of exposing, condemning, or excluding from the public agenda those who violate or challenge the political consensus. It marks out and defends the limit of acceptable conflict (p. 117). McQuial (1986) while researching on the pluralistic model in the US questions, Whether media offer opportunities for politically diverse audiences and/or audience interest to flourish. (P. 138). 'Today, not only is the quantity of foreign news questioned but also its quality now that some coverage comes from reporters parachuting in for events without much on-theground context' (Campbell 2001, p.1S).

The Influence of government policy on Media Content According to the critical studies research, the U.S. media coverage of international news is largely based on foreign policy. Media by and large are supposed to be a coworker of the government and a tool to endorse national standpoint in international relationships, (Lent, 1977; Merrill, 1995). Chang, 1988, 1989; Dorogi, 2001; Yu and Riffe, 1988 confirm that coverage of international news by all US mainstream media has been unfailing with the US government foreign policy. In principle, the limitations in newsgathering resources frequently drive the news media to rely on government sources for international reporting, Z. Peng (2004). Similarly Chang (1988) claim that the Americans opinion about the outside world is generally based on their mainstream media. In this regard, Merrill, (1995) argues that media inculcate favorable and unfavorable images of the world in the mind of the people. Likewise, Perlmutter, (1998) established that perception of the American public could easily be cluttered of the other parts of the world through the news coverage of the American media. Shoemaker & Reese (1991) affirm, there is little doubt that governments of all countries apply controls over the mass media (p. 169). Gartner (1988) describes that governments officials and politicians pressure the media to influence news content. And

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added broadcasting today is essentially a public-policy laboratory in which the congress feels it can play with impunity (p. 4). Herman (1993) claims that the American media tend to overlook relevant information in the coverage of international events when it collides with the national agenda. He argues that the media excessively treat governmental sources as priority plausible, therefore allowing domestic leaders to manipulate them. Herman and Chomsky (1988) argue that a propaganda model subsists yet in the countries whose democratic regimes do not publicly exert pressure on the media. They claim that American media follow the frame of the propaganda model, which consists of five filters: (1) size, ownership and profit orientation of the mass media, (2) advertising license, (3) sources, (4) flak and the enforcers, and (5) anticommunism as a control mechanism. Herman and Chomsky argue that those filters marginalize and eliminate voices of dissent in the American mainstream media, which become the tools that can set the national agenda (p. 4.) They conclude that U.S. media coverage of enemy countries, such as communist regimes, differs from the coverage of friendly or client regimes, such as military dictatorships in in some countries of Asia and Latin America. Latin America, Obad (2003). Shoemaker & Reese (1991) observed that Federal Communication Commission has consistently been using control over the broadcast media since its inception. In addition to government laws and regulations, thousands of government workforce and media specialists have been engaged with the media to manipulate media content for desired goal, (Shoemaker & Reese 1991). Boylan (1989) documents comments of the Journalist, I.F. Stone the US President Lyndon Johnson sometime seems to think the constitution made him not only commander-in-chief of the nations armed forces but editor in chief of its newspapers (p. 47). While investigating the coverage of the Washington Post and the New York Times on US-China relationship, Chang (1989) established that the more the government favored the US-China relations, the more the newspapers preferred better relations between the two countries (p. 504). Shoemaker & Reese (1991) argue that there is an effect of the US policy on the media content. Chang (1989) noted that change in coverage in the US newspapers takes place in response to the shift in government policy.

(2004) in a documentary film provides comparison of U.S. and international media coverage of the crisis in the Middle East. The documentary exposes how the foreign policy interests of American political elites--oil, and a need to have a secure military base in the region, among others--work in combination with Israeli public relations strategies to exercise a powerful influence over how news from the region is reported. The documentary analyzes and explains how--through the use of language, framing and context--the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza remains hidden in the news media, and Israeli colonization of the occupied terrorities appears to be a defensive move rather than an offensive one. The documentary also explores the ways that U.S.

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journalists, for reasons ranging from intimidation to a lack of thorough investigation, have become complicit in carrying out Israel's PR campaign. With this background in view, this study assumes that coverage of Pakistan may be perceived favorably in the US newspapers because Pakistan has good relationship with the United States since her independence. The relationship has gone deep after the September 11th 2001 terrorist incidents, as Pakistan is an ally of the US in the fight against terrorism.

News Framing and Ideology One of the vital factors in news coverage is framing. Framing technique in mass media is part of the agenda setting. It is a journalistic product, which is presented in a way that influences audiences perception about an issue in order to formulate public opinion/image either positive or negative of specific interest, Obad (2003). Framing in media refers to the characteristics of properties and qualities of an objects or people in the news, Renita Coleman and Stephen Banning (2006). Media researchers have been examining news framing as theory since long, Entman, (1993). Obad (2003) describes that the news framing process was first attempted by Tuchman 1978 and since than a number of other media researchers have been contributing to the theory. Reese (2000) views framing as organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time, that work symbolically to meaningfully structure the social world (p.11). Hoffman (1974) defines "framing" as "the principles of organization, which govern [social] events." (p. 145). According to this definition, all kinds of stories that take place are subjected to news framing. According to Tuchman, (1978) framing is some thing of subjective association in an event. Norris (1995) argues news frames as cognitive schemata, and journalists usually work with news frames to simplify, prioritize and structure the narrative flow of events. Majid and Ramaprasad (2000) argue that framing is inevitable while making news stories, it provides a podium at which journalists spot problems, scrutinize reasons and construct moral judgments. Entman, (1991), news frames are embodied in 'key words, metaphors, concepts, symbols and visual images emphasized in a news narrative, (pp. 7). Scheufele (1999) developed a model of framing and its effect. This model has six stages for generating effect on individual and society. They are: "Frame building" takes place when journalists construct stories, followed by "frame setting," when those frames are "set" upon the public by mass dissemination. These frames enter our cognitions in a stage called "individual level effects framing," which results in the final stage, dubbed "societal frames." Societal frames in turn act upon journalists' frames and influence their constructions at the original "frame building" stage, (p.p. 103-1). Entman (1993) argues that media frame crop up when journalists "select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described."(pp. 51-58). This can be achieved in the media message by the "presence or absence of certain keywords, stock
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phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information, and sentences that provide thematically reinforcing clusters of facts or judgments." (Ibid. p. 52). In order to highlighting particular facts more relevant to the audience, journalists often use certain terms/phrases in the stories so that the reader can process them easily and understood them quickly, Entman (1993). Kerr (2002) argues that frames are capable of producing social effects after encoded in specific phrases once they are widely accepted. Goffman (1974) argues that audiences on the bases of personal experiences develop their own frame, which they use while interpreting the news. Debating on the media and audience frames, Gamson and Modigliani, (1987) argue media frames refer to those phrases or images which allow journalists to classify information and make it easily available to their audiences (p. 143). While Entman, (1993) refers to the audience frames are mentally stored clusters of ideas that guide individuals processing of information, (p. 53). Journalists while working with the news frames can play powerful role in determining the success or failure of social movements. One of the major news framing in the US media is by and large experienced either sensationalized or marginal the foreign country coverage. This study investigates frames that used in the US news media are "Fundamentalists, "Liberal" and "Friend" or "Foe, This study uses the Shoemaker and Reese hierarchy to explore how the image of Pakistan was portrayed by the US Media in the one year each pre and Post September 11 terrorist incidents in the USA. Shoemaker and Reese, particularly, consider the ideological, extra-organizational and the journalist routine and individual levels as the most prime which refer to the power and the distribution of power in society. These hierarchy levels often assign meaning and significance to people and events; they promote a way of looking at events which fundamentally distorts them. Shoemaker and Reese, (1991, p. 112).

