South Korean Culture Goes Global: KPop and the Korean Wave 117

South Korean Culture Goes Global: KPop and the Korean Wave*
(The Graduate School of International Studies, Ewha Womans University) (Newsweek Korea)

Eun Mee Kim Jiwon Ryoo

Abstract: This paper is an attempt to understand the explosive consumption of South Korean cultural exports in Asia, and its reproduction in South Korea. The more commonly available explanations about the success of Hallyu, which cannot adequately explain why Hallyu has taken Asia by storm while popular cultures from other Asian nations have not, include the following: (1) cultural proximity; (2) common historical and cultural legacy; (3) common 20th century experience of rapid industrialization in the region; (4) rapid increase in intraregional trade, investment, tourism, etc.; and (5) the development of information technology (IT) industry and other modern industries in South Korea. We offer three alternative scenarios to help explain Hallyus success
Key words: Hallyu (Korean Wave), globalization of culture, hybrid culture, Han, Hanpuri

This paperwasprsentda the International Conference onConsuming Korean Cultur University of Hawaii, Oahu, USA, October 1316, 200; a the SBS Distinguished Lectur Harvard University, USA, April 13, 200; andat the Association for Asian StudieChicago, USA, April 2004. W would like to thank Yooyeon Noh and Yoon Young Cho for theirresearc assistance. We would like to thank the three anonymous reviewers of KSSJ forthei helpfulsugges tios and comments on the paper. Please direct all correspondence to: Eun Mee Kim, the Graduate School of International Studies, Ewha Womans University, Seoul, 120750, South Korea; emkim@ewha.ac.krmments.

Korean Social Science Journal, XXXIV No. 1(2007): 117152.

118 Eun Mee Kim and Jiwon Ryoo

using global and local cultural explanations. First, Hallyu is analyzed from the perspective of an alternative form of globalization of culture from the South implying the diversification of world cultures. Neither rejecting nor reacting to the dominant cultures of the West, we postulate that Hallyu is more an alternative and revision of the USdominated cultural globalization. Second, taking a more regionbound perspective, we analyze whether Asias history of colonialism and the fight for supremacy between two regional super powers i.e., Japan and China , have led South Korea to become a more palatable cultural hegemon in the region. Third, the paper uses the Korean concept of Hanpuri (dissolution of Han) to understand how Hallyu has been embraced in South Korea as a source of national pride and helped its reproduction. Finally, we argue that the future of Hallyu will rest on whether it can become identified as a new world culture with distinct traits of its own and enrich the worlds cultural scene.

. Introduction
Hallyu1. (or the Korean2. Wave) i.e., exports of South Koreas popular culture hit the shores of China and Southeast Asian nations with great force since the late 1990s, and finally hit Japan like a tidal wave in 2003 with the arrival of Yonsam a3. and Winter Sonata (Kyul Ynga). Bae Yongjun4., the male star of South Koreas hit melodrama, Winter Sonata, earned the
1. ally means Korean Wave or Wave from Korea. Romanization of Korean words is based on the McCuneReischauer System. 2. Korea refers to South Korea, and the two will be used interchangeably in the paper. 3. This word is a combined word with his first name Yonjun and sama, which is a Japanese honorific given exclusively to highly respected persons. 4. Korean names will be written as they are commonly used in Korea, with the family name followed by the given name. However, the names of Korean authors, who have published in English, will be written as the authors have done.

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nickname of Yonsama, and commentators said that the dramas extraordinary reception in Japan has thwarted South Korea Japan relations more than any single event since the Japanese Colonial Period (191045). Hallyu, however, is as much a domestic South Korean phenomenon as it is an overseas success of KPop5. and South Korean dramas in Asia and other parts of the world. The news about the overseas success of South Korean cultural products were embraced as a source of national pride, and the government, media and the public recreated the Hallyu boom in South Korea. Thus, this paper is an attempt to understand the explosive consumption of South Korean cultural exports in Asia, and its reproduction in South Korea. The more commonly available explanations about the success of Hallyu, which cannot adequately explain why Hallyu has taken Asia by storm while popular cultures from other Asian nations have not, include the following: (1) cultural proximity; (2) common historical and cultural legacy; (3) common 20th century experience of rapid industrialization in the region; (4) rapid increase in intraregional trade, investment, tourism, etc.; and (5) the development of information technology (IT) industry and other modern industries in South Korea. We offer three alternative scenarios to help explain Hallyus success using global and local cultural explanations. First, Hallyu is analyzed from the perspective of an alternative form of globalization of culture from the South implying the diversification of world cultures. Neither rejecting nor reacting to the dominant cultures of the West, we postulate that Hallyu is more an alternative and revision of the USdominated cultural globalization. The paper asks whether Hallyu is what Wallerstein (1991) named differentiation of culture or what Appadurai (1996) called a new global cultural economy. Second, taking a more region
5. South Korean popular music.

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bound perspective, we analyze whether Asias history of colonialism and the fight for supremacy between two regional super powers i.e., Japan and China , have led South Korea to become a more palatable cultural hegemon in the region. The growth of Hallyu in China and other parts of Asia can be explained as a yearning for an alternative regional culture as well as an Asian version of modernity. Third, the paper uses the Korean concept of Hanpuri (dissolution of Han) to understand how Hallyu has been embraced in South Korea as a source of national pride and helped its reproduction. This paper will begin with a brief overview of the history of Hallyu followed by an analysis of Hallyu using the three alternative explanations.

