American Academy of Political and Social Science

Culture and Education Author(s): Mitchell L. Stevens Reviewed work(s): Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 619, Cultural Sociology and Its Diversity (Sep., 2008), pp. 97-113 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40375797 . Accessed: 09/10/2012 02:16
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frameworks The authorreviewsthe primary through have conceivedof whichNorthAmerican sociologists and culture and betweenformal education therelation of how sociologists' conception preponderant explains formalschoolingas an individual-level phenomenon intellechas and a metrical quantity come to constrain offers in The tualprogress muchofthesubfield. author that mighthelp loosen this two analyticstrategies constraint.

Cultureand Education
By MITCHELL L. STEVENS

Keywords: education; culture; social stratification; networks; class;theory

in forthe word "culture" a coma makeeducation used dictionary monly The third of definitive component theconcept. of definition "Development theintellisted is, or education.. . . lect throughtraining or from suchtraining resulting Enlightenment education" {American Heritage College have long 1997,337). Sociologists Dictionary of formally the appreciated deep implication organizedschoolingin culturalformation, and transmission, socialstratification, although has varied the natureof this appreciation overtimeand across space. disciplinary widely a is The primary ofthisarticle to provide goal terrain. schematic ofthis map
is L. Mitchell Stevens an associateprofessor educaof He at tionand sociology New YorkUniversity. is the and a author Creating Class: CollegeAdmissions the of Press 2007) Educationof Elites (Harvard University in Cultureand Controversy of and Kingdom Children: Movement(Princeton the Homeschooling University Press2001). was of version thisarticle presented NOTE: An earlier at the Second AnnualCultureConference, University San Diego, May 5, 2006. Thanks to of California, Richard Arum, Amy Binder, Elizabeth Armstrong, Mary Blair-Loy,Maria Charles, Tim Hallett, Arik and members Florencia Torche, Lifschitz, Meyer, John comments for oftheNYU Education Workshop helpful draft. on an earlier
DOI: 10.1177/0002716208320043

2008 ANNALS,AAPSS,619, September

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in of The threemostinfluential modesofcultural explanation thesociology to education tracedirectly the workof Karl Marx,Max Weber,and Emile it the with classics, is seemexcessively didactic begin to Durkheim. Whileitmay offer traditions funfrom thesetheoretical contention analyses that my deriving between of different education, culture, conceptions therelationship damentally theoretical has and elision thesedifferences brought of andsocialstructure that of to of confusion thesociology education. to beginnings cultural Going theblunt theimplications, inthesubfield enablesme to more clearly portray explanations see and contradictionsrecent of and limitations, occasional scholarship tobetter closer with their studies education of howsociologists insights might invigorate to cultural theory's cutting edge. is research education present defined a paron at The coreofsociological by ideas. and ofMarx's Weber's ticular theoretical methodological and commingling I sketch corein thearticle's section, first that this enduring arguing sociologists' charcultural the for has to penchant quantification tended obscure essentially section inthesecond I flesh this acter educational out of by processes. argument the have North American the annexing sociologists hadwith describing trouble The secin and of Bourdieu hiscolleagues French sociology. third insights Pierre on s of tiontakes thetwomost strands EmileDurkheimlegacy the up important in in One was most of clearly explicated sociology education theUnitedStates. in the workof Talcott Parsonsat Harvard the 1950s;the othercame out of from 1970s the Stanford the Meyerand his colleagues through workof John evacwas in strand largely onward. I explain thefourth As this Parsonsian section, oftheculture uatedwith rights the movements intellectual and fragmentation strand in while decadesofthetwentieth concept thelatter century, theMeyerian hasbecomesomething an explanatory of citedbythoseat the often archipelago, I Marxo-Weberian butonly core connected them. conclude disto by tenuously howthree bodiesofscholarship at present removed are from other that cussing thecore thestudy peerculture, socialnetworks, ofschools formal of of as and - holdpromise moving in of for cultural organizations explanation thesociology education ofitsstoried constraining out but past.