Assumption In the light of the above background information and review of literature, it is generally, assumed that there would be greater coverage on Pakistan, particularly, after the 9/11 incidents it is expected that on the one hand, Pakistan may be perceived and covered favorably because of Pakistan long relationship with the US in general and after the 9/11 in particular. However contradictory perception possibly exists in the American public mind and in the US media when things are incongruent to the American ideology and foreign policy, particularly, Pakistan is an Islamic country at a time when Islam is under scrutiny/siege its image may be unfavorable. Moreover, the unfavorable coverage may be viewed in a larger context, such as Pakistan being a nuclear Islamic country in the Islamic block, Pakistan unfriendly relationship with Israel, Pakistans strategic relationship with China, terrorists activities in the tribal area (Waziristan), opposition to America by the Islamic fictions, US inclination towards India in the areas of trade and international politics, etc.

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In addition to that the US media conventionally portray crime, undemocratic values, strikes and protests of the third world countries more often than the developmental issues. These complex factors might have forged unfavorable attitude in the American media towards Pakistan. Given that newspapers in the United States consistently reflect the national feeling/ideology, and since there are terrorists activities going around Pakistan, the coverage of Pakistan in the specified US newspapers is most likely possible that a lot of news stories will deal with: Terrorism, Pakistans Nuclear, political internal Politics, Islamic religious fundamentalism, militancy, President Musharraf as US ally, Pakistan and India relations, and general stories on Pakistan. The above information and an initial assessment of the newspapers coverage let to the development of the following questions and hypotheses.

Research Questions This study will examine the coverage of Pakistan since 9/11 in leading US newspapers, the New York Times and the Washington Post. The questions of interest to this study are: R.Q 1 Did the amount of coverage given to Pakistan in the New York Times and Washington Post differ between the pre-and post- 9/11 period? H.1a Pakistan will receive more coverage in terms of number of stories (a larger number of stories) after 9/11 than before in both the newspapers. H.1b Pakistan will receive more coverage in terms of length of stories (mean length of stories) after 9/11 than before in both the newspapers

R.Q 2 How far did the amount of coverage of Pakistan differ in the two newspapers for both the pre-and post-9/11 period? H.2 Coverage of Pakistan will be larger in the New York Times than the Washington Post in both the periods.

R.Q 3 What topics/themes were reflected in the coverage of Pakistan? H.3a Terrorism will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11

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H.3b Pak-India relations will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11 H.3c Musharraf will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before H.3c Pak. culture and society will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before H.3d Pakistan internal politics will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before H.3e Pakistan foreign relations will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before H.3f Pakistans, nuclear, development and Afghan refugees will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before

R.Q 4 Did the slant of the coverage given in both the newspapers to Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post- 9/11 period? H.4 Pakistan will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories after 9/11 than before 9/11

R.Q 5 Did the frames used in coverage given in both the newspapers to Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post- 9/11 period H.5 More stories will frame Pakistan as a foe before 9/11 and friend after 9/11 in both the newspapers.

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CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY

This chapter includes (a) Period of research (b) Selection of newspapers, (b) Study population sampling, (c) variables, categories and rules (d) coding unit, context unit and unit of analysis, (e) statistical tests, (f) code sheet, (g) Inter-coder reliability.

Introduction The study is primarily a content analysis, which will qualitatively and quantitatively examine publication of the specified news categories in the selected American newspapers; i.e., The New York Times and The Washington Post. The period for this study is one year each pre and post of 9/11, 2001 terrorists events in the USA. According to Paisley, J. A. (1964) content analysis is a process in which communication message is recorded through objective and systematic application of categorization rules, into data that can be summarized and compared. Danielson (1963) defines content analysis as descriptive and inferential. While descriptive content analysis is more exploratory, while inferential analysis generalizes the result of investigation on the whole population. In other words it links events in the environment. According to Berelson (1952) "a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication" (p. 18). Krippendorff (1980) explains content analysis is a research technique by which researcher can make replicable and valid inference from data to their context. Compared with other research techniques, Krippendorff (1980) maintains that content analysis has four major distinctions: (1) Content analysis is an unobtrusive technique. (2) Content analysis accepts unstructured material. (3) Content analysis is context-sensitive and thereby able to process symbolic forms. (4) Content analysis can cope with large volumes of data. Using the content analysis techniques, this study will examine all the stories including hard news and soft news. Although photo image is important in framing analysis, this study will not include photos, because analyzing visual image requires different operational definitions, Zheng (2006). All items on Pakistan in each issue will be coded in term of slant (favorable, neutral and unfavorable) topics etc. Classification of all the stories will be based on careful qualitative judgment for identification of the key words/terms as mentioned in the specified hypothesis.

Period of Research Study The period for this study is one year each pre and post 9/11 terrorist attacks. This period has been chosen because the world has considerably changed after the attack on the New York Twin Towers and Pentagon in the Washington. The incident has globally divided the world between the Muslim and Christianity. Due to this divide a new phenomenon Clash of Civilization is being witnessed by the world. It has generally been observed that the Western media are most likely portraying the Muslims countries

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in a negative sense. Since, Pakistan being an ally in the US war against terror so portrayal of Pakistan of the US media may lead to positive coverage. The one-year pre and post period was chosen in order to investigate differences in the portrayal of Pakistan image before and after the terrorist attracts in the United States. To see how much attitude of the American media changed particularly in the slant and frames towards Pakistan.

Study Population and Sampling The population for this study will be all news stories related to Pakistan published in The New York Times and The Washington Post, one year each pre and post 9/11 terrorist incident in the United States. The news stories of the New York Times and the Washington Post were retrieved from the Lexis-Nexis electronic database on US news. The one-year pre 9/11 period was specified as September 11, 2000 to September 10, 2001 and the one year-post 9/11 period was specified as September 11, 2001 to September 10, 2002. The time was entered first as delimiters. Then the key words "Pakistan" was input for one-year pre Pre-9/11 incident, the database yielded 57 and 38 articles of the New York Times and the Washington Post respectively. Similarly, for the one-year Post 9/11 incident, the database yielded 305 and 196 articles of the New York Times and the Washington Post respectively. Systematic sampling method was deemed appropriate and employed for this study. As a result, 153 articles from the New York Times and 98 articles from the Washington Post of the post-9/11 scenario were randomly selected by using a skip interval of one to create a sample that is 50% of the population. According to Krippendorff (1980), systematic sampling is favored when data come from regularly appearing publications. Due to few numbers of articles on Pakistan in the pre- 9/11 scenario in both the newspapers, it was decided to select the whole population as sample. Thus, total number of articles 334 in both pre and post periods of 9/11 were selected from both the papers for measurement. Intercoder reliability will be measured by using Holstis coefficient, determined by the following formula: R = 2 M / {N1 + N2}. Where M refers to the number of coding decisions on which the coders agree, and N1 and N2 refer to the number of coding decisions by the first and the second coder, respectively, (Wimmer and Dominick, p. 151).

Selection of the Newspapers The Washington Post and the New York Times have been selected for this study because they are the leading American newspapers and circulated widely across the country as well as across the world. High officials, critics, policy makers and senior media practitioners in Pakistan also read these newspapers for critical insight of the world issues. According to Merrill (1980), both papers are knowledgeable, serious, and independent. They are financially stable, with greater integrity, social concern and

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professional sound newspapers. They emphasize on politics and world consciousness, determined to serve and help extend well-educated, intellectual readership at home and abroad, processing large, intelligent and technically proficient staff. According to Pool (1970) both the newspapers reflect more are less government point of view. The New York Times and Washington Post are major daily newspapers, coming closer than any others in terms of being national newspapers, (Kim 1979).

Profile of the New York Times Founded in 1851, the New York Times enjoys an undisputed reputation, especially for its International coverage and its liberal policy, (Cohen 1963) He claims that the New York Times is the American "prestige paper," (p. 136). Gitlin (1980) says that the New York Times is generally considered to be the "paper of record" for international news coverage and that it influences the content of other mass media. Pittatore (1983) argues that it sets agenda for other newspaper in the United State for foreign affairs. Zoglin (1997) regarded The New York Times as "easily the best, most important newspaper in the country, authoritative and unfailingly serious" (p. 68), Zoglin (1997) says that it has become a must-read for both U.S. State Department officials involved in foreign policy making. Katz & Katz (1992) said that The New York Times actually "sets the standard by which all other domestic newspapers are measured" (p. 867). According to Tunstall & Machin (1999) the New York Times in and around 1940 largely established the patterns of elite journalism. The Sunday edition of the paper is read largely by the readers outside New York, (Merrill and Fisher 1980). "You cannot work in the state Department with out the New York Times. Comments of the foreign policy official, (Cohen 1963, P.135).

Profile of the Washington Post Information on the Washington post has been derived from the Washington Post web archive (2006). The Washington Post is the largest newspaper of the US Capital Washington. The paper became most notable for investigative coverage of the Watergate scandal. The paper was founded in 1877 by Stilton Hutchins and in 1880 added a Sunday edition, thus becoming the city's first newspaper to publish seven days a week. The first color photograph appeared in the Post on January 28, 1999. The newspaper established a Web site in 1996. In 1970 the Post became one of the first newspapers in the United States to establish a position of "ombudsman" or readers' representative, assigned to address reader complaints about Post news coverage and to monitor the newspaper's adherence to its own standards. Ever since, the ombudsman's commentary has been a frequent feature of the Post editorial page, washingtonpost.com. The Post is one of the leading American newspapers and has distinguished itself through its reporting on the workings of the White House, Congress, and other aspects of the U.S. government. As of October 2006, its average weekday circulation was 656,297 and its Sunday circulation was 930,619, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations, making it the sixth largest newspaper in the country by circulation. As of 2006 the Post

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had been honored with 22 Pulitzer Prizes, 18 Nieman Fellowships, and 368 White House News Photographers Association Awards, among others, http://en.wikipedia. The Washington Post is generally considered as "culturally and politically conservative", washingtonpost.com. According to Herman and Noam Chomsky (2004) the posts policy is supportive of the Washington Establishment and the status quo. As late publisher Katherine Graham noted in her memoirs Personal History, the paper long had a policy of not making endorsements for presidential candidates. Its editorial positions are frequently liberal-to-moderate, yet it has taken some conservative stances: it has steadfastly supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq, warmed to President George W. Bush's proposal to partially privatize Social Security, supported pro-Iraq war Sen. Joe Lieberman over successful anti-war challenger Ned Lamont in the 2006 Connecticut Democratic primary (and Lieberman's subsequent bid as an independent), and advocated free trade agreements, including, among others, CAFTA (2006). Variables Variables selected for this study are Topic, Slant, Frames, Placement, wordage and sources of the story. Following are the details of these variables. Topic Topic is defined as the showcase of a story. Topic is defined as a summary label of the domain of social experiences covered by a story Zheng (2006). In other words, topic is the gist of a news story. Topic contains main subject of a story. Topics about the Pakistans image in the US media have been identified after an initial reading of the stories published on Pakistan in The New York Times and The Washington Post. Finally the following nine category topics are identified for the study. 1. Terrorism 2. Pakistan Nuclear 3. Pak-India and Kashmir 4. Musharraf 5. Arts, Culture, and Society 6. Development 7. Foreign Relations 8. Pakistans Internal politics 9. Others Slant Topic is a key variable while investigating the media's coverage, but it is difficult to get conclusion with just from the topic. Media coverage may refer either to the "topic", or to the ''slant'' presented in the narration of news reports (Pinch, 1978). Slant and ''topic'' are interdependent in the content analysis research. Zheng (2006) argues, topic reveals what has been reported, and tone indicates how it has been narrated. Tone and topic are two different approaches in measuring media content. The absence of either one might lead to false conclusions, Zheng (2006) maintains.

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While taking into account slant in the story, a consistent approach by and large has been adopted by the researchers for value judgment; i.e., favorable, neutral or unfavorable. For example, Liu (1969) while investigating the media coverage of the seating of China in the UN used most favorable to most unfavorable for measuring attitude. Kim (1979) classified three categories slant in the news story: favorable, neutral and unfavorable. Mills (1969) adopted approve, disapprove, and no stand taken as slant in the stories. In this study, slant refers to the writers attitude in the story towards Pakistan. The study follows the existing studies by dividing slant into three categories; i.e., Favorable, neutral and unfavorable. Slant in the story will be coded separately for each of the nine topics. It will be classified as favorable, neutral and unfavorable for all the topics. Frame To identify frame in this study such as Pakistan being friend, foe, fundamentalism (hard-line religious forces/ Islamic extremists/angry Muslim mob) militants, and pejorative description (e.g., "strident" or "hateful") Khalid (2001) used this frame category by describing it as deionization frame. To identify frames, the entire story will be analyzed from the textual point of view. Coding frame in a story has been explained below separately in this chapter. Nature of story In this study nature of story refers to as news story, feature and editorial in the newspapers Length of story Length of a story will be measured by wordage in the story on ratio level. Byline Story Byline story means whether the story has been filed by a Pakistan reporte or foreign reporter. Coding Unit Coding unit as defined by Holsti (1969) is the specific segment of content that is characterized by placing it in a given category (p.116). A single word or symbol is generally the smallest unit of analysis. While the context unit is the largest body of content to characterize a recording unit, Holsti (1969). In this research, topic, slant, frame, wordage, placement and source of the story will be examined as variables and to measure these variables, the entire story will be the context unit and unit of analysis. While headline and Intro are the coding unit for identifying the topic. Similarly, each paragraph is the recording unit for identifying slant in the story. Since the Western newspapers carry mixed attitudes/slants in the story, Zheng (2006). Therefore, using paragraph as unit of analysis to investigate slant is some time difficult. For example, a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry pro-Pakistan slant while the other 6 carry anti-Pakistan slant. Such story is most likely to be coded as neutral in slant. However, in

30

this case it should be coded either favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Frames will be recognized in the entire story from the contextual point of view. The frames identified in this study are: Friend, Foe, Fundamentalist and Militancy and pejorative description.