. A Brief History of Hallyu

The term Hallyu was first introduced by the Chinese media as to describe the Korean entertainment boom in China since the late 1990s. The Korea Tourism Organization (2004) defines Hallyu as the recent cultural phenomenon of South Korean pop culture sweeping through China, Japan, Taiwan, Viet Nam, Singapore, Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries. South Korean TV dramas, pop music, and their stars are at the center of this wave. The terms meaning has now expanded to include the popularity of anything Korean including Korean cuisine and language. The culture industry6. as a whole grew very rapidly in South

6. The concept of the culture industry is still quite new and yet to be defined. It was first introduced in the South Korean government documents in December 1999 and then a more detailed description was introduced in the revised version of Munhwa Saneob Jinheung Gibonbeob (The Basic Law to Promote the Culture Industry) in 2002. It characterizes culture industry

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Korea since the late 1990s. It grew at 21 percent while the South Korean economy grew at an annual average of 5.5 percent during 19932003 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism 2004). Exports of cultural products have also grown quite rapidly since the late 1990s with the Hallyu boom in China and later in Japan. According to The Korea Times article (December 22, 2005) South Koreas cultural products e.g., movies, music, games and TV dramas recorded exports of US $1 billion in 2005, which was an increase of 31 percent compared to 2004. Thus, the explosive growth of Hallyu has contributed toward South Koreas economic transformation in the postindustrial, knowledgebased economy. The number of foreign tourists to South Korea has also grown quite rapidly in conjunction with the Hallyu boom. In particular, the rise of tourists from China has been most rapid, increasing from 28,909 (or, 4.8% of total number of tourists to South Korea) in 1995, which was before the Hallyu boom, to a staggering 314,433 (or 11.8% of the total) in 2005 (Korea Tourism Organization various years). The number of tourists from Japan has always been the largest in comparison to other countries for over two decades. Even so, it is interesting to observe that the number of Japanese tourists saw a dramatic rise in 2004 compared to the previous year (from 1726 in 2003 to 2354 in 2004), and this rapid rise happen to coincide with the broadcasting of Winter Sonata in Japan in March 2003.
as a variety of servicebased activities related to development, production, distribution, and consumption of cultural products, while a cultural product refers to tangible and intangible goods, services or their combination that generate economic addedvalue using cultural elements (including culture related contents and digital culture contents) (Ministry of Culture and Tourism 2002). Examples of cultural products include performance, fine art and literature, and their reproduction, books, journal magazines, newspapers, film, radio, television, and recordings on disc or tape (Pratt 1997).

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In Asia, South Koreas films and dramas have begun to show a large following, putting a break on the flow of cultural globalization from the West to the East, and from the North to the South. Suddenly cultural flows within the region are catching up with global cultural flows from the West (Iwabuchi 2002). And the sudden expansion of the South Korean culture is attributed to the low cultural barrier among East Asian countries due to their geographical proximity and culturalemotional similarity rooted in the regions deeply embedded Confucian beliefs (Ministry of Culture and Tourism 2001). Thus, it is not surprising that more than half (56 percent) of the South Korean film exports in 2000 was headed to Northeast Asian countries (Ministry of Culture and Tourism 2001). Such regional concentration of cultural product exports is evident not only in films, but also in online games, broadcasting, and performances (Ministry of Culture and Tourism 2001). However, as will be noted below, Hallyu spread far beyond the culturallyclose Northeast Asia. The West and Japan finally took notice when Hallyu hit the shores of Japan with great force in 2004. Although Winter Sonata was originally aired in 2003 in Japan, it was in 2004 when it exploded on the front page with the rerun of the drama on primetime NHK TV. Winter Sonata contributed to rising tourism, hotel and restaurant business, and wholesale and retail trade, and resulted in nearly US$ 6.24 million7. or 0.1 percent of South Koreas GDP in 2004 (Maeil Business Newspaper December 20, 2004). Hallyu has also continued to add contents to include food, fashion, computer games, and ultimately, Korea itself. Wiseman describes the allencompassing nature of Hallyu as follows: middleage Japanese women suddenly are embracing all things
7. Exchange rate of Korean won to U.S. dollars is 1,050 won=US $1 (Korea Exchange Bank 2004).

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Korean. They are trading recipes for Kimchi, enjoying a renaissance in Korean films, and studying the Korean language (USA Today December 10, 2005). Hallyu has traveled from the culturally close nations in Asia to culturally remote nations in other parts of the world including Egypt8., Ghana, Iraq9. and Israel. The cultural proximity argument does not help explain the growing popularity of Hallyu in these nations. In Egypt a Korean Studies major was established for the first time at the Ain Shams University in part due to the popularity of the South Korean popular culture (The Korea Times March 6, 2006). Hallyu has also landed on the other side of the Pacific in Mexico, California, and even on the Atlantic coast of the US. As Deborah Sontag and Jon Pareles wrote in The New York Times on January 29, 2006 and February 4, 2006, respectively, the recent soldout performances of the most wellknown KPop star, Rain in New York Citys Madison Square Garden in February 2006 produced a great deal of fanfare in the US and South Korea media. Although the actual review of his performance was mixed, being the first Asian star to have a solo soldout performance in Madison Square Garden with over 10,000 fans was indeed newsworthy.

8. The South Korean Embassy in Egypt and Korea Broadcasting Services (KBS) received thousands of fan letters after a Korean drama was shown on TV (Kitae Kim, The Korea Time May 24, 200). 9. The Korean Heal article on August 12, 2005 reported that South Korean dramas, Autumn Fairy Tale (Kal tonghwa) and Winter Sonata aired in Iraq by the Kurdish Regional Government, and this was the first time South Korean dramas were shown in the Middle East.

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. Diversification of World Cultures

Waters (1995: 126) defines a globalized culture as a continuous flow of ideas, information, commitments, values and tastes mediated through mobile individuals, symbolic tokens and electronic simulations. Since culture is mediated and can be transformed in the process, globalization is a dialectical process that can both homogenize and diversify cultures. The homogenization process sees globalization as cultural imperialism or Americanization brought about by the consumption of its culture and material products. The asymmetry of power between the West and developing countries is central to this conceptualization. On the other hand, the diversifying process of globalization focuses on the development of a diversity of cultures. According to this approach, globalization has brought a new level of multiculturalism that has not only redefined the traditional dominant cultures of nation states, but expanded political consciousness into global concerns. As a result, instead of losing ones sense of place because of increasing global influences, globalization has highlighted the importance of local cultures in negotiating its space in cultural hybridization. Taking this idea one step further, Wallerstein (1991) identifies a trend toward cultural differentiation or cultural complexity, which is closely related to the workings of the capitalist world economy. Wallerstein (1974, 1980, 1986, 1989, 1991, 2004) wrote extensively about the exploitative nature of the world system, and extended that argument to culture and argued that culture can be used as a means of such exploitation. Wallerstein (1991: 99) argues that Culture always has been a weapon of the powerful, who uses it to gain legitimacy, but also recognizes that the weak can and does use culture as a mean of resistance. Culture appears to be another place of manifes-