How Marx, and Statistics Weber, Formedan Intellectual Core

Eversince Marx his dictum "the that ideasoftheruling are class penned famous inevery theruling ideas"(Tucker of have 1978,172),inheritorshisinsights epoch ever more ofhowtheproduction transmission and developed sophisticated analyses ofknowledge the serve interests power. stark, of The formulations ofthis earliest ideaseemalmost tocontemporary a of now readers,consequence their deep quaint in embeddedness die strata sociological of which themeans "The has thinking: class ofmaterial at itsdisposal, control thesametime has at over means the production ofmental . . . The ruling ideasarenothing than idealexpresthe more production. sion thedominant of material ideasarebutthe (ibid.); relationships" and'Tourvery oftheconditions your of andbourgeois outgrowth bourgeois production property,

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isbut of classmadeinto lawfor (ibid., a all" jurisprudence thewill your justas your scholars would texture nuance these add and to ideasover but Countless time, 487). has that is of relations remained definitive a thenotion culture derivative economic in tradition. mark cultural of studies theMarxist of for themost influential notion thesociology eduof exponents this Among in fact, s economists. SamuelBowlesand Herbert Gintis Schooling cation were, an of America in Capitalist (1976) influenced entire generation socialscientists Marxist The bookwas a quiteorthodox of whostudied schools. analysis formal coherent classeshad It thatself-interested, education. argued internally ruling chilthat christened a created and maintained schooling system systematically with educational cerclass-neutral drenfrom backgrounds ostensibly privileged children and lower-class whilesystematically tifications, preventing workingin measure. The big pointwas thesecertificationscomparable from achieving wasto legitimate of socialconsequence formal that primary the preexschooling in ameliorative and Formal classprivilege. schooling, ourfaith itssocially isting concealmorethanfalse consciousness little Bowlesand Gintis is capacities, for class fundamental conflicts. ing was of with famous MaxWeber's conception theworld argument theMarxian of It kinds power. is notjust are modern societies characterized multiple that by also and Political status socialhierarchy. that relations define economic systems Weberheldthat formal of on effects thecharacter inequality. haveindependent economic of mechanism status is education an important orgaaggrandizement, as societies different industrial as in complex andpolitical nization, legitimation of in astute histheorization the China.He wasespecially and Germany imperial He of in education thedevelopment Western offormal modernity. importance andtribe offamily, that societies as caste, modernize, gradinequalities explained In achievement. modern on predicated individual ually givewayto hierarchies the bureaumovethrough elaborate as status they accumulate individuals times, centralized societies: industrial characterize that cracies govlargecorporations, of These forms organization and ernments, religious organizations, schools. big individual on rewards thebasisofdemonstrated tendto distribute accomplishschoolsare crucial In thisvision, notinherited (Weber1946). ment, privilege of the becausethey societies in separation embody official organizationsmodern their children ofprivilege. from through put parents Privileged positions persons desirable licenseto occupy so schools that relatively acquireofficial might they and in ministries, organizations, the myriad religious positions government economies. ofmodern bureaucracies capitalist or of By no meanswas Webernaiveaboutthe capacity economic political to or forschoolsthemselves be itself education, through powerto privilege of His influence. waslessan analytic merand ofeconomic political instruments in is echoofMarx clearhere.However, and than itocracy oflegitimacy, Weber's and credentials the of that Weberrealized holders academic with contrast Marx, the but of (often notalways samepeople)have organizations engineers academic attainment Educational clout. and economic political of somepower independent on reach bureaucratic andcapacity theother, and on onehand, formal schooling's in societies. of on effects die structure inequality modern canhaveindependent

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in Animportant was of American sociology theconsislegacy this insight North formal has tent it when is modeled that, mathematically, schooling empirical rinding hierofsocial on transmission effects theintergenerational statistically independent and If socialposition chilarchies. thecorrelation of between measures parents' in school dren's educational attainment exact ifaccomplishment were unerringly not would be so coveted for household income, example then schooling paralleled is education broadly formal humble As bypeoplefrom backgrounds. it happens, of mechanism social from socialclasses be an effective to all by perceived people hierarchies. social anddown, because is capable moving it of mobility, peopleup, these ideas In the1960sand 1970s, becameadeptat assessing socialscientists between statistical to model the relationships techniques empirically, using over and educational attainment, individual prosperity the background, family data sets and ongoing lifecourse.Exploiting growing a cache of numerical Colemanand colin such advances computer researchers as James technology, PeterBlau and OtisDudleyDuncan(1967),Christopher Jencks leagues(1966), about of others a tradition empirical (1972),andmany scholarship developed rich in tradition in Whilework this theroleofschooling mediating socialinequality. formal consistent: is vastand diverse, ofitsfindings been remarkably two have at life on doesindeedhaveindependent effects individual chances; the schooling meansofhanding education a primary as sametime, tendto use formal parents most In and downto their children. other words, as someofthefield's privilege domfirst Collins famous theorists articulated 1971),Marx's 1927/1959; (Sorokin ination Weber's and legitimation handinhand. go in Abundant compelling and research whatcame to be called the statuswithin mainstream of attainment tradition solidified conception education this U.S. sociology. andDuncansclassic Structure Blau American (1967), Occupational has that education indedefinitive statistical evidence formal specifically, provided in work Their demonstrated effects young on men's fate labormarkets. pendent formal of market that education mediates intergenerational the transmissionlabor was between fathers sons.Howmuch and school sonscompleted partly position butnotentirelya function their of fathers' income education. and Furthermore, of theamount school sonscompleted direct own market had effects their labor on Thisandmuch consistent research suppositions. subsequent empirical provided for in and education thedistrirole port thelarge, historically expanding, offormal bution socialrewards a recent of see (for 2005). review, BreenandJonnson Even whilesociologists education of came to presume thatdomination and wenthandin hand, continued argueaboutwhich to however, legitimation they handwas thedominant The datacouldbe readbothways. one. The landmark bookbyChristopher andhiscolleagues, (1972),demonstrated Jencks Inequality that socialbackground characteristics half explained approximately ofthestatistiin cal variation educational attainment a nationally representative sample among ofyoung domination's half or people.Wasthis glass empty legitimation's half glass full? Scott As Davies(1995)suggested hismeta-analysissociological in of scholaron education North in America thepastquarter over itdepends on ship century, whomone asks (foran earlier see Karabeland Halsey1977). Davies review, divided educational into sociologists twocampswhoseexplanatory preferences

