Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 ISSN 0974-5653

Now
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because there is more to know
Telling
The J&K Stories
Jammu, December 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 12 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

The Regional Dialogue

Kashmir
Jammu Ladakh

Building Peace
Countering Radicalisation
An IPCS Initiative

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36
For last three years Epilogue
has made constant endeavours
for bridging divides between
regions and minds. The present
issue brings in range of
perspectives and pragmatic
suggestions from Jammu,
Kashmir and Ladakh. An essay

ISSUES OF by Prof Ashwani K Ray further

widens the canvas by involving

CHANGE New Delhi and Islamabad

Taking J&K
Closer to
World
Bringing
World
Closer to
1

Epilogue
because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in CONTENTS

Editor Contributors to this Issue 2

Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Essential Entries 3
Letters 4
Publisher
Yogesh Pandoh Books/Authors
Nyla Ali Khan
Consulting Editor “I am Completely opposed to the 27
D. Suba Chandran attempts of Indian and Pakistani
mainstream historians to underscrore
Associate Editors ethnic, religious and regional divides
Irm Amin Baig in their explication of the Kashmir
Tsewang Rigzin Conflict”
Volume 3, Issue 12, December 2009
General Manager Column
Kartavya Pandoh Dignity of Labour in 31
the History of Kashmir
Manager IN FOCUS Prof. Jigar Mohammad
Adarsh Rattan Bali Regional Dialogue
(Marketing & Advertisement) Features
Women in Conflict 33
Art Editor 6 Prologue Why are they Unware of their
Keshav Sharma Jammu, Kashmir & Ladakh Rights, Abilities, Strength
Building Peace Manisha Shobarjani
Research Officer Countering Radicalization The Search for their Missing Men: 34
D Suba Chandran Kashmiri Women’s Saga
Raman Sharma
Nusrat Ara
Phones & email 8 J&K, India and Pakistan
Office : +91 191 2493136 Religion and Politics in the Region Opinion
subscriptions : +91 99060 27136 Prof Aswini K Ray Women : Role beyond 35
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Promoting Cosmetics
Rajni
Administration: +91 94191 82518 13 Challenge in Jammu Region
editor@epilogue.in Understanding the Amarnath
subscription@epilogue.in Shrine Land Controversy Politics
Sandeep Singh Centre-State Relations 38
Printed and Published by The Way Coalitions
Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue Make Adjustments
18 Challenges in Kashmir Valley
Tariq Ahmad Rather
NewsCraft from Ibadat House, Understanding the
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Role of Religion 41
Growing Radicalisation Identity Formation in Kashmir
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 Arjimand Hussain Talib
Viveyata Sharma
and Printed at : DEE DEE
Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New 23 Challenges in Ladakh Remembrance
Rehari Jammu (J&K) Understanding the Political and Sanjoy Ghose : Joy and Outrage 44
Religious Polarity Shreekant Sambrani
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction Tashi Morup
of courts and competitive tribunals in J&K In Dates
Jammu only. December Timeline 45

RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 J&K In Numbers

ISN : 00974-5653 Industries 47
Price : Rs 30

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009

2
3 CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Ara, Nusrat (Features, P34), is a Sharma, Rajni (Opinion, P35), is

researcher based in Kashmir.
Currently she is working at a research
project with Charkha Communication
and Development Network
Chandran, D Suba (In Focus, P6), is
Deputy Director with Institute of
Peace and Conflict Studies, New
Delhi. He is also Consulting Editor
with Epilogue Magazine
Marupp, Tashi (In Focus, P23), is a
freelance journalist and researcher
based at Leh
Mohammed, Prof Jigar (History, P31),
is professor of History at the
University of Jammu. He is also a
regular columnist and Editorial
Adviser with Epilogue Magazine
Rather, Tariq Ahmed (Perspective,
P38), is a research scholar with the
department of Police Science,
University of Kashmir
Associate Professor of Sociology at
University of Jammu
Sharma, Viveyata (Perspective, P41),
is a researcher and teacher of
Political Science with a College of the
University of Jammu
Singh, Sandeep (In Focus, P13), is a
researcher and project officer with
the University of Jammu
Sobhrajani, Manisha (Features, P33),
is a Delhi based independent
researcher working on the various
aspects of Kashmir conflict. She
divides her time between Delhi and
Jammu and Kashmir
Talib, Arjimand Hussain (In Focus,
P18), is an acclaimed author and
columnist bases at Srinagar. His
regular columns on economy, politics
and human rights appear in Greater
Kashmir besides other media

Ray, Prof Ashwani (In Focus, P8), is

former Dean, School of Social
Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi

Readers' requests for getting in touch with the

authors, for feedback, comments and further
discussions on their subjects of interest, are
welcome. Since all authors/contributors are not
interested in taking mails directly, the readers are
requested to send us interview requests at
editor@epilogue.in for passing on to the authors

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009

3 NO T I C E BOARD
Essential Entries
ON REGISTER ON RECORD
APPOINTED: Kashmir Agitational terrorism has become new problem in the State. As
born Justice Bilal Nazki part of this new form of terrorism, the anti-national elements
of J&K was appointed are first creating situation for people coming on roads and then
Chief Justice of Orissa on initiating such steps that people become violent and paralyze
Nov 13, just four days the State
before his retirement.
General Officer Commanding in Chief of Northern Command Lt Gen B
SWORN IN: Ghulam S Jaswal at a press briefing at Northern Command headquarters
Hasnain Masoodi was Udhampur on Oct 31
sworn in as Additional
Judge of J&K High Court
on Nov 13. Oath was
administered by Chief
Justice Barin Ghosh.
There was nothing like 'agitational terrorism. There is nothing
MILESTONE: Mata common between the two – terrorism and agitation
Vaishno Devi Shrine
registered highest annual Chief Minister Omar Abdullah reacting to Gen Jaswal's statement on
pilgrimage so far on Nov Nov 9 at Jammu
12 when one Sagar
Choudhary of Meerut
became 7417620th pilgrim breaking
record of 2007 when 7417619 pilgrims
had visited.

PROFIT: Jammu and
Kashmir Bank posted net
profit of Rs 134.27 Cr for
quarter ended Sept 2009,
which was 16% up from
Rs 115.92 Cr for the
same period last year.
The ban order on prepaid cell phones in Jammu and Kashmir
has been issued on imaginary assumptions that pre-paid
mobile SIM cards are being issued to the terrorists without
proper and adequate verification
Prof Bhim Singh, lawyer and Panthers Party leader in his plea before
the Supreme Court of India seeking revocation of ban on prepaid cell
phones

ELEVATED: Jammu born

Chief Justice of Punjab
and Haryana Court
Justice Tirath Singh
Thakur cleared for India has a basket of options (to) use against Pakistan... economic, trade, media,
elevation to Supreme foreign relations, military and covert measures... Stop all imports from Pakistan, ban
Court. He is son of former J&K Deputy overflight by Pakistani airlines and significantly restrict travel between the two
CM DD Thakur. countries. Pakistan will react but the pain will be asymmetrically more for Pakistan

Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) in its "Task Force Report on
CHANGE OF GUARD: Lt Gen Naresh National Security and Terrorism”
Chandra Marwah is named to take over
as GoC of Srinagar based 15 Corps
replacing Lt Gen Bikram Singh who has
been transferred to Army Headquarters
at Delhi.
It is unfortunate that when the entire world is engaged in lobbying for resumption of
talks between India and Pakistan through confidence building measures, including
PASSED AWAY: Legendary
free travel and trade initiatives, FICCI is putting forward irresponsible and immature
editor and doyen of Urdu statements
journalism in J&K, Sofi Gh.
Mohammad, 77 passed Shakeel Qalandar president Federation Chamber of Industries Kashmir
away on Nov 16. He was
Chief Editor of Srinagar
based popular Urdu Daily Srinagar Times.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009

4
3 L E T T E R S
Readers Write

One View is Missing

Moeed Yusuf's account of Federation of Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Promoting
Cross-LoC Trade, Epilogue Nov 2009) is highly informative and educative but it fails to take into
account the perspective from Jammu Chamber. He seems to have spoken to representatives of
AJK Chamber and Kashmir Chamber and has mostly relied on third party information as far as
view point of Jammu Chamber is concerned. He says that the idea of Joint Chamber was
decided between AJK representatives with their Kashmir counterparts in Srinagar and was just
got okayed by the representatives of Jammu Chamber. This is far from reality. Kashmiri
businessmen made strong political statement for Cross-LoC trade but the initiative was actually
propelled by Jammu businessmen. In fact the formation of Joint Chamber was primarily an idea
and initiative of Jammu Chamber under the leadership of then President Mr Ram Sahai (since
died). Representatives of Kashmir Chamber have always been reluctant on the Cross-LoC trade
as they are primarily interested in transit trade. As Cross-LoC trade completes one year, figures
stand testimony to the fact that Jammu traders have done most of the Cross-LoC business while
this trade has almost failed on the Srinagar-Muzaffarabad trade. I would say that Mr Moeed
Yusuf carried just two of the three views on Cross-LoC trade.
RAMAN GUPTA
A Businessman in Jammu

Nyla's deal of
justice
I have gone through Nyla Ali
Khan's book Islam ‘Women Seniority of Engineers: All Monkey Business
and Violence in Kashmir
and seen a fair deal of The government recently ordered posting and transfers of as many as nine Chief
justice the author has done
Engineers (CEs) and superintending Engineers (SEs) to head various wings of the
to the various identities
PDD/PDC. The interesting part of the order was that all the engineers were placed as
and issues in Jammu and
'in-charge CEs/SEs. All the engineers who were made 'in-charge' CEs were earlier 'In-
Kashmir. I think she could
charge' SEs. May be some of them were 'in-charge' Executive Engineers only before they
have researched and
were made in-charge SEs. This means they held the substantive rank of only Assistant
written little more about
Executive Engineers (AEE). This ultimately boils down to the fact that some of the
the Gujjars on this state
CEs/SEs may at present be holding the substantive rank of AEEs/Executive Engineer
who have always a historic
only.
role. She has made
If you ask them, the answer they put forth is that there are many court 'stay orders' on
mentions but there was
promotion of one against the other incumbents; therefore a firm order of promotion
scope for doing more.
cannot be issued in favor of any engineer. But the fact of the matter is that the
However, after reading her
administrative Deptt has not fixed the seniority list of the engineers in service for
interview (Epilogue, Nov
decades together in almost all the engineering wings. No concerned officer at any level
2009) I really get to
in the Civil Secretariat has bothered to get the 'seniority lists' prepared that is so vital,
understand that how an
necessary and important for regulating service careers. This, consequently, leaves a
author can leave aside
vast scope for the officialdom to manipulate service careers of the incumbents and
his/her own identity to do
make them fight against each other. While this allows the unscrupulous secretariat
justice with facts
Dr JAVED RAHI officials to play 'Monkey Game' with the incumbents aspiring for promotion, it also
Secretary, TRCF leaves open a vast scope for those who wield influence in ruling political circles to
Jammu manage their promotion.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009

5 L E T T E R S
Readers Write

Expand study on Muslim Rajputs

Muslim Rajputs of J&K (A case study of Rajouri district by Dr
Muzammil Hussain Malik, Epilogue, Nov 2009) is a pathbreaking
study, perhaps first of its kind in public domain. This could have
been developed into a full cover focus of the magazine. I hope the
Editors take suggestion for expanding this work to rest of the state
and consider a full issue on the subject
RENU POKHARNA
Center for Civil Society
New Delhi

II
Thanks to Epilogue for bringing out of somebody from Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah’s family who has the courage to reveal the
Jammu and Kashmir strong with seeking interest in power politics
your observation that Islam, Women and Violence picks up threads
from where Aatish-e-Chinar left is largely valid with a reservation
the former is about a person and latter is about person and latter
is about peoples.

SURINDER KAUR
Advocate
Jammu/Anantnag NOVEMBER 2009

So strong is the lobby in the Civil Secretariat that does not want a final 'seniority list' of engineers in
service that it has even defied the Supreme Court of India's verdict against Adhoc/Stop-Gap
promotions. The SC in the year 2000 in the case Suraj Parkash Gupta and others Vs J&K State issued
explicit directions to stop all adhoc/stop-gap promotions and come out with the final Seniority List as per
method and criteria as directed by the Court in this case. It is shocking that the state government has not
implemented the directions of the Apex Court and the system of Adhoc/stop-gap/Incharge promotions is
still in vogue without final and clear seniority list.
This puts a serving senior engineer in a piquant situation. Although, working at senior position holding the
rank and responsibility of a Head of the Department, he may only be drawing the pay scale of a much
junior post. And unfortunately, if he retires as 'in-charge' CE or SE his pension would be fixed at the pay
scale of the substantive post that he was holding before retirement.
This has happened to many of the engineers who retired years back after 90s, working as CEs/SEs for
years together and are still fighting for fixation of their pay/pension as per the post from which they
retired. But their case-files are shuttling between Administrative Deptt, civil secretariat and the
Accountant General (AG). As it is the Adm Deptt that will promote them to the rank they were holding
before retirement and only then the AG will fix their pay/pension to which they are entitled. And thus the
'monkey game' of doing justice to the cats by the clever monkeys sitting in Civil Secretariat continues.
This is high time the Chief Minister who though young and energetic as per his age is fast growing old
among the old and strong political and bureaucratic surroundings orders immediate framing of proper
seniority lists of all officials in the government service on universally accepted norms to get rid of
manipulations of service conditions of serving officials in his government.
ER VIKRAM GOUR
Superintending Engineer (retired)
Trikuta Nagar, Jammu