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tation of powered hierarchy, and cultural resistance can be coopted by the powerful, for example, by commodifying the practices of cultural resistance. In this context, culture from the periphery is understood as a form of resistance and reaction to the core culture. This, however, is also the view from the West. Can the periphery and semiperiphery exist only as juxtaposed visvis the core? Can there be cultures that originate from other parts of the world, in particular the periphery and the semiperiphery, which is not resistance or reaction to the cultures of the core? In this paper, we argue that the cultures of the semiperiphery and periphery need not be understood only as resistance to the core, but as a new form of globalized culture. Asia and Latin America have become home to many regional and world cultures. Although their cultural products reach to the world may not be as extensive and pervasive as those from the West, or in particular, Hollywood, some of these alternative cultures from the nonWest represents a new globalization of culture. Hong Kongs Kung Fu movies, Japanese anime, and South Korean Hallyu should be understood not merely as a rejection or reaction to the West. They are more a hybridization of various cultures and represent a new form of amalgamated culture in the 20th and 21st centuries. It is neither East nor West, and at the same time both East and West (Jenkins 2004). Appadurai (1996: 31) argues that imagination as a social practice is a new phenomenon in the global cultural processes. And the central problem of todays global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization (Appadurai 1996: 32). He argues that new global cultural economy has to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order that cannot any longer be understood in terms of existing centerperiphery models (Appadurai 1996: 32). And arguing that the complexity of the current global economy is due to funda

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mental disjuncture between economy, culture, and politics, he presents five dimensions in which the disjuncture can be explored: (a) ethnoscapes, (b) mediascapes, (c) technoscapes, (d) financescapes and (e) ideoscapes (Appadurai 1996:33). These various scapes suggest an alternative spatial rendering of the present one that is not fixed as a typical landscape might be, but amorphous and flowing in various directions and with various sizes. These scapes are presented by Appadurai (1996: 3133) as the building blocks of the contemporary imagined worlds extending the work of Benedict Anderson (1983) in Imagined Communities. Appadurai (1996) argues that modern media and mass migration have separately and together produced an increasing degree of instability in the creation of selves and identities. The universal access to media by individuals with different backgrounds has democratized imagination, made it into a daily activity of the public rather than one restricted to artistic elites. When combined with mass migration, what is imagined is no longer the imagined community of the nationstate, but numerous diasporic public spheres (Appadurai 1996: 22). The Yonsama craze in Japan can be understood using Appadurais (1996) conceptions of new global cultural economy, and Iwabuchis (2002) study of transnationalism of Japanese popular culture in Asia. The Hallyu boom in Asia in general, and Japan in particular, epitomized the Asian experience of industrialization that was very rapid and compressed, and produced new global cultural dynamics. Bae Yongjun, the lead actor in the Winter Lover Story (Kyul Ynga), or Winter Sonata (the latter is the title used in Japan), has become enormously popular in Japan overnight. Headlines such as, Korean romantic hero holds Japan in thrall; Frenzy over heartthrob symbolizes changing relations between peoples (USA Today December 10, 2004), and Whats Korean for Real Man? Ask a Japanese Woman, (The New York Times

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December 23, 2004) attest to his influence in Japan. Originally produced and televised in South Korea in the winter of 200203, Winter Sonata became a great success throughout Asia including Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and most recently, Japan. In March 2003, Winter Sonata was shown on Japan Broadcasting Corporations (NHK) satellite channel as filler. But, it quickly became a ratings success and made its star, Bae Yong jun, as one of the most soughtafter celebrities in Japan. There were already signs of Hallyu in preYonsama days. A report from Mainichi Shimbun on December 20, 2004 noted that more than 1.3 million Japanese moviegoers watched Shiri, South Koreas highpowered action film in 2000. Interest in South Korean pop culture grew steadily since then, and gained momentum in 2002 when the two countries cohosted the FIFA World Cup games and promoted cultural exchanges. While the South Koran pop singer BoA or other previous South Korean popular culture merely drew attention to individual performers or a few particular cultural products, Winter Sonata created a boom in the interest for Korea itself. Winter Sonata presents a pure romantic hero of Koreas past (or, perhaps Asias past), who clings to his first love, perseveres in the face of a triangular love relationship, amnesia, and life threatening illness, to find at last his first love. Junsang, the character that Bae plays in Winter Sonata represented the long lost values of the forgotten Japan i.e., kindness, pure love, gentle manners, and masculinity that most contemporary Japanese men were seen as lacking. Such traits reminded the Japanese of the heartwarming memories of the good old days, and mistakenly identified these traits as to be common among contemporary South Korean men. The dramatic end of Winter Sonata shows the hero and heroine meeting after years of not knowing each others whereabouts or even whether the other was alive, by sheer extrasensory per-

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ception (ESP) in a remote villa off of a beaten track somewhere in South Korea. The hero returned to South Korea after being treated in the US for brain tumor, which had eventually rendered him blind, to a house he built with only a demonstration model that the heroine had long time ago made for an architecture competition. The dramas main characters embraced Western modernity in the sense they are contemporaries of us living in the age of post industrial, globalized world. There is very little Asian or the East in the way they dress, the products they use, or the way they go about their lives traveling and living around the world. Yet, the ethos and values inherent in the drama is very Asian, and in particular Asia of the nostalgic past. Pure love, quiet, and even passive perseverance through hardship, nonaggressive way of conquering love, chastity, and the proverb that the good will always conquer evil are at the foundation of the drama. Although these values in their ideal types will be difficult to find anywhere, including Asia in this era of globalization, Asians yearned for these imagined values from their past. Winter Sonata epitomized the nostalgia of the Asia past, in which rapid and compressed industrialization in Japan and East Asian newly industrializing countries (NICs), has erased it from their lives, but very much alive in their memories. Fro example, South Koreans beyond the age of 45 vividly remembers (even if they lived in Seoul, the most advanced and cosmopolitan city in the nation) their youth with oxdrawn carts and muddy streets that became unpassable during the yearly monsoon season. Hallyu dramas that depict a modern exterior with traditional values provide a nostalgic relief for the Seoulites ultramodern cosmopolitan life. The story of compressed industrialization is an experience shared by many Asian nations, and thus helps explain the popularity of dramas such as Winter Sonata among so many people throughout Asia.

