(§ SPECIAL REPORT / wMD
Weapons of mass
DELUSION?
"WMD has become a worthless, meaningless definition
By AL Mauont cal weapons as a last gasp measure
To date, with the possible exception of a small num:
year ago, on March 17, 2003, President George ber of aged mortar rounds, the Lied States has
'W. Bush told the nation that Saddam Hussein found no weapons of mass destruction in aq, nor
had to leave Irag stressing a clear and present have any terrorists seeking WMD been connected with
threat posed by thar country’s presumed Saddam's regime.
weapons of mass destruction (WMD), ‘This “non-finding” underscores the fact that the very
The fact that Iraq did not use — probably didn't even term WMD has lost any’ definable parameters that
possess — WMD in Operation Iraq Freedom came as would allow itto be useful in public discussions: It has
‘great surprise to most political and military analysts, become a punchline for comedians; satirist use the
‘who had predicted Iraq would use chemical or biolog- term to criticize the United States’ and United King,
‘Ar Force personnel walt
to process through a
chemical containment area
at Ramsten Ai Base,
Germany, dung en exercise,
‘36 Armed Fores Journal arch 2004dom’ political leadership. From its being the high
named the "word of the yeas” for 28
erican Dialect Society, we now have “wield
ers of mass deception,” weapons of mass delusion’
and “weapons of mass distraction” to deseribe the ad
ministrtion’s actions. We also have “weapons of mass
disposal” being used in connection with U.S. support
{or destroying Russia's very large chemical weapons
stockpile
At est, there have been military academics dis
cussing a more appropriate term, "weapons of mass
disruption,” when referring to chernical and biological
(CB) weapons, at worst, we have "worthless, meaning:
Jess definitions” to describe these unconventional
‘weapons. Further blurring the definition, many have
suggested that high-yield explosives, terrorist attacks
against commercial chemical and nuclear power
plants, and even eyberattacks can be considered
WMDs ifthe body count is high enough,
‘The result of inchuding CB weapons in policy discus-
sions regarding nuclear weapons is that political and
rmltary leaders have widely overblown the potential
employment and effectiveness of CB weapons.
‘What has changed? For starters, atthe 18k of being
self-evident, the Cold War is over.
‘The potential tnreat of CB weapons causing lange
scale casualties largely evaporite, along with fears of|
nuclear balisicmissile attacks, when the Berlin Wall
fell and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republies was
disbanded. While Russia has not yet disposed of ts
massive arsenal of CB weapons, ew observers seri-
‘ously envision a conflict in which the United States en
ages a superpower that could employ the thousands
of tons of CB agents required to cause mass casualties
‘The best that an adversary could hope to do with CB.
weapons is delay their eventual def
That is not to say there is no advantage to counties
Geveloping CB weapons; an the contrary, for purposes
other than facing a superpower, CB weapons fit may
nation-states’ politcal agendas very well
Civilians, on the other hand, always will be vulers
bie to CB weapons used either it wartime ora terror
ist tools, but again, civilians always have been and will
be vulnerable to any weapon syscem used by a profes:
sional
Terrorist use of CB weapons has been both infrequent
and less than “massive,” considering thatthe anthrax.
‘wemtor of October 2001 was limited to 2 infected people
and only five deaths. The question we need to examine
therefore is: Should future employment of CB weapons
be viewed as distinc, relatively smallscale targeted re-
Jeases likely to result in limited casualties (albeit with
high-impact results, both during military operations and
{errorist incidents against civilian populations), rather
than “weapons of mass destruction”?
‘ANEW ENVIRONMENT
The debate over the inclusion of CB weapons in the
Concept of ‘weapons of mass destruction” is not new.
However, only recently have analysts seen a need to
clistinguish their resulis from those caused by nuclear
‘weapons and other weapons capable of producing
The best that
an adversary
could hope to
do with chemical
and biological
weapons is delay
their eventual
defeat by a
few weeks.
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eee ae
CoteeEee See en eedCHEMICAL AGENT USE
‘An attack against an unprotected cvilan population
‘oul ely fer geatiyin scope and ects than
‘an stack against mitary forces,
‘Seape
Population | Uap
sharaterses) stan his
(young 96 0)
eecing owt no
ek
"| Smat-seleraease
mass casualties — the Air Force's Massive Ordnance
‘Air Burst 21,000-pound bomb, for exaniple. The obvi
‘ous difference that most have recognized is that rls
tively small amounts of CB warfare agents (less than
ton of chemical warfare agents less than a llogram of
biological warfare agents) will not cause mass casual
ties on the modem battlefield against 2 wellaraned
and properly equipped military force,
For the sake of argument, let us define mass casual-
ties as more than 1,000 immediate deaths and ife
threatening impairinents (not including temporary in
as opposed to the more traditional idea
ssuallies” equates to at least one more vi
{im than the total number of beds in local hospitals.