www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009

6
3 IN
PROLOGUE
JAMMU, KASHMIR AND LADAKH
Building Peace
Countering Radicalization
D SUBA CHANDRAN
I
n the last two years, J&K has witnessed new highs as well
as lows. Violence has come down greatly; numerous
figures relating to infiltration, militancy and human
casualty would prove the positive changes that are being
witnessed at the ground level. New infrastructure is
being created, in terms of roads and rail network. Kashmir
Valley, for the first time in its history, witnessed a rail network
and the airport being upgraded into an international one. More
importantly, 2008 also witnessed one of the most successful
elections for the J&K State legislative assembly since the most
controversial elections in the late 1980s.
At the cross-LoC level, the interactions are not only
continuing, but also expanding at a constant pace. Besides the
two bus services - Srinagar-Muzaffarabad, and Poonch-
Rawlakot, for the first time in the last six decades, trucks have
also started crossing the LoC, initiating trade between two
Kashmirs.
Undoubtedly, the above developments are positive ones.
But, there have been some negative developments, that needs
to be looked into, if one has to consolidate the gains. Despite
the recent elections and continuing cross-LOC interactions,
the state of J&K has been witnessing an increasing
radicalization of three distinct kinds – religious, regional, and
ethnic. While there has been much focus on military and
human rights issues in the state, the growing divide between
www.epilogue.in Vol. 3, Issue 12
FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
religious communities, regional antagonisms, and souring
relations between various local tribal communities, are trends
that have crept into the state almost unnoticed.
The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (IPCS), New
Delhi is undertaking a project to understand the nature of
change that has been taking place at various levels, and work
towards building peace. This project aims to bringing the
younger generation in the different regions together to discuss
these emerging issues and reach an understanding on how to
prevent further radicalization and build peace among the
various communities.
First, there has been a slow but steady radicalization
taking place between different communities in Jammu,
Kashmir and Ladakh, and within the communities themselves.
Kashmir Valley has been well known for its practice of Sufi
Islam, which plays an important role in what is defined as the
Kashmiriyat identity of people in this region. Unfortunately
today, both the Kashmiriyat and Sufi Islam are under stress,
due to the radical onslaught, which has slowly, but steadily
crept into the state, in recent years. A section amongst the
younger generation, unlike their elders, does not believe as
much in Sufi Islam. Led by some militant groups, there is a
deliberate effort to change the nature of Islam in the Kashmir
Valley.
In Jammu region, certain fundamentalist forces have
Epilogue, December 2009
7
3 IN
been trying to radicalize the Hindu
youth. There have been deliberate
attempts to use the Amarnath Yatra and
other Hindu religious places of worship
such as Vaishno Devi, Ragunath in
Jammu and Budda Amarnath in Poonch
district, to radicalize the Hindus in the
Jammu-Rajouri-Poonch belt. One can
see a trend in the sudden expansion of
these yatras, under a deliberate
patronage from certain groups.
Radicalization within the
communities has an impact on the
relations between different
communities, mainly the Hindus and
Muslims. The recent communal violence
in Kishtwar, Rajouri and Poonch is part
of this trend. Despite the presence of
different religious communities, these
sub regions and cities have always
maintained religious harmony. Though
there have been tensions between
these communities, they were
contained through local dialogues.
However, in the recent period, they are
recurring at a faster pace and affecting
the communal harmony of neighbouring
regions/towns.
Second, one could also observe the
growing radicalization of regional
sentiments between Jammu, Kashmir
and Ladakh. The violence that followed
the Amarnath Shrine Board crisis in
Jammu and Kashmir regions, and the
growing demand for Union Territory
Status for Ladakh are expressions of
how divided these three regions are
today. Administrative issues such as
establishment of educational
institutions have the potential to divide
the regions further, as one can observe
from the ongoing agitation in the
Jammu region, relating the setting up of
a Central University in Jammu.
Third, besides the religious and
regional divide, one could also observe
www.epilogue.in
a growing ethnic divide between the
Gujjar and Pahari communities in the
Jammu, Rajouri and Poonch belt. Ever
since the Gujjars were granted the ST
status, the Pahari community, has felt
disadvantaged. One could observe
parallel processions and counter
arguments/articulations of interests by
both these comminutes against the
other. The recent violence that broke
out between the Gujjar and Rajput
Muslims in Mendhar is an expression of
this coming conflict.
With a view to study these perilous
developments more closely and devise
measures to counter the growing
radicalizing tendencies within J&K, the
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies,
in collaboration with the University of
Jammu, is undertaking a project titled
“Building Peace and Countering
Radicalization in J&K”.
The primary objective is to find the
extent of radicalization and understand
its nature. The project also aims to
provide a forum, to the different
communities and regions to come
together and discuss these issues in a
cordial atmosphere. The project would
conclude by making specific policy
recommendations to the governments
and civil societies, based on the
interactions.
The Institute as a part of this
project, has been conducting field
research by a select research team of
the IPCS, across the three regions –
J a m m u , K a s h m i r, a n d L a d a k h ,
specifically in ten towns – Jammu,
Rajouri, Doda, Kishtwar, Anantnag,
Srinagar, Baramulla, Sopore, Kargil and
Leh. Besides, the Institute is also
organising a survey, primarily among the
youth, to understand their perceptions
of religious, regional and tribal
differences, and the measures they
Vol. 3, Issue 12
FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
deem necessary for the state and civil
society to adopt to prevent an
escalation of conflict and violence.
The questions will be open-ended,
asking for the opinion of the
respondents to find what they consider
as the causes for radicalization. The
survey will also ask for their
recommendations on how to address
the growing divide between the
communities.
The Institute, as a part of this
project, have also commissioned essays
relating to the subject, written by
young scholars on the above issues.
These essays will be published as Issue
Briefs, in the Institute's website –
www.ipcs.org. The Institute is grateful
to the Epilogue Magazine, for agreeing
to reproduce these essays; some of
them are discussed in the following
pages, in this issue of Epilogue.
Besides the field research, surveys
and discussion essays, the Institute of
Peace and Conflict Studies, in
colloboration with the University of
Jammu is organising a three-day
conference in Jammu during 2-4
December 2009, with an objective to
create a dialogue amongst the young
generation towards building peace and
countering radicalization. The
Workshop will bring together youth
belonging to an age group of 20-30
years from varied backgrounds –
students, scholars, and media persons,
representing various communities of
Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, to
debate these issues in smaller, sub-
groups and make specific
recommendations on how to prevent
further radicalization. The Workshop
will also invite senior scholars as
Resource Persons, to help the young
generation understand the current
issues in a larger perspective.
Epilogue, December 2009
8
3 IN
J&K, India and Pakistan
Religion and Politics in the Region
PROF ASWINI K RAY
T
here are so many puzzles and par-
adoxes in the inter-face between
religion and politics in the Indo-
Pakistan sub-continent, both before and
after its partition, that it is deceptively
easy to mystify both while explaining
the bilateral relations between the
Islamic state of Pakistan and India with
its Hindu majority, after their separa-
tion. For a start, created as a “home-
land for the muslims” of the sub-
continent, after much bloodshed, more
muslims opted to live in secular India
than in the Islamic state of Pakistan;
and since then, while the non-muslim
population of Pakistan has steadily
declined, muslim population of India
has continued to increase, both numeri-
cally and proportionate to its Hindu
majority. Now with about 123 million,
India has the second largest muslim pop-
ulation after Indonesia, and not
Pakistan.
Equally striking has been the his-
torical trajectory of the emergence of
theocratic Pakistan from the wombs of
colonial India, from the shared heritage
of its composite culture, its evolution
as a military dictatorship in sharp con-
trast to India's secular, democratic, con-
solidation ; and the secession of its
more populous wing, initially as a secu-
lar democracy of the sovereign state of
Bangladesh, and not long thereafter
relapsing to become another military
theocracy, like its parent-state flanking
the other side of India's International
border. This story is worth recapitulat-
www.epilogue.in
ing, albeit pithily, to underscore the
role of religion in the politics of the
region.
For example,in undivided India in
1905, when the British colonial regime,
ostensibly for administrative reasons,
divided the province of Bengal broadly
along its subsequent communal divide,
both Hindus and Muslims in the region,
led by the Congress Party, successfully
agitated to “unsettle” the “settled
fact” as the government described the
partition. But in 1947, the Muslim
League in the same Bengal successfully
launched its “direct action” – an
euphemism for orchestrating commu-
nal violence – to trigger off one of the
bloodiest communal riots in the history
of the sub-continent to force the cre-
ation of Pakistan broadly on the earlier
lines.Yet, as already stated, fewer mus-
lims opted to live in the new Islamic
“homeland” than in India, despite its
overwhelming Hindu majority.
More than that, almost immedi-
ately after its bloody creation based on
religion, Pakistan's exclusively reli-
gious identity came to be contested by
its many ethnic groups , and paradoxi-
cally most stridently again in East
Bengal itself , to culminate in its seces-
sion to emerge as Bangladesh, initially
as a secular state and later as another
military theocracy in India's immediate
border. This historical process in the
region has also transformed India-
Pakistan relations, not simply between
two adversarial neighbours, but also
Vol. 3, Issue 12
FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
between a democracy and military dic-
tatorship, and between a secular state
with a large muslim minority within a
multicultural society and a theocracy,
and also through the long and bizarre
politics of the global cold war, between
nonaligned India and a close military
ally of the United States in the region;in
many ways, the beginning of the global
cold war almost simultaneously with the
emergence of Pakistan in South Asia, has
had important bearing on the history of
the region, particularly Indo-Pakistan
relation. In fact, all these factors, along
with religion, have continued to influ-
ence Indo-Pakistan relations, as we
would underscore in this narrative
some argueably more than others; the
precise role of religion within this com-
plex interweaving of factors within the
two sovereign states with their respec-
tive blends of tradition and modernity
is difficult to pinpoint, despite the con-
tinuing influence of religion in the poli-
tics and social life of people in both
parts of the divided sub-continent, pos-
sibly more than in many western states.
Coinciding temporally with some
of the aforementioned aspects of
Pakistan's historical evolution, neigh-
bouring India's project of nation-
building launched by its constitution-
ally enshrined secularism, in the midst
of the most massive communal upsurge
within the civil society spawned by the
riots and refugee influx is as puzzling as
the uninterrupted continuity of its dem-
ocratic structure with universal adult
Epilogue, December 2009
9
3 IN
franchise, and liberal institutions of gov-
ernance, in a social base sharply asym-
m e tri c a l from w e ste rn l i b e ra l
democracies.It is quite striking,
because, since the partition of the sub-
continent in 1947, there have been two
full-scale wars between India and
Pakistan, two near wars, continuous
arms race leading to both emerging as
nuclear powers in more recent times,
and the only such case among
adversarial neighbours; besides, peri-
odic communal violence in both coun-
tries, and in Bangladesh after its emer-
gence. India's secular, democratic, con-
solidation in this phase is as striking as
its continued commitment to the liberal
norms – despite its many operational
inadequacies – in more recent times of
the global proliferation of Islamic mili-
tancy, and terrorism, and its targets in
many of India's urban centers, Hindu
temples and festivals, and the auda-
cious attack on the Indian Parliamant. It
is not without its significance that
Pakistan(now even Bangladesh) is
referred to as the “cradle” of “Islamic
fundamentalism” and recruiting hub of
global terrorism, no significant instance
of Indian muslims' involvement in Al-
Quaida type global terrorist network
have been alleged. Kashmiri terrorism
in India, and cross-border terrorism in
the region, no less lethal, constitute a
different category of terrorism with dif-
ferent goals.In fact, as we would argue,
India's secular-democratic institutions
of governance – despite their increasing
operational deficits – in sharp contrast
to Pakistan's military dictatorship, and
unstable politics, rather than religion
per-se, seem to be the more causally
related dividing line between the
options available to the regimes in the
two countries to deal with each other,
and the tensions in their mutual bilat-
eral relations. This point could be most
sharply underscored in case of the unre-
solved Kashmir dispute, which is
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unlikely to be easily resolved within
the present political asymmetry
between the two rivals locked in the bat-
tle for the hearts and minds of the
Kashmiri people. Or, if, by a miracle, it
was resolved, a new bone-of-
contention would not be invented
between the two historical adversar-
ies; so that it is debatable if Kashmir is
the cause of Indo-Pakistan tensions, as
repeatedly claimed by Pakistan, or its
consequence , as implied by India .
Initially inherited as a legacy of
colonial rule, Pakistan's attempt to mili-
tarily annex this muslim-majority, but
Hindu-ruled , “Princely State” of
Jammu and Kashmir(J&K;which also
includes Buddhist-majority Ladakh) of
colonial India in 1947, followed by the
Indian Army's successful drive against
the “invaders” after a formal request
from its legitimate ruler, transformed
the problem to an Indo-Pakistani dis-
pute; and India's reference of it to the
UN Security Council after stopping its
victorious army catapulted it to become
a cold war issue between a close US mili-
tary ally in the region and India among
the most strident critic of the US global
policy of “military containment”.
Consequently, repeated Soviet veto in
the Security Council against many US-
sponsored resolutions on Kashmir,
along with Soviet endorsement of J&K's
constitutional integration with India
as among the constituent states within
its federal structure in 1954, enabled
India to cut its losses by stopping its vic-
torious army short of complete victory
to refer the dispute to the Security
Council, where it has remained unre-
solved till now; and the Line-of-Control
of 1947 remains as the Indo-Pakistan
International border in the region.
Since then, except for the war of
1971 which was rooted proximately in
Pakistan's domestic politics vis-à-vis its
Eastern wing , followed by Indian
intervention,all the other Indo-Pakistan
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Regional Dialogue
wars and near-wars( 1947,1964,1965,
1999,2002) , and arms race, have been
around J&K; more specifically around
Pakistan's attempts to force the issue
militarily to its advantage having failed
to wrest it diplomatically in the Security
Council and politically within the J&K.
Pakistan's claims to J&K is almost
entirely based on the muslim-majority
of the region, while India refuses to
accept religion to be the basis of any
further territorial redistribution of the
region in view of its experience of the
earlier partition ,and also its own large
muslim population in the secular
state.In this zero-sum-game between
the two sovereign states in the region,
and the global power politics of the cold
war era, the concerns of the people of
J&K had remained secondary for long,
till almost the mid-seventies. Through
this phase, while the small Pakistani
part of the region predictably repli-
cated the politics of the Islamic military
theocracy, it is the much larger and
more numerous Indian part which,
through its democratic politics, has
transformed the regional politics and
the erstwhile Indo-Pakistani dispute
closer to the concerns of the people in
the region ; paradoxically, this broad
democratic trend of regional politics in
the J&K, spawned by its exposure with
India's secular democracy has been
increasingly at India's cost, caused by
the operational inadequacies of the
same democratic institutions of gover-
nance leading to corruption, misrule,
political instability and violence, and
most unfortunately for India,
communalism, more to Pakistan's
advantage than necessarily at its behest
at least to begin with, as we would
describe; but its subsequent manifesta-
tion through militant terrorism has had
obvious cross-border support-base. In
fact, Islamic Pakistan's attempts to com-
munalise the politics of J&K to its
advantage had largely been unsuccess-
Epilogue, December 2009
10
3 IN
ful till the mid-seventies, and was to the
advantage of secular India in this only
muslim state of the federal structure.
This story is worth recapitulating to ana-
lyse the role of religion in the inter-
state, and intra-state, politics of the
region with its multi-cultural, including
multi-religious, diversities.
In many ways, the communal
transformation of the impeccably secu-
lar politics of J&K, and the seculariza-
tion of the politics of East Pakistan lead-
ing to its secession to emerge as the
secular state of Bangladesh – with some
help from across the border from India –
and, its subsequent relapse as an
Islamic state are all comparable exam-
ples of the use of religion as an instru-
ment of protest of alienated communi-
ties against mainstream politics, and
policies of regimes within sovereign
states with or without some cross-
border support in a region where the
post-colonial territorial borders of
state sovereignty do not constitute
insurmountable cultural barriers as in
the Indian sub-continent. The case of
J&K in this context is central to our
present concerns.
Historically, the liberation struggle
in the region was directed both against
British colonial rule, as also against its
local feudal underpinning consisting of
its king, the Pandit coterie of civil ser-
vants, and Dogra landowners, all Hindus
in the Muslim-majority “Princely
State”. Sheikh Abdullah, the region's
only charismatic mass leader has had
impeccable secular credentials who,
despite his overwhelming muslim politi-
cal base, opposed the partition of the
sub-continent to create Pakistan,never
allowed a communal clash in the valley
when the rest of the country was in
flames before the partition; did not
allow the Muslim League or invited
Jinnah to Kashmir, but invited Gandhi
and Nehru to forge links with the
Congress Party to pursue their shared
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anti-colonial and anti-feudal political
agenda; dropped the “muslim” prefix
from his political party of the Muslim
National Conference in this muslim-
majority state, at the cost of some
resentment in the party; and, above all,
launched his radical land reform
programme based on his “Naya
Kashmir” manifesto whose beneficia-
ries later spawned a new secular mus-
lim middle-class in the valley. While his
secular politics alienated Sheikh
Abdullah from the Pakistani leadership,
his anti-feudal agenda was despised by
the king, his Pandit courtiers, and
Dogra landowners largely located in
Jammu. Paradoxically, it was the Hindu
king who initially vacillated about join-
ing India and went to Karachi to meet
Jinnah who neither trusted the Hindu
king nor the muslim mass leader of the
region because of his secular politics
and earlier opposition to the creation of
Pakistan which, together, explains his
decision attempting to militarily clinch
the issue in 1947. Paradoxically again, it
was Pakistan's military invasion that
united the Hindu king, and its muslim
mass leadership in favour of India. In
this sense, the region's secular politics,
in tandem with the contemporary
Indian mainstream politics, that
proved to be the major constraint
against Pakistan's attempt to com-
munalise the issue to its advantage.
Again, in 1965, when Pakistan
under Ayub Khan launched its “Opera-
tion Gibraltor” by para-dropping troops
in civilian clothes before launching the
actual war, it was the Kashmiri people
–mostly Muslims – who identified the
infiltrators and handed them over to the
Indian Army. It was at this time that the
first ever communal violence also sud-
denly emerged in the valley, allegedly,
sparked off by the “theft” of some
Prophet's relic which was later discov-
ered. One of the heroes of the 1965 war
who won the highest gallantry award of
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FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
the Indian government was a Kashmiri
Muslim.Later, while Jammu &Kashmir
remained largely unaffected by the
Indo-Pakistan war of 1971, from all
reports, sympathies of the Kashmiri
Muslims lay with the East Bengalis'
struggle for regional autonomy than
with the Pakistani military rulers.This
should not be surprising, since the peo-
ple of J&K had the same aspiration for
greater regional autonomy within the
Indian federation.
Yet, since then, much water has
flown down the river Jhellum -- in
which, according to Sheikh Abdullah,
Muslims were not allowed to wash them-
selves – to transform the politics of J&K
to a communal cauldron well before,
and unrelated to, the global assertion
of radical “Islamic Fundamentalism”
and “global terrorism”; that is the sense
in which the two are different, both in
terms of their source and aspirations.
Proximately, the communal transforma-
tion of the politics of J&K had more to
do with the contemporary trends in
Indian politics, particularly in the era
after the National Emergency of 1975-
77, marked by the political assertion of
a wide ranging social revivalism,
including Hindu nationalism,a quan-
tum-leap in the level of criminalisation
and corruption and, above all, a phe-
nomenal escalation in the level of social
and political violence along with
increased state-repression.
Predictably, as an integral part of the
Indian federation, these phenomena
also manifested themselves in the poli-
tics of the J&K. But, cumulatively, they
provided the political base in the
region increasingly receptive to
Pakistan's persistent attempts to com-
munalise its politics, to its advantage. It
was only in the general elections of
1977 after the National Emergency that
for the first time in the J&K five Jamaat-
e-Islami candidates were elected to
Epilogue, December 2009
11
3 IN
the Assembly, along with the resurgence
of the Akalis in Punjab, and the Hindu
nationalist Jan Sangh, also the Muslim
League, and a number of caste-based
political parties asserted themselves in
Indian politics. By then, even the
National Conference in J&K, still assert-
ing its secular political tradition, was
under increasing local pressure to stri-
dently assert the demand for regional
autonomy, in tandem with similar
demands from the various parts of India
as a backlash from the repressive and
centralised Emergency regime; in fact,
the electoral resurgence of the commu-
nal parties in the country in 1977 was
also in some ways related to the per-
ception within the electorate of these
groups having been the major victims of
the repressive Emergency regime
flaunting its secular masthead. This was
the flip-side of the same phenomena in
undivided Pakistan in 1971, when East
Pakistani defiance against its Islamic
military theocracy asserted itself
through its secular state.
The repeated arrests, and pro-
longed incarceration, of the charis-
matic regional leader, Sheikh Abdullah
on unsubstantiated charges -- longer
than in colonial rule -- beginning in
1953, shortly before J&K's integration
with India, was the first cause of
uneasy relationship between his party,
the National Conference, and the
Indian leadership under Nehru; the
political drift between these two main-
stream political parties within the J&K
and the national level, respectively,
have continued to be both mystified and
magnified by the various vested inter-
ests – with predictable help from across
the border -- and also, widened the rift
between the regional aspirations of the
various section of people in the valley,
and the perceptions of India's national
leadership. While the former has
expressed itself through increasingly
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strident demand for regional autonomy,
the national leadership has perceived
such a demand as threat to its 'national
security'; and, having failed to contain
it politically, including electoral mal-
practices as in some other parts of the
country, have added fuel to the incipi-
ent embers of fire in the J&K by increas-
ing repression through a ham-handed
coercive machinery. Consequently,
while the people of the three regions of
J&K have largely been polarized around
their religious identities, the Muslims
of the Kashmir valley have asserted
their demand for regional autonomy
increasingly through Islamic identity
and communal politics, thus making it a
happy hunting-ground for Pakistan, and
at India's cost, for the hearts and minds
of the Kashmiri people. In this process
of alienation of the Kashmiri people
from the mainstream of secular nation-
alism in India, and the region's long tra-
dition, the two successive elections of
1986 and 1989 constitute important
landmarks in the transformation of the
demand for regional autonomy towards
more radical separatist directions and,
its assertion through Islamic metaphors;
also, driven by repression, towards mili-
tant terrorism by crossing the porous
borders into Pakistan and its open arms.
In a macabre replication of another sim-
ilar version of East Pakistan earlier in
the region, the militant activists of
cross-border terrorism came to be cele-
brated since then as 'freedom fighters',
thus providing Pakistan a righteous
opportunity to avenge the earlier
defeat. In this sense, the
communalization of the politics of J&K
has been more to Pakistan's advantage
than at its behest; for Pakistan's
attempt failed for long till the conjunc-
ture of Indian politics facilitated it. As in
the case of East Pakistan, the interface
of religion and politics is both rooted in,
and impacts, the domestic politics of
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FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
the states in the region than its inter-
state relations; and despite the present
conjunctural congruence of interests
between a section of J&K's domestic
politics, and one of Pakistan's obsessive
foreign policy goals, in the long run, its
experience is unlikely to be very differ-
ent from India's experience of support
to East Pakistan's liberation struggle, or
the various ethnic groups' experience in
Pakistan for a separate “homeland” in
the name of religion.
But through this entire phase of
the evolution of Pakistan, and the
Kashmir problem, Indo-Pakistan rela-
tions have had a roller-coaster trajec-
tory of ebbs and tides in a jig-saw puz-
zle, often insulated from the level of
communal politics in the various parts
of the region. For example, wars, near-
wars, eye-ball confrontations, periodic
exchange of firing, reciprocal expul-
sions of diplomats, refuge to crimi-
nals, asylum to terrorists have been
accompanied by periodic meetings at
various levels up to the summit, 'Track-II
diplomacy' at various levels of the civil
society, pilgrimages to each others'
place of worship cutting across religious
divides, exchange of gifts across the
border at various levels during each oth-
ers' religious festivals, meetings of “old
tie” networks across the border, includ-
ing the officers after battle-field
encounters, not to mention the most
important icing on the cake in the form
of cricket-diplomacy, medical tourism,
and Bollywood bonhomies. There are
daily reports of the hospitality accorded
to guests from across each others' bor-
ders. And, talking of borders, there was
few more enchanting sights than the
border guards of the two countries
every afternoon performing their comic
opera of competitive boot-thumping
accompanying the delightful banter of
appreciative crowds on both sides of the
border, a long tradition which for some
Epilogue, December 2009
12
3 IN
inexplicable reasons is reported to have
been discontinued.
Even in more recent times of the
general escalation of communal poli-
tics across the region have been accom-
panied by new 'confidence-building mea-
sures' around military exercises and
arms–deployment. The Hindu national-
ist BJP-led NDA–regime under Vajpai
took considerable initiatives to improve
Indo-Pakistan relations through its
Lahore 'Bus diplomacy' followed by the
Agra summit. Paradoxically, in secular
India, the BJP leader Advani faced con-
siderable criticism, and lost his party-
leadership, for having described Jinnah
as “secular”, while almost simulta-
neously, General Musharaff in Islamic
Pakistan got away without raising any
hackles by asserting that it was Muslim
deprivation, rather than religion, which
spawned the demand for Pakistan. The
puzzling part in these two public pro-
nouncements of the leaders is not so
much their historical accuracy or oth-
erwise, but their decision to pronounce
views which were so obviously contrary
to the political logic of their respective
constituencies. At any rate, neither of
these pronouncements affected Indo-
Pakistan relations in any way. This tends
to reinforce our arguments around the
role of religion in the regions' politics,
and its impact on inter-state relations.
While in Islamic Pakistan, the prolonged
misuse of religion to legitimize its suc-
cessive military regimes has spawned a
subterranean secular backlash within a
section of its civil society; while in
India's electoral politics, the populist
rhetoric around secularism has cre-
ated a backlash among a section of peo-
ple that is becoming increasingly cyni-
cal of the secular label to some obvious
aspects of electoral politics. These two
events also suggest that Musharaff's
project of leading Pakistan to become
a “moderate” Islamic state and “mod-
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ernizing” its Madrassas, with predict-
able US support, has now a domestic
constituency receptive to economic
rationality explaining the role of reli-
gion in politics; while India's relatively
new Hindu conservative backlash is
much less tolerant of liberal cosmo-
politanism in its political discourse, but
the country's secular-democratic con-
stitutional structure restricts its oper-
ational sphere strictly within its permis-
sible limits. Besides, democratic India's
civil society is now more pro-actively
assertive against many majoritarian
excesses, either in the religious or the
electoral sense. This makes bridge-
building across the secular-communal
divide between the ideologies of India
and Pakistan, and the religious divide
within them, as much of a realistic pos-
sibility as the present confidence-
building measures between the two sov-
ereign states.
ut, empirically, more than religion,
the political asymmetry between
Pakistan's military dictatorship and
India's democracy is more proximately
rooted to the periodic tensions between
the two countries. This theoretical gen-
eralization needs further qualifica-
tions, because there have been mili-
tary regimes in Pakistan who have not
always been hawkish on India, like, for
example, the Zia-regime (1977-1991);
nor all civilian regimes less hawkish,
like, for example, the brief Nawaz
Shariff era which plotted Kargil (1999)
after receiving Prime Minister Vajpayee
in Lahore and reciprocating his peace-
initiatives. But the problem with mili-
tary regimes in inter-state relations is
the periodic instability endemic in it,
as in Pakistan affecting Indo-Pakistan
relations. All politically contested
regimes in Pakistan have tended to be
more hawkish both against India, and
on Islam : like Ayub Khan in his “ Basic
Democracy” when accused of “sell off”
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FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
vis-à-vis India, plotting “Operation
Gibraltor” and the 1965 war, and finally
capitulating after Tashkent; or Bhutto
after the Shimla Conference (1972)
drafting the “Islamic Constitution” of
an “Islamic Republic”, and simulta-
neously announcing the projects for an
“Islamic Bomb” and a “Thousand Year
War” against India , and more recently
Nawaz Shariff, and even General
Musharaff till the windfall of 9&11
which suddenly transformed him from a
pariah in US diplomacy to a valuable
strategic ally against “Islamic
Fundamentalism” to enable him to con-
solidate against his rivals at home. In
sharp contrast to Pakistan, India's
democracy , and its constitutional insti-
tutions have historically provided rela-
tive political stability to pursue its secu-
lar nation-building agenda,inclusive of
its large muslim minority in a multicul-
tural society, as part of its national secu-
rity. Consequently, the Indian state,
unlike its Pakistani counterpart, has had
fewer domestic compulsions to be hawk-
ish either against any of its Islamic
neighbours , or generally about religion
as a basis of its national identity. Such
pressures emerging from the resurgent
Hindu nationalism in more recent times,
partly from its domestic politics and
reinforced by the globalisation process
of the large Hindu diaspora , is consider-
ably mitigated by the legitimacy of its
constitutional structure and the civil
society pro-activist response against
majoritarian excesses. Pakistan's
political system is still far from being
modernized or democratized to ensure
abidingly stable relations between the
historical adversaries as neighbours,
within their inter-state, and intra-state
religious divides. Till this happens, the
trajectory of Indo-Pakistan relations is
unlikely to be very different from its pres-
ent ups and down, but both inspite of
their religious divide than because of it.
Epilogue, December 2009
13
3 IN FOCUS
Regional Dialogue

CHALLENGES IN JAMMU REGION

Understanding the Amarnath
Shrine Land Controversy
SANDIP SINGH

Jammu witnessed an agitation in the summer of 2008 which was unprecedented in term of its duration,
quantum and amount of passion. In both the provinces, the agitation was directed against the state, one
for the cancellation of order and another for the imposition of the order concerning allotment 800 canals
of land to Shri Amaranth Shrine board (SASB) .The agitation has polarized both the region and religion.
There are different versions about the nature of the agitation.

become more perceptible in the last

Background
Discontent in the Jammu region
has been deep rooted; New Delhi's con-
cern with the Kashmir problem with
least or negligible mentioning of the
Jammu has only aggravated this. Rekha
Choudhary (2008) argues that the politi-
cal discontent within Jammu and
Kashmir, is all pervasive and extends
beyond the Kashmir Valley. In the
Jammu region, a feeling of political
neglect has persisted since the early fif-
ties. This feeling emanates from the con-
text of power politics which has
remained Kashmir-centric, allowing
only token involvement of the political
elite of Jammu. There is a feeling that
in all political negotiations undertaken
to address the Kashmir problem, Jammu
is taken for granted and that the political
arrangements are imposed on Jammu.
Internal dynamics of the Jammu
and Kashmir is much more complex. It
also indicates that the ethno- religious
composition has much to do with the
history and future of the state, like the
Jammu-Muslims were opposed to the
separation from the Valley and did not
favor the idea of regional autonomy for
the Jammu.(Memorandum by some
Muslims in Jammu.)
It is also interesting to examine the
political choices of this community,
which has not mobilized itself politi-
cally and tends to be ignored in any dis-
cussion on Jammu politics. The Jammu
Muslims do not support the BJP's Hindu
politics and a separate state of Jammu,
nor are they willing to be assimilated
completely into the Kashmir Muslim
identity. At the same time, they don't
form a separate and cohesive political
grouping, partly because they remain
divided along ethnic (Dogra Muslims,
Kashmiri Muslims, Pahari Muslim, Gujjar
and Bakerwal), linguistic (Pahari Dogra,
Gujjars and Kashmiri), and caste lines,
and partly no political leader of a stat-
ure after independence who can mobi-
lize them as an independent political
force in the state politics. (Navnita
Chadha Behera,). In this situation of the
complexity and dependency, Muslims of
Jammu has been thrown to a new politi-
cal landscape where they are and they
have to face a practical problem of nego-
tiating and realigning with both the
Kashmir Muslim and Jammu Hindu by
maintaining the tricky mix of linkage
and distance. The political divergence
between Jammu and Kashmir has
two decades of conflict. The separatist
politics that emerged as a dominant
response of the valley had little impact
in Jammu, though militancy did take
roots in certain parts of the region.
However, the conflict impacted the
Jammu region in a number of ways.
Apart from the militant violence, there
were situations of selective killings of
minorities aimed at provoking the com-
munal backlash (Rekha choudhary, 2008)
At the backdrop of these incidents
there was also an attempt to
communalize the Jammu province
through the state as well by manufac-
turing the sub-regional identity on the
basis of Hindu-Muslim fault-lines. In the
Jammu region, the supporter of the NC
–couched in ethno-linguistic terms-first
demanded an autonomous hill develop-
ment council for Pahari region compris-
ing Poonch and Rajouri districts and
Chenab valley region in the erstwhile
Doda district. But these demand lack
popular support base in the sub region;
in Rajouri and Poonch the Gujjar com-
munity opposed it and same demand not
liked enthusiastically by the minority in
the Doda sub-region. When government
failed in this, the top to bottom
approach was followed by granting pro-

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14
3 IN
vincial status to both the region as pir
panjal and Chenab valley province for
the poonch –roujori and the doda distt.
Respectively along the Hindu-Muslim
fault line.(Navnita Chadha Behera,
State, Identity and Violence) . The role
of the centre and the state forced this
simmering resentment to burst out due
to skepticism. It seems that the political
discontent is there and just waiting for
the moment to burst out and in June
2008 it became the ultimate point to
resent where it became easy for the
rightist to raise the region against the
Kashmir on the name of Shiva to which
every Hindu can easily associate. In
other words, land row become the pre-
text to show the decades old simmering
resentment of neglect and discrimina-
tion towards the local administration on
the one hand and the Indian state on the
other.
The government order to divert
800 canals of land to the SASB (Shri
Amarnath Shrine Board) was not only
seen as a government plan to perma-
nently hand over forest land to 'Outsid-
ers' but also as a conspiracy to change
the religious demography of the only
Muslims state (Rekha Choudhary, 2008).
It also seems that there is a sense of
neglect by all the religio-ethnic groups
against each other and few against
Indian state (Kashmiri Muslims) though
with different shades, nature, intensity
and form. The coincidence of election
at the national level and at the local
assembly level also play a crucial role in
the extension of the agitation as
according to Praful Bidwai, L K Advani
just can't wait to become prime minis-
ter. His speeches have become shrill,
and his body language has changed. This
is no longer the Advani who wanted to
inherit the “moderate” Vajpayee leg-
acy. This is the Advani of many past
Rathyatras—aggressive, warlike, spew-
ing communal venom, and leaving a
trail of blood. Advani will now stoop to
any level to collect political brownie
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points, regardless of the issue. The
other day, the issue was the UPA govern-
ment's alleged weakness in the face of
terrorism. Then, it was the India-US
nuclear deal, the culmination of a long
process the BJP itself initiated, and
which its urban-middle-class core con-
stituency supports.
However, in the absence of
a regional party
(comparable to the
National Conference as a
regional party of Kashmir)
the politics of regional
neglect has often been
appropriated by the Hindu
Right Organizations and
thus communalized in the
process – this despite the
fact that the politics of
regional divide is as
widespread in Muslim-
majority sub-regions of
Jammu like Doda, Poonch
and Rajouri, as in the
Hindu majority areas.
Now, Advani is drumming up Hindu-
chauvinist hysteria over 100 acres of
land, laying claim to it on the specious
ground that the Hindus must have the
first claim to land anywhere in India by
virtue of their numerical majority—and
hence primacy (Praful Bidwai, 2008)
The role of confidence- vote on nuclear
issue and its effect on agitation cannot
be ignored as the BJP was badly check-
mated during the confidence vote. It
lost it—despite trying every trick in the
book. Worse, Advani was eclipsed by
Mayawati's dramatic emergence as an
alternative. The BJP's plans went awry.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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The victorious and now aggressive
Manmohan Singh couldn't be convinc-
ingly depicted as “India's weakest-ever
prime minister.” The BJP botched up its
in manipulative political act, where it's
s u p p o s e d l y u n m a t c h e d ( Pr a f u l
Bidwai,2008). State politics was also
changing its contours, instead of reli-
gion regionalism dominated the scene
in the 2002 assembly election where con-
gress swept the poll by projecting its
Jammu based Muslim leader as chief
ministerial candidate, conceding only
one seat to the BJP out 37 constituen-
cies.(Balraj Puri, 2008)
It also seems that the government
took the situation of land row casually
whereas the drop in violence, infiltra-
tion down to a trickle, the decimation of
the Hizbul Mujahedeen, an increase in
political activity, Kashmiris agitating
about civic issues like water and power
—that was mistake on part of the gov-
ernment and it made a critical error. It
mistook surface calm for normalcy. It
placed J&K at par with Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra, or any other state. When
the state Cabinet passed the land trans-
fer order, it took the Valley for granted,
and when in, a knee-jerk reaction, it
revoked the order, it took Jammu for
g r a n t e d . ' ' ( B a w e j a H . , Te h e l k a
Magazine, 2008). Due to the agitation
the mainstream ruling parties has been
pushed to the wall and that gap sudden
created by the agitation is being filled
by the separatist while in Jammu BJP
always take the advantage because of
the absence of any substantial regional
political party in the region
It is around this feeling, deep-
rooted in the political consciousness of
the people of this region that Jammu
has erupted from time to time.
However, in the absence of a regional
party (comparable to the National
Conference as a regional party of
Kashmir) the politics of regional neglect
has often been appropriated by the
Hindu Right Organizations and thus
Epilogue, December 2009
15
3 IN
communalized in the process – this
despite the fact that the politics of
regional divide is as widespread in
Muslim-majority sub-regions of Jammu
like Doda, Poonch and Rajouri, as in
the Hindu majority areas. The base
for the feeling of discrimination is
Agitation In Jammu
The entire issue initially revolved
around a government order diverting
forest land to the SASB, and subse-
quently around the revocation of the
order. The order gave the SASB the right
to erect pre-fabricated temporary
structures for housing the yatris during
the period of the Amarnath yatra.
However, more than the order, it was
the assertion of the CEO of the SASB rep-
resenting the ex-officio chairman, the
Governor, General S.K. Sinha, that the
land had been given permanently to the
Board to build permanent structures
that generated a massive response in
Kashmir (Rekha Choudhary, 2008).
Moreover the functioning of the SASB
raises so many questions .( Navlakha,
2008) The SASB 'runs a virtually paral-
lel administration and acts as a 'sover-
eign body' ostensibly promoting Hindu
interests. It has been instrumental, he
argues, in rapidly increasing the number
of pilgrims to Amarnath, which has risen
sharply from 12,000 in 1989 to over
4,00,000 in 2007. In order to facilitate
this, it has extended the period of the
pilgrimage from 15 days to two and half
months. The Board has 'virtually taken
over the functioning of the Pahalgam
Development Authority, laying claims to
forest lands and constructing shelters
and structures even on the Pahalgam
Golf Course.' It has also staked claims to
set up an 'independent' Amarnath
Development Authority, Sikand (2008).
Gen. Sinha had already played a
proactive and revivalist role and this
had already reflected his saffron bent of
mind. He had a self-proclaimed agenda
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mostly fought under the following
points raised by the RSS and other
Jammu based parties as given below
besides this, there are few socio-
political and students organizations
though not affiliated with the RSS agi-
tate on the same line as the RSS
of changing the 'mindset' in Kashmir
which he set about doing by redefining
'Kashmiri-yat' based essentially on its
Hindu past. It was against this back-
ground that the separatists used the
issue of diversion of land to SASB to
invoke suspicion among many Kashmiris
that there was a grand design behind
the order aimed at altering the Muslim-
majority character of the state. The
fear of 'demographic change', there-
fore, became the basis of mass mobili-
zation in Kashmir (Rekha Choudhary,
2008)
The situation has been invoked in
the context of a sense of siege and fear-
ful of their cultural, religious and ethnic
identity being under grave threat, many
Kashmiri Muslims saw the SASB as an
instrument of the Indian or 'Hindu'
state. In such a context, the state's deci-
sion to hand over the land to the Board
(the SASB is said to have actually asked
for a chunk of land four times the size of
what it was allotted) to facilitate the
government's patronage of a Hindu pil-
grimage in the heart of Kashmir, in a por-
tion of the Valley inhabited almost
wholly by Muslims, was seen as further
evidence of what many Kashmiris
feared—the gradual, state-sponsored
Hinduisation of their homeland. And the
second it can be taken as unwarranted
over-reaction as one might argue, the
granting a patch of land for a Hindu pil-
grimage might have no such conse-
quences. On the contrary, it could have
been projected as an important sym-
bolic gesture on the part of Kashmiri
Muslims to Hindus in an effort to
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
their affiliates do on the issues of
discrimination. The RSS resolution
of June 2002 demanding separate
statehood for Jammu region sup-
ported by other organization make
it clear that the intention of the
rightist in the state.
improve the severely strained inter-
community relations in the war-torn
state. By reacting in the violent way
that they did to the granting of the land
to the SASB, Kashmiri Muslim leaders
have only helped further exacerbate
the already tense relations between
Muslims and Hindus and are, like their
Hindu counterparts, cynically using the
issue to whip up support for themselves,
Sikand (2008). Moreover in order to
quell the agitation which had assumed
dangerous proportions in Kashmir, the
order was revoked but this only gener-
ated another kind of politics in Jammu.
The BJP and like-minded organizations
termed the revocation of the order as
an assault on 'Hindu sentiments' and
demanded that the original order be
restored. These organizations suc-
ceeded in mobilizing enormous support
from the Hindu-dominated areas of
Jammu region, not only on the ground of
religious sentiment but also by invoking
regional and national sentiments. The
revocation of the order was portrayed
as an anti-national and anti-Jammu deci-
sion taken under the pressure of sepa-
ratists to appease the 'Muslims of
Kashmir' without taking into consider-
ation the sentiments of the 'Hindus of
Jammu'.
It was for the first time in the his-
tory of this state (Rekha Choudhary,
2008) that political turmoil brought the
two regions of Jammu and Kashmir to
the brink of direct confrontation. To a
large extent the problem was accentu-
ated by the government in power, espe-
cially the conflicting interests of the
coalition partners, the PDP and
Epilogue, December 2009
16
3 IN
Congress. Both parties acted more out
of electoral consideration in their
respective constituencies, rather than
work responsibly to resolve the problem
at hand. Viewing the turmoil in Kashmir
both as a danger signal of losing out to
the Hurriyat as well as an opportunity to
gain from the radicalization of politics
of Kashmiri identity, the PDP accentu-
ated the crisis by disowning its role in
passing the order and demanded its revo-
cation. It later withdrew from the gov-
ernment, leading to its fall.
On the other hand, The SASS com-
position and its moves help to or in tune
with the hardliner Hurriyat agenda. The
Shri Amarnath Sangharsh Samiti, a 28-
group network, is basically a Sangh
Parivar enterprise. Its three top lead-
ers—Leelakaran Sharma, Mahant Dinesh
Bharti and Brig (Retd.) Suchet
Singh—has RSS backgrounds and are
closely linked with the J&K National
Front, which demands the state's
trifurcation: Jammu and Kashmir as sep-
arate states, and Ladakh a Union
Territory. The demand is despicably com-
munal. No wonder the RSS national coun-
cil backed it in 2001. In the 2002
Assembly elections, the RSS supported
the Jammu State Morcha, which
demands statehood for Jammu. Any divi-
sion of Jammu and Kashmir along reli-
gious lines is a recipe for the separation
of the Kashmir Valley from India. It will
harden and freeze two opposing identi-
ties—a “Muslim Kashmir,” and a “Hindu
Jammu.” Nothing could better help the
Valley's discredited pro-Pakistan Islamic
separatists like Syed Ali Shah Geelani,
who oppose a pluralist, secular identity
for Kashmir.
The demand for trifurcating J&K
will play straight into the hands of
Pakistani hardliners who want to erase
whatever progress has been made in
informal talks seeking a solution to the
Kashmir problem without redrawing
www.epilogue.in
boundaries, and who want to retrogress
to the perspective of securing Kashmir's
accession to Pakistan—as part of “the
unfinished agendas of Partition.”
(Thekashmir.worldpress.com)
According to the far-from-hostile
state government, Jammu has wit-
nessed 10,513 protests and 359 “serious
incidents of violence” on the Amarnath
issue, in which 28 government build-
ings, 15 police vehicles and 118 private
vehicles were damaged. Eighty cases of
communal violence were registered, in
which 20 persons were injured and 72
Gujjar homes were burnt. As many as
117 police personnel and 78 civilians
were injured in the Jammu violence,
and 129 cases were registered and 1,171
arrests made. Schools, colleges, gov-
ernment offices and hospitals were para-
lyzed, Bidwai (2008) Despite of the com-
munal overtone and stark antagonism
among both the region on the name of
religion, there was also the failure of
the ruling coalition where the Congress
aggravated the situation in Jammu by
failing to take a clear position on the
issue and defending the revocation of
the order. Paralyzed by the response
generated by the BJP, VHP and other sim-
ilar organizations, it withdrew from the
political scene, leaving the space fully
open for these organizations to not only
articulate the political sentiments in a
communal and regionally chauvinistic
manner, but also to homogenize the
responses by invoking the sentiment of
'loyalty to Jammu'. Any dissenting voice
was termed as 'anti-Jammu'.
On the whole, (Rekha Choudhary,
2008) it was the failure of the ruling
coalition and other mainstream politi-
cal parties to place the issues in per-
spective and provide a secular direction
to the political responses at the ground
level. Both in Kashmir as well as in
Jammu, it was a case of the mob setting
the political agenda and the political
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Regional Dialogue
parties and organizations trying at best
to meekly follow. The political space in
Kashmir was captured by the separatists
and in Jammu by the BJP and other
Hindu fundamentalist organizations.
The other part of this agitation
(Tehelka, 2008) is that there was almost
indistinguishable demand by both sepa-
ratist and mainstream actor in the val-
ley as it has become difficult to distin-
guish the demands of the mainstream
parties from those of the Hurriyat
Conference who have no problem with
being called separatists. The main-
stream parties were always considered
the bridge between Srinagar and Delhi;
today they are part of the Muzaffarabad
Chalo call.
Somewhere this move of the PDP
and then NC has forced mainstream
political parties of Jammu region to
be part of the agitation. On another
front the media played a very crucial
role in exaggerating and
sensationalizing the agitation (Au-
gust 2008, Kashmir Times), the role of
media has also fuelled the agitation.
There is a tendency to appear more
lethal than one's enemy is fuelled by
the temptation to hog the limelight in
the spate of the political reality
shows being staged by the hungry tele-
vision channels. The body language of
some of the anchor persons more than
matches the combative mood of their
invited talent. Instead of caring to
elicit information and opinion of partic-
ipants in order to let the viewers make
their own assessment, biased anchors
brazenly take sides in the mistaken
notion of generating controversies. The
spate of such shows has done precious
little so far in either clarifying the issues
involved in the situation or seeking a
possible way –out of the mess. The
insensitivity and lack of professional-
ism was more pervasive in the local
media.
Epilogue, December 2009
17
3 IN
Post Agitation Scenario
The initiation and the culmination
of the agitation have really far-reaching
implications, changing the very nature
and the course of politics. Right from
the agitation, the separatists have some-
how kept their space intact . However,
it is a different kind of separatism
where moderates have lost their pre-
eminence and the leadership has passed
on to the hardliners. It is Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, known for his inflexible views
both on self-determination as well on
the religious nature of the movement,
who is currently giving a direction to sep-
aratist politics with others falling in
line. “The muzafrabad challo” call has
really put India on the back seat and
associate the agitation with trade, LOC
and thus with the Pakistan. It also hints
at the desirability of the future negotia-
tion of the problem around these con-
texts as well. Whereas on other hand,
the Kashmiri pandit Diaspora did the same
in different motives while highlighting the
grievances against the Kashmiri Muslim
intention concerning land row.
The most serious impact of the agi-
tation is on the already fragile regional
relationship, despite the political diver-
gence, had at no point of time earlier
become discordant. The unmusical poli-
tics has now gone beyond the issues of
regional discrimination to incorporate
issues of economy and trade. Note that
while during the Jammu agitation, a call
for a 'economic blockade' of Kashmir
was raised, after the agitation,
Kashmiri traders have given a call for
boycotting trade through Jammu
(Rekha Choudhary). According to Syed
Ali Salvi, 2008) , it too seems that the
agitation over the land issue was pri-
marily focused on the re-establishing
the separatist in the lost space in the
Kashmir politics. For Gilani, the fight
is no longer over the land row, but for
the final settlement of the Kashmir
issue. Now, people want freedom from
Indian occupation. The land issue is a
thing of the past. He comments, “Nei-
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ther is there any need to talk about this
issue nor would I ever talk on the subject
to the shri amaranth sangarsh samiti” .
The antagonism between the two
regions has serious implications for the
unity of the state on the one hand, and
its plural and secular character on the
other. The communal direction that the
agitation took has already put a strain
on the plural and secular character of
the state. The very initiation of the agi-
tation on the issue of 'demographic
change', and the fear of loss of 'Muslim
majority character' of the state, has
brought religion to the centre of the
political agenda. The agitation in
Jammu, moreover, had clear communal
overtones. Significantly, this region had
survived all kinds of provocations to
communalize politics during the past
two decades of conflict. But it now
seems to have fallen prey to communal
politics, even experiencing two severe
cases of communal clashes in Kishtwar
and Poonch. and burning of gujjar bastis
near vijaypur and jourian. The agitation
has given space to the Hurriyat to
search and create a new constituency in
the Jammu region as according to Rekha
Choudhary (2008) communalizing the
politics of Jammu has the potential of
reorganizing the politics of the state on
communal rather than regional lines.
Already, the Kashmiri separatists have
started identifying with the Muslims of
Jammu and voicing their concerns. So
far the Muslims of Jammu have refused
to be identified with the Muslims of
Kashmir and maintained their distinct
regional identity. But the possibility of
carving out a 'Muslim constituency'
across the regional divide cannot be dis-
counted. This will have the most serious
implications of communally polarizing
the politics of the state and giving a boost
to all those who have been clamoring for
the division of the state along communal
lines. After giving glance to the problem
underlying in this sudden upsurgement of
the agitation in both the province, a
wiser strategy to satisfy the popular
urges for the self- governance lies in a
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Regional Dialogue
through restructuring of the state's rela-
tionship with the Indian State and in cre-
ating new federal relationships within
Jammu and Kashmir (Navnita, State,
Identity and Violence).
Conclusion
Communal violence is precipitated
as part of political strategy. All political
parties indulge in this policy. No party is
innocent in this game, including the sec-
ular ones. (Nandy, 2004) Moreover the
agitation (Sikand, 2008) also starkly indi-
cates that the religion and communal
identities defined essentially in the reli-
gious terms have everything to do with
the basic issue of Jammu and Kashmir
and its still unsettled political status.
Both the separatist in Kashmir and the
rightist in Jammu dismiss this point, may
be finding it embarrassing, afraid of
being levelled as communal but no longer
we deny the crucial role of religion in
shaping the contours of the ongoing con-
flict in and over Kashmir. Moreover the
impact of the agitation on election is
quite different than the prediction. The
result at the national level points that the
impact of the agitation in term of result
as expected by the BJP is negligible or it
can also be the reason that people
rejected the communal politics.
The local assembly election in J&K
is quite visible. Here, the BJP stood first
time jumped into double digit by secur-
ing 11 seats. The polarization also helps
the PDP and despite of being loaded
with Kashmir centric voices the pene-
trated into Poonch-Rajouri sub- region
and secured two seats one from Darhal
and other from Mender. The way con-
gress and NC performed it reflect the fol-
lowing that people of Jammu and
Kashmir are less than their political par-
ties. A person can play the crucial role
(Ghulam Nabi Azad) and it proved when
congress swept 5 out of 6 seats from the
erstwhile Doda district. The other par-
ties like NC and Panther Party sustained
and survived their tradition stronghold.