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Winter Sonata and Yonsama resulted in an impressive economic impact in Japan generating US$1.1 billion10. in 2004 mostly through the sale of items related to the drama including DVDs, and products featuring the two main stars (The Japan Times December 30, 2004). NHK was one of the major beneficiaries of the Winter Sonata boom as its publishing arm sold 860,000 novels based on the dramas screenplay, 280,000 program guidebooks, and 150,000 DVDs and videos. The soundtrack from Winter Sonata sold over 1 million copies, which is unprecedented for a drama soundtrack in Japan (Mainichi Shimbun October 13, 2004). Travel agencies began to offer tour packages that featured visits to the shooting locations of the drama and opportunities to meet the actors, and this resulted in a dramatic rise in tourism to South Korea by 40 percent compared to the previous year (Mainichi Shimbun December on 20, 2004). Bae himself grossed about US $20 million, while his entertainment management company, Boundaries of Forest, earned US $44 million in 2005 (The Korea Times February 20, 2006. This boom did not stop at popular culture. The number of universities, which offer Korean studies, saw a sudden rise from 143 in 1995, to 285 in 2001, and to 335 in 2004 (Hyundai Research Institute 2004). And NHK broadcasted an unusually long 8hour special program on Hallyu on its satellite channel (BS2) on December 19, 2004. It was the first time that the public broadcast company allocated such a long time for another countrys cultural phenomenon (Hyundai Research Institute 2004). Before Hallyu and Yonsama, Japans popular culture had already penetrated Asia. Iwabuchi (2002: 2) was motivated to conduct the research about Japanese popular cultures reach in Asia due to the sense of surprise and curiosity he felt when
10. Exchage rate of Japanese Yen to U.S. dollars is 104 Yen = US$1 (Korea Exchange Bank 2004).

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Japanese popular culture was embraced in Asia in spite of the troubled history of Japan in the region. He quotes headlines from several sources including, Export machinewhile Asias older generation is still haunted by Japans wartime brutality, Hello Kitty culture is hot with the regions youth, who are happy to snap up all things Japanese (Export Machines 1999: 3031 quoted in Iwabuchi 2002: 1). Japanese animation (or, better known as anime), comics, characters, computer games, fashion, pop music, and TV drama have been well received in Asia since the late 1970s, but more conspicuously in the 1980s and 1990s (Iwabuchi, 2002: 13). Iwabuchi (2002: 3) argues that the 1990s media globalization and the growth of other Asian economies have led to increases in intraregional cultural flows in Asia, and in particular the circulation of Japanese popular culture in Asia. Iwabuchi (2002) examines both the growth of Japanese popular cultural products export boom throughout East and Southeast Asia, as well as the growing acceptance of the other Asian nations cultural products in Japan. This latter trend contributed to the acceptance of South Korean popular culture in Japan since the 1990s. However, Hallyu appears to be much more mainstream and widespread compared to the inroads of other Asian cultures in Japan. Iwabuchi (2002) develops the concept of odorless culture,11. to explain how Japanese popular culture could so easily spread throughout Asia and later to the world without much resistance even from its former colonies with brutal histories. Unlike Hong Kongs Kung Fu movies, which had a very distinct Chinese char11. However, this notion of odorless culture does not adequately explain the current Japanese anime or games sold worldwide, in which many explicitly show their Japanese heritage. Iwabuchis (2002) concept helps explain the earlier exports of Japanese cultural products. There is an assumption that the initial cultural penetration started out as odorless and then gradually became to show Japanese traits once the products were received.

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acter, Japans anime and other popular cultural products did not have a strong sense of Japan in them. Odorless cultural products, such as animation, cartoons, and characters, which do not readily render their nation of origin, were used by Japan in its early phase of cultural exports in Asia (Iwabuchi 2002). Hallyu in this sense is more similar to Kung Fu than Japans popular culture. KPop and Hallyu from the start had a sense of Korea in them, albeit it was also in many cases a hybrid of the East and West. On the other side of the globe, Rain hit the streets of New York City on February 2 and 3, 2006. A KPop star, Rain (or Bee in Korean) has become a mega star of the most recent Hallyu wave in Asia. Before New York City, Rain had soldout performances in many large Asian cities in 2005 totaling more than 130,000 seats starting with three sold out performances in Japan with 12,000 in Tokyo in July, 8,000 in Osaka in August, and 20,000 in Budokan in September; 40,000 in Beijing in October 2005, and 20,000 in Hong Kong in October, and finally in Taipei with 30,000 sold out seats in December (http://www.jype.com; The New York Times January 29, 2005). The South Korean media played up the story of Rains 10,000 sold out performances in the Theater at the Madison Square Garden in New York City, noting that one of the USs pop icons, Billy Joel also had a performance at the Madison Square Garden on the same evening. The South Korean media repeatedly mentioned this fact as to prove that Rain or Korea itself had captured the heart of the US as Billy Joel has (or had), and conveniently ignored the fact that Billy Joel performed in a much larger venue, The Arena. Although Rain has been embraced by Asia as its super star, his reception was decidedly mixed in the US. In The New York Times article on February 4, 2006, unlike an earlier article (December 24, 2005), which was a much more positive story

