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    'Responsible self-government lor India has been declared by every political party in this country as its goal. There are differences of opinion as to the rate at which progress towards that end can be made. We in the Labour Party believe that nothing on ollr""pad'should be left undone to make that progress as rapid as is possible.

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    'Responsible self-government lor India has been declared by every political party in this country as its goal. There are differences of opinion as to the rate at which progress towards that end can be made. We in the Labour Party believe that nothing on ollr""pad'should be left undone to make that progress as rapid as is possible.

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    The Modern Review 1933 May

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    Sougata Pramanick
    'Responsible self-government lor India has been declared by every political party in this country as its goal. There are differences of opinion as to the rate at which progress towards that end can be made. We in the Labour Party believe that nothing on ollr""pad'should be left undone to make that progress as rapid as is possible.

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    of 29
    -THE MODERN REVIEW 1 MAY Vou. LIL, No. 5 19353 Wuote No. 317 . INDIA AND THE WHITE PAPER The Labour Party’s Standpoint ‘ By Mayor D. GRAHAM POLE ULL responsible self-government for India has been: declared by’ every political party in this country as its goal. There are differences of opinion as to the rate at which progress towards that end can be made. We in the Labour Party believe that nothing om our” part’should be left undone to make that progress as rapid as is possible, in close co-operation with Indians. ‘This, indeed, is what has been promised to India by Great Britain. As long ago as 1857, in her Proclamation as Empress of India, it was stated by Queen Victoria that : ; ‘Tt is Our further will that, so far,as may be, our subjects, of whatever race and éreed, be freely and impartially admitted to office in our service, the duties of w they may be qualified by, their education, ability and integrity duly to dischrge. “In their prosperity will be Our strength : in thei contentment Our security : and in their gratitude ‘Our best reward.” No one will pretend that we ever tried to put into practice these admirable sentiments, nor that there is in India the contentment avhich is essential to the security referred to in the Prociimation. 4 _ Tue Prive Mex GoverNnte The progress of India towards sél{-govérn- ment was destribed by the «present, Prige “Minister in these words : on TNDLAN . K * “In 1858 the control of Indian affairs passed the hands of a Secretar Council : in 1861 a kind of legislature wits estab- lished in the Provinces: in 1892, a semblance of representative authority was given to theso Councils: in 1909 this ‘semblance was made more of a reality."—The Awakening of India, p. 232. into of, State assisted by a ‘Tue Nationa, Coneress BrGryntne’ Meanwhile, in 1885, the Indian National Congress was founded with the object, as stated in the circular calling its first meeting, * to “form the germ of a native Parliament and, if properly conducted, would constitute in a ‘few fears an unanswerable reply to the assertion that Tndia was still wholly unfit for any form of re- presentative institution.” How did it sucoged ? ePrime Minister : . Again I quote the “The history of the National Congress is a history ofthe nationalistic movement. Started in 1885 by men who were rich, who were Liberals, and who had been educated in western ways, it, was purely political. Its demand was for enfranchisemegt and for responsibility. [f was fever anti-British’ it has always contented itself with demanding a reasure of self-government under the British Raj. ut it gave birth to a left wing, which gradually vained an independent position and drew away from it. ‘The Anglo-Indian administrator lost his opportunity. gress; which ought to have been accepted by him asa useful criti, was re- garded. by him as an irreconeilable. enemy. He yesented it. He misrepresented it. He handed it Sver to the mercy. of its left wing. The doctrine ofa Sinn Fein kind of self-help, the dream of 498 THE MODERN REV. the political, boycott, were, encouraged by the bhunders of the Government.” —she Awakening of India: by Rt. Hon. J. Ramsay MacDonald Tue Coarrtion GovernMENT DECLARATION The Great War with its slogan of “self- determination” had its echoes in India. Indians fought side by side with our own men and felt that they also had established their right to self-determination. ‘Then there was the famous declaration in the House of Commons by the late Mr. Edwin Montagu that “The policy of His -Majesty’s Government, with which the Government of India are in comphste accord, is that of the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual development of self-governing institu tions with a view to the progressive realization of esponsible government i India as an integral part ‘of the British Empire.” (August 20th, 1917) That was the declaration of the Coalition Government. Mr, Montagu went out to India and with the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, made an ex- haustive enquiry. ‘This was followed by the Montagu-Chelmsford Report which frankly admitted that up till then India had been » ruled by “a system of absolute government.” Then came the Government of India bill ——of 1919. The new constitution was in- augurated by H.R. H. the Duke of Connaught + who, on behalf of H. M. the King, used these words : “For years—it may be. for. enerations—loyal Indians have dreamed of Swaraj for their Mother- vefoday you haye the beginning of Swaraj within my Empire, and the widest scope and ample oppor- tunities for’ progress to the liberty which my other Dominions enjoy.” In the revised Instrument of Instructions to the Governor-General, on 15th March 1921, it is stated : ° “For above all things it is Our will and pleasure | that the plans laid by Our, Parliament...may come to fruition to the eng that British India may aitain its due place among Our Dominions.” ‘There is no ambiguity about these words. They connote nothing- more or less than Dominion Status—and were accepted by all parties in the House of Commons as a solemn pledge to India. TEW FOR MAY, 1933 Tue Faure or Diarcny Tt was not long, however, before it was discovered that the new constitution— founded as it was on the prineiple of Diarchy--was av impossible one. As one Minister who had tried to work it stated in evidene before the Reforms Enquiry Committee in 1924, the system of Diarchy worked wvll only so far as it was departed from ! Indeed the new constitution had not beer working for more than a few months before it was seen that it could not function satisfac- torily. It was admitted in the Indian Legis- slative Assembly by Sir William Vincent, the Home Member of the Government of India, that he did not believe that the “present transftional scheme could last as long as was expected’ —that was, for ten years. °* This was realized here and in 1924 a Committee—the Reforms Enquiry Committee —was set up in India. The Prime Minister, in referring to the setting up of this Committee, said : “Wt know cf the serious condition of affairs in India, and we want to improve it. As Lord Olivier says, without equivocation, — Dominion Status for India is the idea and the ideal of the Labour Government... “An inquiry is being held by the Government. which mpan3 that inquiry to be a serious one. We do ‘ot mean it to be an expedient for wasting and losing time. We mean that the inquiry shall produce results which will be the basis for consideration of the Indian constitution, its working and its possibilities, which we hope will h€lp Indians to co-operate on the way towards the creation of a system which will be self-government.” *A change of government took place in this country and no action followed as the result of the Report of that Committee. Naturally the agitation in India continued + with,increased vigour. Waar 1s Domryron Stratus ? Dominion Status is a phrase that has been used from time to time. Its meaning has been subject to growth and change. What is TAmfnion Status ? In March 1920 the late Mr. Bonar Law defined it in these words : | > “What is the essential of Dominion Home Rule ? ‘The essential is that they have control of their whole destinies, of their fighting forces, and of the amounts which they will contribute to’ the general security of the Empire. All these things are vital, and there is not a man in the «House who would not amit that the connexion of the Dominions with the Foapere depends upon themsetres, “If the self-governing Dominions of Australia or Canada choose to-morrow to say. ‘We will no longer make a part of the British Empire’ we would not tiy to force them. “Dominion Home Rule means the right to decide for themselves.” The Imperial Conference in 1926 tried to give an exact definition to show its implica- tions and consequences. The Inter-Imperial Relations Committee of the Imperial Conference in 1926 said of “the group of self-governing communities, composed of Great Britain and the Dominions” that each of them had “as regards all vital matters, reached its full deyelop- ment.” ‘They went on to define their position and. autual relation as follows : “They are antonomous Communities within the British’ Empire, equal in’ status, in no way sub- ordinate one to another in any aspect of their domesjic or external affairs, though united hy a commen allegiance to the Crown, and frtely associated as members of the British Common. wealth of Nations.” (Cmd. 2768 of 1926, p. 14) Tae Irwin Decuaration Lord Irwin, as