It seems that baring BJP, no other political
party either lost or gained drastically.
Epilogue, December 2009
18
3 IN
CHALLENGES IN KASHMIR VALLEY
Understanding the Growing
Radicalisation
ARJIMAND HUSSAIN TALIB
Background
Kashmir Valley has often been cele-
brated as one of the living ideals of syn-
cretic traditions, where various reli-
gious beliefs have peacefully co-existed
and flourished side by side since centu-
ries. However, the Valley's history has
also witnessed periods when all major
religions have competed for political
and social supremacy. Religion has also
been employed as an instrument for
political domination, both by political
and religious leaders and institutions.
The political turmoil in the post-1930s'
period has often witnessed periods of
religious radicalisation, seeking to rede-
fine and set Kashmir's political agenda.
However, this period has also witnessed
neutralisation of the forces that have
spearheaded radicalisation movements
Causes of Radicalisation
Post-colonial political entities and
religious make-up:
The age of colonisation changed
the face of the world in many ways. The
adventures of drawing boundaries on
maps – creating political entities in dis-
regard to ethnic, national, religious and
geographical considerations – has cre-
ated a world often based on unnatural
political and identity considerations. In
the post-colonial period, Africa got coun-
tries, dividing tribes and ethnicities,
which even to this day do not recognise
country-boundaries. The Arab world,
www.epilogue.in
at the first place. Such neutralisation
has happened as a natural consequence
and because of certain deliberate State
actions as well. Today, greater levels of
education among Kashmiris are working
both ways. At one plane they are creat-
ing a critical mass of people who are
more willing to understand, respect and
co-exist with people of other faiths. At
another plane, greater exposure to
global political developments, mainly in
places like the Middle East, Iraq and
Afghanistan, evokes sentiments of radi-
calisation and aversion to peaceful co-
existence with other religions. For
another section of the population, reli-
gion remains a key instrument in fur-
thering the political agenda, seeking
restoration of Kashmir's political rights.
bound by a common culture, language
and religion, got divided into several
'nation-states'. The Indian sub-
continent's reorgani-sation was far from
a perfect project. Much of the Far East
lost its original shape once the western
colonizers left.
History, like in most of the post-
colonial world, has given birth to a
political and geographical entity in the
shape of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) state
which is far from perfect. The State's
present geographical and political make
up is a reflection of the same historical
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
For this segment, secular democratic
politics has failed in the realisation of
the greater political goals.
There are two facets of the debate
on religious radicalisation in Kashmir. At
one level, the trends of organised radi-
calisation are on a clear decline. The deci-
mation of the structures and cadre of
organisations like the once-influential
Jamaat-i-Islami and its off shoot organi-
sations during the last twenty years has
seen a systematic decline in the trend of
organised radicalisation.
On the other hand, events like the
Amarnath Land Controversy of 2008
have served to radicalise vast sections
of Kashmir's youth, who see such devel-
opments as a clear manifestation of fur-
thering the 'Hindu India's religious domi-
nation of Kashmir' and 'dilution of its
overwhelmingly Muslim character'.
accidents, rooted in colonial imagina-
tion of the post-colonial borders. The
Treaty of Amritsar compounded that his-
torical accident. And then during the
subsequent decades of autocratic Dogra
Maharaha rule over the majority Muslim
population and the division of the State
gave birth to a complex and chaotic pol-
ity.
Demographic Change' and Religious
Radicalisation:
The debate on religious demogra-
phy has been a major issue in J&K State,
which has been strengthening the
notion of an 'engineered demographic
change' being carried out to change
Epilogue, December 2009
19
3 IN
Kashmir's majority Muslim character.
This issue is a highly emotive one – some-
thing which, in the first place, fuelled
the agitation against the Amarnath Land
Transfer in Kashmir in 2008. This issue
continues to breed religious radicalism
in Kashmir. Certain official statistical
data reinforce this perception.
As per the 1941 census, the total
Muslim population of J&K State was of
72.41 per cent of the total population,
while as the Hindus comprised of 25.01
per cent (Out of a total population of
2946728). The Muslim composition was
reported reduced in 1961 Census at
68.30 per cent as against an increased
28.45 per cent that of Hindus (of the
reported total population of 3560976).
The trend has been continuing: in 1971
census (of a total population of
4616632), Muslim population was again
reported to be on a decline at 65.85 per
cent while as Hindu population had
grown to 30.42 per cent. In 1981 Census,
for the total population of 5987389, the
Hindu population was again reported to
have risen to 32.24 per cent, while the
Muslim population was reported to have
reduced to 64.19 per cent. This trend
has been found to fuel a sense of insecu-
rity and siege among Kashmiri Muslims.
According to Census figures,
quoted in an article in Frontline
newsmagazine in October, 2000, by
Praveen Swami, in Doda district the
Hindu population had grown by 47.23
per cent between 1971 and 1981 but
that of Muslims by only 11.97 per cent.
In Udhampur, the figures for the same
period were 45 per cent against 6.35 per
cent. In Rajouri Hindu population grew
by 47.72 per cent against 33.01 per cent
of Muslims. The Hindu population of
Kathua was reported to have grown by
39.31 per cent while the Muslim popula-
tion had “fallen” by 14.57 per cent. In
Jammu district Hindu population was
reported to have “grown” by 36.14 per
cent while the Muslim population had
www.epilogue.in
“fallen” by 29.98 per cent. This trend in
religious demography remains the prin-
cipal reason for the isolated trends of
radicalisation among Muslim in Kashmir.
Political and economic 'discrimina-
tion': Fuelling religious radicalis-
ation:
The three regions of the
Jammu & Kashmir State –
Jammu, Kashmir and
Ladakh – continue to nurse
their own feelings of neglect
and discrimination by one
another. This feeling and
perception have served to
sharpen both regional and
religious divides. One of the
spin offs of this feeling has
been religious
radicalisation, creation of
political and religious
platforms which are
exclusive in nature and
share a common aversion to
accommodation and
inclusiveness.
The three regions of the Jammu &
Kashmir State – Jammu, Kashmir and
Ladakh – continue to nurse their own
feelings of neglect and discrimination
by one another. This feeling and percep-
tion have served to sharpen both
regional and religious divides. One of
the spin offs of this feeling has been reli-
gious radicalisation, creation of politi-
cal and religious platforms which are
exclusive in nature and share a common
aversion to accommodation and inclu-
siveness. The pattern of political repre-
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
sentation in the State Assembly and
local municipal bodies in the cities of
Srinagar, Jammu and Leh symbolises
this divide and pattern.
Some of the recruitment results of
the State Selection Recruitment Board
(SSRB) and the Public Service
Commission (PSC) in 2009 to govern-
ment services in the state are some key
examples. In Kashmir, there is a growing
feeling that disproportionate represen-
tation of the Jammu region in the gov-
ernment administrative recruitments is
in line with the Kashmir region's politi-
cal disempowerment. All such feelings
breed religious radicalisation.
The contention of regional imbal-
ances in J&K State goes back to several
decades. It was way back in 1961 that
the G. M. Sadiq government was advised
by New Delhi to appoint a commission to
look into Jammu's grievances of discrim-
ination. What followed was P. B.
Gajendragadkar Commission. There is
no secret in that the commission's rec-
ommendations were politically influ-
enced. One of its core recommenda-
tions was the creation of special admin-
istrative structures like Regional
Development Boards. In Srinagar, most
of the recommendations were received
with alarm, but New Delhi used its influ-
ence to ensure they were taken seri-
ously.
In 1965, Dr. Karan Singh, went a
step further by proposing that J&K be
'reorganized' on linguistic (communal)
lines, and Jammu be merged with
Himachal Pradesh. Then, this demand
was viewed as an extreme thought both
in New Delhi and Srinagar. The idea died
down on its own.
In 1978, Jammu's sense of discrimi-
nation took a violent turn when riots
broke out in Jammu and Poonch cities.
That was the time when certain govern-
ment recruitments were seen to be
unevenly in favour of the Kashmir
region. Soon the violence got little
Epilogue, December 2009
20
3 IN
nasty, targeting a particular ethnic
group. In the preventive police action,
about eighteen people were killed. The
then chief minister, Sheikh Abdullah,
felt the political heat unbearable and
announced setting up of yet another
commission to inquire the grievances of
discrimination. This time round the com-
mission was headed by a retired Chief
Justice, S.M. Sikri. The Sikri Commission,
among other things, recommended cre-
ation of a State Development Board
chaired by the Chief Minister. That
never happened.
Since the 80s, almost all State gov-
ernment departments and agencies
have been bifurcated or trifurcated.
State-level posts were replaced by divi-
sion and province-level posts. The res-
ervation for socially backward classes
and ethnic groups created further social
and political divisions.
Ladakh region, for all practical rea-
sons, became a state within a state. But
it is important to recognise that the
region's separatist tendencies have
their roots in early 1949 when its rulers
proposed Ladakh's direct incorporation
into the Indian Union.
It is true that some rulers from the
Kashmir region in the past have not
acted too sensitively to the needs and
aspirations of some of the people of
Jammu and Ladakh. However, it is also
true that Jammu and Ladakh regions
always have had New Delhi's political
and administrative favours on their
side. Among Kashmir's civil society and
political leadership, New Delhi's such
proximity and special favours to Jammu
and Ladakh have bred feelings of psy-
chological and political siege. That feel-
ing is reinforced with each passing day.
Delimitation of Assembly
Constituencies:
Since many years, delimitation of
the existing Assembly constituencies is
being vociferously advocated by parties
like the Congress, BJP, Jammu State
Morcha and the Panthers Party in
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Jammu. They argue that Jammu region
is “under-represented” in the State
Assembly – with Kashmir having 46
Assembly constituencies and Jammu 37.
In April 2002 that the J&K
Legislative Assembly adopted an amend-
ment to the Jammu and Kashmir
Constitution freezing any delimitation
exercise till 2026. The Election
Commission in 2008 also made it clear
that there will be no delimitation of elec-
toral constituencies in J&K before 2026.
Sadly, most of the political parties
in J&K see the delimitation issue from
narrow political prisms, rather than
identity and rights. When the Congress
Party fought the 2001 Assembly elec-
tions in Jammu & Kashmir, its election
manifesto promised a Delimitation
Commission – meaning a commission
would be set up in the State through a
constitutional amendment to hammer
out new electoral constituencies based
on the 2001 census.
For demystifying the delimitation
debate, it is important to analyse the
demographic data of the State. As per
the 2001 census figures, the population
in Kashmir province is 54.76 lakh and
that in Jammu is 44.3 lakh. Jammu's popu-
lation includes around 1.5 lakh Kashmiri
Pandits, who are enrolled as voters in
Kashmir, not in Jammu. As such Kashmir
has around 1.3 million people more than
Jammu if we include Kashmiri Pandits in
the Valley population.
There are ample examples to sub-
stantiate this argument. Jammu and
Kashmir's chief electoral officer B.R.
Sharma recently made a significant
statement when he said that the latest
revised electoral rolls show that the
number of voters in Kashmir is 32 lakh
and that in Jammu around 30 lakh. In 11
Assembly segments in Jammu, 94,000
bogus voters were found and deleted. It
was, however, not explained why
Kashmir, despite having nearly 1.3 mil-
lion people more than Jammu, had only
about 2 lakh more voters.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
It is common knowledge that an
unspecified number of eligible voters in
Kashmir are not registered. It happens
either due to their disinterest in the
democratic process or due to adminis-
trative lethargy. Be whatever, by a mod-
est estimate no less than a million vot-
ers of Kashmir are missing from the elec-
toral rolls, even if one takes 2001 census
figures as the base line data.
There is no doubt in that all pri-
mary data is collected by the local mem-
bers of local government administration
but there are many missing links
between the Census Department and
government man power in terms of co-
ordination, training, geographical cov-
erage, logistics and data consolidation.
After data collection, all compilation
and analysis takes place at the central
level.
B a s i c a l l y, a s p e r J & K ' s
Constitution, census should have been a
State subject. It is quite surprising that
there is not a single Muslim member in
the Task Force on Quality Assurance,
which is responsible for the final clear-
ance of census data of J&K. Even more
surprisingly, J&K census department has
almost no role in the analysis and vali-
dation part. The problem is that data
processing includes what the Census
Department calls the process of "inter-
nal consistency, comparison with simi-
lar data in the past and also validation
with likewise data." And it is here where
the problem lies. The trend of demo-
graphics having been established during
the past census operations in J&K is
reflected in almost every new census.
Decimation of the Jamaat-i-Islami:
The decimation of one of Kashmir's
main religious political parties - the
Jamaat-i-Islami – during the insurgency
era has worked the ways. On the one
hand, some of its cadres' embrace of
insurgency, and eventual neutralisation
saw a significant erosion of its political
structure. On the other hand, the ero-
sion of its cadre base and grassroots
Epilogue, December 2009
21
3 IN
presence gave a fillip to the emergence
of other religious groups like the
Jamiat-i-Ahlihadees. All this has two
ramifications for Kashmir. There is a
thought which sees the political ideol-
ogy of groups like the Jamaat-i-Islami
more accommodative than the groups
like the Jamiat-i-Ahlihadees. To another
thought the decimation of Jamaat-i-
Islami has sealed its capacity to create
another grassroots base and student
mobilisation in a near future.
Post 9/11, most of the cross-LoC
radical political affiliations and insur-
gent networks have got snapped. Many
of such networks like mainly consisting
of Lashkar-i-Taiba, Jaish-i-Muhammad
and other such organisations and their
over ground offshoots had started
importing ideologies which were mostly
alien to Kashmir in the past.
The Kashmiri Pandit factor:
Generally, Kashmiri Pandit com-
munity has been as a tolerant and
accommodative community. However,
over the last few decades the emer-
gence of radical Kashmiri Pandit groups,
like Panun Kashmir, which espouses radi-
cal political and religious ideologies,
has changed the perception of the com-
munity. The group's political ambition of
creating an isolated and separate home-
land within Kashmir Valley remains a rad-
ical agenda, which has the potential of
stirring reactionary radical responses
from Islamist groups in Kashmir. This
agenda also serves to draw parallels
with the Palestinian issue, making the
Kashmir's political question attain
increasingly religious overtures. Any fur-
ther delay in honourable and respect-
able return of the Kashmiri Pandits to
their original homes and their assimila-
tion with the majority Muslim community
holds the potential for further radicalis-
ation among both the communities,
fuelled by reactions and counter reactions.
The Sangh Parivar factor:
The patronage that certain reli-
gious communities in Jammu & Kashmir
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have enjoyed from radical religious
groups like the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak
Sangh (RSS), the Bajrang Dal, the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) etc. has
also served to radicalise certain sec-
The contention of regional
imbalances in J&K State
goes back to several decades.
It was way back in 1961
that the G. M. Sadiq
government was advised by
New Delhi to appoint a
commission to look into
Jammu's grievances of
discrimination. What
followed was P. B.
Gajendragadkar
Commission. There is no
secret in that the
commission's
recommendations were
politically influenced. One
of its core recommendations
was the creation of special
administrative structures
like Regional Development
Boards. In Srinagar, most
of the recommendations
were received with alarm,
but New Delhi used its
influence to ensure they were
taken seriously.
tions among the Hindu community. This
patronage has also created reactionary
forces among Muslims in the Kashmir
Valley. Fluelling of regional separatist
tendencies has automatically served
religious radicalisation.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
In March 2001, the Akhil Bharatiya
Pratinidhi Sabha of the RSS at Delhi has
already resolved to support the agita-
tions in Jammu and Ladakh for separate
statehood and union territory status.
The RSS Resolution on J&K, passed at
Kukukshetra on June 30, 2002, apart
from expressing solidarity with all non-
Muslim and non-Kashmiri speaking eth-
nic groups' “struggles of assertion”, also
states, “This resolution is the best way
to abolish the divisive article 370, sepa-
rate citizenship for State subjects, sepa-
rate flag, and separate constitution for
J&K. It is also the best way to stop lakhs
of Pakistanis from settling in J&K
through the Resettlement Act.” RSS' Uttar
Kshetra Sangha, Jitender Veer Gupta's blue
print for the “or-organisation” offers
another interesting insight into this.
Growth of Wahabi Ideology:
With the increasing unpopularity
of certain practices of Kashmiri Muslims
who identify themselves with the
Hanafi school of thought, mainly the
practices around the Sufi shrines,
Wahabi ideology is gaining ground in
Kashmir. Mosques which would tradi-
tionally be run by people of Hanafi
thought, highly influenced by the Sufi
ways of religious practices, are increas-
ingly being overtaken by Wahabi
ideologues. This is happening not only in
Kashmir's countryside but in Srinagar
city as well, including the Old city – con-
sidered a strong bastion of Hanafi
Islamic thought. Although this transition
does not necessarily mean outright reli-
gious radicalisation, however, it leaves
scope for transformation which over a
period of time attains a degree of radi-
calisation – both social and political.
On the other hand, the Jamiat-i-
Ahlihadees's plan of establishing an
Islamic University in Srinagar is seen as a
direct response to the Mata Vaishno Devi
University established in Jammu by a
particular school of Hindu thought.
The Madrasa Phenomenon:
Although there is a clear growth in
Epilogue, December 2009
22
3 IN
the number and influence of Islamic
Madrasas in Kashmir, yet the fact
remains that they are mostly politically
passive. The emphasis of the educa-
tional curriculum in these madrasas is
mostly on the teachings of the Quran
and Hadith (The traditions of the
Prophet of Islam). Examination of the
sample trends in these madrasas sug-
gests that their proliferation does not
necessarily translate into religious radi-
calisation, given the nature of their cur-
riculum that generally focuses on indi-
vidual reformation rather than political
Islam seeking political domination.
Extra constitutional laws and curbing
peaceful political dissent:
Excessive reliance on law and
order instruments in containing politi-
cal dissent has also contributed in the
growth of religious radicalisation in
Kashmir. The use of extra constitutional
laws like the Armed Forces Special
Powers Act (AFSPA), the Public Safety
Act (PSA), the Disturbed Areas Act, etc.
only fuel political discontent – which
often strays into religious radicalis-
ation.
The ramifications of New Delhi's
failure of meaningful political engage-
ment with secular political groups like
the JKLF are well known. Despite renun-
ciation of the armed struggle, groups
like the JKLF could not translate their
bargaining power into any political
achievement strengthened the forces
which exhort religious radicalisation as
the only means in achieving Kashmir's
political objectives.
As generally the Kashmiri youth
have renounced the armed path in
achieving their political goals, there is a
greater emphasis on street and Internet
mobilisation. A cursory observation of
the Internet networking sites makes it
clear that this generation sees juxtapo-
sition of militarisation, political domi-
nation with religiosity as an attack on
Kashmir distinct political identity and
religious character.
Imposition of the Section 144, for-
bidding right to assembly, has become a
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part of Kashmir's life. Illegal undeclared
curfews are a routine now. Use of heavy
force against peaceful marches has
become a standard practice. It is com-
mon sense when all avenues of peaceful
dissent and protest are chocked, more
radical forms of resistance crop up,
including religious radicalisation.
Misunderstanding Kashmiri Muslim
monolith:
In the debate on the regional and
religious radicalisation of Jammu &
Kashmir, the Kashmiri Muslim monolith