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about the first Asian popular star to perform at the Madison Square Garden, Jon Pareles wrote that Rain failed to develop a unique style that is not just a copy of the old US pop singers like Michael Jackson, or his contemporaries such as Justin Timberlake and Usher. In other words, he was not exotic or Asian enough to the critics eyes and a mere copy of the US stars. In the era of globalization, when identity and culture experience both homogenization and heterogenization (Appadurai 1996), it is no longer possible to make a simple dichotomy of my/our versus your/their culture(s). Shin (2006) discusses the paradox of globalization in South Korea by observing two seemingly contradictory trends: nationalist appropriation of globalization and intensification of ethnic/national identity in reaction to globaliza tion. Shins (2006) conceptualization of globalization and the South Korean response to it can be extended to the globalization of culture, in which South Korea finds both the forces of homogenization and heterogenization in play. Hallyu and other cultures from the South should be understood as an alternative to the US or Westdominated cultural globalization. The new hybrid form of popular culture has in them elements of both the West and the East (Jenkins 2004). Asian fans appeared to have embraced this new hybrid culture. However, some of the Western media has only recognized what is familiar to their eyes i.e., the Western footprint and failed to notice that this is probably the new face of globalization, in which the East and West are chemically mixed to produce a new hybrid culture. Unlike Japanese cultures earlier inroads to Asia and the world with odorless cultural products, Hallyu has distinct odors or fragrance12. that identifies their place of origin in
12. Odor has a negative connotation of a smell that needs to be erased. We

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Asia and Korea. Because earlier Hong Kongs Kung Fu movies had become absorbed into mainstream global culture (especially with recent adoption and adaptation of Chinese movies and stars into Hollywood movies), and widespread reception of Japaneseoriented transnational cultural products in the world, perhaps South Koreas Hallyu is able to penetrate the world of world cultures even without the processes of deliberate and explicit deodoring and adaptation/absorption to the West.

. Asian Modernity
Hannerz (1996) argues that although globalization is identified as an important part of modernity, it is obvious that where theorists are really at home is still the West i.e., Western Europe and North America. Possibly Japan has by now been added, but on the whole theorists are still based in the North and the West. The media has also implemented a world view of exclusion in which different cultures and societies are defined as foreign. As pointed out by Volkmer (1999), the world view gave order to world communication and its effectiveness by employing terms like First World or Third World in designating communication structures (Volkmer 1999: 104). This world order originated from an imperialistic perspective of the world as a settled and global hegemonic power based on the model of core periphery. This model has been criticized as an abstract expression of an idealized imperial system (Canclini 1992: 40) that does not recognize the complexity of cultural globalization as a decentralized process, suggesting that the world cannot be understood in the monolithic terms that the coreperiphery dualism suggests.
prefer the term fragrance which connotes of a more positive concept for smell.

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The literature on media representation of race shows that ethnic groups still tend to be represented in stereotypes. Stereotyping constitutes a representational practice which, reduce people to a few, simple, essential characteristics that are deemed to be unchanging (Hall 1997: 257). To claim that stereotypes of ethnic groups are the norm in the media implies that complex differences are ignored and are thereby defined as the others. For example, Cottle (2000: 78) argues in relation to race/ethnicity and the media that the collective findings of this research effort generally make for depressing reading. Underrepresentation and stereotypical characterization within entertainment genres and negative portrayal within factuality and news forms, and a tendency to ignore structural inequalities and lived racism experienced by ethnic minorities in both, are recurring research findings. Hallyu and other cultural trends from Asia gained popularity in the region since they represented something that is closer to home without racial or ethnic stigmatizing of their race and ethnic groups often found in cultural products from the West. The yearning to belong and to become a part of the mainstream drives the popularity of Hallyu in Asia. There may be many different forms of suffering and exploitation in Hallyu dramas and movies, but they are different from what we see in Hollywood movies, which tend to parallel discrimination based on race and ethnicities present in the US. Featherstone (1995) and Turner (1994) propose that globalization is a stage for global differences pointing out fragmented and decentered globalization of cultures, which suggests cultural exchanges and complexities. Turner (1994) suggests that the discussion of the binary opposition of the West and the rest becomes redundant in a global multicultural world (Turner 1994: 183). For him globalization brings about increasing diversification and complexities of cultures by interposing a variety of traditions

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within a given community (Turner 1994: 184). Put differently, globalization has increased a tendency for internationalism and globality, which has replaced the foreignness of events which happen beyond the West. Giddens (1990: 19) discusses the consequences of modernity as follows: In conditions of modernity, place becomes increasingly phantasmagoric: that is to say locales are thoroughly penetrated by and shaped in terms of social influences quite distant from them. Giddens (1990) argues that the separation of space and time is critical since it is the prime condition for disembedding, the lifting out of social relations from local contexts of interaction and their restructuring across indefinite spans of time space. Iwabuchi (2002) uses the term, Asian modernity to explain the popularity of Asian popular culture in Japan since the 1990s. The Japanese slowly changed their perception of the other parts of Asia from a culturally and racially similar, but always backward Asia to modernizing Asian nations are nostalgically seen to embody a social vigor and optimism for the future that Japan allegedly is losing or has lost (Iwabuchi 2002: 159). Thus, the term Asian modernity refers to Japans perception of other Asian nations economic development and catchingup with Japan in material as well as cultural terms. However, we will use the term, Asian modernity to refer to a form of Asian modernization and modernity that are different from that of the West as the latter experienced industrialization and modernization. Compressed industrialization in less than two to three decades what the West experienced in a century; coexistence of traditional values and institutions with modern/ Western values and institutions; relatively peaceful coexistence of different religions and value systems; and often in the face of encroaching global influences are some of the traits that make Asian industrialization distinct (see Kim 1997).