Viceroy, speaking in 1929 in opening the Indian Legislative Assembly, said : “T tell this Assembly again and thypugh them . India, that the Declaration of-1917 stands and will stand’ fox all time as the solemn pledge of the British people to do all that can be done by one People to assist another to attain full, nakonal, political stalwre, and that the pledge so ‘yiven wilt never be dishonoured. . “And as actions are commonly held more powerful than words, I will add that I should not be standing before you here to-day as “iovernor-General’ if [I believed that the’ British people had withdrawn their hands from that solemn covenant.” la The Irwin Declaration, made on the authority of the British Cabinet, explicitly reaffirmed that it was “implicit in the Declaration. of 1917 that the , natural issue of India’s constitutioyal progress, as there contemplated, is the attainment of Dominion Slat Again there is no ambiguity whatever in the goal set before India by Great Britain, Tue Conservative Dectaraton + Now let u& come to the+ Leadersof the Conservative Party. Mr. Baldwin, speaking INDIA AND THE WHITE PAPER 499 x in the House of Commons on 7th November 1929, said : “Can there be any doubt whatever, in any quarter of the House, that the position of an India with fall, responsible Government in the Empire, when attained, and whatever form it may take so far as the internal Government of India is concerned, must be one of equality with the other States of the Empire? “Nobody knows what, Dominion status will be when India has responsible Government, whether that date be near or distant, but surely 70 one dreams of a self-governing India with an inferior status. "No Indian would dream of an India with an inferior status, nor can we wish that India should be content with an inferior status, because that jeould mean that we had failed in our work in ‘India. E “No Tory party with wbich T am connected will fail in” sympathy and endeavour to help in our time to the uttermost extent of our ability to » a solution of the greatgst political problem that lies before us to-day.” > (Hansard, Vol, 231: Col. 1312. 7th November 1929.) ° Tur Rounp Tasie ConrerENcE In trying to further the progress of Tndia towards full self-government, in co-operation with Indians, we had a Round Table Con- ference in 1930. At that Conference un- fortunately only certain sections of Indian opinion were represented. A Second Session of the Round Table _ Conference was held in London in 1931. At this Second Round ‘Table Conference all sections of Indian opinion were represented, * including the Indian National Congress. This Conference was sitting when the last General Election took place. Soon afterwards an attempt was made, but was happily unsuccessful, on the part. of the National Government to terminate that "Conference. It was, however, adjourned swith many problems still unsolved—some not even discussed. Tur Lanzour GOVERNMENT AND Nationa, Government DECLARATIONS ’ It is wortl? quoting the actual words of the* speech made by the Prime Minister at the conclusion of the Second Round Table Conference, speaking, as he was, on behalf of the present National Government: * “At the beginning of the * year [ made a declaration of the policy of the then Government, and Iam authorized by the present, one to give you and India a specific assurance that it remains 500 their policy. I shall of that declaration : -‘The view of His Majesty’s Government is that responsibility for the Government, of India should be placed’ upon Legislatures, Central and Provincial, with ‘such ~ provisions as may be necessary" to guarantee, during a period of transition the observance of certain obligations and to meet other special circumstances, and also with such guarantees as are required by ‘minorities to protect their political liberties and rights. ‘In such statutory safe-guards as may be made for meeting the needs of the transitional period, it will be a primary concern of His Majesty's Government to see that the reserved powers are so framed and exercised as not to prejudice the advance of India through the new constitution to full responsibility for her own government.” That was the declared attitude of the present Government and on that India was entitled to rely. x Can anyone suggest that the scheme outlined in the White Paper leads to full - responsible government within a reasonable period of time ? . There is nothing in this Paper to suggest -that the reservation of certain subjects is to be for a limited period of time. there any indication as to the duration of the period of transition. Although the Second Session of the Round Table Conference was only adjourned until a Third Round Table Conference should be summoned, the National Government changed their views and decided to have no repeat the salient sentences ~ ~further Round Table Conferences. Circumstances in India caused them to - alter their point of view and to summon a Third Rotind Table Conference, which, however, was much less representative of Indian opinion than its predecessor. That Conference came to an end at Christmas and we, and India, have had to wait until the issue of this White Paper to see how the Government propose to imple-- ment their undertakings to set India on the road to “full” responsibility for her own government”—as promised by the Prime Minister in the Government’s Declaration which T have just quoted. Tae Wurre Parser The White Paper makes no attempt to carry out these pledges—pledges given separately on behslf of Coalition, Conserva- tive, Labour and National Governments in this country. Nor is- THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 - This White Paper by no stretch of imagination proposes to give responsible self-government. It is hedged abput on every side with safe-guards and emergency powers, which undoubtedly do prejudice the advance of India “through the new constitu~ tion to full responsibility for her own government.” Sm Artaur McWarters on FinanctAt. Sarr-Guarps In this connection one can quote the opinion of Sir Arthur MeWatters in a lecture given to the East India Association. Sir Arthur spent nearly thirty years in the 1.c.s., and for eight years, from 1923 to 1931, was Seeretary to the Government of Indizin the Department of Finance. His opinion is therefore of special value. What he said was that we must pay particular attention to the Indian view of any measures limiting Indian financial responsibility, because “Gf the period after the introduction of thé new Constitution is to be one of continued agitation against its checks snd safe-guards, it will, be diflicult to avoid a series of constitutional crises, and the effect upon the stability of the Constitution and credit of India will be serious (Brening Standard, p. 6. Col. 2., 22nd March 1933.) Tue Finsr PrincrpLy Ienorep Tt has been proposed and urged that we should go back to the Report of the Simon Commission and base the new Constitution on thatt Report. What does that Report recommend ? . The Statutory Commission, presided over by ‘Sir John Simon, emphatically stated in their Report : > “The first principle which we would lay down is that the new constitution should, as far as possible, contain within itself provision for its own development.”~~Report of the Indian Statutory Commission, Vo Recommendations p. 5. para. 7 And further on it also stated : “Those who have to work a temporary constitution fend inevitably” to. fix thelr minds upon, theb sfuture instead of ‘on the present. Instead of making the most of the existing constitution and learning to- deal with practical problems under » existing conditions, they constantly endeavour to anticipate the future and to push forward the day for..the. neat uistalment of reforms,” Tiid.: Recommendations, p. 5, para 8. This important ‘principle seems to have been ignored by the authors of the White : , INDIA AND THE WHITE PAPER Paper which proposes to fix on India a rigid constitution, with no provision for its own development. The in:uguration of such a constitution would inevitably be the signal for a fresh agitation for further reforms necessarily resulting in frequent crises and conflicts. Carer Ports or Crrricisw Our chief points of criticism of the White Paper are : () There is no date given for the inauguration of the Federation, Indeed, if India has to wait for the fulfilment of the conditions proposed in para. 82 on p. 17 of the White Paper it would be impossible to foreshadow the date of the beginning of the Federation. (i) The ,White Paper does not make it clear that after a period of transition there * will be complete responsible self-government in India. Nor is+it indicated by what process the farther changes that will lead to this goal, are to be made. * (iii) The proposal to set up provincial autonomous governments before the Federa- tion is formed, and indeed before it has been ascertained that the Federation can be brought into being, will be severely caiticized and resented by all Indian opinion. The: White Paper states : “It-is probable that it will or even. necessary. that the new Provincial Governments, should be brought into being in advance of tHe changes in the Central Government and the entry of the States. ... “Provision will accordingly be required in tae Constitution Act for the period, however short it may be, by which Provincial atitonomy may precede’ the complete establishmeht ‘of the Federation.” (White Paper, para 13. p. 9). But what the White Paper does not make clear is what is going to happen after the provineial governments are sect up, and are working, if by any chance circumstances make it impossible to set up the Federation. Nothing will cause more dissatisfaction, in, India than the establishment, of the new’ prévincial governments without responsibility in the Central’Government. In that event all that the White Paper promises is that H. M. Government “will take steps. to. seview the whole position in consultation with Indian opinion.” 