Instructions rules for Coders The New York Times and the Washington Post are the sample newspapers. All items on Pakistan appearing in the selected papers will be coded. Topics and Slant This study will code each story into one of eight topics. It will also code each story in terms of slant into favorable, unfavorable and neutral. Because the topics are widely different and examples for rules need to be specific to provide clear operational definitions for coding, in the rules below, first a topic is defined operationally, then the rules for slant for that topic are provided. Then the second topic is defined operationally and the rules for slant are provided. And so on. However, topic and slant are two different variables coded independently. The rules for slant provide different examples but they all share the common definition of what is favorable, unfavorable and neutral. Definition of Favorable WordNet dictionary defines favorable as position of advantage, tending to favor or bring good luck, encouraging or approving or pleasing, tending to promote or facilitate, occurring at a convenient or suitable time, wordwebonline. According to Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary (1913) favorable is conducive; contributing; tending to promote or facilitate; advantageous; and convenient. Favorable also means: affirmative, affirmatory, approbative, approbatory, approving, complimentary, convenient, following, friendly, good, indulgent, plausive, pleasing, propitious. Definition Unfavorable According to WordNet dictionary unfavorable means: tending to hinder or oppose, not encouraging or approving or pleasing, It has also means: admonishing, admonitory, adverse, bad, badly, contrary, critical, disapproving, discriminatory, harmful, hostile, inauspicious, invidious, negative, reproachful, reproving, uncomplimentary, unfavorably, unpropitious, untoward, wordwebonline. Definition of Neutral A neutral point of view is neither sympathetic nor in opposition to its subject. According to the wikipedia encyclopedia, the neutral point of view requires that, where there are conflicting views, these should be presented fairly. None of the views should be given undue weight or asserted as being the truth, and all significant published points of view are to be presented, not just the most popular one. It should also not be asserted that the most popular view or some sort of intermediate view among the different views is the topics and in term of slant/tone for each topic separately.

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Terrorism Terrorism includes stories on all sort of terrorism taking place in Pakistan, terrorist camps in Pakistan, security measurement against terrorism, Pakistan citizens involvement in terrorists activities, Pakistans fight against terrorism, Pakistan as an ally of the US and West in the fight against terrorism, Pakistans army engagement on the Afghans border to stop terrorists infiltration, Pakistans help in exchange of intelligence and investigating terrorism cases, and ban on terrorist/extremists/radicals organizations in the country. Favorable A story will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Pakistans help in exchanging intelligence and investigating terrorism cases; 2. Terrorist attacks in Pakistan killing people and damaging property; 3. Security measure taken by Pakistan to protect life and property of US and all other foreign nations. Security measures against terrorism in Pakistan in general; 4. Pakistan bans terrorist and radical organizations; 5. Pakistans Army engagement in war against terrorism; 6. Pakistans forces ceasing terrorists infiltration on its borders; and 7. Item showing a general positive attitude as Pakistan being an ally in fight against terrorism. Unfavorable A story on the terrorism shall be coded as unfavorable if it is about: 1. Pakistan in not cooperating in the war against terrorism in exchange of intelligence and investigating terrorist cases; 2. Pakistans lake security measurements to protect foreign citizen and its own people against terrorist attacks; 3. Story that show terrorists organizations operating in Pakistan, terrorists hide in Pakistan, terrorist infiltration in other countries from Pakistans territories; 4. Item showing a general impression that Pakistan is doing nothing or less or need to do more in the war against terrorism; and 5. Stories that show involvement of Pakistan citizens in the terrorist activities taking place around the world. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case, the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Pakistans nuclear Pakistans nuclear activities include stories on Pakistans nuclear security, Dr. Qadeers controversy; nuclear inspections, nuclear sanctions, nuclear weapons; nuclear

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program for peace/energy/etc.; nuclear threats from Pakistan and India towards each other, and Pakistan and India nuclear race. Favorable A story on Pakistan nuclear will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Pakistan nuclear program is secured and responsible; 2. Pakistan is cooperating with the international nuclear inspection originations; 3. Pakistan needs nuclear for peace and energy; and 4. Pakistan is not leaking nuclear to other countries. Unfavorable A story on Pakistan nuclear will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1. Pakistan nuclear is not safe and responsible; 2. Dr. Qadeers Khan nuclear controversy; 3. Sanction on Pakistans nuclear; 4. Nuclear war threat from Pakistan and India towards each other; 5. Nuclear race between Pakistan and India; and 6. Nuclear Weapons. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Pak-India and Kashmir Pak-India and Kashmir includes stories on Pakistan and India relations, dialogues on Confident Building Measurement (CBM), all sort of agreements, Visit of the officials, dignitaries and diplomats and people to people contacts from each other countries. Items that show meetings between the two countries, talks on various issues, governments spokesmen, activities of the ambassadors and exchange of culture and arts between the two countries. Story showing Kashmir dispute involving Pakistan and India, and story that show conflicts, fighting, and militancy in Kashmir, Story that depict exchange of statements and condemnations from each other countries on issues of disputes. Favorable A story on Pak-India and Kashmir will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Pak-India dialogues on Confident Building Measurement (CBM), all sorts of agreements, meetings, talks, and activities of the ambassadors, governments spokesmen announcements for peace, friendship and resolution of disputes between the two countries; 2. Visit of the officials, dignitaries and diplomats and people to people contacts from each other country; and 3. Exchange of culture, arts and sports between the two countries.

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Unfavorable A story on Pak-India and Kashmir will be coded as unfavorable slant if it contains tone showing: 1. Pakistan Kashmir dispute involving Pakistan and India; 2. Conflicts, fighting, and militancy in Kashmir blaming Pakistan being responsible; 3. Exchange of statements and condemnations from each other countries on issues of disputes; and 4. Stories portraying past wars between the two countries; Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. President Pervez Musharraf Musharraf includes stories on whether Musharraf is doing enough in the war against terrorism, how well he maintains relationships with the US and the West, how he deals with the Islamic forces in Pakistan, leaders of the political parties and high ranking military and civil officials, Stories that show his involvements in politics, his foreign visits, statements, speeches, and meeting with the foreign dignitaries. Stories that portray Musharraf personal life and activities, Item that depicting Musharraf as a ruler, his policies/decisions, his approach towards Islam and democracy, his friendship with the US. Criticism against his policy and his ruling approach in the country. And story that shows Musharraf as a military man. Favorable A story on Musharraf will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Musharraf as friend of US and the west on war against terrorism, Musharraf positive role in the war against terrorism and his courageousness; 2. Item that depicts Musharraf as a liberal leader whose rule has a lot of characteristics of a true democracy; and 3. Stories that show Musharraf image as modern, civilized, pro-Western, progressive, and liberal leader and his dealing with Islamic fundamentalists in a pro-Western stance; Story that suggests that the present unstable situation in Pakistan demands that Musharraf should stay in power, 4. Story that portrays Musharraf importance for the success of the United States fight against the terrorism; 5. Story that show Musharraf decisions important to his own country, such as his anticorruption drive, free press, and great degree of government transparency code for rape, women empowerment, law against honor killing; and 6. Story that depict him as a person pertaining to the Western cultural experience his education, his fluency in English, and his educated family background.