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one side or the other dividebetweenthosewho tendto favor reflect enduring an In one groupare thosewho oftencall themselves of thistheoretical partnership. who are keenlyattunedto how formal critical scholarsor reproduction theorists, well positionedand the educationalsystems systematically privilege economically In oftheeconomically the reinforce subordinate disadvantaged. theother position of and socioare those who studyempiricalpatterns school achievement camp is to pursue ever theirprimary economic stratification occupation statistically; the influence educational of and moreprecisewaysofmeasuring assessing relative outcomes on ofall sorts educationaland socioeconomic and socioeconomic inputs scholars. of all sorts.I here call themstratification-and-achievement the are Cultural although explanations crucialtoolsforbothkindsof sociologists, cultural are themselves quite different. theorists, Amongreproduction explanations educational culture characteris American forms. tend explanations to takedialectical rewards meritocratic thatpromises ized by an "achievement quid pro quo ideology" in are thatrarely delivered full(MacLeod 1987). At the same time,disadvantaged of the "resist" machinations oppression families often creatively peopleandtheir young As and circumstances. ofthemselves their alternative inschools creating conceptions by can resistance to Paul Willisarguedin Learning Labor (1981),thismeaning-making real it But continued that takeforms legitimate subjugation. sometimes can engender African liberation" as socialstructures, in the"cognitive in oppressive among change movement the that Americans facilitated civil (McAdam1982).It alsocan foster rights embrace as of innovation thefringes conventional at schooling, intherecent promising of schoolsby some members disadvantaged of charter (Rofesand Stulberg groups at but culture tradition, 2004). In this oppresses italso can liberate, leastpotentially.

has Cultural legitimation becomeso commonly measures formal of by represented quantitative that recognize scarcely schooling sociologists as anymore. phenomenon schooling a cultural
cultural a scholars Stratification-and-achievement havepurveyed decidedly explain status-attainment of nationas well. The inclusion measuresof formal schooling cultural a a modelsis essentially meansofformally legitmodeling Marxo-Weberian as culturalexperienceand culturalknowledge,crystallized imationhypothesis: effects and have independent both mediatepreexisting family privilege schooling, has that has This operationalization been so influential itvirtually on lifeoutcomes. Cultural in thesociological itsunderlying legitimation imagination. theory replaced of measures formal has become so commonly schooling by represented quantitative as thatsociologists anymore. phenomenon schooling a cultural recognize scarcely