4 be found convenient, 501 Any such delay and uncertainty as regards the date of the establishment of the Federation would create a very seriouse situation in India. (iv) There is no provision for enabling India to take over her own defence at any future date or for training her for that purpose. There is no indication that at the end of five years, fifteen years or fifty years, India will have control of her own Army. We, in the Labour Party, are of opinion that a definite policy for the building up of an Indian National Army, within a reasonable period of time, should be laid down— possibly in the Instrument of Instructions to the’Governor-General. (ve) In the 1919 Government of India Act there was at least the safe-gnard that there had to be a statutory enquiry at the end of ten years. The Simon Commission were unanimously of opinion that the new system should be one which contained within itself provision for its own development. But the White Paper envisages” no period at the end of which India can hope to have complete self-government, or the steps by which more responsibility for the conduct of the government of their country can gradually and automatically be transferred to Indians. (vi) The recruitment to the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Police is still retained in the hands of the Secretary of State instead of being handed over to the Government of India as recommended by the First Round Table Conference. This is the negation of self-government. (vii) In the last Conservative Goverttment an ' attempt was made to pass a bill to remove the disqualifications of 1. ©. s. officials from acting as Chief Justices. That attempt was defeated, but in this White Paper another attempt is being made to allow 1. ¢..§. officials to be appointed as Chief Justices in the High Courts. This is causing grave disquiet in India, as it is a reversal of the policy which has in the past been followed. (viii) The legislative powers given to the Governor-General and the Governors are far 502 “yreater than anything they have ever had in the past. Not only is there the power of the Governor-General to make Ordinances, but this power is now extended to Governors in the Provinces. In addition, the Governor- General and the Governors are given new powers to make laws without the concurrence of their ministers or of the legislatures. These powers, it may be said, merely take the place of the old powers of certifica- tion—but in fact they further increase these powers by providing for initiation as well as for final approval. : ir) Any Act passed by the Legislature in both Houses and assented to By the Governor-General is, within 12 months, to be subject to disallowance by His Majesty in Council. ‘i This power of disallowance, before the ‘Statute of Westminster, obtained in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. There is no such provision in the Irish Free State Constitution. Tt was abolished for the other Dominions by the Statute of Westminster. Why should it be specially revived for India? In practice no Actis assented to without the previous consent of H. M. Government. Tue Vira Deparrents. . Of the vital departments of the Govern- ment of India, Army, Foreign Affairs and the Ecclesiastical Department are to be absolutely reserved. Finance is to be transferred, but subject to so many safe-guards and restrictions that Indians cannot see any stage at which they will have effective control. Bie) The Indian Finatice Minister wilt have control over uly about 20 per cent to 25°. of the total expenditure. rn Railways are to be administered by a Statutory Railway Board and the Federal Legislature is to have only a general control over policy. No “Indian is likely to object to this, but rather to be in favoure of it, but is this not a” matter for the Federal Legislature itself rather than for the Constitution Act ? Commerce is to be transferred subject - to certain safe-guards, such as commercial discrimination. p. co THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 What else is left? Perhaps post and telegraphs and a few minor departments. Can this by any stretch of’ imagination be described as responsibles government at the Centre ? By what process, or after the lapse of what time, or on the fulfilment of what conditions, are all these departments to be brought under the control of a self-governing India ? There is also the Ecclesiastical Depart- ment. Is it not time, if we want bishops and clergy in India for the spiritual guidance and benefit of our -own people there, that we should begin to pay for them “ourselves ? At present even their pensions, when . ,they return to England, are paid out of Indian revenues. TrELAND AnD Inpra Mr. Asquith (Lord Oxford) speaking in the House of Commons, in March 1887, ~as recorded on page 55 of his biography, said : “Consider what will be the position of” Ireland, the condition of government in that country under the system you are about to introduce’: representative institutions upon the terms that the voiee of the great majority of the people shall be systematically ignored and overriden ; the right. of public mecting tempered by Viceregal mation’: a froe press subject to be muzzled ill of the officials ; judges and magistrates, by their tradition independent of the Crown but in practice and in theory inextricably mixe up with the action of the executive. “hat conceivable advantage can there be either to Ireland or to Great Britain from the continuance of this gross caricature of the ., British Constitution ? Dhers ag, match ae tn government of the people, by the people, for the people. There is also much to pe said for’ a Powerful and well-equipped autocracy, but between the two, there is no logical or statesmanlike halting place.” - For “Ireland” in that speech read “India” and you have the position in India today. The Labour Party’s policy towards India is one of close co-operation with Indians in working for full self-government and ., Self-determination—in a word for Dominion Sfatus for India on a basis of absolute equality with Canada, Australia, and the other * Dominions, and with Great Britain herself. -In the debate to take place in the House of Commons for. three days next week on the government of India and the White “Paper"just issued T believe that position will _ be made clear without a shstlow of ambiguity. 24th Mareh, 1933. ‘ : THE FARMERS’ REVOLT I HERE is an unfortunate tendency to- day to regard the problems of India as being peculiar to India, and practi- cally to disregard events which are taking place in other countries. This would not be of necessity a bad thing, but at the same time itis to be remembered that political ideas, political theories, and above all the political remedies which one hears $0 often discussed in India, are not Indian, but are imported from foreign countries. There are therefore two alternatives, the one is to follow an isolationist policy, to separate India from the rest of the world, and then naturally there would’be no need for India to consider what was going on in other countries. The alternative is to recognize that an isolationist poliey is not possible, and, therefore, it is necessary to study what is actually going on in other countries. It is not enough to accept the ideas, slogans and catchwords of Western civilization. These same ideas and phrases should be tested in the light of experience. Now speaking generally, the ideas Which are at present current in India, are ideas which were current in Western civilizati some fifty years ago. True a local colouri is sometimes given, but the ideas dre essenti- ally the ideas of the Victorian era? If the ideas of the Victorians had justified them- selves in practice, then little complaint could be made against them. But instead of peace and plenty, civilization today reveals h picture of barbaric luxury existing side by side with the most squalid poverty ; plenty everywhere, but nowhere peace ; work wanting to be done, the materials to.do the work waiting to be yged, the labour to do ‘the work pleading to be employed. As a. ‘recent economic book suggests, possibly this world is “the lunatic asylum of the Universe,? since man has conquered Nature, buf is in . By JOHN EARNSHAW himself created. The Iesson of this for India is surely that in Western ideas, and organization there are certain dangers, and therefore, it is only by studying where the Western system has broken down that the dangers of the West may be avoided. ‘Now one of the things that is most fre~ quently alleged as the difference between India ‘and the W: that the West is in- dustrialized, whilst India is a purely agricul- tural country. This may be true, but it is “often forgotten that the industrialized West can grow sufficient raw materials, such as cotton, wheat, and other commodities to export to the agricultural East. There is therefore an agricultural side to Western. civilization, and the success or failure of the agriculturalists in other countries, contains lessons which India may well learn. [f one finds that the agriculturalist in the West suffers from the same difficulties as the agriculturalist in the East, and if further, one discovers that the agriculturalist in the West has discovered” certain means for overcoming those same difficulties, there is the possibility that the adoption of the same means might prove to be beneficial in India. he difficulties which the agriculturalist has to face in India, are, first, the natural difficulties due to the difficulty of being certain about the rainfall, and, secondly, the artificial difficulties due to taxes and the difficulties of marketing. Now, thé natural difficulties ,can be overcome