1m. 2003, military analysts such as retired Army Mai
Gen. Bob Scales and Gen, Barry
MeCaffrey noted that the use of
CB weapons against US. forces in
Iraq would not have stopped ml:
tary operations from succeeding
Seales also noted thatthe primary
difference in assessments between
Jaq and North Karea was that Iraq,
did not yet have nuclear weapons:
that made all the difference inthe
U.S. political responses to thase
regimes’ WMD programs.
fvppes,inined "Rather than tating that twas
sndeaty nity comet to attack Ira hecaise
eee ‘was believed Saddam had CB
cease weapons that posed area
U.S. interests, it is more rational 19
Acseures lite w co wai Rou weming and 4
suggest the United States attacked
eed a eorng eto A
telnclent | emergency sponse |moderate responce rad to prevent Saddam from ob-
Jecotines "jamin itingnicear weapons.
Baacind ita auton” Sone te, ane a
outcome ime xsates, limes, Stand the siificant ciferencebe-
rns eee tween a CPrarmed adversary and a
aos latcone tte ——-mcleararmed adversary. The cha:
Pst incident | Expectston
remediation
‘38 Armed Forces lou
sk olowing
requlroments | emeciton of rs
Tenge arises when defense policy
and strategy do not articulate this
significant difference. The sad fact.
is that when askministration and
defense officials talk about com
Dating WMD, what they really
marageable es
cone
Chemical and biological weapons can be used onthe bate or
during teronst tacks, but the use has been ate and sal scale
March 2008
‘mean is combating the threat of nuclear weapons, not
CB weapons,
‘The White Houses publication of a “National Seategy
to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction” in December
2042 falled to lay out clear distinctions about what com
stitutes WMD and how the nation should respond to
perceived treat. While the Department of Defense had
been refining a counterproliferation strategy for the
past several yeas, the national strategy guidance Stl
‘combines a strategy intended to reduce or eliminate
the WMD threat during mitary operations with those
being developed for homeland security efforts.
‘In 2001, the U.S. counterproliferation strategy had
four pillars: counterforce, active defense, passive de
fense and consequence management. The new na
tional strategy moved consequence management out
of counterproliferation and established it, frst, as a
homeland security initiative and, second, as tool for
responding to WMD incidents overseas, This change
establishes the threat of terrorist use of chemical
warfare agents as equal to a nation state's use of
chemical warfare agents against US. forces during
‘combat. Why, then, do we not require police in US.
‘ites to wear lak jackets and Kevlar helmets, since
domestic criminals and foreign military adversaries
Doth use guns?
‘While CB weapons can be used on the battlefield or
during terrorist incidents, the factors involved dictate
‘distinct separation in how a military force or a nation
‘develops its response to such attacks (see figure). Ad-
dressing CB weapons as weapons of mass destruction
is faulty in the first place, but assuming tha the use of
Scud missile armed with a CB warhead is equivalent
to the arrival ofan anthrax-filled letter atthe Senate
post office or an explosivedadien tanker full of phos-
one is selidefeating as well as folish
While military forces can and should be equipped to
deal with CB weapons on a battlefield, there are not
enough resources or funding available to afford 247
protection for all US. citizens against such threats.
Nor should we expect this protection the risk just isn't
there,
NEW APPROACH
‘The need to separate CB weapons from the concept
‘of WMD is necessary for several reasons, Using the
term WMD merely causes many politcal and military
leaders to focus on the threat of nuclear weapons to
the detriment of addressing CB weapons. Many use
the term as a tool for requesting additonal resources
without clearly understanding to what end these re
sources mus be applied and withenst having clear poi
cies for employing these resources, The National
Guard's WMD Civil Suppor. Teams are a good example
‘of political demands for an asset in states that cannot
demonstrate a clear threat, vulnerability or need for
these teams,
Ideally, one would want to eliminate the tent WMD,
‘or at least ahardon the practice of addressing chen
cal and biological weapons as WMDs. But tha’ not
likely to happen, given the degree of entrenchment the
tem) now has inthe defense vocabulary.
What could help, though, is establishing new defini
tons thar differentia “weapons of mass destruction”
from smaller scale hazards. The following terms have
neen used inthe Joint Staff's Joint Requirements OF
fice for Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear