A HISTORY OF VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE

GHANA: THE AGE OF ORIGINS, THE AGE OF URBAN

REFORM, AND THE ONSET OF INDEPENDENCE
BY AARON MIKOTTIS
3 2
THE ONSET
OF INDE-
PENDENCE
EPILOGUE
THE AGE OF
URBAN
REFORM
THE AGE OF
ORIGINS
PREFACE
p.5
p.12
p.21
p.32
p.48
Figure 1: A map of Africa showing Ghanas location on the continent.
5 4
I emerged from the plane like the air erupting from a shaken can of
coca-cola, full of energy and desperate to escape the confnes of my seat.
Descending the stairs onto the tarmac, I was struck by a wash of humid
tropical air and a gust of red soil. Balancing the need to manage my oversized
luggage and my desire to look hard, professional, and composed, I staggered
toward the airport proper. Scenes of thatched huts, colonial castles, palm trees
and bars of gold met my gaze. Akwabaa! Welcome to Ghana, the Gateway to
Africa, the painted mural read in a handwritten, raw, 1960s style beftting my
expectations for arts and culture in the dark continent. I continued on. After
a short time of processing by the local offcials, I was free to go forth into the
night, life, and chaos of the capital city. Accra, the city of gated communities,
fat screen TVs, and air conditioned grocery stores. Accra, the city of traffc
on paved roads, on gravel roads, on roads of dirt. Accra, the city of opulence,
the city of squalor, and the city of cell phone companies.
Later I would fnd myself in Cape Coast, a city some 150 kilometers
east of Accra. Devoid of the wealth found in the capital, the texture of life
here is different. New buildings are not to be seen among the eroded soil and
homes of antiquity. A colonial aesthetic mixes with a more indigenous building
style like salt and pepper, flling the blocks like haphazardly placed infll. City
planning is hard to identify, save for a few landmark elements. Running down
the center of the city is the main road, lined with stores; wares overfow into
the street. Salespeople shout at passersby, eagerly vying for the attention of the
multitude of pedestrians. Stands pop up everywhere along the way, where one
can buy used sandals, old cell phones, and pre-paid mobile cards. Occasionally
tourists can be seen here. The white man is a rarity, and it is known that he has
money. They rarely stop and buy things that the locals sell, however. Instead,
they drift their way down to the coast, where tourism is in full swing. Wooden
PREFACE
Figure 2: Map of modern-day ghana showing the various regions that make up
the country.
7 6
boxes and small stores are directed at the tourist, where the salesmen will
proclaim undying loyalty to their dear friends.
Next I took a tro-tro through rural Ghana.
1
After an hour and a half
of staring out of the window at scene after scene of uncultivated jungle, I
was at my new home. Finally, I arrived at my destination: Twifo Hemang, a
rural village 75 kilometers north of Cape Coast. Here, the texture of life was
different once more. Trash and rubble lined the lone paved road slicing its way
through the village. The pungent smell of old fsh assaulted my nostrils as I
passed by the village market, despite its vacancy due to the day of the week.
Masonry and permanence appeared to be of even less importance than in
Cape Coast. Brightly colored homes and stores lined the street, but just one
layer beyond, disintegrating homes of compressed dirt were the norm. Laying
just beyond the seemingly arbitrary layout of built environment is the bush,
homogenous with the endless scene of undeveloped land that I passed through
to get here. Twifo Hemang acts like a bubble of civilization, infated from
the road, closing off at its extents to be swallowed once more by the jungle.
But life is not lonesome. Friends and family gather excitedly around the lone
color TV at the store to root for their favorite football players, shouting proc-
lamations of triumph at their victory. Inhabitants will gladly take time out of
their day to direct you to the very best place to purchase avocados, mangos, or
cassava tubers. Locals will also gladly stop and talk to their neighbors on the
street, exchanging greetings and updates on their family life. Despite the fact
that the inhabitants have little by way of material goods, they are not lacking in
relationships.
How did these three different worlds come to be? How are they each
genuinely Ghanaian? While culture, society, and history are intertwined into
a single, complex textile, the architecture of the country acts as a channel for
understanding these factors. As Nicholas Mirzoeff stated in The Visual Cul-
1. Tro-tro is the local term for public transit; in practice, they are privately owned vans that
act like communal taxis. As many as 20 passengers will cram into these vehicles as they
make requested stops along a loosely defned route.
ture Reader, Most of our visual experience takes place aside from...formally
structured moments of informal looking, but instead occurs in the critically
neglected visual experiences of everyday life.
2
Architecture synthesizes
history with the transformation of typological, social, and cultural factors.
It is for this reason the lens of the history of vernacular architecture must be
donned, if this complex country is to be understood.
This realization came to me in the summer of 2013 as I was building
a library in a rural village in Ghana called Twifo Hemang. I journeyed with
a group of 15 students from the Illinois Institute of Technology College of
Architecture as the culmination of a two part studio. The frst semester was
spent conducting research and design and the second semester was a summer
abroad physically building our proposal with hand tools. During construction,
I came to understand that our design was not resonating with the local cultures
and traditions, but I did not know exactly why. As a result, I set forth on a
series of independent feld investigations in the cities of Elmina, Cape Coast,
Accra, Kumasi, and villages in the tropical belt of Ghana to fnd an answer. I
understand now that a thorough investigation of a culture is morally imperative
before a designer is able to make a lasting positive impact on foreign soil and
the brief research our studio conducted was insuffcient. The gears of change
are constantly in motion; in a rapidly globalizing world, each turning cog
impacts more and more of the whole. It is my hope this investigation will serve
as a prototype for future designers and builders. Just like small pebbles can
change the course of a river after many years, our buildings, too, can change
the course of society for better or worse.
Throughout its history, Ghana has been a nation of many ethnic groups.
Beginning in 5500 BC, the Ancient Ghana Empire was settled by a collective
of tribes called the Benue-Kwa. Pressured by invaders from the north, these
people split into groups known as the Yoruba, Igbo, Bantu, and Akan, some of
whom still inhabit modern day Ghana. These people diversifed, settled, and
2 . Mirzoeff, Nick. The Visual Culture Reader. London: Routledge, 1998. p.7
9 8
created unique dwelling typologies to ft their new geographic environments:
the savannah, the rainforest, and the coast. Hundreds of years later, the colo-
nial age introduced a new confictEuropeans threatened the status quo of the
Ghanaian way of life with the introduction of new technology, an alien culture,
and plans antithetical to their best interests.
3
Around the early 1600s, this
confict brought about two major changes: a new coastal typology hybridizing
colonial architecture with traditional buildings and a cohesive indigenous
political groupthe Asante empire. Under the banner of a common enemy,
a kingdom was formed, setting into motion the pathway to independence.
Beginning in 1947, a movement for freedom from British rule swept the nation
with a man named Kwame Nkrumah at the helm. Not only did this visionary
secure independence for Ghana, but he also instituted a sweeping reform in the
meaning of nationalism for the country. The new government body had much
to say about the history of its peoples, carefully cultivating a unifed image
and censoring content deemed incompatible to the perspective of the Ashanti
as rulers. Although many microcultures in the country were suffocated, a
unifed cultural identity was formed; it was a culture that was intentionally and
exclusively African.
4
The status quo of modern day Ghana is once again in peril from out-
side forces. A rapidly globalized planet brought about a new type of warfare;
no longer a conquest of land fought with swords and guns, it is a battle of
cultural and industrial conquest fought with economies, thinkers, and builders.
3. In 1481, the Portuguese were the frst Europeans to reach Ghana.
4. A comprehensive history of this period can be found in Janet Hesss book, Art and
Architecture in Post Colonial Africa, Jefferson, NC: McFarland &, 2006. on pages 17-69.
One example of censorship from this period is seen by the amount of control exercised by the
Ghana Cinematograph Exhibitions Board of Control. In 1968, 381 flms were submitted to
the censorhip process. Two hundred and thirteen were rejected. (New Ghana, April 26, 1961,
p.2) Or look at the series of documentaries depicting Ghanaian life by the flm distribution
company West Africa Pictures. After independence, the company was reincorporated as the
State Film Industry Comporatoin, which functioned as a method for distributing the policies
and propoganda of the Nkrumah Administration.
Figure 3: Distribution of ethnic groups in northern Ghana. Source: Madeleine Manoukian, Tribes of
the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast, International African Institute Ethnographic Survey, West
Africa, No. 5 (London, 1952)
11 10
Foreign infuences are sweeping across the country, offering sweet promises of
wealth, commodity, and comfort.
5
Meanwhile, the resources of the modern age
are facilitating a population explosion that demands a change in lifestylecit-
ies promise more opportunity and Ghanians come in droves.
6
Once threatened
5. Reports from mobile phone companies, for example, suggest over 100% market penetra-
tion for cell phones, a large percentage of which includes access to mobile data. It is common
for a Ghanian to have multiple cell phones in order to cover spotty service in various areas.
Ghana: Mobile Users top 25 Million, published February 13th 2013,
http://www.itnewsafrica.com/2013/02/ghana-mobile-users-top-25-million and Mobile
Penetration Cross 100% in Ghana, published February 4th 2013, http://business.myjoyonline.
com/pages/news/201302/100891.php
6. How does Ghana ft into the global scheme of things? In 1970, the Ghanas population
numbered 8.5 million, 28.5% of which lived in urban centers. As of 2012, there are 25.4
million inhabitants, 37% living in cities. Merely 40 years have brought about a staggering
change. 9.4 million people live in urban conditions in Ghanamore than the population
of the entire country in 1970! Compare Ghanas population growth in this time period of
almost 300% with 150% in the USA205 million in 1970 to 313 million in 2012. Rates of
population growth are similar in Ghanas neighboring countries. The population of Ghanas
neighbor to the west, Cote dIvore, numbered 5.6 million in 1970 and reached 20.5 million
in 2012. Likewise, Ghanas northern neighbor, Burkina Faso, was 5.6 million in 1970 and hit
17.5 million in 2012.
Ghana is also a leader in education. In 2012, it saw a 98.2% completion rate of
primary school, compared to 73% in Nigeria in 2010, 91% in Kenya in 2005, or 69% in 2011
for Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. Ghanas literacy rate is at 86% in 2010, which is not as
impressive as South Africas 98%. But compared to Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole (70%),
they are a top contender. Tertiary enrollment is at a regional high as well, with 12% continu-
ing their education, compared to 15% from South Africa, or a 7.5% for Sub-Saharan Africa as
a whole.
In terms of health, Ghana is also doing very well. HIV presence is the lowest in
the region0.3% compared to 0.7% in Nigeria or 1.16% in Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole.
Additionally, Ghana has the highest life expectancy in comparable countries. Ghana sits at
59.89 years of age versus 51.42 in Nigeria, 53.48 in South Africa, or 54.85 in Sub-Saharan
Africa.
In 2011, Ghana experienced a 15% gain in GDP compared to 1.8% in the US, 3.5%
in South Africa, or 6.8% in Nigeria. Ghanas resource-driven economy is the second largest
in West Africa, ninth on the continent. Ghana is the second largest exporter of lumber and
by gunpowder and steel, now Chinese steel and Western culture stand poised
to sweep away the very thing Ghanians hold closest: their identity.
Will the country unite once more against a common enemy? Will they
come forth with new architectural typologies to ft their new sociopolitical
environment? An examination of the three major periods of life in Ghana,
characterized by two major shifts, may provide clues about the course of the
countrys future. The frst major shift was a change in physical environment:
the story began around 700 AD. It was the settling of the modern geographic
country, the foundation of Ghanas people and the starting point of discussion.
The second major shift began with change in political structure. This period
of political change reaches from the introduction of colonialism to the decades
after independence, or the late 1400s to 1981. Colonialism brought about
the most traumatic period of the countrys history; a foreign infuence not
only managed to control much of the economic and political forces of Ghana
and enslave some of its people, but also instituted many changes in building
technology and urban planning. This period of change didnt end with the
withdrawal of the British, however. Post-independence Ghana, especially under
the Nkrumah administration, was a period of political reform that brought
about a newfound sense of nationalism and much widespread change. Now
Ghana stands on the cusp of a new major shift that may determine the course
of the future of West Africa: it is a transformation of cultural identity.
gold on the continent and the second largest exporter of cocoa worldwide. In addition, they
have an abundance of diamonds, bauxite, manganese, and salt. Oil has also recently been
discovered, and the China Development Bank has invested three billion USD in exploration
projects with the intent of building natural gas plants, pipelines, railways, and harbor
facilities to expedite the exportation process. Ghanas political stability is a large factor for
these statistics. In 2012 alone, Ghana attracted seven billion USD worth of foreign direct
investment, second under Nigeria, with coastal cities like Accra seeing the most explosion in
development.
13 12
THE AGE OF
ORIGINS
Traditionally, the Western world circumscribed architecture in
terms of permanent, monumental, public structures which could
be documented in time and space. Courses in architectural history
were divided by subject matter into a chronology which began
with the written word. Preliterate or non literate societies were,
until recently, not considered respectable residents on the typo-
logical plateau of civilization established by Western thought,
because written word was used as a critical measure.
7
This view is not only shameful, but also dangerously erroneous. By
discarding the pre-colonial societies of the African continent as uncivilized
or unworthy of study, an entire wealth of history is discarded. Much like the
orient or the Polynesian islands, the relative isolation of the early history of the
peoples therein has acted as a unique incubator for the evolution of human so-
ciety. The Western world, although dominant, is only one example of desirable
human conditions. African social and cultural life teaches different lessons
7. Prussin, Labelle. Architecture in Northern Ghana; a Study of Forms and Functions.
Berkeley: University of California, 1969. p.4
THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF
ANCIENT INDIGENOUS
ARCHITECTURE
because it has evolved under drastically different geographic and political
conditions. Although historically considered to be of low importance, the
typologies of African architecture showcase a pure relationship between
environment, man, and their rich social structure. As Labelle Prussin stated
in An Introduction to Indigenous African Architecture, By considering
a universal frame in which mans delimitation and enclosure of space not
only defnes his physical needs but justifes his raison detre as well, then
all aspects of the man-built environment may be viewed in the context of
aesthetic expression and the boundaries of architectural expression can be
extended and redefned.
8
In a society where personal possessions are secondary to the family
group, what happens to the architecture? Many African cultures view
permanence differently from people in Western countries and Ghana is no
exception. Family is above all else; permanence is viewed as a biological
legacy. Traditional homes in Ghana speak a meta-language, revealing the
size of the group, the relationship between family members, and defne areas
of responsibility. For example, when a man marries and moves out of his
childhood home, the room will be allowed to crumble to earth and be swept
away by the wind. Instead of perceiving this erosion as an absence of stabil-
ity, it is associated with renewal, rejuvenation, and rebirth.
9
Impermanent
buildings in Ghana are of greater importance than the monuments which
have stood the test of time because they speak to the process of life. While
monuments are the what, impermanent buildings are the how, cutting
through myth and ambiguity, always honest.
8. . An Introduction to Indigenous African Architecture. Philadelphia: Society
of Architectural Historians, 1974. p.185
9. . Architecture in Northern Ghana, p.205
15 14
EARLY HISTORY