by scientific means. Mor example, one of the reasons for the increased production of wheat ia Canada is that it was discovered that a particular brand of Seed grew in a shorter space of time. Formerly the crop had sometimes been caught-by thé frost, but , with the quicker-growing seed, the danger of the’ frost was removed. Similarly the problem of maintaining a regular water supply, can be overcome by the creation ‘of irrigation canals. In short the conquest of turn conquered by the machines he has” the natural difficulties of the agriculturalist mT by i 504 re: is only a matter of time, and further investi- gation, But the mere solving of the’ natural difficulties, will not touch the artificial difficulties. These latter difficulties are created by society, on account of the present order of society, and as things stand at present, the faster the natural difficulties are removed, the faster will the artificial difficulties grow up. To return to. the idea which has been emphasized above, either India can remain indifferent to the West, which in this case means continuing an agricultural system which will be at the mercy,of the natural elements, or alterrative- ly, India can study the success and failure of the agricultural system in the West. oI 4 The most highly developed agricultural section of Western civilization is most. pro- bably that of North America. Turning therefore to examine the conditions obtaining at present among the farmers in the United State of America one can make certain general remarks. First of all, the farmers are complaining that whilst they can grow materials and commodities, whilst they work 4nd are willing to work, and whilst they are willing to be law-abiding citizens, the law is preventing them from remaining law- abiding citizens. The law allows them to the turned away from their holdings, when they are conscious that they have done no wrong and, therefore, since the law will not help them they have learnt to help themselves and by farmers’ strikes, farmers’ holidays, and "forced sales, they are preventing indepen- dent members from being evicted. ~The United States farmer is ally a, staunch conservatiyetin his outlook on life and in all his “ideas, and therefore his revolt is of historical importance. As a rule, each farmer has his farm, which he manages as far as, possible byhimself with the help of his family, and a generous tise of machines. ~ During the rush period and during theharvest” times, he depends on vagrant labour to help him to reap his crops. Since the erops in the *northern States naturally occur later than those in the'southern States there is a steady “ stream northwards throughout the summer , moaths, of vagrant labourers who pay for * conservative agriculturalist class, usually the THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 their board and lodging by their work, and so pass the summer months. During the winter of course this labour is to be found swelling the numbers of thé unemployment in the big industrial towns. That however is no concern of the farmer, he wants his labour only for short periods of the year, and it would not pay him to keep a full staff, since for a fairly long period there would not be much they could do to earn their living, Asa rule, the farmer has been com- pelled to invest a certain amount of money in modern farm machinery, such as tractors, threshing machines, and other things, which have become necessities for farmers in the West. In order to buy the machinery it has often been necessary for the farmer to raise the money by a mortgage, or else by buying on the hire parchase system, in which case he is compelled to make steady payments out of the money he receives for selling his crops. It follows, therefore, that his stock, which ineludes his animals, is necessary to him if he is to continue production, and carn his living. The farmer also knows that his success or failure depends on his own efficiensy, and therefore he has, as a rule, little patience with the talker and the theorist ; what he wants is acts not words ; anda few years ago the man who had suggested that it was not fair to sell up a farmer who got into | money difficulties, would not have been listened to. Now it is just this class, the staunch supporters of individualism, it is these people who are now the most restless, and the. most likely class in the United States to rebel “gainst “law and order.” In order to understand how this has come about, one must first understand a little of what has happened to the money system of the world, so that at present the more efficient an individual or a nation becomes: in production, the more certain is it that destitution is being brought nearer and nearer with cach fresh stage of efficienc Jt is all due to the fact that money has ceased to fulfil its primary functions, and instead of being a mediam of exchange and a measure’ of value, it has become a commodity ; there- fore, at present it is better’to possess money, which one can neither eat,-nor wear,-rather THE FARMERS’ REVOLT than food or clothes which are necessary to maintain life. Consider for a moment how this change has come about; at one time people usech to barter, or exchange articles which they possessed but did not want, for other articles which they did not possess but did want ; then this system was found to be too cumbersome, and therefore exchanges were arranged by expressing the value of commodities in terms of some common object, or commodity, as for example, salt; salt however has certain disadvantages, since one is not able to keep the salt, a rainstorm.on the way home from a market might reduce a farmer who had just sold his commodities to bankruptcy ! It was found however that gold was*the ideal substance to use a6 money ; it was valuable, it could be hoarded without diminishing in value, and it did not vary in quality. Thus it came about that metal came to be used as money ; at first the money was expressed in the weight of the, metal, for example, the English pound _ sterling originally meant a pound in weight; then it was found that it was more convenient for the State to guarantee the quality of the metal, and to issue the metal in small pieces, and of different sizes so that it could be carried about easily, this led to the use of coins. During the last fifty years or so, whilst the population has been growing fairly steadily throughout the whole world, there has been an increase in scientific inventions, and as a_result of these scientific inventions it has been found possible te produce more commodities with a smaller‘amount of labour. The result is that though the population has inereased and with the increase in the popula- tion the needs for a larger supply of com- modities have also increased, the supply of the commodities has increased at an even faster rate. Now if the gold which is used for money had at the same time increased in supply no great harm would have beén done, but though the productionsof gold has increased if has not increased at. the sanfe rapid rate. In other words the position comes to this (1) commodities are expressed in terms of gold, (2) éommodities have in- creased, (3) gold has not increased to the same extent, ft) therefore the number of commodities one can buy for a given quantity 64 2 > 505 of money has increased, in short, prices Rave fallen. So far then the position comes to this, the increase in the supply of commodities, together with the amount of gold not in- creasing in the same proportion, awlomatically reduces prices. Now in a previous paragraph it was pointed out that the American farmers had often had to mortgage their farms in order to produce more efficiently. Now as prices fell it became necessary for them to sell a greater quantity of commodities to obtain ihe same amount of money. In other words, the fall in prices drove them to greater productive efforts, but because they produced more commodities without any corresponding increase in the amount of gold it meant that prices fell still lower; both on account of the ordinary economic law of supply and demand, and also on account of the increased commodities being expressed in terms of “another stationary commodity. This situation is one which is favourable to a creditor, whether an individual or a nation, it means that the creditor gets more commodities. Thus if the creditor lent the equivalent of 100 units of commodities when he is repaid he now gets the equivalent of 154 units of commodities. But just as the situation favours the creditor it is equally unfavour- able for the debtor. When he borrows he borrows the means to purchase 100 com- modities ; when he pays back he has to repay the means to purchase 154 commodities ; therefore, he has to produce and sell 154, where before 100 would have been sufficient ; but as he produces more the supply aytomati- ,cally increases, and as the supply increases the price will fall* Thus the harder the “farmer works the more do his difficulties increase! The situation is a veritable night- maré, the farmer might well be compared to a child running as hard as it can to catch its own shadow. a . « i Such then was the general situation of the American farmers in 1932. They avanted to work honestly, they wanted to keep the law, but they found themselves faced with the prospect of being forced to sell out, of being evicted, and driven with their 506 families into the cities~ where already there were too many people wanting work. ‘They therefore decided to take matters into their own hands. First of all some of them tried to force up prices by cutting off Sioux City from getting fresh milk supplies. Roads leading to the town were picketed and anyone coming along the road with milk, or vegetables was firmly persuaded to return whence he came. The effort failed, as was not unexpected, but it