A sense of History

16. March 1998

Question: "We should draw a line over the past and move on if we want to end the
conflict." discuss.
Does this quote by John Hume invite the reader to put current history to the arc
hives and be innovative in order to end the current Northern Irish conflict? Bas
ically is it the idea of turning a new leaf - the tabula rasa? If past grievance
s are put to rest, then one can look to the future? This kind of attitude toward
s History has been known as Futurism, a European literary movement derived from
romanticism.
Or would draw a line mean to analyse the past in a scientific manner in order to
find out what caused the grievances in the first place and moving on could be u
nderstood as making peace over th past grievances? Would this enable us to end t
he conflict. This is an approach adopted in the past by the Anglo-Irish historia
n Edmund Burke.
The conclusion will ask the question as how a line can be drawn on the past to s
olve the conflict and reflect on how history has been recuperated by propagandis
ts of all colours and kinds. We cast a pragmatic eye over the chances of integra
ted teaching of history that aims at ending the (cross-community) conflict. *
It has been claimed that people in this country grow up ignorant of their histor
y and they many not get the whole picture. They miss positive examples on which
to build single identity and cross community work. Is there a need to reform his
tory teaching in schools. Why should people learn about the past? The cliché of the
historian would be an archaeologist, a professor stuck in a stuffy library, som
ebody in an ivory tower keeping himself busy with antiquated, fastidious studies
about events long gone. History evoking period dramas and school lessons, nothi
ng much to get really excited about. The popular expression "that's history" ill
ustrates that meaning. Partisans of Futurism (a movement founded by G.Marinetti
and K.Capek, in the 1920s) would tell to look at the future. They speak about pr
ogress, think of the new millennium and new agendas. Or, as Leon Trotzky puts it
: "The Futurists are busy cutting the cord which binds them to the Priest of bou
rgeois literary traditions"(1) - meaning they want to sever the links to old fas
hioned style of writing. Edmund Burke wrote about the innovators (at his time no
t known as futurists): "The innovative spirit is in general the combined result
of interested and narrowminded views. The ones who do not consider their ancesto
rs would not much consider their posterity"(2)
Burke, and the man who quotes him, 19th C French social reformer Frederic Le Pla
y, advocate not to make a break with the past. Both authors were strong critics
of the French revolution. Frederic Le Play arguing that the French Revolution de
stroyed some of the positive aspecs of the old French state as he focused on "th
e safeguards of the human being in the divine order and the religious principles
"(3). Burke advocated, a hundred years before, that any system can be reformed "
Burke did not oppose revolution per se, his opposition to the French revolution
emanated from two premises, first, the French constitution was reformable and he
nce the revolution unjustifiable, second the Revolution was an unprecedented eve
nt in history"(4). Psychoanalysis by Freud tells us that past traumas come to ha
unt us in our current lives, part of the therapy would be to recognise them and
to face them, not to deny them. In order to understand our current situation, on
e has to know the facts of the past and this prompted the French historian Theil
hard de Chardin to say "nothing can be understood without history"(5). Hence the
need of a scientific approach of history, the fact finding mission and the know
ledge that one may never know the complete truth. Historians should be modest en
ough to admit that they can be fallible (and most are!)
However, what often happened was that historical research was not conducted in s
uch a way. It was used as a way of propaganda to suit whoever needed it. Leon Tr
otzki dismissing the Russian Futurists by writing that "We Marxists live in trad
itions, and we have not stopped being revolutionits on account of it (â ¦) We lived a
revolutionary tradition."(6), he explains the so-called revolutionary traditions
whilst recuperating events from history. This is the so-called "evolutionary ap
proach". For example, when he wrote his own "History of Ireland" in 1775, the Ir
ish historian John Curry detected "The calumny of Temple, Borface, Campton and C
arew had become the popular belief in England"(7) (basically they said that the
Irish were a murderous people). As an example of propaganda, we just need to loo
k at the way 1690 has been interpreted by the Orange Order, or 1798, recuperated
both by Sinn Fein and some Unionists. A typical middle-class Unionist approach
of the 1798 rebellion in Wrexford would be that it was a sectarian bloodbath. Ke
vin Wheelan notes that "the sectarian explanation in which the Scullabogue and W
rexford Bridges Massacres loom large, was essentially a propagandist creation, a
necessary scapegoating of the beaten rebels and a ploy to detach Presbyterian U
lster from Radicalism"(8). Modern day Irish Republican would also have their own
evolutionist views, indeed, Sinn Fein's president Gerry Adams thinks it fit to
be seen at Vinegar Hill when the commemoration will take place. In fact, commemo
rations are usually a pretext to start a stanza and stand-offs of any kind. Ther
e are abundant examples of folklore.
On the opposite scale, some other people may look at the past with rose-tinted g
lasses. They evoke the good old days and idealise the past. A humourous quote in
a music magazine illustrate that kind of nostalgia: "Midday in Carnaby Street.
Jean Shrimpton gallivants by. a shopping bag dangling from her arm. Smartly dres
sed men on vespas eye her up as she shimmers past. Big Ben chimes merrily in the
distance (â ¦) England have won the World Cup and Britain swings gently in the summer
daylight. It is 1966 and everything is wonderful."(9). A Belfast man from New B
arnsley summarizes the dangers of such nostalgia: "Our memories are the greatest
liars we have. People talk about the good old days. (â ¦) It's easy to look back and
say they were the good old days but there was very few people happy then. Damn t
he good old days."(10). Therefore, there is a need to tread cautiously. The appr
oach of the United Irishmen Commemoration Society founded in 1996 is commendable
: "The Society is committed to no particular interpretation of those events, it
is inclusive, not exclusive. It is non-sectarian and non-political"(11).