The origins of the peoples of northern Ghana have long been obscured
by the vagueness of social mythology, so often a combination of fact and
fantasy.
10
While the true geographic origins of modern day Ghana may never
be fully defned, it is generally agreed that sometime around 700 AD the
populations that fll Ghana today settled in the region and formed differing
architectural typologies based on their physical environment and their specifc
social structure. Like all geographic regions, Ghana is flled with many mi-
croclimates. These have spawned many minor differences in lifestyle, but the
country can be broadly categorized into two regions: north and south, defned
as savannah and tropics.
Life in northern Ghana means life on the savannah. It is comprised of a
long dry season brought on by the biting sand which is blown by the dry, dusty
harmattan winds from the Sahara, and punctuated by a brief season of rain.
Since daily temperature change may swing as much as 20 degrees celcius, the
climate requires an architectural solution to heat the dwelling at night and cool
the inhabitants during the day. Although northern Ghana hosts a wide variety
of people groups and cultural values, the architectural forms are fairly similar.
The typological solution is a round house with thick walls composed of laterite
(clay) and few openings. This rounded form also casts a gradient of light upon
the exterior, making the dwellings less refective when the harsh midday sun
shines down. In areas bordering the tropical belt, the building construction
may also incorporate a structure of wattle and daub to serve as reinforcement
against the rain, however, access to wooden building materials can be scarce in
the northern region.
10. . p.6 An oratory tradition of passing information down the generations is
prevalent in this part of the world. Furthermore, not all people groups agree on their stories.
Prussin noted about northern Ghana.
Figure 4: The origins of the people of modern day Ghana are a combination of
myth and tradition, passed down from generation to generation among a multitude
of people groups with various lifestyles and oral traditions. Figure 4 shows the
wide variety of land uses among the people of Northen Ghana. It is not hard to
imagine why people groups of varying levels of nomadism would each value
different themes in a story of origins. Map source: J. Brian Wills, Agriculture and
Land Use in Ghana London: Oxford University Press, 1962
17 16
Social structure takes on several forms in the north, therefore,
compound typologies and village layout have come to refect their nuances.
Compare for a moment the settlements of the Tallensi versus the Dagomba.
In the Tallensi compound, each entrance to a compound is marked by a tree
which serves the role of an ancestral shrine, a resting place from the midday
sun, and the location of all gatherings and meetings. Each farming group has
its own gateway into the compound, which, when coupled as the location
for chicken roosts, symbolizes economic independence. Likewise, social
hierarchy is expressed in the built form. For example, the most senior wife
in the compound will live in closest proximity to the largest granary, and the
door will face her quarters. By contrast, the Dagomba residences display more
emphasis on communal spaces. Entrance into the compound is through an
antechamber. Kitchens for both the dry and wet seasons are communal, which
allows for a more spacious feel in the compound, and emphasis is given to the
central courtyard. Another distinction of form is granted to the living spaces of
young men; their rooms are the only ones which are rectangular, refecting the
sojourn they make to the tropical belt and their exposure to other typologies.
Rectangular forms also disintegrate faster than the round buildings and are not
maintained with the same frequency, symbolizing the temporal nature of their
position as an unmarried man.
The form of tropical architecture fuctuates less in form just as
temperature swings far less between day and night and dry and wet seasons.
Unlike the north, the tropical belt is much more isolated and is far less subject-
ed to outside infuences. The inhabitants access to wooden building materials
and shade from thick foliage defne the largest reasons for differences in
form. The primary concern for shelter is to maximize cross ventilation, which
results in foors raised off the ground with large, louvered openings. Unlike
the rounded neighbors of the north, the buildings in the tropics are primarily
rectangular, which are much more suited to capturing cross breezes. As a
result, most dwellings adopt a square courtyard form where a large open space
in the middle serves the general day-to-day activities such as cooking, clean-
Figure 5 and 6: Compare the nuances between the Tallensi and the Dagomba.
Although formally similar in plan, variations in culture reveal slight differences.
The Dagomba emphasize a more communal social life resulting in a large
courtyard and an antechamber for their entrance. The Tellensi by contrast favor
economic independence and social hierarchy, building individual gates for each
independent family unit in the compound and display status via the proximity
and location to the other rooms in the compound. Source: Prussin, Labelle.
Architecture in Northern Ghana; a Study of Forms and Functions. Berkeley:
University of California, 1969, p.33 and p.59
19 18
ing, and socializing while leaving the more private activities like sleeping,
bathing, or the storage of goods to the periphery. Roads in the rural tropical
belt are much less prevalent than in urban centers and as a consequence, the
road, along with one or two market areas for a given town, acts as a nexus for
commerce.
11
Small wooden stands pop up along the roads edge. One layer
beyond sits a host of rectangular buildings which are used to store and sell
larger quantities of wares, generally with one spacious opening that can be
sealed during off hours. Perhaps the greatest example of tropical typology is
seen in its permutation in the administrative buildings of the Asante empire
in Kumasi. As a direct reversal and acknowledgment of centralized authority,
exterior porches were faced outward, symbolizing the obligatory participation
of regional representatives in a public forum.
12

11. Albert, Frants, and C. C. T. Blankson. Studies on Urban Land Use and Urban Growth in
Ghana. Kumasi, Ghana: Dept. of Housing and Planning Research, Faculty of Architecture,
U.S.T., 1974. p.16
Compare 10% of land used for traffc and transportation as a national average of which only a
fraction of which is paved versus 27.9% in Accra.
12. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.93
Figure 6: Photo of the typical courtyard style house found in the rural areas of the tropical
belt in Ghana. This house was directly across the street from the site of the Library that we
built.
Figure 7: An example of the haphazard town structure common of rural Ghana. The road
acts as an organizing element, clustering commernce along its axis, but one or two levels
beyond, things become much less structured. This particular shot is from Twifo Hemang.
21 20
PART II: THE AGE
OF URBAN
REFORM
Spanning from 1481 to 1966, the Age of Urban Reform in Ghana
is defned by the political structure governing the wheels of change. This
age is characterized by two eras: the advent of colonialism and the onset of
independence. Early history of Ghana was limited by small, fractured political
units defned by tribes, regions, and chiefs. In this period of Ghanas history, a
united country emerged under colonial powers, the native Ashanti empire, and
fnally a self-governed democracy. While European infuence brought many
atrocities to the country, it also paved the way for modern infrastructure. By
peacefully transitioning from foreign rule to self-government and reuniting the
fractured pieces of Ghanaian culture, the liberation of Ghana acted as a model
for other African nations and still shines as a beacon of hope for the continent
today.
THE ADVENT OF COLONIALISM

European infuence began in 1481 when the Portuguese landed in
Elmina, Ghana and discovered from local traders the wealth of gold in the
region. This led the Portuguese to establish Elmina as their regional capital and
consequently constructed a castle in the city in 1482, which still stands as a
tourist attraction to this day. Meanwhile, the local Asante peoples existed as a
loose empire known by other West African states for the wealth of their traders
Figure 7: Elmina Castle and the Atlantic Ocean. It was built by the Portuguese in 1482,
making it the oldest European building south of the Sahara. First established as a trading
post, it would later become one of the most important stops in the Atlantic slave trade.
Figure 8: Mess hall of Elmina Castle.
23 22
and for their military prowess. This was the direct result of their capital city of
Kumasi being located at the nexus of a number of trade routes which extended
from the Gulf of Guinea and reaching all the way up through the Sahara. Ini-
tially, relations between Europeans and Ashanti were mutually benefcial. But
by the mid 1600s, the Dutch joined the Portuguese in their their quest for gold,
fexing their military might and eventually overthrowing several fortresses.
Soon the Dutch were joined by the Swedish, Danish, and Germans, building
more than 30 forts along the coast.
13
Finally, in 1874 the British gained control
of the region with their superior military. Throughout this period the foreign
settlers steadily gained more and more infuence over the region, increasingly
spreading unease among the locals. The Ashanti people were especially unhap-
py with the spread of foreign power from the coast and many violent conficts
ensued throughout this period.
The relationship between Europeans and native Ghanaians was
complicated, however. Because foreign weapons and wealth would fuel the
Asante empires growing power, Europeans were allowed to gain a foothold in
the region. The British demand for slaves was insatiable and the Asante found
the procurement of humans to trade abundant from conficts with neighboring
tribes and other African states.
14
As the Asante fed the Europeans growing
13. Due to the abundance of gold, the coastline of Ghana had more fortresses than any other
area in Africa. Levy, Ghana.
14. Kwame Arhin stated, Karl Marx himself could hardly have been more thorough. The
Ashantis were after nothing but proft, for which they periodically sacrifced themselves in
thousands. (Arhin, Kwame. The Structure of Greater Ashanti, 1700-1824. Indianapolis, IN:
College Division, Bobbs-Merrill, n.d., p.65)
This is given in more detail by Ellis in A History of the Gold Coast of West Africa: The
defeat of Denkyera had brought Ashantis into touch with the apparently inexhaustible
demand for slaves and gold created by the European traders on the Gold Coast. Their
conquest of the peoples between Ashanti and the sea was to a large extent inspired by the
desire to trade in gold and slaves without putting money into the pockets of the chiefs and
merchants of the intervening tribes. It also enabled them to secure guns and ammunition
for their northern conquests, which provided them with more slaves and gold for sale to the
hunger for slaves, both groups mutually grew in power, until 1874 when the
British fnally broke the spirit of the Ashanti kingdom. A large military force
embarked on a campaign through the eastern and southern regions of Ghana,
eventually reaching the Asante capital of Kumasi. The city was burned to the
ground and the symbol of the king, a golden stool, was destroyed.
15
Fourteen
years later, a colonial offcial passing through the area stated,
Kumasi...was nothing more than a large clearing in the forest, over
which were scattered, somewhat irregularly, groups of houses. The
paths were dirty and ill-kept, and between the groups of houses
large patches of waste ground intervened, and on these, amidst the
tall coarse grass that covered them, were to be seen the remains of
houses that once occupied them.
16
The city would later be rebuilt under colonial supervision, although the glory
and opulence of the Asante kingdom would never be seen again.
While the frst major shift in Ghanaian life was a response to a variety
of changes in topography, the second major shift, brought about by colonial
powers, was a change in political structure which drove urban reform. As
European power spread along the coast and grasped inland, they instituted a
series of sweeping changes to city development, organization, and building
technology. As Janet Hess stated in her book Art and Architecture in Postco-
lonial Architecture, Colonial rule was from its inception characterized by an
effort to regulate the structure and organization of the city.
17
Starting in Cape
Europeans and also with a protected market in which Ashanti traders could more proftably
sell European imports. (Ellis, A. B. A History of the Gold Coast of West Africa. New York:
Negro Universities, 1969, p.97)
15. Levy, Ghana, p.47
16. Freeman, R. Austin. Travels and Life in Ashanti and Jaman. London: Cass, 1967, p.110
17. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.71
25 24
Coast, the British moved their capital to Accra in 1852 and left urban reform
in their wake. Unfortunately, racial segregation was a large factor in city
planning until 1923 when a report from the Devonshire White Paper would
fnd there were no inherent health risks associated with proximity to Africans.
Despite this, many neighborhoods of colonial estates exist in prime sites in
cities to this day. Domestic order, exercise of power, and street image were
often tied together by the British. Strict laws were imposed upon the locals,
The Town Council Ordinance of 1894...imposed taxes on the residents and
vested authority in a town council... the elected provisions of which effectively
disenfranchised the townspeople and institutionalized an expatriate majority.
18

Among these provisions, the governor reportedly had the power to compel
the cleaning and repairing of all dilapidated or unsanitary buildings, to fne
those responsible for unsanitary conditions, and to detain offenders without a
warrant until brought before a district commissioners court.
19
Although the colonial era left many scars on the face of Ghana, not
all change was unfavorable for the Ghanaians. For example, Accras position
as a global city started at the end of the sixteenth century; the establishment
of the Dutch Fort Crevecoeur, the British Fort James, and the Swedish
Christiansborg Castle provided the region protection from raiding incursions.
This stability enhanced trade opportunities for the people of Ghana, and as a
result, they emerged as a commercial force renowned by outlying kingdoms.
20

In fact, urban development was a constant work of progress for the colonial
powers. During World War II, the British architect Maxwell Fry developed
an overall plan for Accra, recalibrating the role of satellite residential areas in
18. Brand, Richard R. A Geographical Interpretation of the European Infuence on Accra,
Ghana, since 1877. N.p.: PhD Dissertation, Columbia University, 1972, p.34
19. Ibid, p.64
20. Acquah, Ion. Accra Survey and Yarak, Larry W. Elmina and Greater Asante in the
Nineteenth Century. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. London: Univ. of
London Pr., 1958, p.33-52
Christiansborg, Korle Gonno, South Labadi, and Kaneshie. Post World War II,
the explosion of a middle class in Accra, coupled with an infux of European
merchants and administrators led to a further expansion of the citys govern-
mental and commercial sectors A vast judicial and administrative complex
was established, administrative structures on High Street were expanded, and
multistoried buildingspreviously confned to the coastwere introduced
in the central business district.
21
Despite these changes being motivated by
self-serving interests, the entire city benefted from British urban renewal
projects.
Each city the British inhabited underwent complete transformation,
including slum clearance, improvements to sanitation, zoning and control
of growth. Formal city structure in some of Ghanas most successful urban
centers is a direct heritage from British occupation. In fact, when the British
wanted to move their capital from the coastal city of Cape Coast to Accra in
1852, it had to be done in phases over a period of almost 50 years due to a
storm of resistance from the chiefs and peoples of Cape Coast.
22
Many locals
were distressed to see the affuence and infuence of the colonial powers move
away from their city.
The capital of the Ashanti empire is another outstanding example of
the benefts received by British occupation. Some time after the burning of
Kumasi, a British chief commissioner was posted to the city; it is to his credit
that the entire city is organized the way it stands today. The frst commercial
area of the city was placed in a district called Adum, which came to be known
for its Lebanese, British, and Ashanti merchants. Residents of the district
bordering Adum were forcibly evicted to make room for a rail line, but more
importantly, they were displaced for the creation of the Kejetia Open Air
Market. To this day, the Kejetia Open Air Market is the largest in West Africa
21. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.74, Acquah, p.28, and Amoa, Accra,
a Study, p.8-12
22. Brand, Geographical Interpretation of the European Infuence on Accra, p.18
27 26
boasting more than 10,000 stores and stalls. Without a doubt, the Europeans
beneftted the most from occupying Ghana, but there was also an element of
symbiosis in relationship between the aboriginal groups and the colonists.
Coastal architecture, coming from the same roots as the tropical belt,
took on similar rectilinear forms. Colonialism, however, had introduced a
sensibility for permanence and an increase in scale and density. Classical
elements like doric columns, gabled roofs, and ornamental lintels were
introduced and are still commonplace along major roads in coastal areas.
Masonry and concrete became a common building technology as regulations
would prohibit new construction in any other material.
23
This advancement,
despite its obvious advantages, was originally met with resistance from the
indigenous people because their pre-existing cultural and gender values were
held more highly than a more permanent building material. Men are expected
to work in the agricultural domain and women belong in the domestic domain.
For a man, it is right to dig, mix earth, and build; for a woman, the carrying
of water, provision of food, and the creation of utility items like pottery are
customary. Looking into the implications of these responsibilities reveals why
Ghanians would rebel at the demand for masonrya man can dig and collect
the materials for making bricks, but the fring of bricks in a kiln is too similar
to the domestic task of making pottery to be comfortable for a man to perform.
Gender roles are turned on end! A happy medium seems to have been found in
villages todaymen work the brick press and leave the drying process to the
sun. The result is a less durable building material (in some cases the brick can
be quite brittle), but the cultural norms and social order is preserved.
While the notion of social hierarchy was able to be preserved in the
case of masonry, the Europeans alien ways were more successful at eradicat-
ing existing norms on other fronts. The notion of verticality was held sacred,
for example. Ghana, with its less advanced building technology, had a simple
23. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.74
Figure 9: Adum Street, in the frst commercial district of Kumasi following British
occupation. Notice the pediments on the buildings refecting classical forms.

Figure 10: The Kejetia open air market has grown so large that it has now swallowed
the train tracks that once gave it life.
29 28
Figures 11 and 12: As more permenant building materials became prevalent
in areas of colonial occupation, European forms also were adopted. Two
story residences, once the exclusive right of Asante kings, were soon
favored in areas of increasing density because they provide a commencial
storefront on ground level.
system; two story houses were the exclusive right of the Ashanti kings.
24

Imagine the the alarm that must have been felt when the locals walked along
the districts occupied by Europeans in their colonial villas! Eventually, this
status had to be discarded in favor of increased density, but it must have caused
anxiety for some time. Another change was the loss of the courtyard as the
colonial social structure does not emphasize the same communal interaction,
the buildings that they erected did not incorporate this local tradition. As a
result, urban areas now have a strange salt and pepper mixing of traditional
and colonial buildings, even within the same compounds.
COLONIAL NATION BUILDING

Colonial Ghana instituted the frst formal economic structure to the
nation. It operated under a core-periphery structure due to its high economic
effciency, although it has little regard to equality of living standards among its
components. The nation of Ghana still feels the effects of this structure today.
The Department of Housing and Planning Research had this to say about the
colonials structure for the country:
According to this policy, only those investments which promised
high rates of return were made, accordingly only areas with re-
sources whose exploitation was considered economically feasible
were provided with the social and economic infrastructure to
facilitate their exploitation...While this policy and resultant condi-
tions began under colonization, the continued centralized form of
political administration adopted upon independence reinforced the
core-periphery structure since the locus of political power in the
core region tended to attract industry into it.
25
24. Ibid.
25. Frants, Studies on Urban Land Use and Urban Growth in Ghana, p.110
31 30
What is the result? Massive disparity of income between the core and
the periphery along with worsening conditions in the periphery worked togeth-
er to cause popular discontent among the outliers. Even today, Ghana is left
trying to distribute the benefts of modernization among an underdeveloped
majority. Meanwhile, investments in big cities continue to become safer still
and more proftable with faster earnings. Solving this problem is a necessity for
social equality as well as for the survival of its economythe core-periphery
model is not sustainable for long term growth. Scarce resources are pumped
into less productive ends because the centralization of spending promotes the
core. The resource frontier thus continues to be neglected despite the greater
reach that funding would provide there. It is estimated that fve times as much
money needs to be invested in urban areas on public utilities and social ser-
vices than it is currently just to maintain existing conditions.
26
This is because
as living conditions become better, the population increases exponentially,
leading to further shortages of housing, food, water, and other necessities.
Currently, a buffer is being developed between the city and the fringe in the
form of medium density townsthis allows for the development of infra-
structure deeper into the countrys resources, providing for more effective
utilization of those resources. Meanwhile, the push for the modernization of
the agricultural sector is met with roadblocksthe social structure of land
ownership is fragmented among many family members and is insusceptible to
buyouts. One patriarch does not own an entire plot of land; individual rooms of
a building are legally owned by each member of a family. Radical reformatting
of the countrys economic structure is a long and traumatic process; thankfully
the rapid industrialization of the Independence Era took steps to correct this
problem.
26. Ibid, p.113
Figures 13 and 14: City planning, even in large cities like Kumasi, feels
disjointed. I found this traditional residential compound between two paved
roads busy with commerce.
33 32
PART III: THE
ONSET OF
INDEPENDENCE
Kwame Nkrumah was seen as the chief ideologue, theoretician,
and leaderan analysis of culture in the independence era would
focus upon Nkrumah and similar charismatic individuals of the pan
Africanist movement. One can say that, having died they are no
longer individuals; they have become myth; they symbolizes Africa
as a whole; they are the dream of African unity.
27

It is diffcult to overstate the importance of Kwame Nkrumah and
the independence era of Ghana. Nineteen forty-seven marked the beginning
of Nkrumahs political career in Ghana as he served as the general secretary
to the United Gold Coast Convention, a political group exploring paths to
independence. Just one year later, he would emerge as the founder of the
Convention Peoples Party with a mass following, many of whom hitchhiked
around the country to be near him. He was a charismatic leader whose cause
appealed directly to the working class, rallying cocoa farmers, trade unions,
and women. The invitation of women to participate in the political process at a
time when womens suffrage was new to Africa proved to be a shrewd move;
by empowering women active in small scale trade at markets, their support at
the local level served as an effective channel of communication and spread his
message. Nkrumah proclaimed that Ghana had a need for self governance
27. Manthia Diawara, African Cinema and Decolonization, p.350
now
28
and this belief spread like wildfre. Due to a growing dissent among
the population, the British decided to leave the Gold Coast in 1951. Following
the evacuation, a new government was formed and by 1952 Kwame Nkrumah
was elected the frst President of independent Ghana.
Independence brought many changes to the country; chief among them
were the uses of power, the face of the city, and the unifcation of culture. As
Nkrumah sought more and more power, he made sweeping changes to the
economic structure of the country. Believing that Ghana could not be truly
independent until it reduced its dependence on foreign infuence, the admin-
istration started many initiatives to rapidly industrialize the country, such as
the building of the Akosombo dam on the Volta River. This hydroelectric plant
was constructed to support the growing aluminum industry and created the
worlds largest man-made lake. In 1954 the price of cocoa tripled; Nkrumah
appropriated this boon into national development projects via government
levies. A large portion of funding was directed into the construction of monu-
ments and large scale architecture to serve the pan-African community. Proj-
ects like the Ambassador Hotel and the Community Center in Accra to host
the All African Peoples Conference of 1958 were designed carefully to render
a vision of superseding modernity.
29
Even Ghanaian culture was designed by
the administration. Following independence, the government began censoring
content and promoting art and culture that had Ashanti origins in an attempt to
unify the population as one nation.
Not all changes were accepted by the people of Ghana. As years pro-
gressed, Nkrumahs fst tightened and clenched down on anything that did not
advance his vision for the future of the country. Strikes, despite having been
utilized by the president in his early political career, became illegal. The role of
28. Encyclopdia Britannica. Kwame Nkrumah (president of Ghana). Encyclopedia Britan-
nica Online. Accessed April 29, 2014. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/416674/
Kwame-Nkrumah.
29. New Ghana. (August 19, 1959) p.12
35 34
police shifted in society as the power of Nkrumahs personal guard increased.
In 1964, he passed a constitutional amendment that eliminated all competing
political parties and secured his position as president for life. Disenchanted by
his regime, a military coup successfully overthrew his reign while he was on a
state visit to China in 1966. A period of political unrest ensued.
The Nkrumah administration didnt merely change the seat of power
in Ghana, they realized in order for independence to be truly successful, the
attitudes, cultural values, and the very image of the country itself had to be
reconstructed. A new national identity was forged. By embracing modernism
in architecture as a symbol of progress, emphasizing industrial development,
and simultaneously forging a unifed cultural identity under the Asante hege-
mony, Ghana advanced their claim to legitimacy and self-determination.
THE REIGN OF NKRUMAH AND
THE UNIFICATION OF CULTURE
Although the liberation from the British was heralded as freedom from
the clutches of foreign rule, the ruling body of Ghana did not release its vice-
like grip over the people. This could be argued as a necessity, however. Much
change needed to occur to advance the state of the country. Nkrumahs answer
was socialism.
Colonialism deserves to be blamed for many evils in Africa, but
surely it was not preceded by an African Golden Age or paradise. A
return to the pre-colonial African society is evidently not worthy of
the ingenuity and efforts of our peopleOnly under socialism can
we reliably accumulate the capital we need for our development and
also ensure that the gains of investment are applied for the general
welfare.
30

30. Nkrumah, Kwame. African Socialism Revisited. AtTalia and Problems of Peace and
Liberation from colonial rule naturally spurned a revival of cultural
pride, but the new administration took care to ensure a unity of this pride.
Ghana had been liberated, not each subculture of the Gold Coast individually.
As a consequence, the perception of tradition in region and culture were
anachronismstreasured artifacts of the past, but in need of assimilation into
the new cultural identity. Regional fags and emblems were banned in favor of
the new Ghana fag and independent museums were regulated. Culture was
simultaneously preserved and unifed, all in the name of avoiding discrimina-
tion. Finally, regulations in 1957 forbade the existence of parties on a region-
al, tribal, or religious basis.
31
Even though the traditional Ashanti culture
was treated as the centerpiece above all others, it too was suppressed. Chief
regional offcers were forced to retire after their meetings were deemed to
emphasize the old claim of the National Liberation Movement for a separate
Ashanti Legislature.
32
Kwame Nkrumah encouraged the production of exhibi-
tions, documentaries, and art, but only to promote his vision of nationality and
political authority.
Suppression was not the same as erasure. Nkrumah did have a vision
of showcasing the historical national identity; it just had to be blended into
a collective showcase as part of the new hegemony. For example, when he
returned from a state visit to the United Kingdom in 1957, the modern and
traditional Ghana were celebrated in tandem:
As [the crowds] waited members of the CPP clad in party colors and
some wearing calio (the sign of victory), their faces smeared with
white powder, danced and sang two women dressed in white,
wiped the face of Dr. Nkrumah and placed white calico around his
Socialism. Egypt, Cairo. 1967. Speech in Africa, National and Social Revolution. Prague:
Peace and Socialism.
31. David Austin, Politics in Ghana (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), p.80-377
32. Cabinet Minutes, January 8, 1957 as cited in Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa,
p.21
37 36
neck The grounds of the castle were gaily decorated in bunting,
the Ghana National Flag was conspicuous, and, against approaching
darkness, chiefs, elders, statesmen, councillors, government off-
cials, men and women, young and old, most of them in white calico,
were assembled. Drumming, dancing, and general merry-making
continued until late last night.
33

Even Kwame Nkrumahs dress code was carefully cultivated to subtly
showcase his agenda. Perceptive to the different plans of his varied audience,
Nkrumah would construct his identity each time he made an appearance.
During his candidacy in the CPP, he was represented with a Western style suit
and tie, supporting his legitimacy to the British authorities. In appearances in
the Asante region, in United Nations meetings, and in sessions of Parliament,
he would be seen draped in kente, the cloth traditionally associated with
Ashanti royalty, nonverbally reinforcing his claim to power. Most telling,
perhaps, is the offcial presidential portrait distributed by his administration.
A band of kente wraps around one shoulder and beneath he is wearing a
collarless, polka dotted garment associated with socialist leadership.
34