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Unfavorable A story on Musharraf will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1. Musharraf is not a true friend of US and the West in the war against terrorism; 2. Musharraf is not playing a positive role and he is not doing enough the war; 3. Item that depicts Musharraf as a pro-Islamic and ruling the country undemocratically; 4. Stories that show Musharraf image as a lavish person using countrys unjustifiably, involve in corruptions, malpractices, favoritism, lust for power, misusing power and suppressing and torturing political opponents; 5. Story that show criticism against decisions of Musharraf; and 6. Story that depicts him as military dictator and throwing a democratically elected government. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Pakistans internal politics Pakistans Internal politics includes stories on the political scene in Pakistan, such as election, politicians statements, parliaments debates, political rallies, Ministers portfolios, political interviews, political corruptions, misuse of government power, mismanagement, etc. Favorable A story on Pakistans internal politics will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Statement praising the present government policies, its progress, developments, democracy, good governance, etc.; and 2. Timely Election, Social new amenity laws, attendance of governments official in seminars, forums and their speeches and writings. Unfavorable A story on Pakistans internal politics will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1 Statements criticizing policies of the present government; 2. Stories showing peoples of Pakistan dissatisfaction with government; and 3. Stories that portray the government as weak, corrupt, manipulative, mismanagement of funds and relief efforts. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be

35

coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Art, Culture and society Stories relating to social life, culture, art and people of Pakistan. Stories that show sports and culture. Stories that show violence, crimes, abuse of women, abuse of power by the officials, strikes, demonstrations, malpractice, mismanagement, smuggling and murders. Item showing social disorder, clash, riots, disagreements among the countrys peoples and criticism of Pakistan by other nations. Story that shows events causing social problems. Story that shows social stability etc. Favorable A story on Pakistans Art, Culture and Society will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Pakistans participation and achievements in international games and culture show; and 2. Social stability and peoples good civic sense behavior as law-abiding citizen in side and out side the country. Unfavorable A story on Pakistans Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1. Violence, crimes, abuse of women, abuse of power by the officials, illiteracy, poverty, strikes, demonstrations, malpractice, mismanagement, smuggling and murders; and 2. Item showing social disorder, clash, riots, disagreements among the countrys peoples and criticism of Pakistan by other nations. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Development Stories relating to countrys development and progress in education, agriculture, roads, health, and communication. Story that shows events causing economic problems. Story that show economic stability and peoples participation in the societal development, illiteracy, poverty. Favorable A story on Pakistans Art, Culture and Society will be coded as favorable slant if it is about:

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1. Stories relating to countrys development and progress in education, agriculture, roads, health, and communication; and 2. Stories that show economic stability and peoples participation in the societal development. Unfavorable A story on Pakistans Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1. Story that shows events causing economic problems such, unemployment, protest against developmental projects. Illiteracy, malnutrition, illiteracy; poverty, etc.; and 2. Mismanagement of funds and in relief efforts 3. Lake of appropriate funds and lake of expertise Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant. Foreign relations Stories relating to Pakistans agreements with foreign countries, good diplomatic relations and foreign aids, visits of Pakistan dignitaries to other countries and visits of foreign dignitaries to Pakistan. Item on Pakistan that depicts trade, foreign exchange, etc. Favorable A story on Pakistan Foreign Relations will be coded as favorable slant if it is about: 1. Pakistans agreements with foreign countries, good diplomatic relations and foreign aids, visits of Pakistan dignitaries to other countries and visits of foreign dignitaries to Pakistan. 2. Improvements in Pakistans trade, foreign exchange etc. Unfavorable A story on Pakistans Art, Culture and Society will be coded as unfavorable slant if it is about: 1. Refusal/cut in aids to Pakistan 2. Criticism of Pakistan by other nations 3. Cancellation of visits of foreign countries heads to Pakistan. 4. Deficit in foreign trade and exchange. 5. Pakistani citizens abroad involving in crime or other bad activities. Neutral Story which places no clear emphasis on either the favorable or unfavorable aspects of the topic will be coded as neutral. If a story may carry 12 paragraphs in which 6 carry favorable tones while the other 6 carry unfavorable tone, such story will most likely be

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coded as neutral. However, in this case the story should be coded as favorable or unfavorable if the headline contains such slant.

Framing the story Friend The friend frame would depict Pakistan as an ally, cooperating with the US and other countries in the war against terrorism, hunting for terrorists, exchange of intelligence, handing over terrorists, helping foreign investigating agencies, security protection for US citizens, Pakistan good diplomatic relations with the US, exchange of visits of the dignitaries between the two countries, liberal and democratic leadership in Pakistan, Pakistans government policy for marginalizing radicals, fundamentalists organizations. Story that shows government drives towards women empowerment, law against honor killing, child labor and press freedom and democracy. Story that shows Pakistan as an important state for the success of the United States fight against terrorism. And story that shows Pakistans forces ceasing terrorist infiltration. Foe The foe frame would depict Pakistan as not cooperating in the war against terrorism, in exchange of intelligence, investigation of terrorism cases, etc. The frame that depicts Pakistan supporting or sympathizing with the Taliban, terrorist groups operating from Pakistan, terrorist infiltration in Afghanistan and India from Pakistans territory. Frame that show improper security for the protection of US citizens and properties. Terrorist attacks on the US citizens and properties in Pakistan. Frame that show involvement of Pakistans citizens in the terrorist attacks taking place around the world Fundamentalists/militants/radicals/ extremists The fundamentalist frame would depict the Islamic forces against the US in the war against terrorism, people related to Madrassa education, people protesting against the West, attacks against the Western countries citizens and their properties, attacks on Pakistan forces in the tribal areas as Pakistan being an ally of the US in the war against terrorism, propagation of the Islamist organizations for holy war: jihad against US and the West. Pejorative descriptions Frame Pejorative descriptions as frame would depict descriptions such as strident or hateful etc. against Pakistan in the story. Code Sheet
S. # ID Page wordage Sources Topics Slant Friend Foe

Frames
Found. Militants Pejorative

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Keys for the coders ID: For identification of the Newspapers, value 1 will be assigned for The New York Times and Value 2 for the Washington Post. Publication of story in various section of the newspapers such as news, feature and editorial. Values 1, 2 and 3 should be assigned news, feature, and editorial respectively. # of words in the story. It should be recorded in ratio level.