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Hallyu represents a case in which a culture from the non West, nonadvanced industrialized nation has resonated with a region marred with conflict and tension in its history. ChoHan (2003) examined the Hallyu fever from the perspective of a different kind of globalization than that of the Westbased globalization. She argues that Hallyu should not be interpreted as mere diffusion of culture from the superior to the inferior, but that it should be viewed as part of a complex and dynamic trans culturalization phenomenon and process of powerrearrangement led by the flow of transnational capital, media and people (Cho Han 2003). Thus, Hallyu appears to be more than just resistance and reaction to the core culture. In fact many Hallyu dramas embrace the West, but in a way that is palatable to the other parts of the world. For example, the Chinese took to their hearts the South Korean dramas because they depicted an Asian version of modernity, one that they felt was more real, tangible, and something that they too could attain (Hong 2001). Some have noted that the reason why the Chinese embraced Hallyu is because Hallyu skillfully wrapped Asian culture with Western sophistication. The Chinese are not excited about Hallyu just because of its excellence or cultural affinity, but because they have found a way to advance into Western culture through the sophisticated urban images represented in Hallyu. Thus, Hallyu is seen an intermediary between the East and the West, and a roadmap of how China can join the ranks of modern, cosmopolitan new world in the era of globalization. Hallyu was born in China in 1997 when Chinas CC TV signed an import contract for a South Korean drama, What is Love? (Sarang i mogil rae). The show became an instant hit as soon as it started broadcasting, enjoying ratings of 16.6 percent, which was the highest viewing record among overseas dramas in Chinese TV history (Korea International Trade Association 2004).

South Korean Culture Goes Global: KPop and the Korean Wave 137

Several megahit dramas followed, which resulted in the burgeoning stardom of South Korean actors, and singers from the shows original soundtracks. The 1998 hit drama Wish Upon a Star (Byl n nae kasm eh) has made the leading actor, Ahn Jae Wook, one of the top stars in China. Ahn, who is also a singer, released his music albums and had huge concerts with other South Korean singers who had also become popular in China. K Pop concerts, which quickly followed the hit dramas, helped sustain and boost the Hallyu boom throughout greater China. The influx of South Korean cultural goods to greater China intensified with the beginning of the new century. Even new words were created to capture the relentless craze about South Korea, including, Korealoving People (): the frantic people who admire anything Korean, and Korea Mania Group () (Korea International Trade Association 2004). The Hallyu fever and the 2002 KoreaJapan World Cup Games have contributed to huge increases in tourism from China. Although Chinese tourists numbered only 32,761 in 1996 and comprised 5.4% of total tourists who visited South Korea in 1996, the figures rose to 137,816 and 6.8% by 1999, and reached 392,142 and 14.6% by 2006 (Korea Tourism Organization various years [19952006]). If you include those from Hong Kong and Taiwan, the numbers are even more impressive, and by far make up the sharpest rising touristsending nations to South Korea since the mid1990s. The Chinese were also enjoying South Korea without traveling, since South Korean restaurants were opening upon every other block, South Korean dramas were dominating primetime TV, and South Korean celebrities were appearing on downtowns gigantic billboards in major Chinese cities. South Korean culture was rapidly blending into their everyday life. A focus group interview conducted by the Korea Culture and Content Agency (2004) found that a large number of Chinese people perceived Hallyu as

138 Eun Mee Kim and Jiwon Ryoo

a stabilized element of the Chinese culture.13. Hallyus acceptance in Asia is related to the troubled history of Asia. Japanese Colonialism and Chinese invasions in Asia have left strong historical memories in the region, which has led to the embracing of Hallyu as a more palatable cultural hegemon in Asia. Taiwan experienced Japanese Colonialism for about 50 years in the first half of the 20th century, and it has been exposed to Japanese culture ever since. South Koreas cultural exports to Taiwan presented an alternative to the pervasive Japanese culture. It is interesting to note that while the South Korean dramas served as a main channel to introduce South Korean pop culture in China and Hong Kong, it was the South Korean pop music, or socalled KPop, that was on the front of Hallyu in Taiwan. The South Korean dancing duo, Clon sold out 450,000 copies of their album in 1999, and a year later their hit song was used as the campaign song for Chen Shuibian, the Presidential candidate at the time (Korea International Trade Association 2004). KPop was very different from the Japanese culture that the Taiwanese had been exposed to. South Korean culture did not come with the same baggage as massive Japanese cultural invasion in the 1990s, which reminded them of the troubled history with Japan even when earlier cultural flows from Japan tended to be odorless, and has been credited with a sense of being able to Asianize Western culture into a form that is palatable and appealing from Singapore to Beijing (Duerden 2004). Furthermore, KPops dynamic and modern style symbolized (or was perceived to symbolize) the new and improved South Korea and, it led to many more KPop artists being invited to Taiwan. The success led to other genres of popular culture including South Korean
13. The target group of this focus group interview was 48 Beijing citizens from the age of 14 to 34.

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dramas. However, the success of Hallyu in Asia has also brought backlashes. The Chinese government recently endorsed restrictions on foreign broadcasting programs during primetime TV slots, and established an annual import quota for foreign films (Korea International Trade Association 2004). In Taiwan, the entertainers labor union submitted a petition to the Taiwanese government calling for governmental action against Hallyu. The percentage of televised South Korean dramas on Taiwanese cable TV stations, Weilai and Bada, were 59 percent and 42 percent, respectively, while Taiwanese dramas recorded 7 percent and 5 percent, respectively (Yonhap News December 1, 2004). However, the total onair time of South Korean TV dramas in Taiwan has decreased from 903 hours in 2002 to 356 hours in 2004 after the petition (iM News January 11, 2005). It is too early to conclude that the Hallyu in greater China has subsided, yet it should be noted that governmental control over South Korean cultural imports will most likely intensify in the future. In the midst of backlashes against Hallyu in greater China, a new wave of Hallyu arrived in the form of another TV drama, Jewel in the Palace (Tae jang gm), which is based on a real story of a historical figure (Janggm), who was a royal cook and then rose to become the first and only woman to serve as the head physician to the King in the rigidly hierarchical and male dominated social structure of the Joseon Dynasty. The drama caught the attention of South Korean TV viewers with the combination of two powerful stories: the successful rise of a female, which is rarely covered in historical dramas, and the story of traditional food and medicine, which gained popularity with the South Koreans wellbeing movement.14. Unlike the earlier
14. South Koreans embraced the health craze, which had recently swept through the US and other Western European countries, with emphases