pitted against Jammu and Ladakh is
often misunderstood. This approach
often ignores other realities as well.
The fact is that the three regions of
J&K today stand divided for all practical
purposes, except for an official map
showing them so. The grand Kashmiri
political monolith of a secular and inclu-
sive nature already stands defeated.
Between and within the three regions,
deep divisions exist today, which are
fashioned not only on the basis of
regional identities but radical religious
standpoints as well. Some of these divi-
sions reinforce religious divides. Some
serve to neutralise them as well.
The fact is that Jammu's Dogra eth-
nic group and Ladakh's Buddists are pit-
ted against the Kashmiri-speaking
Muslims. Muslim Pahari ethnic group is
at odds with Muslim Gujjars and
Bakerwals for political and economic
considerations. There are divisions
between Sunni Muslims against Shia
Muslims. There is a certain gulf between
Jammu's Hindu Dogra against Hindu
Rajput communities. There are political
and ideological differences between
Hindu Jammu-Kathua belt and the
Muslim Rajouri-Poonch-Doda. Buddhist
Leh district and Muslim Kargil district do
not share a common Ladakhi vision.
Kashmiri-speaking Muslim residents of
Doda-Baderwah-Rajouri-Poonch do not
necessarily share a common political
vision with the Pahari-speaking Muslims
of the same areas. Within Kashmir,
another divide has evolved over the
years: that is the divide between 'well-
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Regional Dialogue
developed', 'ever-complaining' urban
Srinagar and rest of the rural Kashmir.
Amarnath Land Controversy:
The Amarnath Land Controversy in
2008 was a watershed in the state's his-
tory. It has created divisions which are
hard to reverse. It has also given birth to
a new wave of radicalisation.
Those who were against the land
transfer argued that as per government
figures alone, in 2008, the number of
Hindu pilgrims to the Amarnath cave has
been record high – 536,000 until Ist
August, 2008. They also say that
Kashmiri Muslims are publicly commit-
ted to host the pilgrims and facilitate
the logistical needs for the same. J&K
government is legally committed as
ever to make available the best possible
arrangements for the Yatra. At the same
time Shri Amarnath Shrine Board (SASB)
remains legally empowered as before by
virtue of the SASB Act, 2002 to autono-
mously conduct the Yatra. However,
exponential increase in the number of
pilgrims beyond the area's carrying
capacity, contamination of fresh water
sources which feed 80 per cent of
Kashmir's drinking water system and
hijacking of the yatra by Hindu right
wing elements have been serious mat-
ters of concern.
Conclusion
From the above narrative it is clear
that religious radicalization in Kashmir
has local, regional and international
political dimensions as well. The most
important factor which fuels religious
radicalization is the political
disempowerment felt by the Kashmiris.
Controversial acts like the 2008
Amarnath Land Transfer also fuel radi-
cal tendencies. However, as seen from
the above narrative, there has been a
decline in systematic and organised radi-
calization over the last two decades. An
inclusive and syncretic Kashmir requires
a political settlement of the Kashmir dis-
pute, reversing the state policies that
fuel communal divisions rather than
regional and ethnic empowerment.
Epilogue, December 2009
23
3 IN
CHALLENGES IN LADAKH
Understanding the Political and
Religious Polarity
TASHI MORUP
Introduction
Local populace, especially
Buddhists, have raised voices of dissent
against successive governments of the
State from time to time and sought
direct central administration. This dis-
sent exacerbated into a full scale agita-
tion with communal flare ups in 1989,
following which, with Govt. of India's
intervention, State Govt. agreed to
grant a semi-autonomous body called
Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development
Council in 1993 to the Leh district,
which came into effect in 1995. However,
there was little awareness in Kargil
about its functions; hence it took 10
years for people of Kargil to feel the
need to replicate this model of gover-
nance in their district.
With the inception of the Hill
Councils, new roads and buildings
sprung up, accountability in develop-
mental works improved, rural infra-
structure got better, and people
actively took part in the initiatives
taken at Hill Council level. At the same
time these institutes also took centre-
stage of politics in both the districts.
Politics in Kargil is deeply
entrenched in a social debate about rec-
onciling Shi'te religiosity with the
changes brought about by modernity.
The two powerful religious factions
Islamia School and Imam Khomeini
Memorial Trust (IKMT), divided over this
issue, have sustained their overwhelm-
ing clout over society through politics in
playing out the local democracy. Agha,
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Sheikh, Kacho, Munshi are religious heads
and families respectively predominant
names in the local power struggle.
Miniscule Buddhist population
from Zanskar and some other parts of
Kargil have found expression in the
Council through reserved seats among
the 26 elected and four nominated seats
of Councillors on the pattern of Leh Hill
Council where minority population of
Muslims has reserved seats.
Azghar Ali Karbalai leader of the
opposition and also founder member of
the IKMT is among the key leaders of
Kargil, who is known for his dynamism,
however, as the Chief Executive
Councillor his take on overhauling the
system cost his party (supported by INC)
losing power in the Hill Council to NC
party led by Kamar Ali Akhon (presently,
J&K Cabinet Minister).
Hassan Khan, a proven leader of NC
party, won the MP election to represent
Ladakh in the Parliament defeating his
nearest rival P Namgyal of INC from Leh.
In this way Ladakh saw a legacy of
Congress and NC party rules with former
having its stronghold in Buddhist domi-
nated Leh and later has established its
base in Kargil with majority Shi'te
Muslims. The two districts sharing one
MP seat has always brought Leh and
Kargil up against each other during the
contest for this coveted seat, and
wherein religious sentiment play a
major role and trump card for the politi-
cal parties in fray.
Coalition politics at State and
Centre had ripple effects in Ladakh as
Vol. 3, Issue 12
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Regional Dialogue
well and power struggles within each dis-
trict provided for a strong multiparty
assertions. The contest for sole MP seat,
for the first time after bifurcation of
Ladakh into two districts, was no more
purely between Leh and Kargil, but
between INC and Ladakh Union Territory
Front (LUTF) in Leh and the major Kargil
vote was divided between NC and
Karbalai led independent party.
In Leh politics by and large revolve
around the popular demand for Union
Territory status, and most significant
manifestation in the recent times was
Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF)
formed under the leadership of erst-
while Congress leader Thupstan
Chhewang. His attempt to call for dis-
banding political parties to be united
under LUTF banner - it gave an emphatic
victory in MP elections then to him over
Hassan Khan from Kargil - got a major
jolt soon after its launch in 2002 with
BJP and Congress reviving their parties.
This development had helped LUTF
sweep Hill Council election in 2004; the
win was considered to be on the grounds
of sympathy votes in the favour of LUTF,
which faced - as voters were convinced
on to believe - stark betrayal from dissi-
dents causing split in the UT Front. The
defeats, however, in the hands of INC in
the subsequent Hill Council by-elections
and later in the contest for MLA (between
Congress candidate Nawang Rigzin Jora
and Thupstan Chhewang) in Leh came as
a major setback to LUTF, which is now
struggling to keep the remaining mem-
bers together.
Epilogue, December 2009
24
3 IN
Politics of Personality
Clashes
What has emerged from these
recent developments is that there is
essentially no ideological differences,
with both factions calling for UT status
for Ladakh, among prominent leaders of
the Leh district who are now engaged in
a bitter blame game, and into this feud
almost the entire population has been
drawn into as almost everybody of the
small population of Leh is aligned to
either Congress or LUTF.
Both Congress and LUTF claim and
counter claim that it is their party which
has always stood for UT. While the
Congress party boast of its legacy from
the time of late Kushok Bakula, consid-
ered as doyen of Ladakh, LUTF reassert
as the true regional level representa-
tion in view of alleged discriminative
stances adopted by Governments irre-
spective of any party and at any level.
However, what seems to be inherent in
these often bitter exchanges is the clash
of personal egos, more than anything
else, among the top leadership in their
power struggle.
The political rallies at the Leh Polo
ground by both the parties' exhibit in
full public display the degree of their
clash of interests. Some dissidents on
both sides were even seen doing
unabashed blatant personal
attacks/counterattacks in their respec-
tive public gatherings setting up a bad
precedent for younger lot to follow.
This trend of exhuming political bit-
terness in public started after the con-
troversial exit of Congress leaders - to
revive their party - from one-party-for-
all LUTF, which was formed by disband-
ing all major parties including NC, INC
and BJP in a brisk developments during
the 2002 MLA elections.
Congress party had given their man-
dates for two MLA seats in Leh and
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Nubra to Tsering Dorjey, current CEC of
LAHDC Leh, and P Namgyal, former
Union Minister. Meanwhile, LBA led by
its President Tsering Samphel, currently
Member of ST Commission GOI, was car-
rying out a series of public campaigns
for UT status and around the time when
Round Table Conferences were being
held LBA felt the need to conglomerate
Coalition politics at State
and Centre had ripple
effects in Ladakh as well
and power struggles within
each district provided for a
strong multiparty
assertions. The contest for
sole MP seat, for the first
time after bifurcation of
Ladakh into two districts,
was no more purely
between Leh and Kargil,
but between INC and
Ladakh Union Territory
Front (LUTF) in Leh and
the major Kargil vote was
divided between NC and
Karbalai led independent
party.
all parties to exert pressure on Centre
over this demand in one voice. In the
ensuing meetings at Chokhang Vihara,
however, there was a call from the NC
party to disband the parties altogether
to which then Congress President Shri
Thupstan Chhewang readily agreed and
with other party members complying
Ladakh Union Territory Front was
formed to strive for UT status under one
banner.
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Later on, LUTF decided to field
Nawang Rigzin Jora and Pintoo Narboo
as MLAs from Leh and Nubra instead of
Mr. Namgyal and Mr. Dorjay on account
of sending more articulate representa-
tives to raise UT at state level. In
absence of any opposition both the can-
didates were elected uncontested from
the respective constituencies.
Such unprecedented development
did manage to draw lot of media atten-
tion at the national level towards the
local UT struggle, however, soon inter-
nal frictions started developing among
the erstwhile members from different
political backgrounds, and its President
Thupstan Chhewang was having tough
times to keep them together.
Meanwhile, by virtue of united Leh
under LUTF banner Mr. Chhewang got
his victory over Hassan Khan of Kargil in
the 2002 MP elections; the Leh Polo
ground witnessed perhaps the largest
crowd gathered with their leaders to cel-
ebrate this crucial win. Common people
were perhaps unaware of the fact that
this unity was not there to last long.
In the midst of increasing internal
frictions the infamous split in the LUTF
occurred with some Congress members
announcing revival of their party. BJP
had already been formed much earlier.
Congress-PDP government after the
fresh Assembly elections at the State
gave cabinet berth to Shri Nawang
Rigzin Jora, who had showed his alle-
giance to Azad-led Congress party. The
PDP-Congress coalition govt. took some
significant steps in empowering Hill
Council including cabinet status to CEC
with disbursing power up to five crore
rupees and to the ECs status equivalent
to State's deputy Ministers and
increased perks.
This move did not help much in fill-
ing the wounds left by the split and in
earning public favour in the ensued Hill
Council elections swept by LUTF party.
Epilogue, December 2009
25
3 IN
Of 26 elected seats Congress regained
only two seats from Chushot and Skyu-
Markha constituencies. Congress lead-
ers blamed LUTF of using three Ms
'Money, Muscle and Monks' to snatch this
victory from their hands, and the rift
between the two parties deepened
resulting into an era of great political
turmoil that also brought under its garb
Ladakh Buddhist Association, that wit-
nessed violent clashes among two rival
groups before the peaceful settlement
of issues such as election of its
President.
Repercussions of such animosity
had significant toll on development as
well. This feud at many times put at
stake the operation of smooth develop-
mental activities. With the two parties
at loggerhead, evidences of bureau-
cratic highhandedness superseding Hill
Council started appearing. The contro-
versial ouster of LUTF councillor
Tsewang Rigzin from the party and EC
Education post under the pressure from
Education Department staff and level-
ing charges against SECMOL, an NGO
that brought considerable reforms in
education system, as 'anti-national' by
DC Leh were all unfortunate incidents
took place around the time when
Congress and LUTF were up against each
other.
Former DC Leh Mr. M K Dwivedi had
also issued unceremonious order
against all NGOs to produce their com-
plete documents in his office, which led
to stalling of the projects such as
Watershed Scheme these NGOs had
undertaken in various parts of Ladakh.
A councillor from Sakti constituency
Gyal Wangyal along with his associates
during the Council by-elections was
thrashed in police lock up in a very harsh
and uncivilized manner for allegedly
extorting donations from non-local trad-
ers.
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Party feuds at such a scale stem
from certain issues predominantly per-
sonality clashes among political stal-
warts, and party level comprehension
that there are elements behind the
scene active in propagating division to
wrest power in their favour. One of the
Former DC Leh Mr. M K
Dwivedi had also issued
unceremonious order
against all NGOs to
produce their complete
documents in his office,
which led to stalling of
the projects such as
Watershed Scheme these
NGOs had undertaken in
various parts of Ladakh.
A councillor from Sakti
constituency Gyal
Wangyal along with his
associates during the
Council by-elections was
thrashed in police lock up
in a very harsh and
uncivilized manner for
allegedly extorting
donations from non-local
traders.
interesting things observed during the
recent political developments was
expressions of entrenched class strug-
gle, between two higher classes Skutags
(royal) and Tongpa (common families)
of Ladakh society, being used openly in
political forum as Congress leaders led
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Regional Dialogue
by Rigzin Jora accusing Mr. Chhewang of
harbouring intentions to subjugate com-
moners by regaining the traditional
prowess of Skutags.
The vehement campaign by
Congress party on such lines, coupled
with what they call 'inefficient' Hill
Council under LUTF, did prove effective
in the Council by-election of lower Leh
that went in favour of INC. Mr. Chewang
also had to face defeat in the MLA elec-
tions and the majority vote going in
favour of Mr. Rigzin Jora indicated the
resurgence of Congress party after an
interlude spanning over three to four
years since 2002.
After all the high voltage drama of
creating one political brand of UT Front
for all and in no time causing split in it,
close allies turning into arch rivals, has
definitely left people in quandary over
who should be trusted or distrusted.
Even greater concern is the danger of
real issue of development getting
sidelined at the cost of bitter politics for
personal gains.
It is important to note that sud-
denly Ladakh is facing all sorts of prob-
lems and perils which was once
unknown to this land of a great cul-
tural heritage. Stories about burglary,
murder, suicides have become a com-
mon phenomena in recent years; rise
in unemployment despite having tour-
ism and other business potentials has
not prompted anyone to react on this
burgeoning puzzle.
Another concern is migration
from villages to Leh city, which is fac-
ing onslaught of population influx
meandering in the streets of shrinking
and stinking town. More and more
abandoned agricultural lands, irriga-
tion channels, streams and springs are
drying up the problems are endless for
leaders and policy makers to think
upon and act.
Epilogue, December 2009
26
3 IN
Where Lies the Rub ?
In the midst of myriad of com-
plexes created over Kashmir issue the
real, basic concerns have somehow
faded into oblivion leaving common
people in a fix and vulnerable to temp-
tations. Radicalization in younger
generations seen in different parts of
the J&K State, I believe, could be a sign
of 'chronic' deprival of creative opportu-
nities for personal achievements that
deviates young minds into an agitated
state and grow distrust for other com-
munities.
In fact J&K state, given to the
continuous political turmoil right from
the beginning, is marred with corrup-
tion and nepotism. It is the failure on
the successive Governments irrespec-
tive of any party affiliation to deliver
effectively with transparency and
accountability. Genesis of the problem
may be the whole issue of dispute over
the prescribed status Kashmir sans
people's support, that provided a
nurturing ground for political parties to
exploit public sentiments on regional
and religious lines. It would not be
exaggeration to say that the whole issue
of Kashmir is a Governance issue, and all
the three regions Jammu, Kashmir and
Ladakh of the J&K State fell victim to
this - from extremist stance of militancy
in the valley to radicalization and
communal flare ups in other two
regions.
As far as Ladakh, and particularly
Leh, is concerned the journey on the
road to development infested with
disarrayed progress, since
Independence and wresting the admin-
istrative control to Kashmir division,
can be described in simple terms as:
Ø Journey from dignified, self sus-
tained society to a highly dependent
population on subsidized ration supply.
www.epilogue.in
Journey
Ø from all-engaging co-
operative society to groups of jobless
people wandering aimlessly.
Ø Journey from a peaceful, harmoni-
ous society to increasingly radicalized
groups.
Ø Journey from clean environment to
a garbage dump.
Ø Journey from beautiful and practi-
cal mud buildings to mushrooming
clusters of concrete cement structures.
What has happened in the name of
development? Ask every concerned
citizen of Ladakh today. People had
great hope when the Hill Council status
was granted. Even as with the coming in
of this decentralized governing body at
the district brought about significant
changes, however, it failed to address
the larger issue of planning with a broad
vision - to which no one seems to have
given a serious thought. The Council
continued to follow the blueprint of
development in place, being imple-
mented under a rigid administrative
system for decades, without doing or
undoing changes needed as per suited to
the local topography. The rub lies in
development planning.
The Road Ahead
Development Planning in Leh and
Kargil
Trends like alienation of youth
from the land based economy, co-
existence of youth unemployment with
import of labour from outside, increas-
ing demand for government jobs,
dependence on a variety of finished
products from outside compared to
export of the bulk of the limited range
of local produces (like Pashmina from
Ladakh) as 'raw materials', etc. point at
the inadequacy of the policy locally as
well as at the State level.
If we look at the District Budgets of
Leh and Kargil, the bulk of the yearly
Vol. 3, Issue 12
FOCUS
Regional Dialogue
allocation and allocations under 11th
Five-Year-Plan are being spent on
infrastructure development while
economy and social themes seem to
have remained always neglected with
meager funds under the relevant
sectors. In addition funding under
Centrally Sponsored Schemes (like IAY,
BADP, WDP, PMGSY, NREGA, etc.) and
other sources (e.g. grants from State
Plan, Untied Grants, 12 th FC grants,
transfers by SFC, Externally
Supported Schemes, Loans, etc.),
estimated to be around 30-40 crores
per annum, are primarily invested in
infrastructure development. Little
over 10 percent of the annual budget
is spent in 12 sectors of Economy
including Agriculture, Horticulture,
Sheep Husbandry, Fisheries, Animal
Husbandry, Tourism, Industries,
Handlooms, Handicrafts,
Employment, SGSY and Cooperatives.
Linked with this is the strikingly low
level of investment in higher/ techni-
cal/vocational educations, a little
above 1%, with yearly allocations.
Even more pathetic is just about 1%
share of budget going for Arts and
Culture, Social Welfare, Labour
Welfare, Planning/Evaluations and
Statistics, Information and Information
Technology with no external support.
On overview of the District Plan docu-
ment laid out for 58 developmental
sectors categorized under different
themes clearly indicates the glaring
pitfalls in the existing planning and
highlight the complete of lack of practi-
cality and visioning. Ironically, it seems
that every year perhaps from the last 50
years same pattern of development
have been followed unmindful of the
fact that local demands, needs keep
and other dynamics are varying in
nature from time to time and from
region to region.
Epilogue, December 2009
27
3 BOOK S / AU T HOR S
Conversation