Although socialism is often viewed in a negative light in the United
States, the nation of Ghana needed a strong visionary and a powerful govern-
ment to break free from the shackles of colonial rule. In later years, the power
of Nkrumah shifted from deity-like to being monstrous or contorted, but the
positive impact of his rule can not be overstated. His leadership heralded a
return to African pride across the continent and a revival of culture in Ghana.
Despite suppressing the individual, the censorship of culture truly did serve
the many by uniting the country under a common banner. The early years of
the independence era harken a golden age of socialism; it worked in practice
33. Daily Graphic, July 24, 1957, p.12. White is associated with purifcation among the Akan;
white powder was commonly used in rituals in pre-colonial times.
34. Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.141 and Daily Graphic, February 6, 1957
Figure 15: In the offcial portrait of Kwame Nkrumah as distributed by his
administration, he combines traditional kente cloth with a collarless polka
dot shirt associated with socialist leadership.
39 38
as well as in theory. Much like Nkrumahs dress code, the political structure
of the new nation of Ghana was assembled by respecting the past and looking
towards the future. Not only was the political structure constructed, but the
culture, industry, and the very face of the city itself were as well. Modernism
was the symbol of progress; and modernism has many forms.
THE CHANGING FACE OF THE CITY
Everywhere there are signs on construction. Everywhere the spirit
of the Work and Happiness Programme has caught on. Cranes and
caterpillars bulldoze their way to the glorious socialist future for
Ghanaians who must themselves fully appreciate the value and
extent of the work the Party is doing for them. And everybody
must help. Remember! It is WORK AND HAPPINESS FOR YOU!
FORWARD TO SOCIALISM! LONG LIVE THE PARTY!
35
The independence era brought about an unprecedented period of
building and economic development in an effort to rapidly industrialize the
country. The vision for building in this era is clearly attributed to the Nkrumah
administration; they prioritized modernity as a sign of national and political
achievement.
36
This progress was popularized among the people through
newspapers, loudspeakers, and even branding on everyday products. Urban
development was inescapable in cities like Accra and Kumasi. Grand plans
retooled the existing framework implemented by the British and reclaimed
landmarks for their use. Massive amounts of government funding was dedi-
cated to large scale architecture and monuments; Ghana was building a future
building by building.
35. New Ghana, May 10, 1961, p.6
36. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.75
In 1959, the government sponsored the creation of a model village near
Tamale to demonstrate to visiting offcials traditional houses of the Dagomba,
the Kassena-Nankanni, Dagarti, and Lobi. This showcase exhibited the idea
the traditional is in the past, and the not-modern was decidedly inferior to the
superseding modernity.
37
Instead of looking to the multitude of local traditions
for direction, the architecture style of Mies van der Rohe and Walter Gropius
became the face of the new Ghana. The Nkrumah administration was trying
to create a heterogenous cultural environment through architecture; the Accra
Technical Institute, the National Museum in Accra, the State House, and the
Nkrumah Ideological Institute are all characterized by uncompromising mo-
dernity. Occasionally the notion of indigenous architecture would be vaguely
referenced, as seen in the United States Embassy building designed by Harry
Weiss; he claimed the building was inspired by the palace of the Wa Na chief
in northern Ghana, but the articulation is decidedly in the International Style.
Offcial visitors to Accra were confronted with an architecture that
promoted the desire for national unity and prosperity, but they also encoun-
tered a symbolic transformation of colonial authority. Accra, as envisioned by
the British, focused expenditure on public squares, fountains, ornamental pools
and statues and a vast Parliament complex. The Nkrumah administration, by
contrast used those funds for an Organization of African Unity building, the
refurbishment of Christiansborg Castle, the construction of a State House,
and the establishment of the Ambassador Hotel. As directed by the British,
the coast was an area of recreation for the privileged elite, an extension of
the Victoriaborg enclave, and a relief from the dense government sector. The
Nkrumah administration retooled this area for the promotion of national unity.
From Ussher Town to Christiansborg, the coast was left undeveloped, lending
visual weight to the new Black Star Square.
38
Replacing the sports stadium
in 1961 that had to be borrowed for national ceremonies, the enormous plaza
37. Ibid, p.77
38 Ibid, p.85
41 40
Figure 16, above: United States Embassy Building designed by Harry
Weese is supposedly modeled after the palace of Wa-Na, but the articula-
tion is decidedly in the International Style. Source: Hess, Art and Architec-
ture in Postcolonial Ghana, p.77.
Figure 17, top right: The 50 Cedi bill shows the portraits of the founding
fathers of Ghana cast in front of the Independence Arch.
Figure 18, bottom right: Plans by the Knrumah administration retooled the
use of the oceanfront in Accra to support national pride. Key landmarks are
the Independence Arch and the Black Star Square. Source: Hess, Art and
Architecture in Postcolonial Ghana, p.84.
43 42
is surrounded by four seating areas capable of hosting 35,000 spectators and
is dominated by the presidential stand. Directly opposite of the square, stands
the Independence Arch, a massive monument inscribed with the words A.D.
1957 / Freedom and Justice, contrasting the value of the people with the literal
elevation of the fgure of Nkrumah at the Presidential Stand.
Even the average citizen was kept in touch with the progress of
modernity for Ghana. Commercial products collated Nkrumahs vision for the
construction of a national identity. For example, an advertisement for Players
Navy Cut cigarettes shows a hand removing a cigarette from the pack in front
of the Supreme Court in Accra.
39
Advertisements for foreign construction
frms and materials in the Directory of the Republic of Ghana display a vision
of paradise. The British frm Turners Asbestos show an image of a shining city
of skyscrapers at the edge of the wilderness, as if modernity was carving out a
future from the wild frontier.
40
Grocery stores also presented a forward-look-
ing lifestyle. An advertisement for the Kingsway Department Store shows the
wonderful range of services they are bringing: food, post, and medicine, all
inside a large building built in the international style. Modern cars sit outside
on a wide road and men are seen wearing western-style business suits.
In Architecture, Power, and National Identity, Lawrence Vail argues
that postcolonial architecture is defned by an allusion to an invented and
idealized culture intended to assimilate divergent cultures and agendas within
a common vision. According to Vail, The pursuit of national identity by the
leadership involved not some neutral revival of the past, but its careful recast-
ing to serve political ends
41
. This recasting of national identity was executed
very successfully in Ghana. It succeeded by promoting constructed modernity.
By retooling large scale urban development projects, the government recast the
39. Guinea Times, March 6, 1958, p.12
40. Directory of the Republic of Ghana, 3rd edition, p.37
41. Vale, Lawrence J. Architecture, Power, and National Identity. New Haven: Yale UP, 1992,
p.54
Figure 19: Advertisement for Players cigarettes with the Ghanaian
Supreme Court in the background. Source: Guinea Times, March 16
1958, p.12
45 44
tone of the city from something imposed upon the inhabitants by foreigners
to a city they called their own. Modernity was not just something for a small
group of elites. In true socialist fashion, progress was seen in the construction
of monuments, but it was also seen and felt by the general populace through
urban projects like the Kingsway Department Store. In a furry of activity,
buildings sprang up, and everything promoted this bright future from newspa-
pers to cigarettes. This elevation of a homogenous, constructed environment
advanced the legitimacy of the new government as an institution while also
subsuming the many within the whole. Forward to Socialism! Long live the
party!
THE END OF AN ERA