showed that there was unrest. Then later on came the celebrated Farmers’ March on Washington, * the capital of the United States. The far- mers from the different agricultural —ateas organized themselves, selected delegates and then sent the delegates off in old motor lorries to see Presidert Hoover, and demand that he should do something, and do it quickly ! The result of this second action was not unexpected ; the deputation was received ; the President shook hands with the delegates’; the delegates spoke ; the President promised ; the delegates were shown out. * Now the farmer is not starving, but other people in America are! The farmer returned to his farm, having seen the bread-lines where the unemployed are given free food in the cities. On his farm are stored the various foods which the townspeople need, but which the farmer literally cannot afford to send to the towns since the cost of transport exceeds the price of the articles in the market! The farmers found that nothing came of their visit to the President, but at the same ‘time, he, with food and to spare, many were faced with the danger of eviction. The net result of all this is what have come to be known as the Farmers’ Holiday Associations. ‘The farmers hive decided that they want fair treatment, and are not getting it; but they do not want to injure anyone, and have no wish to default on their loars. If a note falls due, or a mortgage is about’ to be foreclosed, then the ereditor is asked to grant a longer, time for payment. If. the creditor refuses and a sale is arranged, then on the day of the sale the farmers meet together at the farm where the sale is to take place. They stand there in a mass, silent, and ominous.. The “auctioner tries to play his part, he speaks THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 loudly of the value of the property, but is met by a stony silence. As the leader- of the farmers expresses the matter, “there’s no- body wants this farm ‘cept the folks there at present. Anybody who thinks he does had better remember that this crowd does not agree.” The sale goes on, the owner bids, but since he is the only bidder the prices are naturally low! A cow goes for two rupees, a motor car for eight annas, a threshing machine for one anna and so on. Very often on a four hundred dollar mortgage only some twenty dollars will be realized. The creditor must then take what he has got, and since there is no moce tebe sold, must cancel the debt. IV The following quotations come from an article by Oswald Garrison Villard who was till lately the editor of The Nation, Gescribing a ‘visit to the farming area of America : “Next me first “farmer's was the man who had started the holiday” in that State .....He explained he was bound to the capital on an insurance matter; the insurance companies are in trouble, at least the farmers’ mutual insurance companies. “We have had to assess our policy- holders—our August loss was 55,000 more than the largest previous monthly loss in our history. There is a lot of arson going on around here, but T don’t blame the farmers. If you were as desperate for money as they are, you'd burn a chicken-house. or a garage, of a batn, of even your house, as they sometimes do to get clothes and shoes for your children. We don’t just know what we “are going to do, bat I'll tell you this, we wapt the Eastern bankers to stay over in their country and leave us alone in the West. They cai have their gold if they can keep it, but we are going to hold on to our farms. We had a tax sale not far from here on the fourth ‘of. January; there were 1,800 farmers there. They said they Weren't making any threats, and weren't 2oing fo do anybody any harm, but that the first fellow who made a bid on any of those properties would go right out of the first-story window. That sale was postponed......Last year [ had fine crops, got in lots of corn and have & cellar full of vegetables, but you can’t get anything for them. I am burning my corn in my furnace right now. It is just as cheap to sell it for four or five centsea bushel after a long haul to the nearest town, and then buy coal with what you get. I know it’s a rotten deal for the coal miner but what can I do?”... .“T “found John Wirés who has now organized 90 per cent of the farmers of his county in his union, and the movement is spreading into adjoining gounties. From ome of the latter there came to him one. morning five telephonic appeals a aL for help...Hle jumped inte is nutomobil, and drove at full speed for the place—in time to prevent bloodshed, in time to sec the discomfitted Inortgage-holder withdraw in haste, About 250 members of the erowd. followed him into one of the rooms of the conrt-house and asked what he thought of the proceeding. He told them that he did not like what they had done; they had not. done enough for the morigagee, and they had not insisted that the owner of the farm should pledge himself to do what he could to pay something however little, to the mortgagee. EWe are running this thing along Golden Rule lines” said John Wirds “and we are going to be just as square about it as we can possibly be.” The crowd at once began to take up a collection for the mortgage-holder.” The above quotations have been selected * since they give an accurate picture of the movement as a whole, its motives, and its methods. For its strength the movement depends largely on man power,—sheer weight and corporate presence and purpose. In the background there are threats, and possibly a few carelessly dangled coils of rope, but save for one or two cases there has been no firing. The underlying belief of the movement is that soon,’ that is’ in the course of a year or 80, prices will rise, but whether they will rise sufficiently to wipe ovt the indebtedness is doubtful. Again the conservative element which makes up . S. GOVERNORS 507 these organizations should be noticed. She names adopted are suggestive ; Council of Defence, Loyal Order of Picketers, The Modern Seventy-sixers. Notice, too, the aims as voiced by the Woodbury County, Iowa, Association ; “To pay no taxes, to permit no foreclosures, stay on the farm until we receive cost of production.” One is now in a position to sum up the importance of this movement, and its historical significance. First of all the individualistic, and conservative element is in revolt. The farmers moreover are not the only people who find it difficult to pay debts, and it is possible that the movement may spread. Individual companies can go to the - law- courts, and can get the permission of the courts to cancel a great part of their subseribed capital, thus reducing their indebtedness ‘and the interest they have to pay. Possibly this privilege may also be extended to in- dividuals. Then again, this revolt is the natural outcome of a situation which has developed automatically and naturally. "There- fore, even if the present difficulty is solved, if the present system continues, the difficulty will again arise. I. C. S. GOVERNORS By JATINDRA MOHAN DATTA CEPTING the three Presidencies of Madras, Bombay and Bepgal, where Governors are usually appointed in Great Britain, in the remaining seven provinces “hitherto the Governors were as a matter of course appointed from amongst: the membets of * the Indian Civil Servic During Lord Hardinge’s administration it was proposed to raise the status of the United Provinces to the same level as that of a Governor's province ; but the resolution in the British Parliament to that effect was, negatived in ‘the House ,of Lords. Under the Montagn- Chelmsford Reforms, with a view to raise the status of the U. P., the salary of its Governor was made -equal to that of a Presidency Governor in the Government of India Act, 1919 ; but no Governor has been appointed from Bngland during the last thirteen years. In the coming constitution the number ‘of smaller provinces are going to increase. Sind and Orissa are to be constituted into separate provinces. Berar demands separation from the — Central Provinces ; and a resolution to tlat effect has been passed in the local Legislative »@ouncil. Its fate depends upon the negotia- tions going on with the Nizam. In all these provinces, an 1.0.8. man is sure to be appoint- ed+ Governor. When once a post is annexed py the I. C. S, it is supremely difficult to make even the least whang?. It is taken intp actuarial calculations in determining the normal rate of promotion and_ privileges ; and perhaps it comes within the ambit of the proposed safe-guards for meibers of the White servis t The virtues claimed for an I. C. S. Gévernor are his intimate local knowledge . 