I am completely opposed to the

attempts of Indian and Pakistani
mainstream historians to underscore
ethnic, religious, and regional
divides in their explications of the
Kashmir conflict

Nyla Ali Khan's book Islam,

Women and Violence in
Kashmir: Between India and
Pakistan is being described in
academic and political circles as
one of the most authentic and
indigenous account of the
making of Kashmir conflict. In
second part of this interview to
ZAFAR CHOUDHARY (first
part appeared in November
2009 issue), the author explains
her motivation to embark on
such a work of high academic
value and path she followed to
uncover the truths without
biases and prejudices. Excerpts:
Q While working at such an important project on
Kashmir, I find, you have missed to deal in detail
with Sheikh Sahib's lately troubled relations with
Nehru and the latter's betrayal of commitment on
Kashmir. Isn't it?
On the contrary, I have delved into the disastrous
ramifications of Nehru's volte face in 1953, which bolstered
the courage of the then sadr-e-riyasat Karan Singh to
unconstitutionally oust Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah from office
and install Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad as head of government
in his stead. Abdullah's pro-independence stance received a
severe blow when the dissident faction within the NC was
joined by the Constituent Assembly speaker G.M. Sadiq and
D.P. Dhar, a Pandit deputy minister of interior. The Soviet
stance on the Kashmir issue seems to have had an influence on
this group. The fall-out of this rift was the dismissal of Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah as prime minister by the titular head of
state, Karan Singh, and his arrest under a law called the
Public Security Act. Abdullah would be shuttled from one jail
to the next for the next twenty-two years, until 1975. This
coup was authorized by Nehru.
Subsequent to his arrest, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was
installed as prime minister. A few days later, Abdullah loyalists
including Mirza Afzal Beg, were also arrested under the Public
Security Act. Bakshi's de facto regime was given some

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28
3 BOOK S / AU T HOR S
semblance of legitimacy by being
formally ratified by members of the
NC general council and Constituent
Assembly delegates in specially
convened sessions. In September 1953,
Nehru, who earlier had underscored
Abdullah's importance to the
resolution of the Kashmir issue, did a
political volte face: he justified
Abdullah's undemocratic eviction from
office before the Indian parliament by
asserting that the latter had
“autocratic” methods which resulted
in the loss of the majority of his
cabinet and had caused trauma to the
electorate. Despite his political
maneuvers, Nehru and his ilk were
unable to provide democratic
justification for Abdullah's shoddy
removal from office. The well-planned
coup in Kashmir that led to Abdullah's
prolonged detention, mass arrests of
his loyalists, and fabricated shows of
loyalty to the new regime, unveiled
the strategies deployed by New Delhi
as manipulative measures that lacked
political and ethical legitimacy.
I met with the former Sadr-i-
Riyasat, Karan Singh, at his quasi-regal
home in New Delhi in the summer of
2007. Fortunately, he was willing to
answer the questions I had regarding
the 1953 coup. He was also gracious
enough to give me a copy of his
autobiography in which he has
unapologetically written about his role
in that hideous manifestation of
political wiliness and despotism. When
I asked Karan Singh whether his office
had entailed work of political import,
he averred that subsequent to the
1953 coup, his was the only office that
enjoyed constitutional legitimacy.
Contrary to what Karan Singh
would have one believe, the dismissal
of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's de
jure regime and installation of Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad's plunged the
www.epilogue.in
Valley into moral and political
turpitude, which reverberated in later
years. I have quoted the current
General Secretary of the National
Conference, Sheikh Nazir Ahmad, in
my book, according to whom the
events of 1953 drastically altered the
political landscape of Indian
administered J & K. Abdullah's
dismissal and subsequent incarceration
engendered an irreparable distrust
between the populace of the state and
the government of India. I reiterate
that Nehru had been cast in the mold
of the deceiver.
Q There is quite informative
and analytical approach (in
your book) to the story of
elections in Kashmir and
hints on New Delhi's deals
in fixing up governments in
Srinagar. Statistics are
there but such analysis is
missing in case of 2002
elections when regime was
changed through elections
billed as the fairest in
history of J&K. Would you
like to explain that here!
I have written about the complicity of
the Farooq Abdullah led National
Conference with the Congress as well
as with the BJP, which led to the
erosion of the mass base of the NC and
also to the alienation of grass roots
level workers of the NC. I have been
very clear about the deleterious
effects of the disconnect between the
NC top brass and marginalized
workers, which led to the routing of
the NC and the rise of a previously
obscure political organization, the
PDP, in the 2002 elections. I was in the
Kashmir valley a couple of months
before that election in which the NC
suffered a miserable and humiliating
defeat.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
Conversation
As far as the claim about the
2002 elections being the fairest in the
history of J & K goes, I have my doubts
because by then the Centre had very
carefully made fissures not just in the
mass base of the NC but also in the
autonomy of the election process.
National and local Newspapers
reported despicable attempts at
intimidation and coercion by Indian
paramilitary troops. According to a
rather dubious claim by Indian
authorities, the voter turnout in
Baramullah district had been forty
percent and fifty-five percent in
Kupwara district. These figures,
however, include voters who were
coerced to exercise their franchise.
Interestingly, almost a million and a
half citizens entitled to vote are just
not registered and are, therefore, not
included when estimating these
figures. Apparently, women didn't
participate either in large numbers or
enthusiastically in these elections.
There were districts, however, in
which the voting was impartially
carried out. The politicization that
was palpable in Kashmiri-speaking
areas hadn't occurred either in
predominantly Gujjar or Ladakhi
constituencies, which did not harbor
the antipathy toward the Indian State
and its institutions as a large section
of the Kashmiri Muslim population did.
You have laid huge
Q emphasis on the dangers
associated with the ideas of
(any) division of Jammu
and Kashmir on ethnic,
regional or religious lines.
This is what every saner
soul says but entire talk
ends up in Kashmir valley
alone. Jammu and Ladakh
are already feeling not only
alienated but also
Epilogue, December 2009
29
3 BOOK S / AU T HOR S
Conversation

Q suffocated in these two

regions' power negotiations
with Kashmir. 'Stakeholders'
and opinionated experts
often say problem is all
about Kashmir because
sufferings are centered in
valley alone. Any one
making a case of Jammu
and Ladakh is seen as
somebody lacking sense of
history and may be regional
chauvinist. Despite strongly
advocating unity of regions,
your book also refuses to go
much beyond boundaries of
the valley. I am asking this
lengthy question because
your book has not been
taken as yet another book
as Kashmir. You may like to
answer the regional When I asked Karan Singh whether his office had
questions.
entailed work of political import, he averred that
Sir Owen Dixon, the United Nations
representative for India and Pakistan, subsequent to the 1953 coup, his was the only office
noted in 1950 that the Kashmir issue
was so tumultuous because Kashmir
that enjoyed constitutional legitimacy.
was not a holistic geographic,
economic, or demographic entity but,
on the contrary, was an aggregate of
diverse territories brought under the coveted area that continues to bolstered by nationalist politics has
rule of one Maharajah. Sir Owen Dixon generate irreconcilable differences been subverted by regional political
propounded the trifurcation of the between the two governments is the forces. The culturally, linguistically,
state along communal or regional lines valley of Kashmir. Despite such and religiously diverse population of
or facilitating the secession of parts of obstructions, Sir Owen Dixon remained Indian and Pakistani administered
the Jhelum Valley to Pakistan. Despite determined to formulate a viable Jammu and Kashmir has been unable
the bombastic statements and solution to the Kashmir issue and to reach a consensus on the future of
blustering of the governments of India suggested the a plebiscite be held only the land and the heterogeneous
and Pakistan, the Indian government in the Kashmir valley subsequent to its peoples of the state. The
has all along perceived the inclusion of demilitarization, which would be revolutionary act of demanding the
Pakistani administered Jammu and conducted by an administrative body right of self-determination and
Kashmir and the Northern Areas in of United Nations officials. Although, autonomy for Indian administered
India as unfeasible. Likewise, the separatist movements have been Jammu & Kashmir has not been able
government of Pakistan has all along surfacing and resurfacing in Indian to nurture a unity amongst all
either implicitly or explicitly administered Jammu and Kashmir regional groups and socioeconomic
acknowledged the impracticality of and parts of Pakistani administered classes. Due to the regional
including predominantly Buddisht Kashmir since the accession of the sentiments that are so well
Ladakh and predominantly Hindu state to India in 1947, the attempt to entrenched in the psyche of the
Jammu as part of Pakistan. The create a unitary cultural identity people, the attempt to create a