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Socialscientists longunderstood numbers have for that haveenormous utility andcontrol complex in societies. Parties otherwise know who enabling cooperation little abouteach other coordinate can their behavior longas they as havesome numerical version reality common. of in makeecoNumerical currency systems nomic whoknownothing between abouteach other exchanges possible people the at are time to except price which they willing buyorsell.Numerical andnavifacilitate across nautical, andairtravel rail, gational systems far-flung geographies, of the "vital behind wheels. Censuses, regardless thelanguages spoken theparties by and statements enableleaders political economic of and statistics," profit-and-loss to rule from as stakeas empires capably their provinces a distance, long therelevant holders on thevalidity thenumbers which decisions made. The of on are agree big utilities quantification at a cost, of come however. to tends radically Quantification otherwise intricate simplify complex phenomena, reality rendering empirically Onceparticular ofquantification forms become institudeceptively straightforward. in tionalized theroutines researchers policy of and themselves the makers, numbers cometobe regarded coextensive theunderlying as with they phenomena measure. In market in valuetends becomesynonymous price; social to with scieconomies, enceandpublic tend become to statistical associations policy, complicated processes and and 2007;Espeland Stevens 1998). (Espeland Sauder The transformation complicated ofa into metrics what is process fairly simple to education postin WWII North American As quantitative happened sociology. means empirical of became evermore in analysis preponderantthediscipline genofeducation that measures of erally, sociologists increasingly presumed quantitative theamount formal of individuals but werenotonly schooling completed necessary alsosufficient ofhoweducation worked. Whatschooling representations actually, entailed namely, formalization transmissionsuchfundathe and of empirically cultural as art, mathematics, and literature mentally phenomena language, became static a akin money. to Whether of of as thenumber years quantity proxied school earned orschool transitions 1972), (Collins 1979), completed (Jencks degrees education became metrical a The of (Mare1981), navigated phenomenon. content formal which only essentially not was cultural alsovaried, but schooling, amorphous, and hard measure, to faded theanalytic into processual, often background.

The French Incursion

of culture intotheir Europeansociologists education integrated explanatory models rather from Americans. England, the In of Hall differently disciples Stuart attheUniversity ofBirmingham a Marxist-inspired, ethnographic developed heavily field called"cultural while Oxfords tradition stratification of research constudies," tinued a computational with ona parwith ofBlauandDuncan that at sophistication theUniversityWisconsin. France, of In where humanities especially die enjoy high status within national the intellectual (Lamont world Michel Pierre 1987), Foucault, and followers and conBourdieu, their novel, elaborate, discipline-crossing brought ofsocial tofull fruitionthe1970s 1980s. in and While both ceptualizations hierarchy

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in influential American the of have thinkers beenvery French sociology, imprint inthesociology educainhistory, of at Bourdieu stronger this is particularly point American were a cadre of young s tion.AmongBourdieu earliest importers - amongthemPaul DiMaggio,MicheleLamont, Annette Lareau, sociologists of a that on and Mohr, Loi'cWacquant intent developingsociology culture John sufficient to and methodological wouldhave explanatory sophistication power A goodbit American oriented North a within quantitatively earnrespect sociology. of has out ofthis intellectual project played inthesociology education. and work extensive, is WhileBourdieus complex, often textually opaque to it.Mostimportant definitive a few American readers, among insights distinguish are and stratification inseparathat is them thenotion classstratification cultural heldthat and and Bourdieu economic politto ble.In contrast bothMarx Weber, For Bourdieu, but are icalhierarchies notjustlegitimated constituted culturally. socialstatus, evenphysical of hierarchies wealth, influence, appearance political are and comportment empirically Second, Bourdieugave indistinguishable. as which defined class-specific of he to muchexplanatory ways weight habitus, human class that and feeling instantiate in sentient acting, consuming, seeing, an idea that of thenotion cultural Bourdieu Third, capital, developed subjects. resources. and economic cultural between blurred distinction the metaphorically that as a kindofcurrency in the ofcultural He regarded knowledge possession Bourdieu of kinds socialadvantage. with is contexts fungible other Finally, right across of in interest thetransmissionclassdifferences hadan abiding generations l and 1977). 1984;Bourdieu Passeron (Bourdieu

in of sociologists education North Among Bourdieusideas havefound America, theorists advocates amongbothreproduction and stratification-and-achievement scholars, to the although twogroupshavetended carry in theinsights ways. forward different
ideashavefound Bourdieus in of America, sociologists education North Among and theorists stratification-and-achievement bothreproduction advocates among in forward difthe to havetended carry insights the scholars, although twogroups Bourdieuholistic s have theorists embraced ferent conception ways. Reproduction of in of and ofinequality hisdeepimplication culture theperpetuationclassdifferon statements education ownearly with Bourdieus (Bourdieu ences.In keeping transthat tend theorists toargue education the andPasseron 1977), reproduction or and fashion more lessdirectly: instratified and habitus cultural both fers capital and classrooms parent school middle whether through inequality, begets inequality