508 andhis administrative experience. If the proposed provincial autonomy is to be real, the Governor is to be guided by the advice of -his ministers, whose local knowledge is still more intimate. Further, to meet the exigencies of service conditions, often an LCS. man is imported from another province. Take the cases of Sir Charles Innes, the ex-Governor of Burma, who spent _ his lifetime in Madras; and of Sir Michael Keane, the present Governor of Assam, who is an U.P. civilian. Can it be claimed for them that they haye more intimate local knowledge than their ministers? As for his administrative experience, in future the Governor is not going to administer, but to guide the administration. If it be held to be a sine qua non of a successful Governor, then we must admit that Bengal, Bombay and Madras, and all the self-governing colonies have been badly administered. The disadvantages of a member of the *1.C.8. being a Governor are that often the THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 Secretary becomes the Governor over the head of the minister, and he has his local bias. Take for example, the case of Sir James Sifton, the present Governor of Bihar, who in 1923 was” the secretary in the municipal -department under Sir Ganesh Dutt Sinha. ‘A junior member of the I.C.S. whose rapid promotion is due to the preference shown by Mr. A., the minister and as such the leader of a particular party in the Council, cannot be expected to hold the scales even between that party and its opponents, when he becomes the Governor. This is common sense, and experience. Sir James McNeill, who owed his appointment to the suggestions of Mr. Cosgrave, could not hold the scales even between him and Mr. De Valera ; and had to be removed? On the other hand, Sir Philip Game, who was appointed from England did not hesitate to dismiss Mr. Laing, the Premier of New South Wales. MAHASTHAN (BOGRA) MAURYA INSCRIPTION By K. P, JAYASWAL Bogra, Bengal, which was mentioned in a meeting by Mr. Stapleton the other day, is a reeord of great im- portance. Dr. Bhandarkar’s reading, T under- stand, will be published in the Lpigraphia Indica. ° While at Patna I heard conflicting fie new inscription found at Mahasthan, reports about it, which made me examine it © at Caleutta recently. ae There is no doubt that the inseriptio isa geunine Maurya record. In fine lettoring it is engraved ona white-red stone, similar to many pieces discovered in the Pataliputra éxcavations. All the letters have — the older Brahmi forms found in A’Soka’s inserip- tions. Its importance, which has not “yet been pointed out, consists firstly, in the fact that it is the first secular, administrative Maurya record, Asoka inscrip- tions being all feligious, We have a similar document, though having more ancient forms of letters, in the Sohgaura plate, which is a public notice cast in a bronze tablet. { would not like to anticipate Dr. Bhandarkar’s reading, but as he has already published the’ purport of the inscription, there is no breach of etiquette in commenting on the substance of the record. The interpretation of the inscription was a difficult matter. This has been successfully done by Prof. Bhandarkar. In a__ storehouse grain had been stored by the then Govern- ment of Bengal, and along with grain probebly cash was also ordered to be lent. It seems to have been a time of distress. The seat of Government was at Pundra Nagara ( gag a0 ), and there seems to have been |Maha| matras in Bengal for the’ government of the Sa(m)vamgiyas (@ afmat). Secondly, the record is a wonderful confirmation of the tradition of the Jaina THE OXFORD MAJLIS literature that a prolonged famine visited Northern India for twelve years in the reign of Chandra Gupta Maurya, which led to the migration of Jaina asceties to the South. Thirdly, I should not be surprised if the Sohgaura plate turns out to be a similar royal order, and both these inscriptions may prove to refer to Chandra Gupta Maurya’s reign. The solution of — the 509 Sohgaura plate becomes possible now, thank to Prof, Bhandarkar’s interpretation of the Mahasthan stone. Lastly, the Arthasastra of Kantilya is confirmed by the Mahasthan inscription. Kautilya includes Vanga within the rules of his Manual. That is the Manual shows that Bengal was a part of the Maurya Empire. The Mahasthan tablet proves the assertion. THE OXFORD MAJLIS By G. K. CHETTUR, ua. (Oxo) OE evening, when Mahomed Ali was at Oxford, T'got him to come out on the river with me in my punt I had acquired some skill is punting myself, and was, [ suppose, (O vanity of vaniti anxious to display it Unfortunately I got no chance to dé so, for T had reckoned without my guost, who, when I was about to take the pole, snatched it from me and said, “You sit comfortably there. I am going to do all the work this afternoon.” T was so surprised that T yielded the pole without a word, but my astonishment was still greater when TI observed the dexterity with which he manoeuvred the punt out of the “New Cut,” and sent it swiftly gurgling and plashing along, with graceful lunges. “Its years. sinoe I bandled a punt,” he said, smiling “at my very obvious wonder, * Mahomed Ali's was at all times an impressiye figure. His well-knit person never ran to the generous proportions of his brother Shaukat; and his bold handsome face set with pigreing eyes, and fringed by a heavy finely trimmed black beard, the whole surmounted by an imposing Astrakan cap ornamented with the star aad crescent, is one which once seen can never be forgotten. The picture he made, standing clad in white flannels at one end of the punt and wielding the pole deftly and gracefully in the idle of the Cherwell, is one which comes vividly before me as I write. Was this, T, wondered, the uncompromising political fighter, of whom eyen the Government was rvmoured to stand in dread Was this in very truth the » “Bx-President from Lincoln,” who, the previous evening at the Majlis had thundered forth his fiery denunciations ? ‘There he was, so obyiously enjoying himself, so obviously appreciating the many curious and admiring glances that were levelled at him from other punts. I need hardly say that for me it was a notable experience. + « I have begun these reminiscences Oxford Majlis with my recollections of Mahomed Ali because he was one of its founders. The Majlis is today an important institution. It has a large membership. It plays an important part in the life of the Indian undergraduate at Oxford. It offers a meeting place for, and thus exerts a unifying influence upon the Indian population, which would otherwise be scattered and lost in the whirl of University life. It serves to make its members feel less lonely in a foreign land, Tt helps to strengthen national sentiment and acts as a spur on individual ambition. But when it was started over a quarter of a century ago it had only nine members, after the manner of that (not less famous) society which was, and still is, associated with the name of Johnson. ‘And appropriately enough it was called The Naba- ratnam Club. Out of this little club sprang the Majlis of today. Majlis, I may explain here, is a Persian word meaning assembly. When I went up to Oxford in 1918 the Majlis had only twenty-three members, and its place of meeting was a little basement room in a house in New-in-Hall Street. I still remember vividly the first meeting which I attended. The dark streets through which we went (it was war time and streets were not. lit at night for fear of air ‘raids), the steps leading down to the basemeat, the’ drawn curtains, the black gowns, the whispering litile groups, all served to give the occasion an air of mystery; and I felt as ~ though I were participating in the ceremonies of some weird secret society. ‘The sad faces of, some of the members, their-whispered colloquies, and a general atmosphere of gloom which I thought very strange at first were easily enough explained when I learnt that the President-elect for the term (who had not yet taken his seat) had suddenly: expired the previous week, and that we were met to choose another in his place. of the 598 Report prepared by Government they are called’ Namasudra, Nama-Brahman, Nama- Brahmo. * Those who claim to be Brahmans, Ksbatriyas, or Vaishyas, 7. ¢, members of the “twice-born” castes, cannot consistently also claim that they are socially’ backward or depressed. It is not true, too, that the Namasudras are politically backward. There are hundreds of Namasudra graduates and lawyers and physicians, Many members of the provincial executiye and judicial services, not to speak of lower services, are Nama- sndras, Several Namasudras have hitherto become lected members of the Bengal Lngislative Council by open contest with candidates of other Hindu castes. Though the present writer docs not observe any distinction of caste, it may be argued that his Brahmin parentage makes him biassed.. Let us, therefore, quote some opinions of European officials of Government on the Namasudra caste, as given in Sir N. Ne Sirear’s pamphlet named above : (2), Paras. 828 and 832 of the Census Report of Bengal show that in 1911 they claimed to be Brahmins. The District Gaxetteer shows that they ‘still claim descent from Brahmins. @), “It is a progressive caste in more than one way. It has grown steadily and largely, while other Hindu castes had only slight increases... For some generations they ‘have shown. sturdy independence.,..They have also taken up education 8 a means of advance with real earnestness, and are steadily progressing in that respect.” (District Gaxetteer of Varidpur by. O'Malley). “The Namasudra is in fact proud of his Caste. No Namasudra would be likely to conceal his easte. from the enumerator......The awakening of political consciousness among the Namasudras is 4 recent phenomenon which is likely to have a considerable political importanee in ithe future. Already Namasudra members have been returned to Bengal Council ‘idence at the elections in this’ hha District.” ‘Mr. FAwcus—Setilement Report of Khulna—(1905)." “Tt should be stated, as a Community, the Namasudras show considerable aptitude’ for organization, and that the ideals pursued by the better classes among them seam praiseworthy. As an instance of this may be mentioned a Con: ference recently Held (March 1908), which was attended by. Namasudras from Kkulna, the adjoin- ing districts and some districts of Eastern Bengal. Pom the published reports it appears that, its objects were the spread of educatiqn, the establishmens, of a permanent fund and the removal of social evils.” O Manas District Gaxetteer of Khulna—(1908). re = fas are very particular as regards hey never allow. a Enropean yer their cooking piace, on hoard one inadvertently does so while THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 2 and the Namasudra candidate, food is being prepared, it is at oneo thrown away.” O'Mauuny's District Gasetteer of Jessore (1919). “In Jessore and Khulna the Namasudras claim Brahman descent,” (bid). “The Namasudras are not only the most