Placement of story

Wordage:

Source of the News Source of news means whether the story has been filed by the Pakistani source or foreign source. Value 1, and 2 will be assigned to Pakistan source and value 2 for the foreign source. Topics: Mentions of the dominant theme of the topic in the storys headline and lead will be assigned value in the following order 1. Terrorism 2. Pakistan Nuclear 3. Pak-India and Kashmir 4. Musharraf 5. Arts, Culture, and Society 6. Development 7. Foreign Relations 8. Pakistans Internal politics Reading of all the stories will be based on careful qualitative judgment for identification of the key words, terms, theme as mentioned in the specified hypothesis Slant in the story as favorable, Neutral and unfavorable will be identified in the following way. Value 1, 2, and 3 will be assigned for favorable, neutral and unfavorable respectively. Frame as Pakistan being friend or foe, Fundamentalism, militancy and Pejorative description will be measured on contextually in the article. Value 1, 2, 3, and 4 should be assigned to friend, foe, Fundamentalism, militancy and Pejorative respectively.

Slant:

Frames:

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CHAPTER V FINDINGS

Description of the Sample The final sample comprised 335 stories, with 205 (61.2%) being from the New York Times and 130 (38.8%) being from the Washington Post. Similarly, in the pre-and post9/11 periods, the New York Times published 56 (16.7%) stories in the pre-9/11 period and 149 (44.5%) stories in the post-9/11 period. Respective figures for the Washington Post were 39 (11.6%) and 91 (27.2%) (Table1). The overall mean length of stories was 739.238 words (larger than one column length of the newspapers). The breakdown of the sample by type of stories was as follows: 227 (67.7%) were news stories, 63 (18.8%) were features, 16 (4.8%) were editorials, and 29 (8.7%) fell into the other category, which included letters to the editor, etc.

Tests of Research Questions Difference by Byline RQ 1: Did the number of stories differ by byline? Most of the stories (216 or 64.5%) were contributed by US reporters. Indian reporters contributed 32 (9.6%) stories, and Pakistani reporters contributed 23 (6.9%) stories. The remaining stories (64 or 19.1%) were contributed by reporters from several different countries. The number of stories by US reporters was significantly larger than the number of stories by other reporters (chi-square = 289.537; p. = .000) (Table 1).1 Difference by Topic RQ 2: Did the amount of coverage in terms of number of stories differ by topic? A large number of stories (102 or 30 %) were on Pakistan-India Relations, followed by War Against Terrorism (95 or 28 %). President Pervez Musharraf received 41 (12 %) of the stories. Society and Culture, Internal Politics, Foreign Relations, and Other topics received the remaining 30% of coverage (chi-square = 156.442; p. = .000) (Table1). Difference by Slant RQ 3: Did the number of stories differ by slant? Most of the stories 127 (37.9%) were unfavorable, followed by favorable (125 or 37.3%). Altogether 83 (24.8%) stories were neutral (chi-square = 11.057; p. = .004) (Table 1).

For this as well as the tests for Topic, Byline, Slant, and Frames, the difference of proportion test was done on the frequencies relating to these variables as shown in the Total column.

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Difference by Frame 1 RQ 4: Was Pakistan framed more often as a friend or as a foe? A large number of stories (125 or 41.8%) framed Pakistan as a foe, followed by the friend frame (107 or 35.8%). Altogether, 67 (22.4%) stories had a neutral frame, i.e., they did not use either the friend or the foe frame (chi-square = 17.686; p. = .000) (Table 1). Difference by Frame 2 RQ 5: Was Pakistan framed more often as a fundamentalist or as a liberal state? Most of the stories (73 or 85.9%) framed Pakistan as a fundamentalist state, followed by a liberal frame (12 or 14.1%), (chi-square = 43.776; p. = .000; p. = .000) (Table 1). Tests of Hypotheses Difference by period in Amount of coverage (number of stories and number of words) RQ 6: Did the amount of coverage given to Pakistan in the New York Times and Washington Post differ between the pre-and post-9/11 period? H1a: Pakistan will receive more coverage (larger number of stories) in the post-9/11 period than in the pre-9/11 period. The number of stories was larger (240 or 71.7%) in the post-9/11 period than in the pre-9/11 period 95 (28.3%) (chi-square = 62.761; p. = .000) (Table 1).Hypothesis 1a was supported. H1b: Pakistan will receive more coverage (larger mean length of stories) in the post9/11period than the pre-9/11 period. Mean story length was significantly larger (829 words) in the post-9/11 period than in the pre-9/11 period (513.1158) (t = .297; p. = .000). Thus Hypothesis 1b was supported. Slant by period RQ 7: Did the slant of the coverage given to Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post-9/11 period? H2: Pakistan will receive more favorable and less unfavorable coverage in terms of number of stories in the post-9/11 period than the pre-9/11 period. Pakistan received more unfavorable stories in the pre-9/11 period and more favorable stories in the post-9/11 period (chi-square = 8.042; p. = .005) (Table 1). Hypothesis 2 was supported. Frame by period RQ 8: Did the frames used for Pakistan differ between the pre-9/11 and post-9/11 period?

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H3a: More stories will frame Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend in the post-9/11 period. More stories framed Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend in the post-9/11 period, (chi square = 8.042; p. = .005) (Table 1). Hypothesis 3a was supported. Byline by period for Mean Story length RQ 9: Did mean story length in the pre-and post-9/11 periods differ by byline (Pakistani, US and Indian reporters)? H4: The mean story length in the pre-and post-9/11 periods will differ by byline. The ANOVA test revealed main effects but no interaction, thus Hypothesis 4 was not supported. Mean length of stories differed by period, with post-9/11 stories being longer than pre-9/11 stories.2 Also, mean length of stories differed by byline. A post-hoc Tukey test revealed that Indian and US reporters stories were significantly longer than stories written by Pakistani reporters (F = 6.400, p = .000) (Table 1).

These mean lengths were based on a smaller n size wherein "Other" reporters stories had been removed. Another t-test for the full sample had also provided similar results of a significant difference.
2

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Table 1 Distribution of Stories by Number of Stories, Newspaper, Type of Story, Byline, Topic, Slant and Frame, by Period and Mean Story Length by Byline
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pre-9/11 N (%) No. of stories1 Newspaper New York Times Washington Post Type of story News Feature Editorial Other Byline2 Pakistani US Indian Others Topic3 War on Terrorism Pakistan India Relations Musharraf Society & Culture Internal Politics Foreign Relations Other Slant4, 5 Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Frame 16, 7 Friend Foe Neutral Frame 28, 9 Fundamentalism Liberal Byline Mean Story length10 Pakistani US Indian Total Note:
1 4

Post-9/11 N (%) 240 (71.7) 149 (44.5) 91 (27.2) 173 (51.6) 45 (13.4) 11 (3.3) 11 (3.3) 16 (4.8) 157 (46.9) 28 (8.4) 39 (11.6) 90 71 26 14 10 19 10 (26.9) (21.2) (7.8) (4.2) (3.0) (5.7) (3.0)

Total N (%) 335 (100.0) 205 (61.2) 130 (38.8) 227 (67.7) 63 (18.8) 16 (4.8) 29 (8.7) 23 (6.9) 216 (64.5) 32 (9.6) 64 (19.1) 95 (28.4) 102 (30.4) 41 (12.2) 25 (7.5) 22 (6.6) 30 (9.0) 20 (6.0) 125 (37.3) 127 (37.9) 83 (24.8) 107 (35.8) 125 (41.8) 67 (22.4) 73 (85.9) 12 (14.1) 509.6957 837.5556 901.2472 817.2472
3 6