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networks or 1997), parenting 2003),college (McDonough (Brantlinger counseling andorientation toward school (Lareau2003,2000). styles For stratification-and-achievement the idea of culturalcapital scholars, becauseitis theeasiest received earliest the attentionalmost surely empirical articles data. ofBourdieu key s toproxy quantitative Path-breaking with concepts with demonstrated children's that Paul DiMaggio John and Mohr experiences by effects educaon of havepositive elitecultural forms outside formal schooling characteristics tional of outcomes, typically independent thesocialbackground in measured status-attainment research 1982;DiMaggioand Mohr (DiMaggio of in elaboration theculareasought concrete 1985).Subsequent scholarship this were availablein large turalcapitalidea withwhatever relevant phenomena and data of noncognitive capacities their quantitative sets:measures children's in classroom of materials their the and homes, character, amounts kinds printed and thenature activities Farkas2003; and extent their of extracurricular (e.g., Farkas al. 1990;for critical et a see 2003).In genreview, LareauandWeininger inthestatistical the of havebeensufficiently eral, results suchstudies significant while sense forBourdieu followers get through peer review the s to process, relaofnetstatistical detractors emphasized often have the modest magnitudes as between variables educational and outcomes indicationships cultural-capital tionofa theory short evidence far on 2001). (Kingston Inkeeping themetrical stratificationwith overall oftheir enterprise, presumptions with of and-achievement scholars toassessBourdieu notion cultural tend s capital of in measures magnitude: whatextent to does variation someparticular aspect in of cultural educational variation formal capital(musicalability, affect say) net research variables? modest The success this of attainment, ofother program has comeat a highcost.It elidestheessential of Bourdieu work s to challenge North American conceit been to presume that whosedefinitive has sociology, is merely toolfor a Yet, quantification theory. thetransforma"operationalizing" tionofculture an everdenser into forest supposedly of variables "independent" hierundermines Bourdieu holistic s ofcultural material and directly conception a in and worldare,likeconarchies, conception whichmeaning the material whoshare sameheart brain, without the and to joinedtwins impossible separate theentire killing organism. instance this problemis the way in which of Perhapsthe most fateful Bourdieu early s in advocates theUnited and States measured cultural capital formalschooling separate as variables and Mohr1985). (DiMaggio1982;DiMaggio intact stratification-and-achievement conception the scholars' Doingso left wholly offormal as a possession rather a process alsomathematically than and schooling excluded"cultural whatever is thatgoes on in school.The it capital"from researchers addednewmeasures, cultural outsimply representing experiences sideofformal and assessed statistical the between these schooling, relationships newmeasures culture variables of with school However describing performance. wellintended, methodological this reinforced legitimacycarving the of strategy up into culture variables ofimagining and formal education somehow as distinct from culture LareauandWeininger a (see [2003]for related critique).

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Bourdieu American s followers Morerecently, havechallenged capacity the of statistical to adequately the essential of Bourdieu s modeling capture logic Childhoods Lareau comparative s (2003),Annette Unequal arguments. ethnograand of has this phy upper-middle-class working-class parenting styles, galvanized in Thebookderides much work thestratification-and-achievement previous camp. "hunt single for determinants" 64) ofchildren's tradition an endless as educa(p. ofclass-specific tional outcomes callsinstead holistic and for pictures parenting in but the recognizable (p. 8). Alas, way" "coming together a messy still practices the to their advance that cultural chilcapital conveyed parents by conceptual diffuse cumulativeis from standand the is its dren exquisitely intricate, effects of quantitative an enormousproblem.How quantitative sociology point assessthe relative of researchers plausibly impact one aspectof culture might netofall others, alonetheother let status-attainment varistyle, (parenting say), of arenotthought as culture se (household ablesthat income, usually per parent a frontier. Bourdieu himself status, race) remains methodological age, marital becauseoftheweaker of to was better authority positioned avoidthisproblem in relative theorizing continental to research Europeansociology. quantitative have to Bourdieu American s however, beenmore followers, obliged operationalresearch. present, At in of claims theform quantitative ize their they empirical is holistic in vise: remain caught a three-pronged one prong thefundamentally of modis s of character Bourdieu ideas;thesecond thepreponderance statistical which American educational outcomes within ofindividual-level sociology, eling the is of the wholes; third decomposition empirical through systematic proceeds education a quaninto offormal andWoolgar the"black-boxing" 1979) (Latour and complexity content its whichrenders cultural exemptfrom largely tity, room innovative for leaveslittle that It is a tight theorizing. squeeze scrutiny.