Despite the many advances brought about by the Nkrumah adminis-
tration, the public perception of their grand visionary changed over time from
a patron saint to that of a grotesque tyrant.
42
Feelings toward their once great
leader soured as he stifed competition with his regime by disbanding all other
political parties and imprisoning all opposition. The cocoa farmers, once his
greatest allies, became disenfranchised as taxes on this export soared dispro-
portional to its fuctuation in value.
43
Citizens became outraged as funds went
42. The achievements of Nkrumah once celebrated in poetry deifed him as a redeemer. An
anonymous poet wrote in The Evening News a poem called The Great Redeemer and
immortalized Nkrumahs impact on Ghana: On that eclipse of colonial days when joy was
hushed There rose a Great Redeemer of our delight So tireless his struggle / So fresh,
and so immortal he moves. (Evening News, January 25, 1966, p.6)
Furthermore, in the Parliamentary debate concerning the erection of a museum at Nkrumahs
birthplace, a CPP representative declared the place a national shrine and compared the village
to Mecca, the birthplace of Mohammed and Bethlehem, the birthplace of Christ, the
Redeemer of the World. Ashanti Pioneer, October 7, 1955, p.1
43. In 1954 the price of cocoa rose from 150 to 450 a ton, yet the farmers did not see a
penny of this windfall.
Figure 20: In 1958 Nkrumah was represented in pop culture as the face of
Ghana. Note the Black Star Square and the Parliment House in the background.
Editorial cartoon, Ghanatta, Guinea Times, March 3, 1958, p.5
47 46
to government projects instead of building infrastructure in the outlying areas
of the country.
44
The press no longer represented public opinion as extreme
censorship replaced free speech. The people grew increasingly discontented.
Like the legend of the hydra, as the president squashed one adversary in the
political arena, three more grew to take its place.
On February 24, 1966, a military coup successfully transferred the
governmental authority to the National Liberation Council of J.A. Ankrah.
In the next ffteen years, eight different governments would be created by
force and hold power. Fearing the deifcation of Nkrumah, the National
Liberation Council banned the display of the ousted president within 17 hours
of overthrowing the government.
45
Consequently, restrictions were placed on
the erection of further architectural monuments in the following years. The
grand forms that had dominated the coast during the Nkrumah era fell into
disuse and were eventually abandoned. The Black Star Square and the Accra
Community Center, which had housed the young pioneers of the independence
era, were no longer a focal point for African pride. Independence Arch, proud-
ly proclaiming Liberty and Justice, became less important than fghting the
mounting dissonance among the numerous people groups and the sliding value
of the Ghanaian cedi. The invented culture proved to be too idealized for the
country to realize...the glorious socialist future envisioned by the Nkrumah
administration was as empty as Black Star Square. Ghana would not see the
governmental structure that stands today until 1993.
44. Joseph Appiah spoke out against the iconography of Nkrumah and the misappropriation
of government funds: People in the rural areas must be prepared to celebrate independence
in darkness, they must drink worm-infested and muddy water at independence to make way
for the Fuehrers statue Nkrumah wants his statue erected so that all in the independent
Gold Coast will swear by it as the Great Oath after he has seen to it that Chieftaincy has
been uprooted Whether Kwame Nkrumah, the arch-democratic centralist will succeed
in his devilish design or not, the future will decide; for we are all witnesses to what has
happened to Joe Stalins statue in Hungary, where the people with an insatiable desire to free
themselves from the thralldom of the Kremlin are today on the warpath. (Liberator, January
15, 1957, p.2)
45. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.86
Figure 21: By 1966 the peoples opinion of Socialist spending programs
and the growth of Nkrumahs power had turned sour. Editorial cartoon,
Ghanatta, Evening News, March 3 1966, p.1
49 48
THE NEW POLITICAL FRONTIER

Despite being ranked as one of the most successful democracies in
Africa, the perceived culture is more potent than the product.
46
The general
attitude is less optimistic. Instead of the idea of patriotism and self-governance
dominating the hearts and minds of Ghanaians, the people have moved
towards material consumption.
47
The media has created a divide between the
government and the governed. Radio talk shows paint a negative image of
government activity and complain about problems without offering insight.
The British planted the idea of a master-servant relationship among the people.
This crippling cultural tradition has been mutated; now those who hold degrees
are the ones expected to lead and those less educated do not feel responsible
for their condition.
48

Meanwhile, the government is desperately trying to prove they are a
functioning democracy, but the 2012 election was won by John Mahama of
the National Democratic Congress Party with only 50.7% of the vote and the
opposition has called for multiple recounts and has accused the Electoral Com-
mission of tampering with the results. In an attempt to decide the results in a
fair way, the election has been taken to the Supreme Court, but the process is
still ongoing and the people have grown weary. Still, this election has positive
aspects to consider. Education was one of the main topics of the election; John
Mahama pledged to build 50 new schools if he won and Nana Akufo-Addo
promised to provide free secondary education. Whether this happens or not
46. Ghana is ranked the 5th least failed state in Africa, after Mauritius, Seychelles, Botswana,
and South Africa, by the 2012 Failed States index. Foreignpolicy.comFailed States List
2012. 2012. Retrieved 1 June 2013 by wikipedia.
47. Mensah, Teddy. Interview with Aaron Mikottis. Personal interview. Chicago, February
18, 2014. Teddy was born and raised in Ghana, educated at the Illinois Institute of Technolo-
gy, and is now a practicing architect in Accra.
48. Ibid.
PART IV:
EPILOGUE
THE AGE OF CULTURAL
REFORM
Following the overthrow of the Nkrumah administration, the country
sank into a series of coups, each new government focusing on the faws of the
last. In 1993, the country was fnally freed from the rule of a one party state
and in the year 2000, the country elected an offcial from the opposing party
in a process that was deemed free and fair. But what was lost in the 34 years of
political instability? Where does the country stand?
Foreign infuences have changed the economic topography of the
country, all the while Westernization is held in a delicate balance between
idolization and vehement disgust. The appeal of a modern lifestyle has pene-
trated past the resource frontier and into the rural villages, beckoning for a life
of material wealth over the tradition of communal living. As cars, electricity,
and cell phones reach the masses, new societal norms must be established.
Meanwhile, the ineffciencies of government in urban areas unintentionally
promote haphazard and rushed building strategies as village planning stag-
nates. The future that might have been has yet to come, but it still could arrive.
The gap between the urban and the rural is shrinking. Education levels are at
all all time high. Commodity is reaching the villages. Ghana can once more
take its place as the forerunner of African progress. But it must frst adopt a
culture of empowerment and forge its own identity once again. Cultural reform
is happening right now which way will the pendulum swing?
51 50
remains to be seen, but government funding for education is at an all time
high. As of May 2007, The Ghana Library Association no longer relies on
donations because the government has provided enough funding proving the it
does indeed place the education of its people in high priority.
THE EVER CHANGING FACE OF
THE CITY
Ghanas identity crisis is characterized by two polarized ideals: the
love and the hate of the West. The relationship between the coloniser and the
colonised is deeply ambivalent, or as Stuart Hall says, the other acts as both
an object of desire and derision, of envy and contempt, with the coloniser
simultaneously projecting and disavowing difference in an essentially contra-
dictory way, asserting mastery but constantly fnding it slipping away.
49
By
embracing commodity and materialism in one hand and resisting its implica-
tions in the other, Ghana toes both sides of the line, receiving the worst of both
worlds. Egocentric thinking in the villages prevents collaborative progress,
in part causing a mass exodus towards cities like Accra, which consequently
grow at a rate faster than city planning or local governments can manage.
50

This allows foreign frms to step in and take the responsibility away from the
inhabitants, imposing uninformed architecture that does not respond to the
local conditions. This causes the situation to worsen in a feedback loop; as the
West bails the country out of its problems, it serves to worsen the conditions
that caused them in the frst place.
49. Hall, Stuart. Cultural Identity and Diaspora: Identity: Community, Culture, Difference.
Lawrence and Wishart, 1990, p.80
50. In 1970, Ghanas population numbered 8.5 million, 28.5% of which lived in urban centers.
As of 2012, there are 25.4 million inhabitants, 37% living in cities. Merely 40 years have
brought about a staggering change. There are 9.4 million people living in urban conditions in
Ghana. This is more than the population of the entire country in 1970! Figure 22: Newspapers and other forms of media are partly responsible for the
percieved widening of the gap between the government and the governed. This
cartoon depicts the destruction of a statue of Nkrumah. Editorial cartoon, Ghan-
atta, Evening News, March 21, 1966, p.5
53 52
Western culture has been whispering sweet promises in the ears of
Ghanaians, and they listen eagerly. The comfort and commodity of material-
ism has been hastily accepted, irrespective of local tradition and the African
condition. Air conditioning units added en masse to homes in the suburban
coast max out the capacity that the electricity systems can handle, causing
regular blackouts between the hours of 11am-3pm. Instead of learning from the
congestion of the American metropolis, car ownership is favored over public
transportation, causing gridlock in the cities. Yet this mentality trickles down
even to the rural villages, where ownership of a car is seen as the height of
achievement. Societal norms have yet to reconcile with automobiles; although
local culture does not express any level of urgency, car owners, especially taxi
drivers, drive at reckless speeds. Keeping pace with a global world is starkly
contrasted with the norm of the leisurely stroll set by most village dwellers.
51