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

95 (28.3) 56 (16.7) 39 (11.6) 54 18 5 18 7 59 4 25 5 31 15 11 12 11 10 (16.1) (5.4) (1.5) (5.4) (2.1) (17.6) (1.4) (7.5) (1.5) (9.3) (4.5) (3.3) (3.6) (3.3) (3.0)

26 (20.8) 47 (37.0) 22 (26.5) 19 (17.8) 42 (33.6) 27 (40.3) 9 (12.3) 10 (83.3) 251.2857 662.4407 588.7500 617.1143
2 5

99 (79.2) 80 (63) 61 (73.5) 88 (82.2) 83 (66.4) 40 (59.7) 64 (87.7) 2 (16.7) 622.2857 903.3631 945.8571 886.9453

_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Chi square = 62.761; p. = .000. Chi square = 8.042; p. = .005. 7 Chi square = 17.686; p. = .000. 10 F = 10.533, p = .000.

Chi square = 289.537; p. = .000. Chi square = 11.057; p. = .004. 8 Chi square = 29.936; p. = .000.

Chi square = 156.442; p. = .000. Chi square = 11.877; p. = .003. 9 Chi square = 43.776; p. = .000.

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Byline by slant H5a: Stories with Pakistani bylines will be more favorable than unfavorable. For Pakistani bylines, there were more favorable stories than unfavorable (chi-square 9.478; p. = .009)3 (Table 2). Hypothesis 5ba was supported. H5b: Stories with Indian bylines will be more unfavorable than favorable. For Indian bylines, there were more unfavorable stories than favorable. However, chisquare test was not significant, (Table 2). Hypothesis 5b was not supported.
Table 2 Distribution of Byline of Stories by Slant by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pre-9/11 N (%) Pakistani1 Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Indian Favorable Unfavorable Neutral US2 Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Note:
1 2

Post-9/11 N (%) 10 (43.5) 5 (21.7) 1 (4.3) 7 (21.9) 11 (34.4) 10 (31.3) 71 (32.9) 53 (24.5) 33 (15.3)

Total N (%) 14 (60.9) 7 (30.4) 2 (8.7) 8 (25.0) 13 (40.6) 11 (34.4) 88 (40.7) 81 (37.5) 47 (21.8)

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

4 2 1 1 2 1

(17.4) (8.7) (3.4) (3.1) (6.3) (3.1)

17 (7.9) 28 (13.0) 14 (6.4)

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Chi square = 9.478; p. = .009 Chi square = 5.020; p. = .025.

Byline by period by slant H5c: More stories with US bylines will be unfavorable in the pre-9/11 period and favorable in the post-9/11 period. For US bylines, there were more unfavorable stories in the pre-9/11 period (28 or 13.0%) and more favorable stories in the post-9/11period (71 or 32.9%) (chi-square 5.020; p. = .025) (Table 2). Hypothesis 5c was supported. Topic by period and Slant H6: For each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), more stories would be unfavorable in the pre-9/11 period and favorable in the post- 9/11 period.

For this as well as the tests for Indian Byline by slant, and Byline stories of Pakistani reporters and Byline stories by Indian reporter by Frame, the difference of proportion test was done on the frequencies relating to these variables as shown in the Total column.

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Slant in the stories on each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations) was more favorable in the post-9/11 period and more unfavorable in pre-9/11 period. However, chi-square test was not significant, (Table 3). Thus Hypothesis was not supported.
Table 3 Distribution of Topics of Stories by Slant by Period
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pre-9/11 N (%)

Post-9/11 N (%)

Total N (%)

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

War on Terrorism Favorable 1 (1.1) 45 (47.4) 46 (48.4) Unfavorable 3 (3.2) 22 (23.2) 25 (26.3) Neutral 1 (1.1) 23 (24.2) 24 (25.3) Pakistan India relations Favorable 13 (12.7) 23 (22.5) 36 (35.3) Unfavorable 7 (6.9) 24 (23.5) 31 (30.4) Neutral 11 (10.8) 24 (23.5) 35 (34.3) Musharraf Favorable 4 (9.8) 14 (34.1) 18 (43.9) Unfavorable 10 (24.4) 10 (24.4) 20 (48.8) Neutral 1 (2.4) 2 (4.9) 3 (7.3) Society & Culture Favorable 3 (12.0) 3 (12.0) 6 (24.0) Unfavorable 6 (24.0) 8 (32.0) 14 (56.0) Neutral 2 (8.0) 3 (12.0) 5 (20.0) Internal Politics Favorable 0 (.0) 4 (18.2) 4 (18.2) Unfavorable 10 (45.5) 6 (27.3) 16 (72.7) Neutral 2 (9.1) 0 (.0) 47 2 (9.1) Foreign relations Favorable 4 (13.3) 9 (30.0) 13 (43.3) Unfavorable 4 (13.3) 4 (13.3) 8 (26.6) Neutral 3 (10.0) 6 (20.0) 9 (30.0) ____________________________________________________________________________________

Byline and Frame H7a: Byline stories of Pakistani reporter will frame Pakistan more often as a friend than as a foe. Bylines stories of Pakistani reporter framed Pakistan as a friend more often then as a foe. However the chi-square test was not significant (Table 4). Hypothesis 7a was not supported. H7c: Byline stories of Indian reporter will frame Pakistan as a foe more often in both the periods. Bylines stories of Indian reporter framed Pakistan as a foe more often then as a friend. (chi-square = 4.167; p. = .041) (Table 4). Hypothesis 7b was supported.

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Table 4 Distribution of Byline of Stories by frame by Period

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pre-9/11 N (%)

Post-9/11 N (%)

Total N (%)

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pakistani Friend 3 (17.6) 7 (41.2) 10 (58.8) Foe 2 (11.8) 5 (29.4) 7 (41.2) Indian1 Friend 1 (4.2) 6 (25.0) 7 (29.2) Foe 2 (8.3) 15 (62.5) 17 (70.8) US2 Friend 11 (7.3) 64 (42.4) 75 (49.7) Foe 23 (15.2) 53 (35.1) 76 (50.3) Note: 1 Chi square 4.167; p. = .041. 2 Chi square 5.263; p. = .022. With regard to stories using a US byline, there were more stories that framed Pakistan as a foe in
the pre-9/11 period and more stories that framed Pakistan as a friend in the post-9/11period.

Byline by Period by Frame H7c: Byline stories of US reporter will frame Pakistan as a foe more often in the pre9/11 period and as a friend in the post-9/11 period. With regard to stories using a US byline, more stories framed Pakistan as a foe (23 or 15.2) and as a friend (64 or 42.4) in the pre-and post-9/11 period respectively, (chi square 5.263; p. = .022) (Table 4). Hypothesis 6b was supported. Topic and frame H8: For each topic (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), more stories will frame Pakistan as a foe in the pre-9/11 period and as a friend in the post9/11 period. Chi-square test was not significant for the topics on War on Terrorism, PakistanIndia Relations, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations. Thus Hypothesis for these topics was not supported. However Hypothesis was supported for the topic, Musharraf, (chi-square = 4.156; p. = .041) (Table 5).