Two Durkheimian Legacies

moves was to appraise intellectual definitive most EmileDurkheims Among first to makesenseof intellectual with societies industrial equipment developed to becauseitencouraged was ones.The move great sociologists early premodern in of and of with wrestle thesimultaneitycontinuity change thedynamics human and of social-structural the eventhrough massive changes thenineteenth groups, and thatindustrialization was Durkheim concerned centuries. twentieth early of wouldbe accompanied an inevitable urbanization weakening traditional by if the the cohesion thefamily, village, church andthat modern of forms group of the wereto foster allegiance their societies members, neededto devise they was This novelmeansfor solidarity. forDurkheim thejob offormal producing abstract intheevermore toeducate secular knowledges people young schooling: authorto deference formal to everlarger knit that collectivities,foster together to thenation emotional andto generate 1977,1961,1956; (Durkheim fealty ity, see alsoWalters 2007).

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it Productive s of and though was,Durkheimcomparison modern premodern also chalformations was fateful, becauseit tended toward viewthat the group As are are to tosolidarity problems groups obliged solve. theprogress that lenges difof the ofthetwentieth wouldmakeall tooclear, hardfacts cultural century tend in modern societies andeconomic stratification ference, exclusion, political at to makethedream large-group of seem pricedoesit solidarity ominous: what verand and who pays?As the reproduction education-and-attainment come, of over sionsofeducational traction thecourse thelatetwentisociology gained of eth century, conception amongthe academicleft,Durkheims especially often as a universalizing holdingmodernsocietiestogether glue schooling and appeared reactionary, evendangerous. nostalgic, went wholesale of with almost the dismissal Durkheimian solidarity the Along the at under bannotion socialization elaborated Talcott Parsons Harvard of by of idea nerof functionalism The socialization - thatinitiates any (1951, 1959). in orderto becomecompetent a learning undergo groupnecessarily process in of and holdssway thesociology theprofessions inpopmembers still group of is about.Among ularimaginations whatall formal of sociologists schooling in fell disfavor the1970sand1980s. socialization into education, however, During socialization becamea morally thosedecades,the morally Parsonsian positive and in suspect"hiddencurriculum" the eyes of manysociologists education did so in suspect reformers. wit,if schoolssocialized, To ways: they probably of and children privilege "prepare power" to for 1985) (Cookson Persell enabling and cooling the aspirations the socioeconomically of out (Clark disadvantaged Bowlesand Gintis 1960; 1976). It is no little that with "hidcredited coining term the irony theauthor widely dencurriculum," philosopher the treatise didso in a nowclassic Phillip Jackson, on classroom socialization 1968;see also Snyder 1970).WhileJackson (Jackson himself ecumenical was thevalueof the many not regarding things on lesson that in curricunevertheless taught classrooms, notion hidden the that plans get lumhas to do with the the thestrong controlling weakfueled and legitimating in ofmany critics a politically era. turbulent Reformers as Herbert such passion elaborated dark the sideofhidKohl, Herndon, Holt,andIvanIllich James John dencurriculum calledfor and inthehierarchical radical of changes organization schools. Within this dark of inflection as a means crisociology, gained popularity from versions civics, of literature, tiquing everything standard Anglo-European andhistory theexplicit to stratification ofeducational Consider for opportunity. thetitle James of Rosenbaum 1976book:TheHiddenCurriculum s example of HighSchoolTracking. Notcoincidentally, period this witnessed intensification an ofconcern the with between education racethat remained and has in unabated thesubfield relationship ever since. U.S. Supreme The Courts decision civic landmark on Brown integration, v. BoardofEducation hadpowerful in cultural resonance part becauseits (1954), context schools long-touted was embodimentstheidealofmeriof organizational Most ofeducation hadunequivocal have toracial commitments tocracy. sociologists andracial inschools, inthe1960sand1970s, and integration equality they this put