In cities, the issue of cultural identity even reaches young children, who are
mocked by their school-mates for going by their cultural name instead of
inventing a Western one.
52
This idolization of Western culture is so pervasive,
that even barbers encourage their patrons to model their hair cut after a New
York City Style. Suburban city planning is affected by this mentality as well.
Many residential areas surrounding Accra feature gated houses, even though
it has been statistically shown to be less safe.
53
Perhaps some aspect of the
idolatry of foreign goods is related to their dependency on them. This has
historically been the case. For example:
Virtually all of the trappings of national celebrations were com-
51. Statement about the pace of local life is by Teddy Mensah. Interview, Chicago, February
18, 2014.
52. The Akan and Ga peoples of Ghana often give their children a local name that corre-
sponds to the day of the week on which they were born and their birth order. For example, the
frstborn son born on a Friday would be called Kof Berko.
53. Lynn A. Addington, Callie Marie Rennison. Keeping the Barbarians Outside the Gate?
Comparing Burglary Victimization in Gated and Non-Gated Communities. Justice Quarter-
ly, 2013; 1 DOI: 10.1080/07418825.2012.760644
Figures 23 and 24: Idolization of the West is found among both the rich and the
poor. In Twifo Hemang, one barber lures in customers by boasting about their
New York City Hairstyle. In Accra, a house selling for $500,000 USD touts
doric columns.
55 54
design. There are no building codes. There are no building permits. While this
seems like an area of opportunity for experimental architecture, the reality
is that very little money or attention is given to these rural areas by educated
locals. Instead, anyone builds whatever they like anywhere and this results in
disorganized and scattered village planning. Concurrently, architects endure
an ineffcient bureaucracy in the cities. While building permits are required
by law, it is extremely diffcult and time consuming to meet with government
offcials. As a result, Ghanaians have adopted a practice of starting work per-
mitless and continuing on until an offcial notices the construction and issues
a halt work ticket. Now that a case is opened and the project has been seen,
it is much easier to meet with a city offcial.
55
Local architects suffer from a
culture of distrust, which is a closed loop that feeds itself. For government
sponsored projects, local architects must pair with international frms in order
to maintain high safety and work standards. Currently, local contractors do not
value their native architects and as a result the architects may charge below
minimum wage just to get work. This in turn doesnt allow the architects to
spend enough time on their work, causing quality to crumble. Is the distrust
justifed? Alex Kwabena, a teacher at the Twifo Hemang Secondary School
once said of the profession, In Ghana an architect makes a design and does
not see to it that it gets built as it was designed. That is why our buildings do
not last.
56
Perhaps as the gap between the rural and the urban closes, Ghana
will experience a positive shift towards effective local design and construction.
55. Augustine Owusu-Ansah. Interview with Aaron Mikottis. Personal interview. Kumasi,
Ghana. July 9, 2013. Augustine is a Masters of Architecture student at the Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and Technology. He offered much insight into the current state of the
architectural profession in Ghana.
56. Alex Kwabena. Interview with Aaron Mikottis. Personal interview. Twifo Hemang,
Ghana. June 28, 2013.
missioned from foreign frms, reinforcing the complex association
between nationalism and neo colonial authority. The British frm
of Benjamin Edgingtons, for example, manufactured and installed
nylon pennants and banners, plaques, fberglass shields and car-
touches emblazoned with eagles, elephant and lion heads, and cere-
monial stools and storytellers staffs. Michael King, also of the UK,
created furnishings for the Ghanaian Parliament, including a hide
backed chair for Nkrumah bearing the Ghanaian coat of arms.
54

Regardless of the cause, this infatuation of the West causes backlash in
an equally polar direction. As a white person in Ghana, I experienced a sur-
prising amount of racism. There were several cases where I was treated with
suspicion and even outright contempt. The most frustrating instance occurred
at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. A professor
approached me as I was photographing the campus and told me that I didnt
have permission to take photos and that I had to leave. I rebutted this claim by
stating that a Ghanaian friend told me that the campus was open to the public.
To this I was told, a friend cannot give me permission. I was stealing, and I
needed to speak to the administration about giving me an escort and obtaining
permission. Later, speaking to a host of students on campus, I learned that
this absurd claim was not the case and several student even suggested I
would not have had that encounter if my skin was dark. This hostile attitude
towards foreigners is mostly confned to urbanized areas, however. In the city,
foreigners (especially whites and Chinese) can be seen as responsible for the
exploitation of natural resources, the usurping of business, and the dilution of
African culture. In the rural areas, whites are viewed as wealthy bringers of
aid, coming to patch all their problems with money.
Likewise, architectural practice in current day Ghana experiences the
same rural-urban divide. In the villages there is zero accountability for good
54. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.79
57 56
but instead upon the historical factors of liberation, decolonization,
nation building, and internal national confict, as well as the in-
teraction of the modern with what has been conceptualized as
traditional forms of African art.
59
Just as the traditional dwellings of the Dagomba and Tallensi speak
a meta-language expressed with nuance and subtlety, the architecture of the
future needs to be informed by their culture, lifestyle, and social hierarchy.
How can the next generation of architects adopt existing typologies on a larger
scale with contemporary building techniques? It is not by copying forms or
rejecting their history; it must come from a study of what these typologies do
on a conceptual level. The government buildings of ancient Kumasi provide a
glimpse towards what the future could be like. By understanding the inclusive,
internal nature of the courtyard, the choice to reverse the orientation of the
porches to create public spaces respected the traditional mode of building
while performing in a completely different way. As the Asante empire transi-
tioned to a more democratic society the architectural expression adapted, but it
did so in a way that was genuinely African.
West Africa is on the cusp of an unprecedented economic explosion.
Soon Ghana will no longer be recognized as a developing country and it will
take its place in the frst world. Population levels, education levels, and indus-
trialization is all accelerating at astounding rates, and it is for this reason that
it is imperative that the country defnes its cultural position. Nicholas Mirzoeff
says that Most of our visual experience takes place aside from...formally
structured moments of informal looking, but instead occurs in the critically
neglected visual experiences of everyday life.
60
Because culture, society, and
history are all inextricably woven together into one complex textile, vernacular
architecture is of the utmost importance. Architecture is not just the what.
Architecture is the how. Architecture defnes life.
59. Hess, Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa, p.160
60. Mirzoeff, Visual Culture Reader, p.7
WHATS NEXT?

Ghanas rich history of indigenous, temporal dwellings, their lasting,
colonial landmarks, and modernism from their coming of age as a country
each compose meaningful chapters in what it means to be truly vernacular.
But just as the cities of Ghana display a salt and pepper blend of traditional
and colonial, the architects, for the countrys future, must embrace both the
ancient, colonial, and recent history. The failure of the country to legitimately
redefne itself following the overthrow of colonialism can be seen in the
radically opposing views of two architects practicing modernism in West
Africa. In 1956, Maxwell Fry stated: ...an architecture and form of urbanism
will emerge closely connected with the set of ideas that have international
validity, but refecting the conditions of climate, the habits of the people and
the aspirations of the countries lying under the cloudy belt of the equatorial
world.
57
Yet ten years later, John Lloyd had a wildly different opinion. He said
in 1966, The concept of architecture, even in the widest traditional sense, is
foreign to Africa.
58
Why did Lloyd not see Frys prediction come true? At its
core, modernism speaks to the rejection of hundreds of years of architectural
practice in Europe. This is not an appropriate methodology for an emerging
nation freeing itself from the shackles of colonization. Janet Hess stated the
future lies in another direction,
An understanding of the contemporary art in Africa requires relin-
quishment of any confdence that we can understand the aesthetics
of Africa after colonialism within the modernist-postmodernist
paradigm. What is needed is an examination of the phenomenon of
art created in Africa based not upon postmodernisms rejection of
the legacy of the Renaissance, rationalism, and the Enlightenment,
57. Fry, Maxwell and Jane Drew, Tropical Architecture in the Humid Zones (London, 1956),
p.29
58. Lloyd, John Ghana, in World Architecture 3 ed. John Donat (London, 1966) p.49
59 58
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