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Table 5 Distribution of Topics of Stories by Frame by Period

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Pre-9/11 N (%) War on Terrorism Friend Foe Pakistan India relations Friend Foe Musharraf* Friend Foe Society & Culture Friend Foe Internal Politics Friend Foe Foreign relations Friend Foe 0 3 7 5 (.0) (4.6) (11.1) (7.9)

Post-9/11 N (%) 37 (56.9) 25 (38.5) 23 (36.5) 28 (44.4) 14 (40.0) 7 (20.0) 3 8 3 5 8 4 (15.0) (40.0) (20.0) (33.0) (42.1) (21.1)

Total N (%) 37 (56.9) 28 (43.1) 30 (47.6) 33 (52.4) 18 (51.4) 17 (48.6) 5 (25.0) 15 (75.0) 4 (26.7) 11 (73.3) 13 (57.9) 8 (42.1)

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

4 (11.4) 10 (28.6) 2 7 1 6 3 4 (10.0) (35.0) (6.7) (40.0) (15.8) (21.1)

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Note:

*Chi square = 4.880; p. = .027

Discussion
US news coverage particularly of the developing world has met with considerable criticism in the past because it pays this part of the world little attention, and when it does pay attention, it tends to cover negative news. The overall coverage of Pakistan across the two papers and two periods was not different. Pakistan was more often covered unfavorable than favorably and more often framed as a foe than a friend, overall. Pakistan was also framed more often as a fundamentalist than a liberal state. Also, most of the stories on Pakistan had US bylines, followed by Indian and Pakistani bylines. The coverage ignored the domestic scene and concentrated on foreign affairs within the US global strategy. In this regard Poornananda (1998) analyzed that US media generally portray third world countries in negative stories based on crimes, disasters, conflicts, and failure of governments while areas including science, arts and culture were significantly marginalized. The negative accounts about Pakistan in the sample papers may be understood within the context of the larger picture of Pakistan. Pakistan is an Islamic country at a time when Islam is under scrutiny/siege; additionally, its Islamic factions have voiced opposition to the United States and it has witnessed terrorist activities in the tribal area of Waziristan. In this regards Griffin (2004) states that media reinforce those versions of events that have already been established in public discourse. Besides, Pakistan is also a nuclear Islamic country in the Islamic block. It has an unfriendly relationship with Israel, but has a strategic relationship with China. And, today the United States has leaned towards India

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in international politics to a degree not often seen in the past and has partnered with India in the area of trade. However, 9/11 did make a difference. The overall coverage of Pakistan in the post 9/11 period in both the newspapers was large as the number of stories and mean story length were significantly greater in this period. Pakistan was also more often covered favorably and less often covered unfavorably after 9/11 than before 9/11. Further, Pakistan was framed more often as a friend in the post-9/11 period and as foe in the pre9/11 period. The favorable coverage to Pakistan falls in line with research that has demonstrated that generally newspapers in the United States consistently reflect the national ideology. In this regard Mann, 1999; Yu & Riffe, 1989; and Dorman & Farhang, 1987 observed that the U.S. media image of other nation depends that whether the US foreign policy considers that nation as a friend or as a foe. Once Pakistan became an ally of the US, the newspapers consistently emphasized the role of Pakistan and of the current government of President Pervez Musharraf as an ally of the US in the war against terrorism. The newspapers mentioned President Musharrafs effort to side with the US against the internal political pressure in general and the Islamic groups in particular. They highlighted the fact that the present government of Musharraf was important for the success of the US fight against terrorism. Yu and Riffe (1988) analyzed the coverage of Chinas national leaders Chiang and Mao in three American new magazines Time, Newsweek, U.S. News & World report from 1949 to 1976 revealed that the U.S. media image of other nations leaders depending upon the status of that nation as a friend or foe in U.S. foreign Interests. They noted the engagement of Pakistans army in securing the border with Afghanistan to prevent the infiltration of terrorists. They gave accounts of the fact that the government had banned terrorist and radical organizations in Pakistan. Pakistan was regarded as a frontline state in the war against terrorism; its security was crucial to not only regional but also global security. The favorable coverage to Pakistan falls in line with the finding of Yu and Riffe (1988) that coverage of international news by all US mainstream media has been unfailing with the US government foreign policy. While covering various topics/themes (War on Terrorism, Pakistan-India Relations, Musharraf, Culture and Society, Internal Politics, and Foreign Relations), both the newspapers gave most of the coverage to Pakistan-India Relations, followed by War Against terrorism and Musharraf. The Pakistan-India Relationship figured most of the coverage on the issue of Kashmir and Indian condemnation of terrorists infiltration from Pakistan. During the study period, both countries were at the brink of war. Although after the end of the cold war, United State maintains good relationship with India but this did not affect the slant and frame in the coverage of Pakistan in the US media. The coverage on the theme of Pakistan-India relations was mostly towards peace between the two countries. At that point in time, the US government never wanted war between Pakistan and India rather wanted Pakistan to fully concentrate on the war against terrorism and to mobilize its forces on the border with Afghanistan to combat terrorism, etc. Mujahid (1971) while investigating the image of Pakistan in the three US magazines found that

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Indo-Pakistan relationship figured most of the coverage and Kashmir was the major and favorable theme. Although after the end of the cold war, United State maintains good relationship with India but this did not affect the slant in the coverage of Pakistan in the US media. The coverage on the theme of Pak-India and Kashmir was mostly toward resolution of peace between the two countries. The coverage slant was not generally favorable. This result was also affirmative with the Mujads studies. As quite in line with the Mujahids study, the domestic scene was mostly ignored in the coverage and it was, however more foreign affair oriented concerned with U.S. global strategy.

The newspapers tended to portray Musharraf as a pro-Western leader and noted his intention to oppose extremism. The 1998 military coup that he was responsible for was labeled as a bloodless coup after 9/11 and was discussed in terms of its positive effects. Musharrafs dictatorship was presented as desirable, for a country susceptible to Islamic extremism. The newspapers discussed his policy for combating corruption, improving living standards and ensuring a genuine democracy by instituting top-down controls in the government. The newspapers repeatedly emphasized Pervez Musharraf as a progressive, modern, liberal and courageous leader who strove to move the country away from the extremist forces. These finding are in line with earlier research on US media coverage of friendly undemocratic leaders (Herman and Chomsky,YEAR; Obad, 2003).

Conclusion The coverage more often than not reflected the changed relationship between the United States and Pakistan after the 9/11 attack, wherein Pakistan became an ally of the United States in its War Against Terrorism. The coverage confirms Shoemaker and Reess theoretical contention that foreign policy influences media content relating to international events. The findings are also in line with the arguments of several other authors (Said, 1997; Kux, 2001; Obad, 2003) that the U.S. media tend to portray positively those countries that are close to the interests of the United States even when they represent non-democratic regimes. To sum up, this study concludes that US media news framing of other countrys image depends upon the degree of US interest in that country as well as the US foreign policy.

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