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commitmentthetask assessing to of chronic often and in glaring disparities educawhites members other and tional attainment between of racial groups, particularly It context many newandoften blacks Latinos. wasin this and that controversial in of cultural explanationsthesociology education proliferated. was theso-called themost controversial them among Perhaps "acting-white" Fordham and John first thesis, developed anthropologists by Signithia Ogbu. and black and Fordham Ogbus ideawasstraightforwardrhetorically compelling: academicaccomplishment Anglos; with for had come to associate high youth was tantamount "acting to white" deroand ofthem, wellin school doing many much and Ogbu 1986). The thesisgarnered blackidentity (Fordham gating of empirical a attention ultimatelycompelling and body challenge (e.g.,Tyson the and debateis only 1998).The acting-white 2002;Ainsworth-Darnell Downey endeavors to assesshow of mostprominent a wide rangeof scholarly seeking certain cultural formations ignorwhile inculcates rewards and formal schooling is conventional others. for orpunishing So, example, publicschooling called ing for "subtractive" manyMexicanyouth,especiallyboys (Valenzuela1999); masculine tend certain teachers toaccommodate gender performances preschool ones certain feminine (Martin whilederogating 1998);and middle-class parents to own about conversations public schooling their advandefinitively policy shape 2003). tage(Brantlinger s abouttheconon research Muchofthis up picks explicitly Bourdieu insights for of Scholars in role stitutive ofculture socialstratification. speak, example, the families tothecolhabitus" socioeconomically that bring privileged "organizational and to households relative other 1997), ofthe"nondom(McDonough legesearch the of nurtured students color cultural inant 2005).Butdespite (Carter by capital" dimendivided thevery remains thisscholarship theoretical along commonality, its sionsofdifference advocates race,class,and gender. try typically to critique: and fewexceptions Withvery Contreras, Matthews 2001), 2003; Brint, (Arum of schoolconsiderationformal abandoned haveessentially mainstream sociologists of social means generating solidarity. or ingas a virtuous evenbenign idea that thesameyears theDurkheimian ofsocialization-for-solidarity During of a elaboration at fellintodisfavor thecoreofeducational sociology,different and his whereJohn coalescedat Stanford s Durkheimwork Meyer University, in of what mentored arenowmultiple generations students a modeof colleagues the Durkheim Weber.Put mostsimply, and thatmarries educational analysis secular of as education the religion the modern schoolviewsformal Stanford culschools toproduce are of functions modern the In state. this vision, primary secand to sacralize stratify autonomous andfunctionally citizen-workers, turally and to lend core of modernsocieties, as ular knowledge the meaningful nation-state all other over to themodern sysorganizational primacy legitimate and formation. for social Thisis a tallorder any tems. appreMeyer hiscolleagues Durkheimin seeing formaleducationas a ciate this,and theyreiterate societies of Boli, (see,e.g.,Meyer, constitutive, component modern irreplaceable and Boli-Bennett Meyer andThomas1994;Meyer 1978). 1986,1977;

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Two things fromthe rest of North this distinguish Stanford scholarship in thistradition been little American educational have First, analysts sociology. interest has in Their interested socioeconomic stratification inequality. guiding and structure modernizing of beenhowformal education theinstitutional reconfigures and unitsof socialization instead societies: families cease to be preponderant become cometo produce human rawmaterial schools, for sonsand daughters knowlof citizens workers, institutions thearbitration official cede and religious to universities. Meyerians enthusiastic are cross-national The researchers, edge in nations than a supposbuttheir is interest lessin material inequalities among formations. toward similar tendency edlyglobal organizational schoolsomeThis obliviousness stratification rendered Stanford to has the ofa boutique andhisstudents assesssocioeconomic taste. inequalthing Meyer the sociology, only ity,unquestionably centralproblemof NorthAmerican educational occasionally. Additionally, have not been shyat dismissing they of research the Marxo-Weberian as the earnestexamination surface of sort down(Meyer theinstitutional further strata variationwhile Stanford investigates the inherent such stance in a haveearned Theswagger iconoclasm and 2001,1986). of isolation. school intellectual butalsoa measure disciplinary Meyer respect and A seconddistinguishing of characteristic thisline of scholarship, very over is that lendsexplanatory it tocultural for here, primacy important purposes modern of socialorganization. Meyerand his colleagues, material For aspects of of of education thematerial are embodiments thedream reasystems formal son.The primary character this in dream theEnlightenment is citizen-individual: theautonomous, For rational bearerofrights preferences. the Meyerians, and this remains philosophical a contrivance modern until societies itflesh figure give citizen and democratic factories, bybuilding specifically, governments schools. Forthose a role culture thestructural in orgaeagertotheorize constitutive for nization modern of theStanford offers theoretical societies, grandeur, approach butto dateithascomeat thecostofunderacknowledged variation cross-national andpoorly The"Western account" itsattenand cultural conceptualized processes. - representative dantinstitutions market quasi-market or democracies, schools, - often easily andinternational too "diffuse" economies, diplomatic organizations intheseanalyses. Eastern andAsian fundamentalist relicommunism, European and ethnicconflicts difficult accommodate are within Stanford to the gions, schoolsframeworkpresent. at the more to Making framework amenable historicalprocess unintended and arethis tradition s most theconsequences promising oretical methodological and frontiers.