numerous, but also one of the most interesting castes in’ Jessore, owing to their independence and sre aetianes and their efforts to rise in social id). Social Uplift Thrown Info the Background now state.” The thirty seats reserved for the Bengal depressed elasses—nobody knows who exactly they are, have proved to be such a ~ bribe that some of those who formerly claimed to belong to the high castes of Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaishya, now foreswear them- selves and demand promotion (!) to the list of scheduled castes. Mahatma Gandhi has made himself a Harijan by adoption from entirely disinterested, philanthropic and high motives. But such is not the case,with those who now foreswear themselves. It practi- cally amounts to their declaring that they would agree to be considered base-born if {we do not consider them base-born), thereby they could gain some worldly advantage. Their behaviour, however deplorable, can be understood. . But it is difficult to appreciate the attitude of those followers of Mahatma Gandhi who insist on proving that half or more than half the Hindu population of Bengal are depressed, thus degrading them in spite of what many castes themselves say, in order to show that the Poona Pact has given the Bengal depressed castes less seats or not more seats than they ought to have. Mahatmaji did not make the Poona Pact, he simply assented to it. But even if he had” been its author, it would not be sacrosanct. It ought to be altered, if it be found to have been based on™ wrong data, or if it be found undesirable for any reason, ‘That we presume is Mahatmaji’s own attitude. Por he has agreed to consider Dr. Ambedkar’s _proposal to modify *the pancl system of primaryyelection ‘of the depressed class candidates in fayour of a different kind of arrangement. “What's ina Name ?...”> Untouchable, unaplproachable, unshadow- able, Aepresséd, backward, exterior, scheduled NOTES we do not like any of these names. we want is disappear. Next to the Prophet of Islam, what name is hold in greater veneration in the Islamic world than Khalifah or Caliph, which means a successor of Muhammad, the Muhammadan chief civil and religious raler? But in some parts of India, Mussalman tailors are often called Khalifahs. Probably they were at first socalled in order merely to humour them, Take again the word Mehtar. It is a Persian word meaning prince. Outside Inglia it is still used in that sense in some countéies, For example, ‘the ruling prince of Chitral is called, the Mehtar of Chitral. In Persia it was orjginally a title or a part of the title of certain great officers of the royal household. ‘There it now means a groom, a stable boy.” In some parts of India it means a scavenger. What «n irony of fate! We do not know what fate is instore for the word Harijan. What that their connotations should Indirect Unintended Congress Support fo Premier's Communal Decision, efc. Whatever agitation Mahatma Gandhi carries on through the post office by writing in Harijan and to friends must be of a non- political chatacter. So his entire pre-occupa- tion is with securing temple-entry for the so-called untouchables and other human rights. This has led his followers also to devote almost exclusive attention to similar ques- tions concerning these “depressed” classes, We say “almost exclusive attention,” because of interludes like the holding of ‘the last Congress session in Calcutta and, the consequent repressive activities of the Government. When Mahatma Gandhi accepted the Poona Pact and broke his fast, he took care to poitit out that this did not”imply acceptance of the British Prime Minister’s communal decision, commonly known as the Communal Award. But as, being a prisoner, he tannot pronounce any opipions’oa political questions without the permission of the Government,, as he has notepeated again and again his non-acceptance of the Communal Award, and 599 as, as a prisoner, he has by permission of the Government been writing — exslusively on matters relating to untouchability and occasionally, directly or indirectly, signifying his continved adherence to the Poona Pact,. thet pact has become sacred in the eyes of his followers. They appear to haye forgotten that adhering to and defending the Poona Pact implies indirect adherence to and defence of the Communal Award. In order to prevent any such inference being drawa, they ought to “repeat every day, or at least as often as the peat every day "y defend the Poona Pact, that they do not at all ‘aceept the Communal Award and, that they will adhere to the Poona Pact only if the Communal Award stands and cannot be upset. But they are doing nothing of the kind. So far as we are concerned, we have condemned the Communal Award, and we have also condemned the Poona Pact to the extent that it is as harmful to national interests as or more harmful than the Commmal Award. We haye not yet seen any reason to change our attitude. We are as much opposed as ever to all the pregosed divisions and sub-divisions of the natiom in which the White Paper abounds. Oar position is and has throughout con- sistenly been nationalistic and democratic on. the question of constitutional reform. As Hindus we have insisted only on the ordinary equal citizens’ rights for Hindus. We have not claimed any special rights or privileges for them. We have been and still are opposed to separate clectorates and reservation of .soats with or without weightage for any community or class, ” °° The League of Nations treaties for the protection of minority rights represent and embdlly the collective wisdom of the majority of tie civilized nations of the world, includ- ing the British. These +reaties seek protect the Right to Nationality, the Right to life, personal liberty and freedom, of- worship, the Right to equal treatment, Rights with regard to the use of the minority language, and the Right to obtain a share of public, funds deyoted to ed Esgeligions or charitable purposes. “only orities recognized are those of race, language and tor a | | | | | } 600 religion. These treaties do not provide for separate representation of minorities in legis- latures-by separate electorates or reservation of seats, nor do they contain any of the other anti-national and anti-democratie abomina- tions which prevent the growth -of national unity and solidarity or tend to destroy them where they exist to any extent. Ever since the days when we were students we have in practice worked against untouchability and caste. So we welcome all efforts to destroy caste exclusiveness in all directions. But as democracy in social, matters is not antagonistic to democracy in polities but the two are interdependent ,and strengthen each other, we desire that the country as a whole should make simultaneous progress in all directions. Hence we are opposed to the communal award and its ‘amendment in part, the Poona Pact. Western Colour Bar and Indian Untouchability Mahatma Gandhi has said that in, fighting the battle of the Harijans he is fighting for the rights of all those in every country who haye been deprived of the enjoyment of their human heritage. In East and West alike there ave large numbers of these disinherited brothers and sisters. If India can restore to them their heritage, that would be a lesson to those in and of the West whose mental vision is warped by colour prejudice. The following passage, reproduced in The Month of London for April, 1933, published by Longmans Green and Co., shows to extent colour prejudice exists even in ized America : “Now, therefore, if the: Negro is man, just truly as the white man, it follows that ‘whateyer rights or prerogatives belong to man a8 man, must not be denied to the Negro. “And yet in certain parts of disabilities are heaped upon him because be is a Negro, In many localities he is denied the vote, even though that-denial involves fraud or force on the part of ‘the white man. In some sections as our country (iI. 8. A.] athe same work. In other sections he is @harged higher rent than ‘he white man_ for the same housing. Eis natural ambition to rise to some- thing better than menial occupation and to fit bim- self for it, is frustrated by local law, by custom or even by phgsical violence; he is refused admittance membership in white eburches ; he date not he receives lower wages than tie white man for® to certiin trads unions ; in many States he is denied” THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 = Z attempt to take communion with likewise, except in the North, he cannot attend schools, public or private, with the whites, and the public schcols into ‘which he is segregated are inferior in architecture, in location andsin scholastic standing to the others, although the black man pays his school-tax like any other man, He is kept oni of select hotels, restaurants, and aces of public entertainment, ‘not only in the Routh but in the North.’