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Hallyu dramas, this drama was set in a historical period. Yet it appealed to Asians and in particular, to the Chinese showing them an exotic history of Asia with the portrayal of intricate plots, historical imagination, and welldeveloped characters. From May to July 2004, Tae jang gm aired in Taiwan and quickly became the most watched program of the season, doing much better than the Taiwanese dramas (Korea Tourism Organization 2006). Although there were signs of Hallyufatigue among the Taiwanese, Tae jang gm appears to have changed the tide. When it aired on Hong Kong TV from January to May 2005, according to The Korea Times report on October 27, 2005, its final episode was recorded as the mostwatched TV show in Hong Kongs history with more than 40% of Hong Kong viewers glued to the TV set. Jewel in the Palace also aired in the US with 60 episodes on WOCHChannel in Chicago in Spring 2004, and in Japans NHK satellite TV in October 2004. Jewel in the Palace has also attracted tourists to South Korea. Tourists from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Japan have increased since the drama aired in their countries, and the dramas fans flock to the filming locations in Jeju Island, the Korean Folk Village, Suwon Hwaseong Haenggung Palace, and Changdeokgung Palace. Although the Vietnamese were initially drawn to Hallyu because of curiosity for the exotic and modern sophisticated images, they soon recognized the similarity between their culture and the South Korean culture. A strong sense of morality and familycentered values in South Korean dramas helped South Korea to shed the negative image of Taihan earned during the
on the wellbeing of humans and environment. Interest in organic produce, environmentallyfriendly ecosystem, healthy eating, alternative medicine, aerobic exercise, and etc. has grown in recent years. Thus, naturally, there was growing interest in Koreas traditional cuisine and medicine, which were in line with the wellbeing movement.

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Viet Nam War. The driving force of the Hallyu in Viet Nam as well as other Southeast Asian countries and even Muslim countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia has been the TV dramas. The drama Brother Doctors (iga hyngje) was introduced nationwide in Viet Nam in 1999 with great success, and turned the main actor Jang Dong Gun as the most popular actor in the country (Hyundai Research Institute 2004). Kim Nam Ju, the actress from another hit TV drama Model, became a fashion icon in Viet Nam. And LG Debon, a South Korean cosmetic company, became the market leader after it quickly cast Kim in its TV advertisements (Hyundai Research Institute 2004). South Koreas rapid industrialization spearheading the regions economic growth along with Japan; rapid increase in intra regional trade, and in particular South Koreas exports of information technology products such as digital TVs and cell phones have all contributed to the success of Hallyu in Asia. This Asian version of modernity was embraced in the region as a more palatable alternative to the West and to the troubled powers in the region. Thus, the success of Hallyu in Asia should be understood within a broader context of global and regional political and economic dynamics.

. Hanpuri (Dissolution of Han (, )

While Hallyu inundated Asia and hit the shores of faraway lands such as Mexico,15. Egypt, Israel and most recently the US,

15. In 2002, Mexicos public broadcasting company Mexiquense aired two South Korean TV dramas resulting in a small South Korean cultural boom. The department of Korean Language Studies was established in the top national

noma de M xico in February 2004 university Universidad Nacional Auto is a result of such interest in South Korean culture (Korea International

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the South Koreans were having a euphoric moment of their own. As the reports of overseas success of Hallyu reached South Korea, the South Koreans attached meanings beyond a cultural pheno menon. Hallyu led to the dissolution of the longheld Han after centuries of being invaded by surrounding super powers, colonialism, and war. Han can be translated as bitterness and anger, unfulfilled wish, unrequited resentments, or long accumulated sorrow and regret over ones misfortune (Shin 2003). Hanpuri means releasing Han, and in the Korean context, the ways of releasing Han can include dance, music in Shamanist rituals, and direct revengeful acts. The collective forms of Hanpuri can be presented in labor movements, antigovernment protests, and even in the zeal for economic development (Shin 2003). Suddenly centuriesold Han was lifted as South Koreans were ridding themselves of the deepheld resentment and forced sense of inferiority visvis its neighboring super powers of China and Japan. Historically the Chinese empire had invaded the Korean peninsula numerous times, and Korea was subjugated as its subject. Many important schools of thought, culture and religions originated from, or passed through, China to Korea. The historical relationship between China and Korea were that of the core and periphery. Thus, Chinas embrace of Hallyu gave a sense of superiority at last to South Koreans Koreans were giving culture to China and not vice versa. Japans influence on Korea includes historical invasions as well as the 20th century colonialism (191045) and economic domination in the postWWII era. The harshness of the colonial legacy, which extended much beyond politics and economy to the arena of culture and education, had left an indelible mark on the
Trade Association 2004).

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Korean ethos. Thus, when the Japanese were showing their utmost adoration and respect to Yonsama, it was felt as if the Japanese were finally accepting the fact that South Korea was a superior culture, as it was historically Korea that gave Japan its royalty, and passed on Buddhism, ceramics, and so on from China often with a distinct Korean rendering as in the case of ceramics. Hallyu cut the Gordian knot16. of the historical tragedy and colonial legacy, putting South Korea on par with Japan. Iwabuchi (2002) found that there was a common discourse in Japan that laments the fact that Japan did not have cultural power, which conferred upon Japan a curious quasiThird World status, even with its economic prowess (Iwabuchi 2002: 2). This lamentation of the paradox between the levels of economic versus cultural influence and recognition in the world runs parallel to the idea that economic success is not enough to quell the yearning to attain global success and recognition found in South Korea. The fact that this lamentation of the paradox was also found in Japan, which had long been historically ruled by the Samurai (the warriors), implies that for South Koreans this would be an even stronger desire due to the greater value it placed upon the literati and culture. Thus, Hallyu was the Hanpuri, which was elusive even after South Koreas remarkable economic success. Now South Korea was at the helm not only for its material products, but for its culture and ideas. Popular dramas such as Winter Sonata and Jewel in the Palace were aired again in South Korea when the news about their overseas success was reported.17. While the public was en16. A knot tied by Gordius, a legendary king of Phrygia that, according to a prophecy, was to be undone only by the person who would rule Asia: Alexander the Great, not able to untie the knot, is said to have cut it with his sword (Random House, 1996). 17. Winter Sonata was shown again in South Korean TV after the drama, and its two stars Bae Yongjun and Choi Jee Woo gained enormous popularity