Peer Cultures, Social Networks, and Schoolsas Organizations

Thatpeople spendevergreater stretches their of livesin schoolshas had fornormative ofthelifecourse.Among profound consequences conceptions the mostimportant theseconsequences been theincremental of has delayof

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as for than adulthood. People noware regarded children muchlonger periods and ever beforein humanhistory, a whole new periodof age and human intoexistence tandem in development "adolescence" has been theorized of with expansion formal the (Aries1962; Mintz2004). schooling the of was to howall Coleman among first sociologists education notice James novelcultural thistimein age-segregated organizations engenders systems proColemans Adolescent duced and maintained youngpeople themselves. by of (1961),a breathtakingly capacious analysis theworldsyoung people Society in a complex between formal the create high school, relationship posited organiwould cometobe calledpeercultures. Schools of and zation education what may and but rules settheofficial ofgoodbehavior accomplishment, young peoplecreto thatare mostsalient kidson a dailybasis.Adolescent orders ate the status on and was based primarily surveys, interviews, academictranscripts Society whoseelegance schools a mixed-method students tenU.S. high at from design to It evendecadeslater. wasfirst andclarity published prior theappearimpress Coleman ownlandmark s ance ofseveral studies, including quantitative large-n commission (Colemanet al. 1966;Blau and Duncan 1967; federal-government andthe and on 1972).The emphasis schooling macro-stratification statisJencks the of works wouldlongdefine sociology educaof ticalorientation theselatter from while peer cultureenjoyedongoingattention tions intellectual core, and interactionist tradition Corsaro in thesymbolic (see sociologists qualitative for Eder [1990]andCorsaro [2004] reviews). in robust itself has on To date,scholarship peerculture been an archipelago, for that to thecore.So we are shown, example, conbutlinked tenuously only in muchlike orders their classrooms people producestatus young temporary are in theircounterparts Colemansaccount(Milner2004), thatathletics an of and for vehicle thedevelopment maintenance peercultureAdler ( important are differences raceandgender andAdler 1991;Fine 1987),andthat continually in and playgrounds interactions classrooms face-to-face through reproduced are interactions linked 1993).Yet, howmicro-level just (e.g.,Lewis2003;Thorne a remains large and ofstratification inequality to macro-level puzzlefor patterns of the as of thesociology education, itis for sociology culture (Eliasoph generally in two thisarticle suggesting directions and Lichterman 2003). I conclude by to novelsolutions it. ofeducation which pursue might sociologists in and research. as advances datacollection is direction network The first Just of demonstration made the empirical ultimately technologies computational scholars noware developing status-attainment possibleforty yearsago, theory at locations and whether howinteractionsparticular for means assessing produce, Such network structures. of the or inhibit development particular reproduce, of are that reveal "peercultures" as much research ultimately configurations may and are as and groups they ofmeanings behaviors also Emirbayer (see persons link and and Goodwin 1994). If so, networks be thetheoretical empirical may Provocative ofinequality. and macro-level micro-interactions between patterns status (1985)on research Armstrong onundergraduate hierarchies, (2007) Carley by anddecision network between therelationship dormitory among making position of structure and at residents MIT, and Kossinets Watts (2006) on thenetwork

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e-mailcorrespondence Columbia at for are points University excellent starting further social intothe mutual of micro-interaction, netinquiries implication and of works, larger patterns socialstratification. link A secondway sociologists culture and education of profitably might to and is renewed attention formal micro- macro-levels analysis through of orgais a nization. CharlesBidwell As (1965) explained generation schooling as ago, educaan one much organizational as an individual - eventhough phenomenon data tional have mostoftheir attention individual-level on to sociologists given schoolis an important student and academicoutcomes (the Stanford inputs micro-macro are here).Organizational theorizing exception approaches idealfor the between sinceorganizations constitute strata however, particular linkages, localcontexts larger of and (Mehan1992).Culturally processes socialinequality as minded of such now phenomena sociologists education areexamining disparate howtheorganizational life ofundergraduate reproduces gendered configuration and sexual stereotypes facilitates and sexual assault(Armstrong, Hamilton, formal around how the organization educational transitions of 2006); Sweeney of for measures academic of is consequential thecharacter bouraccomplishment is life (Stevens 2007);andhow"school" a distinctively meaningful orgageois family nizational for form social and (Davies reformers, makers, welfare recipients policy with will andBinder and 2007).Whether howsuchapproaches be integrated the ofeducationintellectual remains openquestion. s core an sociology

Note
1. For a succinct of see overview Bourdieuslifeandwork, theentry underhisnamebyRichard Jenkins in theEncylopedia Social Theory, GeorgeRitzer ed. (ThousandOaks,CA: Sage,2005), 66-71. of

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