We come to the conclusion that in order to draw a line on the past to solve the
conflict, Futurism or historical amnesia is not the solution. People need to kno
w the facts about the past in order to understand the present and reform the cur
rent situation. From this arises one last question: Would an objective view of h
istory solve the conflict? In this particular case, would an accurate knowledge
of British/Irish/Northern Irish/European and local history help ending the prese
nt Northern Irish conflict?
We have seen that apparently for people determined to prove a point, history is
a convenient tool. They will be able to claime some kind of legitimacy if they a
re careful to omit certain facts which could contradict their theories. Trotzky'
s example is only one of them. For instance, a Portadown man noticed that the Po
pe financed the 1690 expedition by William of Orange, a fact carefully ignored b
y some Protestant evolutionists who want to celebrate 1690 as a religious event,
rather than the product of European intrigue and politics that it was. "Look at
the History that is taught here. How many Protestants are aware of the fact tha
t William's army was financed by the Pope? It was because James was becoming too
obstreperous and that's why. When the Pope financed his army it was to put Jame
s off the throne. It was a Protestant state even then and it still is a Protesta
nt state. If you saw a Protestant walking down the streets at the Twelth, and if
you asked him why he was celebrating 1690 when the Pope paid for it, sure he wo
uld laugh at you. I think that Protestant people should be made aware of things
like that."(12). On the other hand, would be knowing these facts disrupt the 12t
h traditions?
The desire to make people aware of the full historical picture lead the reformer
s in favour of integrated education to argue that if both communities were schoo
led within the same system, sectarianism would be challenged. Educational reform
s would shape future generations in a different, more tolerant way. "When you ta
lk about Protestant children being educated in state schools, Catholic children
learning about Irish history, I think it would be far more beneficial if there w
as integrated education (â ¦). I think that it would give a better understanding to sc
hool children in Northern Ireland. Since 1969 it's been stupid, people on both s
ides burned out of their homes, and then adults, parents telling their children
"you can't mix with them. They are the other sort". Foolish." (13)
It is indeed logical to think that if ordinary citizens get more educated about
history, they would see through political appropriation of history and dismiss t
he manipulators. They would be able to "draw the line and end the conflict". It
is a difficult question because a pragmatic will argue that if people are determ
ined not to live in peace, they would find other excuses than what they call pas
t grievances to express their hate or justify their greed, ignorance and injusti
ce. Therefore talks about developing a better knowledge of the past, getting rid
of false myths and propaganda by conducting an open-minded investigation, learn
ing the moral lessons from the past and drawing inspiration from the positive el
ements in order to progress on our spiritual growth, moral conception, single id
entity and cross-community work all this would not find much a sympathic ear wit
h those kinds of people. In the end, drawing the line means to opt for a moral c
hoice, and no education bill, no history lesson, no commemoration, no amnesia ca
n coerce anybody to make a choice in either direction.
But drawing a line and moving on has been on the agenda of people determined to
end the conflict in Northern Ireland. Betty Williams, in her Nobel Prize accepta
nce speech in December 1977 expresses just that kind of view: "To break these ol
d thought patterns, people must begin to break the barriers, physical barriers,
ideological barriers, barriers of prejudice and hatred of every kindâ ¦by the force of
love."(14)
D.A. Hoffman for Ulster People's College Belfast - Community Relations Course (1
997-1998)(funded by the European Community Fund) History module Tutor: David Off
icer
References:
1) Leon Trotzky: Literature and Revolution (publ. 1971) University of Michigan,
Page 130
2) Edmund Burke quoted in French by Frederic Le Play in "La Methode Sociale" (18
64) Introduction - my own translation
3) Paul Neurisse: Economie Sociale (1982) Presse Universitaire Francaise page 36
4) Steven Blackmore in " Burke and the French Revolution - Bicentennia l Essays
." (1992) University of Athens (Georgia USA) Page 153
5) This is a famous quote by French existentialist historian Theilhard de Chardi
n, exact reference not available to me.
6) Leon Trotzky: Literature and Revolution Page 131
7) John Curry "History of Ireland"(1775), introduction. Quoted by Liz Curtis in
"Nothing but the Same old story" (1991) Information on Ireland, London
8) Kevin Wheelan: Politization in County Wrexford and Origins of the 1798 Rebell
ion in "Ireland and the French Revolution" edited by Hugh Gough and David Dixon
(1990) Irish Academy Press, Dublin, page 156.
9) Jim Wirth: "At least you can hear the words" (7/3/98) New Musical Express (NM
E) London Page 18
10) Belfast New Barnsley Man quoted in "Working class community in Northern Irel
and" by Peter McNamee and Tom Lovett (1987) Ulster People's College, Belfast Pag
e 385
11) United Irishmen Commemoration Society Journal (Feb. 1998) Belfast. Page 16
12) Portadown man quoted in Working Class Community, page385
13) Belfast Divis Man quoted in Working Class Community page 385
14) Betty Williams quoted in "Lay down your arms" (1993) United Nations Library
in Geneva & the Archives of the League of Nations in cooperation with the perman
ent Mission of Austria to the United Nations.

As a brief answer to this I would say, it is possible to write an objective hist

ory of Ireland, but the historians will have to distance themselves, at least em
otionally if not even geographically and look at all events with the eyes of new
comers. Then, the events in the history of Ireland have to be replaced in their
wider context, at British Isles, even European level. Because some of them were
repercussions of events in Europe and also in the States. The sources have to be
varied to obtain a cross-community image that transcends the classes.
Myths and symbols are important for a culture because some of them mark special
events or religious festivals. However, it is important to check them out for wh
at they really are and then make a personal choice.