144 Eun Mee Kim and Jiwon Ryoo

joying the news and watching reruns, the research centers were busy calculating the economic gains and conducting research about ways to sustain the Hallyu boom. Numerous research projects on Hallyu were conducted by governmentfunded research institutions as well as private research centers.18. And numerous projects were created to help sustain the momentum of Hallyu boom. The local government of the Gyeonggi province announced the plan to build a 2trillion Won entertainment hub, to be known as HallyuWood, in Ilsan, a satellite city northwest of Seoul by 2008. In March 2005, South Korean auin Japan. Jewel in the Palace also was shown again after its success in Japan was reported in October 2005. 18. Public sector research included the following: (1) Ministry of Culture and Tourism (February 1, 2005). Hallyu jisok hwaksan bangan (Policy Recom mendations for the Sustainability and Dissemination of Hallyu); (2) Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry (February 2005). Hallyu ylpung i silche wa kip i jnryak jk hwalyong bangbp (The Facts of Hallyu and the Corporate Strategies to Make the Best Use of It); (3) Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry (February 2006) Kyngje jk gwanjm ehs bon Hallyu i h wa sil (Strength and Weakness of Hallyu from an Economic Point of View); (4) Korea International Trade Association (April 28 2005). Hallyu ui kyeongjejeok hyogwa bunseok (Economic Analysis of the Hallyu Effects); (5) Korea International Trade Association (September 16, 2005). Choegn Hallyu hyn hwang kwa hwalyong jnryak (The Current Status of Hallyu and Strategies for Application); and (6) Korea International Trade Association (October 14, 2005). Hallyu marketing hwalsnghwa rl wihan 7dae jeonryak (Seven Strategies to Vitalize Hallyu Marketing). Private sector research included the following: (1) Samsung Economic Research Institute (November 2005). Hallyu jisokhwa rl wihan bangan (Policy Recommendations for the Sustainability of Hallyu); (2) Samsung Economic Research Institute (June 2005). Hallyu jisok kwa kipwi hwalyong bangan (Policy Recommendations for the Sustainability of Hallyu and Corporate Strategy); and (3) Hyundai Research Institute (December 22, 2004). Hallyu hynsang kwa munhwa saphwa jnryak (Analysis of the Hallyu Phenomenon and Strategies for Developing it as a Culture Industry).

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thorities announced support for the broadcast of 20 locally acclaimed TV programs and films in five Asian nations, including Viet Nam to Indonesia, to provide further momentum for Hallyu. The website for Hallyu information was opened by the Korea National Tourism Organization (KNTO) www.hellohallyu.com in order to provide foreigners access to the profiles of 68 top celebrities and information on South Korean television dramas and movies in Chinese, Japanese and English. Hallyu has come fullcircle. Hallyu hits reconsumption in South Korea is an important element feeding the Hallyu in Asia and the world. Hallyu has become a strategic industry for South Korea with a hope that this will not only lead the cultural globalization from South Korea, but will also lead South Koreas future economic development efforts.

. Concluding Remarks
Hallyus popularity in Asia and elsewhere in the world as well as in South Korea has been quite remarkable. Cultural and geographical proximity, South Koreas rapid economic development and its booming IT industry and the forces of globalization are not enough to explain this newest addition to world cultures. In this paper, we utilized various perspectives on the globalization of culture to understand Hallyu (Appadurai 1996; Cho Han 2003; Cottle 2000; Giddens 1990; Hannerz 1996; Iwabuchi 2002; Jenkins 2004; Volkmer 1999; Wallerstein 1991). Hallyu represents a culture from outside of the core that has gained popularity because it offered a cultural alternative in a region led by two super powers with tainted historical memories. More in line with what Appadurai (1996) called a new global cultural economy, rather than Walltersteins (1991) differentiation of culture, we argue that Hallyu is more a hybrid culture that contains elements of both the Western and Asian cultures. Hallyu is neither

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a rejection nor reaction to the US and WesternEuropeoriented culture, and it represents a new hybrid culture that has captured the influences of both the West and the East. Thus, it is not surprising that Rain has in it elements of Asian and Korean martial arts combined with Michael Jacksons moonwalk. This appears to the winning formula for some of the Hallyu hits i.e., a skillful mixing of the East and the West, and in the end brewing something quite distinct. Compared to other nations that have experienced industrialization and economic development in the 19th and early 20th centuries, the faade of Asian modernity included the most sophisticated and modern architecture, infrastructure, electronic products, but at the same time adhered to the elements of its traditional society. Japan and the East Asian NICs rapid economic development in the second half of the 20th century showed this duality this is in part due to the compressed nature of its development and in part due to the hybrid nature of the society and culture. The former refers to the rapid speed of development, which made it difficult for people to shed their traditional values and mores in the time their economies shed the signs of tradition. The latter refers to the way in which different cultures and religions have been fused together in many Asian nations. Rather than experiencing conflict and tension among different religions and value systems, many Asians have found a way to embrace different religions in their cultures. Hallyu is another case that exemplified the Asian culture and the Asian version of modernity. Finally, Hallyu was as much a domestic South Korean phenomenon as it was a regional cultural trend. Appreciating the overseas success of South Korean popular culture as a true sign of its regional hegemony, the South Korean society i.e., the government, businesses, and the people reproduced the Hallyu boom in South Korea. Hanpuri was introduced to help explain

South Korean Culture Goes Global: KPop and the Korean Wave 147

this boomerang boom of Hallyu in South Korea. Hallyu was the symbolic hegemony that South Koreans yearned for after centuries of invasions it withstood from its neighboring super powers, rendering it always a receiver and powerless. Hallyu gave the nation its pride and confidence that it lost. Public and private initiatives to bolster Hallyu in South Korea have been as important as the Hallyu boom outside of South Korea in fueling the Hallyu success. Whether Hallyu can become another world culture with a sustained following in the world will depend on its ability to develop its culture with distinct traits that captures the imagination of the world. Whether Hallyu can help South Korea upgrade its industrial structure and its national pride will also depend on how well Hallyu can continue to mesmerize the people of the world and not just Asia.

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