—Rev. Jaws Mf, Giouis, G.S. Ps, quoted in Catholic Missions, March, 1933. Counferacting Lies about India ‘That many Britishers and their American hirelings tell lies about India is perhaps mostly due to eagerness to safe-guard British monopoly, domination and self-interest ; but possibly colour prejudice has also something ” to do with it. Dr. Rabindranath Tagore has issued a statement in which he observes that he fully agrees with what Mr. V. J. Patel has recently said in London about the need_of counter- acting anti-Indian propaganda in the West, “aot by display of sur injured feelings, but by sober presentation abroad of facts and figures bout the present situation in this country.” It is not this year that Tagore, or some other persons too, have felt this need for the first tinfe. When the present writer was travelling with him from Dresden to Berlin in October 1926, the Poet spoke to him about the urgent necessity of sending to some newspaper in England accurate information relating to India at short regular intervals ; for some Europeans believed in anti-Indian propaganda merely because of their ignorance, though “others might do so because of malice and self-interest. When we had this conversation ina railway tfain in Germany the Poet said that the Manchester Guardian would be willing to publish contributions containiug such accurate facts and figures. Dr. Scott of the Manchester Guardian, who had high regard for Tagore, ewas then alive. We are not sure whether the present. conductors of the Manchester paper x would care for such ~contributions from Indian writers. Ta the Poet’s statement referred to above he cites some examples of lying propaganda. In>‘Tribene de Geneve” is “published an interview, supposed to have, been given by mo to, the’ tate Mr. Londres, trying to injure the whites 5 Mahatmaji’s reputation, and thus insult my own character, using language utterly incongruous to me, “This fictitious interview is supposed to have “been waiting long years amongst the posthumous spapers of the journalist, and published by his friend when’ the writer can no longer be challenged. ; “Next comes a letter from Koenigsberg ‘from the great Indologist Glasnapp, who’ asks my authority for eontradieting the libellous remarks attributed to Mahatmaji and myself in a book called “India” by the Italian author—Mr. Luciano Magrini. [ am also made to express my approval of, the author's statements. “T have never heard of the author or his book. { have been able to contradict these lies, because they were brought before me by my friend3, “Daring my" visit in South America,” Twas surprised to find twice within a few weexs information startlingly calumnious exploiting she ignorance of the xeaders ina well-known Argenti- nian. paper. = “The ‘antkentic fact? was given with circum. i ils about a slave market in Calcutta, girls are bought and sold. - ys later a photograph of a Parsee Tower of Silence was printed with a note below explaining that in these towers living bodies of heretics are offered by Hindus to kites and vultures, and that the “British Government trying to suppress this practice. “These news significantly coinciled with my visit to that country, where I was welcomed as representing India. The statement concludes with the following apt and correct observatjons in felicitous language. , “The great. English poet referred to the loss of one’s reputation as a Eee tragedy than that of having one’s purse stolen. ‘The minor raged: has, as it is “too late in the day to need special reference, happened abundantly in India. But the gteater one must be averted in time. “We are apt to forget that all polities today in all countries have their common background in world politics, No government’ in the world however powerful, can do withouta the moral fupport of tho | wider humanity and that is why politicians include “it in their diplomatic dealing to cultivate world opinion often with the manure of lies. We do not know the forces that are at the back of the propaganda against India, hut that it is efficient, and has a sound financial power to snpport it, is evident. “For fighting such a grave menace some mere spora oratorical displays or casual visits in foreign lands by gifted individuals ean never have ~ any lasting effect. What is needed is to establish fnlly equipped Information Centres ia the West, from where the organized voice of Infia may have the opportanity to send abroad her jtdgment and her appeal.” it is no doubt true that we do not definitely know the* forces that are at the . back of lying anti-Indiin propoganda, . but guesses are sometimes not wide of the mark. - H-14 7 e NOTES 601 Fully equipped Information Centres are certainly required. ‘They presuppose the supply of money and men. Men can be found. It would be difficult but not impossible to get money also. Mc. Polak on the Indian Situation A Free Press special cable from London, dated April 21 last, tells us that Mr. Polak, who recently returned from a tour in India, speaking at the Indian Conciliation Group luncheon, gave some of his impressions of India. He “said that there was now probably less contact between the administration and the people than ever before, and expressed astonishment. at the deterioration of the situation in India during the last five years. He found in almost all circles a disbelief in British goodwill, honour and fairplay Referring to a certain prevailing opinion that the day of civil disobedience has passed, -he said that many of the younger people were beginning to ask themselves whether Gandhiji’s policy of non- “violence was the right on This would be an ugly development, if it spread on a large scale. The older people are unwilling to check the younger generation, because they thought them right in resenting the present situation. ; “If you ask the young people.” Mr. Polak declared, they will say,” “we at biding our time, We know what we want and it is only a matter of expediency as to which method shall be used.” e Explaining objections to the White Paper, Mf. Polak warned that even if the new constitution was aceepted, India would not be satisfied, becanso she would not be satisfied until she “obtained Dominion status. What Mr. Polak said about less contact in India between the administration and the people than ever before and about disbelief in this country in British goodwill, honour and fair play “in many circles is correct. , But all this should not have caused astonish ment. People are not astonished at natural and. explicable consequences. Mr. Polak has friends in various parts of the corntry—more perhaps in Upper India than elsewhere. We are not aware that his recent tour included Bengal, which some people wrongly represent as the exclusive - home ,and nursery of the cult of violence. Did Mr. Polak, then, find - the older people in provinges other than Bengal “tnwilling to check the younger generation”? In what parts of the country did he place-bimself in Vontact with both the older ana the younger people ? 602 - We ask these questions, because they relate to vital issues. Sume of our previous notes in this number relate to the how and when of India’s attainment of freedom. Mr. Polak’s speech in London _ indirectly raises the question whether’ Indians would adopt violent or non-violent means to win freedom. Such a question cannot, of course, be openly discussed. Neither ean it be done in private; as the older people cannot easily _ establish contact with the younger ones, and perhaps the latter do not trust the former. [ven if - the most experienced and wisest leaders want openly to dissuade the young advocates of the cult bf violence from’ practising what they believe in, the act of dissuasion cannot be performed effectively. For to convince them, ene must argue and give reasons. Such a process implies that the arguments of the advocates of violence must be stated and then réfuted. As the law stands, these arguments canngt be safely stated even for the purpose of refuting them. But assuming that the Executive allowed them to be stated for the purpose of refutation, if the arguments brought forward to refute those of the physi- cal ‘Toree school were not exhaustively or forcibly or convincingly stated, the dissuader would lay himself open to the charge that he had ‘intentionally understated the case for non-vioience in order indirectly to incite people to violence. “Mr. Polak was fortunate in obtaining the confidence of both the older people and the younger generation. Many of us are not so fortunate. Evidently it must be presumed that séme old and young Indians trust some foreigners more than thgir own countrymen. As for Dominion status, nothing short pf it-can satisfy any important group. But there are influential people whom even Dominion status will not please. a Congress and Government “It has been officially stated’ that Congress has not been considered and declared’ an unlawful body, Yet the Reception Comutittee which* was formed in Calcutta for making preparations for holding its 47th session in this city was’ declared an unlawful body and * ° successive Chairmen of this Committee were THE MODERN REVIEW FOR MAY, 1933 ce 7 thrown into jail and its members, so far as known to the police, received the samo treatment. So it comes to this that those who form themselves into a committee for making preparations for the holding of » session of a lawful body may be considered an unlawful body and punished, at the discretion of the Executive ! Local Governments all over India made the utmost efforts for preventing the holding of the session of the lawful body yclept the Indian National Congress. Those who were suspected of proceeding to Calcutta from outside to attend the session of this lawful body as delegates were arrested and thrown into'yail. At some mofussil railway stations the sale of tickets to Calcutta was stopped for a few days. ‘In Calcutta if the public parks, squares, street ecrners and other places of public resort which the police could think of as likely places for fae Congress to meet were closed to the public and strongly giiarded by the police. Yet the resource- fulness of the’ Congress management proved superior to the conjectural genius of the police. At 8 p.m. sharp on the first of April last the delegates assembled at one of the busiest centres of the city—at the tramway passengers’ waiting pavilion at the Dharumtala-Esplanade crossing. Mrs. J..M. Sen Gupta was elected president. She began to read her. cpeech, but was arrested and prevented from finishing it. But the delegates, many of whom were arrested batch by batch as they approached or reached thé pavilion, managed somehow to adopt the following resolutions : 1, Goan or IxpErENpeNce.

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