THE UNIVERSITY OF THE WEST INDIES

ST. AUGUSTINE, TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

KARENN M. SEUNATH

808010180

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

BSc PSYCHOLOGY

SOCI 3036- POLICE and SOCIETY

Course work essay

Develop a program for community policing in a specified area in Trinidad and Tobago that
includes consideration of successful reintegration of deportees into communities and must
identify a method for evaluating the effectiveness of the program. Your answer should involve a
discussion of Trinidad and Tobago’s societal background, define and explain community
policing, analyse the advantages and disadvantages of such an approach and identify the
challenges associated with deportees. You must use theory and course material to support your
analysis.
Karenn M. Seunath 808010180

Trinidad and Tobago, a twin-island state at the bottom of the Caribbean has an ethnically
diverse population of 1.3 million. According to Ramesh Deosaran (2003), this former British
colony is a mixture of 40 per cent African, 40 per cent East Indian, 18 per cent Mixed and the
remaining two per cent is classified as Others (Chinese, Syrians, Lebanese etcetera). Kenneth
Pryce (1976), in his discussion of a Caribbean Criminology postulates the need for research and
theoretical work to take note of factors such as the islands’ history of race-slavery during the
days of colonial rule and its effect on the present day societies. While under British rule,
Trinidad and Tobago was a plantation society; every aspect of the slaves’ lives were governed by
the slave master. Laws and the formal institutions of social control that carried out the laws
discriminated in favour of the white slave master. According to Pryce not much has changed in
the intervening years; indeed as Lowenthal puts it: “What distinguishes Caribbean legal systems
is that those discriminated against constitute the great majority”. He further claims that in the
eyes of the general populace the police is seen as an agent of social control of the ruling class
and are treated with mistrust.

Deosaran in his piece “A Caribbean Portrait of Crime, Justice and Community Policing,”
discusses the problem faced with Caribbean policing. He posits that policing in the Caribbean,
and by extension that of Trinidad and Tobago, has a quandary due to its past as a plantation
society. This agent of social control was developed to meet the needs of the British imperialists;
thus, the police by and large have only operated as an antagonistic agent of formal control, on the
general public i.e. the working class. The spectre of race-slavery is still felt with the gulf between
the police and the general populace, so much so that even efforts at bridging the divide using
community policing has had failure. This mistrust is fuelled by the numerous ‘use of force’
incidents by the police where members of the public are victims of assault and murder. This lack
of faith in the police by the Trinidad and Tobago further hampers attempts at community
policing (Deosaran, 2003).

Bennett and Morabito (2006) postulate that the Trinidad and Tobago police service has
become estranged from the general population; this can be attributed to incidents of drug
charges, corruption in the force as well as decisions against the service in the courts. The general
perception of the police service is one of indifference, ineptness and fraudulence i.e. the police
service has a weak legitimacy. Therefore, the police itself feels discouraged, alienated from the

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public and thus are openly hostile towards members of the community. Bennett and Morabito
further note that since community-based policing measures need the support and cooperation of
the public to exist the issue of legitimacy is of grave consequence to the service.

Community policing is still a relatively new phenomena in Trinidad and Tobago society; this
is so since according to Deosaran (2002), the Association of Caribbean Commissioners of Police
(ACCP) only adopted community policing as a measure in its 24 states in 1993. Oliver (1998)
claims that community policing is a model of policing whereby in a specific geographical area-
for instance Marabella in Trinidad and Tobago- a sense of community is encouraged and
promoted so as to improve the quality of life. Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce (2004) points out that
as Oliver (1998) states; there is little agreement on a specific definition of community policing
however there are several concepts that are mentioned repeatedly in the literature and seems to
be included in most discussions of the topic: “community involvement, problem-solving, and
organizational decentralization.” As quoted by Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce (2004):

The decentralization of the police helps to improve the quality of life of the citizenry
according to Oliver (1998); with the assistance of three mechanisms that are executed in tandem.
These are known as: “(1) … the redistribution of traditional police resources; (2) … the
interaction of police and all community members to reduce crime and the fear of crime through
indigenous proactive programs; and (3)... a concerted effort to tackle the causes of crime
problems rather than to put band-aids on the symptoms”.

The AACP sees community-oriented policing, as according to Trinidad and Tobago former
Commissioner of Police Hilton Guy (2000), a system of cooperation between the police service
and the community which aims to recognize and resolve the problems in the community. This
makes the police and community equal stakeholders in the drive to promote the safety and
quality of life of the designated neighbourhood. Furthermore, with the police and the residents
being partners in the maintenance of social order, the police are no longer sole custodians of law
and order. Deosaran (2004) however notes that even with all the ideas such as “forming
community partnerships,” “serving community needs,” “decentralised authority” these still
remain just theoretical concepts. Indeed, Deosaran sees it as a total ideological change from the
former law enforcement model to one focussed on sociological and psychological philosophy.
For any of these community-based policing techniques to be worthwhile, it needs to be adapted

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to a Caribbean construct. This point has been discussed at the Eight Meeting of the Caricom
Task Force on Crime and Security with Commissioners from across the region noting that
although some of the concepts of community policing may be common to all parts of the world;
the Caribbean’s unique social, political and legal characteristics must be noted if community-
oriented policing is to be a valid entity in the region.

Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce (2004), in following a Functionalist line of thought, comments

that the community is seen as dividing the responsibility for crime control and order
maintenance. This upholds Durkheim’s belief in social solidarity and value consensus in that,
members of the community aids the police in troubleshooting. Williams (2008), claims that
Durkheim saw deviance as necessary, normal and functional for society; this is so since crime
can lead to social change as well aiding in the maintenance of social cohesion. Thus, it may be
more important that deviance is factor in social change than the actual at of deviance itself;
furthermore as Williams observes the social solidarity of the community is essential when
discussing the position towards a particular crime or law. For instance, residents of Marabella (a
suburban area in San Fernando) may react differently to deportees than persons from a rural area
such as Penal in Siparia.

Sutherland (1942) an ecologist, coming from the Chicago School of thought put forward that
it is quite likely that exposure to crime by primary institutions such as the family, school, friends
has more of an impact than secondary institutions or formal agents of social control like the
police service. Thus, in order for community policing to be effective the police service needs to
ensure a close relationship with the members of the area under their jurisdiction.

Brogden (2004), talks about exporting community policing strategies in an African context;
however, this applicable to the Trinidad and Tobago, in that the African continent especially the
English-speaking part has some similarities to the Caribbean state. Both belong to third-world
nation states formally under colonial rule thus this export drive from Western societies is nothing
new. In a very Marxist way of thinking, Brogden posits that the new forms of police institution
are still motivated “donor interest and customer demand” in the same manner as its colonial
counterpart. The police institution is seen as a stabilising force during social change; while also
being profitable to transnational corporations and businessmen as they look to find a suitable

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market for their Western style. Another more altruistic motive is community policing as a
measure in favour of human rights issues.

Deportees can be considered a specialized part of the population of Trinidad and Tobago
because in many cases for most of their lives they did not consider themselves citizens of this
particular nation (74 per cent claimed that had left before they were twenty according to Barnes
and Seepersad, 2008). In addition, the bulk of deportees had been permanent residents when they
were deported (63 per cent in fact). In a study done for CARICOM in 2008, Barnes and
Seepersad discuss some of the social impacts that deportation has on the citizenry; it is especially
noteworthy that deportees consented to self-report interviews thus there is first-hand accounts in
the data. Since the deportees had no real connection with their country of birth, it is quite
unsurprising that there was a severe sense of culture shock with deportees feeling as if they did
not belong in Trinidad and Tobago. Indeed, they saw themselves as suffering a grave injustice in
being sent away from the place they had known as ‘home’ for most of their lives.

To further compound this, 98.7 per cent of respondents left behind their children in their
former county when they were deported. Leaving aside the emotional problems this separation
causes on the families; there is also the financial aspect of the situation. As reported by the study
74 per cent of Trinidad and Tobago deportees, stated they were unable to provide monetary
assistance to their offspring. This is additionally highlighted by just over half of the sample
population claiming they were unemployed. As it can be seen, deportation has distressing social
and psychological effects to all those involved.

Community policing techniques should try to reintegrate this vulnerable section of the
population since according to Barnes and Seepersad (2008) that according to respondents 62 per
cent took part in criminal activities after they had been deported. Most claimed to be repeat
offenders who took part in two or more crimes since being sent to Trinidad and Tobago. The
official data on crime notes that deportees were 3.5 times more likely than the general populace
to be arrested. The self-reported criminal activity shows that respondents claimed to have
committed crimes to much a larger extent and that seen in the official statistics. Assaults and
drug-related crimes were the most common forms of offences committed; and furthermore, there
was a strong positive correlation in increases in deportation and the increase in the crime rate in
Trinidad and Tobago.

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This is not to say that deported persons are the main reason for this trend during the review
period (1990-2005). Some deportees saw themselves as scapegoats in regards to the crime
situation; they are an easy way to explain the rapid rise in criminal activity and see this as quite
unfair especially in light of the fact they have reformed. However, others see crime as the only
way a deported individual can eke out an existence; they believe that there is no other option
open to them.

Marabella in San Fernando is a suburban community in Trinidad and Tobago; and

according, to Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce (2004) since it is a generally homogenous, relatively
well-off and stable neighbourhood, there is good basis for a community-based policing system to
be able to succeed. Bennett and Morabito (2006) believe that due to writers such as Goldstein
(1990), Greene and Mastrofski (1988), and Trojanowicz, Pollard, Colgan, and Harden (1986) a
new wave of policing has been started, with the idea that strategies for policing and policing
itself must have participation from the community members-at-large. Important factors of note
are that dealings between the community and the police service must both redefine what is
considered traditional police work as well as develop ways to improve the results. In addition to
this, the approach of the service needs to move away from a reactionary role in law enforcement
to a more proactive role.
Deosaran (2002) believes that Trinidad and Tobago is the state with the most progress in the
development of community policing. For instance, the announcement by both the police service
and the government in 1996; that community policing would benefit from a reformation of the
police as well as more resources i.e. in terms of manpower and vehicles. No other Caribbean
island has made such declarations.

In the course of implementing community policing, the former Trinidad and Tobago
Commissioner of Police started an “immersion programme” in 2001. Officers in the service are
given classes on community police sensitisation (Deosaran, 2002). This course of action is
suitable for Marabella, since understand the concerns of individuals they are charged with the
responsibility of overseeing as well as being able to communicate in a manner that is both
professional and accessible. This is part of the ideology that community policing should be
personalized to suit the district. The officers are now reachable to the public, insofar as possible
the police officers should be on a first-name basis with residents; the loss of anonymity is good

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in that the police officer is accepted into the community. This leads to a higher probability that
the officer would be able comprehend, thwart and take action in response to community
problems; thus the accountability to the citizenry is enhanced.

In a like manner, there should also be seminars on ways to deal deported persons; for
instance there community-based police officers should be given adequate and timely information
about any deportees in their area, in this case Marabella. Indeed, Barnes and Seepersad (2008)
found in that those involved in law-enforcement articulated a desire for more information from
the deporting counties. Thus, officers lack capability to make decisions regarding the possible
risk levels of deportees; this information would be useful in an area like Vistabella where the
community police would be able keep a watchful eye on a deported person depending on his
risk-level.

Community policing in Marabella can provide assistance to vulnerable groups such as

deportees through random welfare checks. This may prove necessary since as Barnes and
Seepersad found deported persons lack familial support and are generally experiencing culture
shock due living away from this country for most of their lives. The attitude of tight-knit
communities in a suburban area like Marabella would not be helpful; since it is likely the
residents would be suspicious of anyone who they would consider an ‘outsider.’ The community
officers should try to help bridge the gap inasmuch as possible; for instance help the deportee
find a transition centre where social workers would be able to better assistance in the form of
counselling, job training, all the relevant paperwork etcetera.

. The social worker and community police officer can evaluate the deportees in order to judge
how much of a risk the individual is to other members of the society. However, if any deported
person has identified as a threat to public safety; they need to be dealt with so the individual
should be monitored by officers regularly. There should be a system whereby there are certain
criteria that must be met for monitoring orders to be issued against individuals. In ways like this,
the community police are able to provide a full-service to the area under its supervision.

Meetings with all relevant stakeholders should be held regularly to ensure the smooth
functioning of the community-oriented policing. Deosaran (2004) speaks of the need for
roundtable discussions to create a structure for community policing; individuals from the top to

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the bottom of the police hierarchy should be in attendance to meet with the residents of the
district. Hence, one of the mandates of a community-based policing system would be fulfilled; it
will be built from the ground up- using the experiences of those at the top, Deosaran sees this as
important to both officers and the community. Moreover, the basic concepts of community
policing can be discussed in light of the Caribbean experience; therefore, only those aspects
relevant to the area will be those implemented instead of trying to use Western ideals wholesale.

With respect to deported persons, Barnes and Seepersad (2008), suggest that public
education on their situation should take place to deal with the stigmatization meted out to
deportees. Community policing means that not only will the police are available physically at all
times of the day and night; he will be accessible through technology as well. Thus, through
meetings with the community as well as the internet; the public can be better informed of the
rights of deported persons. A knowledgeable public is less likely to stigmatize, label, stereotype
and discriminate against another person.

Crime data is seen as crucial to attract and maintain support for community policing; it is
needed for a new type of appreciation for the role of this information with regards to good
governance (Deosaran, 2004). Through problem-solving data can be gathered from the
community in ways such as: community surveys, focus group meetings, crime-mapping tools; to
get a proper understanding of the existence of crime patterns in the community according to
Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce.

Bennett and Morabito (2006) highlight that: community policing is a move away from
traditional police roles (Lurigio and Skogan) through the launching of highly significant
partnerships within the community (Cordner, 2001). Proactive partnerships between the
community police and the neighbourhood should be cultivated; the citizens could help in the
creation of effective ways to check the impact of community policing. To ensure that
community-based is functioning properly, feedback from the general public is necessary. This
can take place through community impact/satisfaction surveys, open forums, meetings with
relevant interest groups where individuals can air their grievances and discuss what is needed to
move forward. This gives members of the community a sense of empowerment i.e. the
confidence that they do have a say in their future.

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However, community officers should be able to judge the effectiveness of the programme
also so their input is needed to have a democratic management system. Using ideas from Cordner
(2001), as discussed in the lecture notes, the members are motivated to take part in community
policing due to incentives; they are kept interested in the programme because of advancements in
employee assistance and attitude surveys can be use to figure how satisfied they are with their
position.
Due to the rapid spread of globalisation, transnational crimes such as: drug trafficking,
tourist crimes, transnational terrorism, customs and immigration scams countries such as the
United States of America, Canada and the United Kingdom feel it is necessary to monitor
community policing in the Caribbean (Deosaran, 2002). This status of Trinidad and Tobago as a
tourist destination necessitates that security and safety must be taken quite seriously; a strong
system of community-based policing would inspire confidence in potential tourists.

Thus far, all the potential benefits to Marabella, San Fernando have been discussed; yet there
are downsides to the creation of community-oriented policing. Deosaran (2004) comments on the
desire of Caribbean nations to see a reduction in criminal activity as soon as possible; but,
community policing as a crime-fighting measure takes time- for example, officers need to time to
gain the trust of community members. Community policing is not effective in the short-term so it
is not considered viable by many of those in authority such as governments that wish to be seen
as doing something to alleviate crime in the short-term.

Deosaran (2004) also mentions that there are the possible risks of getting too involved in
community affairs or somehow supplying a community cover to criminals. In addition, according
to former Commissioner Guy, the police organisation itself may have problems adapting from
the militaristic style of training they underwent to a community policing-based system.

According to Goldsmith (2005) trust in the police service gives it legitimacy and is more
likely to encourage collaboration between the police and the community. However, the public of
Trinidad and Tobago in general- and Marabella in particular- maybe mistrustful of the service as
a throwback to the days of plantation society and what Pryce (1976) called race-slavery. Another
reason for this mistrust is what Goldsmith (2005) defined as excessive force i.e. the use of force
beyond what is considered justifiable. Deosaran (2003) sees ‘use of force’ as a way the

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relationship between the community and the police become strained. Furthermore, Deosaran
(2002) notes that there is a lack of confidence in the police system due in part to the way in
which police complaints are dealt with issues of ‘use of force’.

Marabella, a suburban part of Trinidad and Tobago, is seen to be an area suited to Caribbean
policing in that it is homogenous, stable and is not impoverished. The inclusion of deported
persons may pose some initial problems with regards to community policing measures; but
possible solutions to the problems that may arise have been found. The history of the country as
well as the way the police have dealt with the citizenry may pose much more daunting challenges
to the future of community policing in the area.

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Bibliography

 Barnes, A.,, Seepersad, R. 2008. “Beyond Boundaries: A Comparative Study on Criminal

Deportation in Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, and Antigua.” Prepared for
CARICOM.
 Bennett, R.R.,, Morabito, M.S. 2006. “Determinants of Constables’ Perceptions of
Community Support in Three Developing Nations.” Police Quarterly 9(2): 234-265.
http://pqx.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/9/2/234
 Brogden, M. 2004. “Commentary: Community Policing: A Panacea from the West.” African
Affairs. Royal African Society. 103(413): 635-649.
 Chappell, A.T.,, Lanza-Kaduce, L. 2004. “Integrating Sociological Research and Theory with
Community-Oriented Policing: Bridging the Gap between Academics and Practice.” Journal
of Applied Sociology/Sociological Practice 21(2): 80-98.
 Deosaran, R. 2002. “Community policing in the Caribbean: Context, community and police
capability.” Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 25(1):
125-146. http://www.emeraldinsight.com/1363-951X.htm
 Deosaran, R. 2003. “Use of Force by Police in the Caribbean: Towards a Social
Psychological Analysis.” In Ramesh Deosaran (Ed.) Crime, Delinquency and Justice. Ian
Randle Publishers. Chapter 14, p. 301-320.
 Deosaran, R. 2004. “A Caribbean Portrait of Crime, Justice and Community Policing.” In
Ramesh Deosaran (Ed.) Crime, Delinquency and Justice. Ian Randle Publishers. Chapter 11,
p. 241-264.
 Goldsmith, A. 2005. “Police reform and the problem of trust.” Theoretical Criminology 9(4):
443-470. http://tcr.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/9/4/433
 Lecture notes from course.
 Pryce, K. 1976. “Towards a Criminal Criminology.” In Ramesh Deosaran (Ed.) Crime,
Delinquency and Justice. Ian Randle Publishers. Chapter 1, p. 3-18.
 Williams, F. M., 2008 "A functionalist view of community policing in the minority
community" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological

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Association Annual Meeting, Sheraton Boston and the Boston Marriott Copley Place,
Boston, MA Online. http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p243115_index.html

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