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30
unitary identity is still in a volatile
stage. The symbols of nationhood in
the former princely state, flag,
anthem, and constitution, have thus
far been unable to forge the process
of nationalist self-imagining.
My book, Islam, Women, and the
Violence in Kashmir, is about the
militarization of Jammu and Kashmir
which has undermined the syncretic
ethos of the State, not just the Valley.
I am completely opposed to the
attempts of Indian and Pakistani
mainstream historians to underscore
ethnic, religious, and regional divides
in their explications of the Kashmir
conflict. For this particular project I
conducted field work only in the Valley
but hope to expand my work by
conducting field work in Jammu and
Ladakh as well.
Q Any differences one could
have marked in the book if
author were not the
granddaughter of first
prime minister of Kashmir.
Islam, Women, and the Violence in
Kashmir has been written by a
Kashmiri Muslim woman academic who
teaches at an American university
and has a deep emotional
investment in Kashmir. I am a writer
who wants the recognition of the
right to my opinion; the right to
stand up for myself and be taken
seriously; the right to express my
anger without being labeled an
'Islamic militant;' the right to
legitimately question things I don't
understand; the right to peace of
mind; the right to dream and to go
after my dreams; the right to seek
more spiritual awareness without
being labeled a 'heretic;' to feel
confident, secure, and peaceful. I
just happen to be the
granddaughter of the first Prime
Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.
www.epilogue.in
BOOK S / AU T HOR S
Q There has always been
curiosity among readers to
know about the authors.
Would you like to tell us
about the choice of your
career, route to Amar Singh
College, the journey to
University of Nebraska and
what is ahead?
After completing my schooling in
Kashmir, I joined the English Honours
Program at Lady Shri Ram College,
New Delhi. My three years at LSR,
1990-1993, are memorable because of
the enriching opportunities I got to
interact and learn from erudite
educators. I was an avid reader and a
responsive student, but an unfocused
examinee. I had an unquenchable
thirst for knowledge and the courses
at LSR whetted my appetite for the
idyllic and ornate world of canonical
English literature. After completing my
B.A. at LSR, I went on to pursue my
Masters in English Literature at the
University of Delhi, South Campus. The
two years at DU were uneventful,
rather banal, and not as growth
oriented as I would have liked them to
be. Most students just went through
the motions and learned by rote,
which did nothing for one's creativity
or critical thinking. Subsequently, I
taught at Maulana Azad women's
College, Srinagar, as an ad hoc
lecturer for about a year and a half.
The pedagogical experience afforded
to me at the women's college enabled
me to work on pedagogical skills,
collegiality, communicating with
students, and made all the reading
that I had done seem useful. I realized
that I wanted to establish myself in
academia and that motivated me to
move to the U.S., unfamiliar territory,
in order to pursue a Masters and a
Ph.D. in Postcolonial Literature and
Theory at the University of Oklahoma,
Norman. I realized my full potential at
Vol. 3, Issue 12
Conversation
the University of Oklahoma, where I
worked with some wonderful scholars
and experts in their respectable fields.
While working on my Masters and
Doctorate, I taught two full-fledged
classes giving me hands-on training as
an educator. My work became a lot
more purposeful, goal-oriented, and
politically motivated. I came into my
own as a writer, scholar, and teacher.
It was incredible to discover that
literature and politics were
inextricably intertwined. My Ph.D.
dissertation, The Fiction of
Nationality in an Era of
Transnationalism, was published as a
book by Routledge in 2005. I was hired
as an Assistant Professor at the
University of Nebraska-Kearney soon
after I completed my Doctorate in
2004. I teach courses on non-western
literature and World literature at UNK,
where I am now an Associate Professor.
I will teach at the University of
Oklahoma, Norman, which is a
research university, in spring 2010
(Inshallah!).
Q You have said this book is
first in the series. Can you
give is some ideas about
what is pipeline and when
do we expect that.
Working on Islam, Women, and the
Violence in Kashmir was emotionally
exhausting, physically grueling, and
required a lot of soul searching, but it
was extremely rewarding. Currently, I
am teaching three courses at the
University of Nebraska-Kearney, which
doesn't leave much time for research.
But my book is going to be reprinted in
the U.S. by Palgrave Macmillan
(Inshallah!), for which I need to make
some revisions. I hope to begin work
on a cross-disciplinary anthology on
Jammu and Kashmir to which I have
requested academics from the State to
contribute.
Epilogue, December 2009
31
Dignity of Labour in
the History of Kashmir
PROF. JIGAR MOHAMMED
K
ashmir is famous for its
craftsmanship all over the world.
The Kashmiri artisans in Shawl
manufacturing, papier mache, wood
crafts, carpet making and sericulture
obtained distinction from medieval
period onwards. In the expansion of the
crafts industries both the state and
society worked together. It is important
to mention that the ruling class of the
14th century respected and appreciated
the contribution of the working class to
the political stability of Kashmir
through the introduction of the new
crafts, tools and techniques in Kashmir.
It is understood that Sultan Zainul
Abidin (1420-70), introduced shawl
manufacturing, fire-works, carpet
manufacturing, papier-mache and book
binding etc. Building industries were
very much patronized and promoted by
the Sultan Zainul Abidin. State
patronage of the artisans had become
one of the dominant political trends of
medieval Kashmir.
In Kashmir a large number of
bridges, called kadals, were
constructed during medieval period.
They were built on cantilever principle.
The use of piers in these bridges were
based on indigenous technology. Most of
these bridges were made of the wood.
Besides, other structures such as
palaces, shrines and mosques were also
made of wood. Patterned ceiling panel ,
known as khatumband, was a popular
and unique wood craft of medieval
Kashmir. It was made with joinery and
www.epilogue.in
designing. Moreover, lattice work was
also based on wood craft. The Mughal
emperors such as Akbar (1556-1605),
Jahangir (1605-27) and Shah Jahan
(1628-58) constructed a large number of
gardens in Kashmir. Some of the famous
Mugahl gardens of Kashmir are Hari
Parbat, Nasim Bagh, Nishat Bagh,
Virnag, Shalimar and Pari Mahal. The
technology used for the construction of
these gardens shows the synthesis
between Central Asian and Indian
cultures.
Stone works were beautifully
executed in the construction of forts
and mosques. When Akbar started the
construction of Hari Parbat fort he
employed two hundred Indian artisans
expert in stone works. Generally, gray
lime stones were used because of their
easy availability at local level. There
are some brick masonry structures.
However, in all structures the
indigenous wood, stone and brick crafts
remained the dominant despite a large
political and economic influence of the
Central Asians.
Kashmir was first region of India
where sericulture was introduced
during medieval period. Though the
exact period of the introduction of
sericulture is not known, it is said that it
was introduced during the sultan Zainul
Abidin's period. Mirza Haider Dughlat
(1540-50), a Mughal ruler of Kashmir,
found the use of mulberry trees for
rearing silk worms as an important
occupation of the people of Kashmir.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
C O L UMN
History
According to him, “Among the wonders
of Kashmir are the quantities of
mulberry trees (cultivated) for their
leaves (from which) silk is obtained.”
The Mughal emperor Jahangir (1605-27)
gives a very vivid description of the
mulberry trees in his Memoirs.
According to him, “There are Shahtut
(some kind of large mulberry), but there
are other mulberries (tut) everywhere.
From the foot of every mulberry tree a
wine creaper grows up. In fact the
mulberries of Kashmir are not fit to eat,
with the exception of some on trees in
gardens, but leaves are used to feed the
silk worm. They bring the silk worms
eggs from Gilgit and Tibet.” However, it
seems that sericulture came to Kashmir
from Bokhara.
Carpet weaving was another
wonder of Kashmir, which provided
huge employment and became one of
the sources of Kashmir's relations with
different parts of India. Its tools and
implements were simple. The hand
knotted carpet was first introduced in
Kashmir in the fifteenth century. Like
other important crafts of Kashmir, it
was also introduced by the Sultan Zainul
Abidin. He invited carpet weavers from
Persia and Central Asia to Kashmir to
train the local artisans in this crafts. For
the expansion of the carpet
manufacturing he established
Karkhanas or factories for the carpet
weavers. But after him carpet
industries started to decline because of
the lack of the royal patronage of the
Epilogue, December 2009
32
craft under his successors. But this craft
did not disappear in Kashmir for ever.
The Mughal emperor Nuruddin
Muhammad Jahangir (1605-27) revived
the carpet weaving. It is known tha one
Akhun Mulla Rahnuma reorganised the
carpet weaving with help of Ahmad Beg
Khan, the governor of Kashmir, between
1614-18. According to the
contemporary sources, when Ahmed
Beg Khan was returning from his
pilgrimage (Mecca) he came to Andijan
and learnt the various techniques of
carpet weaving. He also brought some
important tools of carpet
manufacturing. When Jahangir came to
the potentialities of the expansion of
the carpet industries in Kashmir, he
extended royal patronage to the craft
and established Karkhanas for the
manufacturing of the carpets. The
craftsmen, called Kalbaf, were paid
into cash. For the manufacturing of the
carpet the craftsmen used wooden
loom, a knife to cut the woolen yarn
hanging from above after the knot had
been tied, a comb to beat in the weft
and pile tufts and pair of scissors to
smoothen the pile level. It is important
to mention that the Mughal emperors
were very fond of the Kashmiri carpets.
Moreover, Kashmiri carpets were an
important item of both internal and
www.epilogue.in
external trade during
the Mughal period.
The Kashmiri were
famous for the
manufacturing of the
wooden materials.
B e r n i e r, a F r e n c h
traveler of 17th century
India, was very much
impressed from the
expertise of the Kashmiri
artisans in wooden
crafts. According to him,
“The workmanship and
beauty of their(artisans)
palkeys(palanquins), bedsteads,
trunks, inkstands, boxes, spoons and
various other things are quite
remarkable and articles of their
manufacture are in use in every part of
the Indies.” It is important to mention
that Kashmir possessed huge forest
wealth. One of the most durable woods
deodar was available on large scale in
Kashmir. The history of the construction
of the wooden houses in Kashmir goes
back to the ancient period. Zainul
Abidin period is known to be the golden
age of wooden architecture and crafts
in Kashmir. He built wooden palace,
known for its beauty and techniques.
Woods were not only used for making
houses, boats, utensils and decorative
objects, but more importantly specific
methods of using wood for the different
purposes were known to the artisans of
Kashmir. Patterned ceiling panel,
known as Khatumband, was an unique
wood craft of Kashmir. This was an
excellent technique of the joining of
the wood pieces, cut into geometric
shapes. The ceiling of the shrine of
Nuruddin Rishi, a famous sufi saint of
Kashmir, is the best example of the
Khatamband style.
Latice-work was another
important wood craft of Kashmir. It was
known as acchidar or jali-pinjra. For
Vol. 3, Issue 12
C O L UMN
History
latice-work, generally the carpenters
used the deodar wood. Flat bottom
boats were manufactured in Kashmir on
large scale. The most commonly used
boat was called dunga, which was 20
metres in length and 2 metres in width.
It was consisted of two cabins, one for
the boatman ahd his family and another
for the passangers. The wooden spining
wheels, decorated sandals (kharv),
children toys and child walkers were
manufactured. Wooden bridges and
boad bridges were the most popular
means of the transport.
Rope bridge was very important
means of the journey of the people of
the hilly areas. Through the
construction of the rope bridges in the
hilly areas the journey was made easier.
Rope bridges were very popular in
Kishtwar. Rope bridge was called
Zampa. According to the Mughal
emperor Jahangir, Kishtwaris used rope
bridges for defence purposes very
effectively. Whenever, any external
attack was led against the Kishtwaris
they destroyed their rope bridges to
check the advancement of the invaders.
Thus rope bridge worked a special
technology for transport and defense
purposes.
The above-mentioned specialised
crafts technologies and techniques in
woven works, paper, sericulture,
wooden works and means of transport
and journey not only retained large
potentialities of the generation of the
employment of the Kashmiris, but they
also led to the establishment of the
Kashmiri identity in different parts of
India and other parts of the world. The
dignity of labour is one of the popular trends
of the social life of Kashmir. People used
and use their professional titles or castes
with pride. The shawls, papier mache
items, wooden works and embroidery of
Kashmir speak very effectively of the
respect to the work culture.
Epilogue, December 2009
33
WOMEN IN CONFLICT
Why are they Unaware of their
Rights, Abilities, Strengths
MANISHA SOBHRAJANI
I
had the privilege of interacting with
a group of women from Jammu &
Kashmir, and this group included
women from Jammu, Srinagar and
Ladakh. The diversity and variation
within this group was startling, not just
for me, but also for most of the women
in the group. The 'divide' between the
three regions of J&K is rather well-
known, and not something that needs
any introduction.
The group is involved in a humble
attempt to document 'women's issues'
across the state, and their coming
together to share their opinions and dis-
agreements, as much as their hopes and
aspirations, was the first baby-step in
that direction.
The idea of documenting the kinds
of issues Kashmiri women face in their
day-to-day lives crept up in my thoughts
while organising a travelling exhibition
of posters from the women's movement,
aptly titled 'Poster Women', in the Valley
towards the end of 2007. Initiated by
the Delhi-based feminist press Zubaan,
the Poster Women project began with
the idea of locating and archiving post-
ers from across India from the early
Seventies, a period that is characterised
as having given rise to the Women's
Movement in India.
This exhibition travelled to many
cities within the country with the aim of
highlighting the Indian woman's fight
against a patriarchal society. It put
together a selection of posters created
for various campaigns, with the vision of
www.epilogue.in
making the posters available to as many
people as possible. The idea was for peo-
ple -- men and women -- to be aware of
the different issues faced by women in
general. The exhibition aimed at inspir-
ing them by introducing the history of
Indian women's struggle for equal
rights, family planning, reproductive
rights, the banning of invasive contra-
ceptives, access to health facilities, lit-
eracy, environment, political participa-
tion and also the tirade against domes-
tic violence, communalism and
marginalisation.
While the posters were exhibited
in the Valley, I tried to locate women's
groups in Kashmir who might want to
contribute to the existing collection of
posters. Predictably, I found none.
While there are numerous issues that
women in J&K face – issues which have
arisen out of the Kashmir conflict, and
issues which women face anyway
because they are women – there is no
documentation or even acknowledg-
ment of these.
Perhaps we need to initiate this
process at the women's level itself, to
begin with. Most women in J&K – the dif-
ference amongst the Valley, Jammu and
Ladakh not withstanding – have come to
accept their state of lives as something
which can't be helped, and needs to be
accepted. It is here that we need to
introduce the concept of the UN
Resolution 1325.
Security Council Resolution 1325
(SCR1325) was passed unanimously on
Vol. 3, Issue 12
F EATURE S
Life Stories
31 October 2000. It is the first resolution
ever passed by the Security Council that
specifically addresses the dispropor-
tionate and unique impact of war on
women, and women's under-valued and
under-utilized contributions to conflict
resolution and sustainable peace. It
urges women's equal and full participa-
tion as active agents in peace and secu-
rity.
The resolution reaffirms the
important role of women in the preven-
tion and resolution of conflicts, peace
negotiations, peace-building, peace-
keeping, humanitarian response and in
post-conflict reconstruction. It stresses
the importance of their equal participa-
tion and full involvement in all efforts
for the maintenance and promotion of
peace and security.
It also calls on all parties to con-
flict to take special measures to protect
women and girls from gender-based vio-
lence, particularly rape and other forms
of sexual abuse, in situations of armed
conflict.
The unanimous adoption of
SCR1325 was a watershed in the evolu-
tion of international women's rights and
peace and security issues. It was the
first formal and legal document from
the United Nations Security Council that
requires parties in a conflict to respect
women's rights and to support their par-
ticipation in peace negotiations and in
post conflict reconstruction.1
In a broader sense of the term 'civil
society', the regions of Jammu, Srinagar
Epilogue, December 2009
34
and Ladakh have very distinct women's
groups. In the Buddhist-majority Leh of
Ladakh, organisations such as the Women's
Alliance, Women's Action Committee,
Women's Centre, Mahila Mandal etc. deal
with issues of women's rights after mar-
riage, their representation in local bodies,
and their status within the family. The
Muslim-majority Kargil has women's bodies
fighting for women's education, health and
political representation.
In Jammu, where women have been
politically very passive, there are some
groups that work in the Kashmiri migrant
camps on the outskirts of the city. Some
other groups engage in imparting stitching
and embroidery techniques to women in an
effort to make them financially independ-
ent. The Valley – which is the 'hub' of the
Kashmir conflict – has groups ranging from
the Association of Parents of Disappeared
Persons, HELP (Human Effort for Love and
Peace) Foundation, and again some groups
which are involved in making women finan-
cially stable by taking up tailoring etc.
No doubt, the work taken up these
organisations, no matter how miniscule the
level of intervention is, has certainly had an
impact on women's lives in J&K. But sadly,
the common thread amongst all these
organisations in all the three regions is the
lack of a politically motivated will to speak
up and fight for their rights, both personal
as well as political. Of course this is not an
easy task in a place like J&K where for more
than half the population – especially women
– the most challenging task of the day is to
organize the next meal for their families.
However, my question remains: in a
place like Kashmir -- where the National
Conference encouraged the formulation of
a so-called 'women's militia' as early as in
1947–48, to supposedly fight against the
tribal invaders of that time -- why are
women in Kashmir in the 21st century
unaware of their rights, abilities and
strengths?
www.epilogue.in
F EATURE S
Life Stories
THE SEARCH FOR THEIR MISSING MEN:
Kashmiri Women’s Saga
NUSRAT ARA
A
n aspect of the two-decade long conflict in J&K are the
disappearances of men allegedly picked up by security agencies.
A struggle led mainly by women of Kashmir to trace the
whereabouts of their loved ones has taken the form of Association of
Parents of Disappeared Persons (ADPD). Women from different areas of
Kashmir gather at a park in Srinagar every month to protest against what
they say is a non-responsive government. Each of their lives speak of an
anguish but also a hope, if not for recovery of their missing sons and
husbands but information about them which is their basic entitlement
Every month Hajra, 70 year old, travels 70 kilometers from her village
in Bandipora to Srinagar to spend few hours in a park. Despite her age, frail
frame, and diminishing hopes, she makes it to the park on the 10th of every
month to sit in protest along with dozens of other people. People like her,
people who have known loss of a kind that is perhaps worse than death.
Hajra is a member of Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons
Kashmir (APDP), a body borne out of the shared tragedies of people whose
relatives went missing after being picked up by security agencies. Hajra
has lost four sons to the conflict in Kashmir. Three dead, one missing. She
seems to have reconciled with the death of three sons, but the unknown
fate of her fourth son haunts her and brings her to Srinagar every month.
Keeping hope alive after a decade of striving is not easy. “What I had is
gone. What can I get now from all this” says Hajra in a moment of despair.
Her son Bashir Ahmad Sofi, a baker was picked up by Army in front of
her from his shop in early nineties. They told him that he has to carry shoes
to their camp. That is the moment that she last saw him. Ten years later all
she wants to know is what happened to her son. “I want to meet my son if
he is alive or have his body if he is dead. What did my other boys take from
this world? I want to give him a proper burial the way I did it for others,”
says Hajra. In her search so far she has visited police stations, army camps,
courts, and the Human Rights Commission. The whereabouts of her son are
elusive, like they are for thousands of other Kashmir's disappeared.
Other women gather around. Almost all cradle a photograph in their
laps. Pictures are also lined up on a large banner in the background. A
woman touches a picture in the banner as if reaching out to the person
frozen in time. A wail follows . Someone asks about Mughali, a woman who
fainted during the last sit in. She is still in bed rest, another replies.
These are the people, mostly women, who form the APDP. Braving all
Vol. 3, Issue 12 Epilogue, December 2009
35
odds varying from poverty to social
pressures, or police pressures, they
gather here each month, turning their
tragedy into a struggle . A struggle
against the system , that refuses to
meet their simple demand - information
about their missing kin. “They
(government agencies ) killed so many
people. Who could take them to
account. Why don't they acknowledge
they killed our kin too,” says Parveena
Ahanger, founder chairperson of the
APDP.
Parveena's son Javed Ahanger was
picked up from his uncle's house in their
neighborhood in 1990. And Parveena's
struggle began that night itself, a
valiant effort by a mother to find her
son. It has been a long journey since
then . “It is no longer the fight for my
son. It is the fight for all the
disappeared. They are all my sons,” says
Parveena. She founded the APDP in
1994.
For Zooni who has traveled from
Hathmul village in Kupwara district, 100
km from Srinagar, whose son, Ghulam
Ahmad Mir, a driver, was picked by
unknown masked gunmen in 90's , the
tragedy has compounded. Mir had
been married for three months and his
daughter, born after his disappearance.
She says her husband has lost his senses
and gets into a fit of rage the moment
he sees a military vehicle. “He runs
after them hurling abuses and
demanding his son back,” she says.
Zooni says she has lost hope with the
passing years, yet on 10th of every
month she takes this journey, something
pulls her to it.
Amidst the despair, Hafeeza of
Monghama Kulgam is sure her son,
Javeed Ahmad Matoo, is alive. If so, he
would be 28. For the last 15 years she
clutches to a picture of a 13-year-old.
Matoo was picked by army “on the
behest of an informer due to a personal
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grudge”. His family ran pillar to post.
They filed an FIR. She went to court
where the army bailed itself out by
saying that Matoo ran away. “I ask if he
ran away where did he go? Why did he
not come back home?”. “I want my son.
I have full faith he is alive, give me my
son back. That is all I ask”.
Tragedy has followed Hafeeza and
her family like a shadow. Four years
after Matoo's disappearance his sister
died. “She was very attached to him. His
loss consumed her too,” said Hafeeza.
“If the politicians can go mohalla to
mohalla seeking votes why can't they go
to army camps and jails seeking our
children?” she demands.
Seeking a closure to her agony,
three years ago Tasleema, a woman
from Duksum Kokernag would sit along
with these women protesting the
disappearance of her husband Nazir
Ahmad Dekka who had gone missing for
a few months after the police
reportedly picked him up in Srinagar.
In 2007, a senior police officer and
his associates were booked after a fake
encounter scandal was exposed in
Kashmir. The officer would pick up
c i vi l i a n s , k i l l th e m i n s ta g e d
encounters, and pass them off as
foreign militants, to get handsome
reward money. Dekka's body was
exhumed from a Ganderbal graveyard,
where he had been buried as a foreign
militant. Four bodies of civilians passed
off as foreign militants were exhumed.
Tasleema's search for her husband
ended. For others it has not.
The anguish of these individual
women, which has led to a collective
struggle continues to hold out a hope.
Even if they have not been able to
retrieve their kin or get their
information about them, according to
Ahanger, the struggle has been a
deterrent to further enforced
disappearances in the state.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
OP I N I ON
Gender Balance
Women: Role
Beyond
Promoting
Cosmetics
RAJNI
It was indeed a moment of great pride
on November 25, when President
Pratiba Devisingh Patil flew in a
Sukhoi-30MK1 air dominance fighter
but, unfortunately, India Air Force has
very conservative plans to induct
women as fighter pilots. Is the Indian
women empowerment story
misleading ?
I
think IAF Vice Chief Air Marshal P. K
Barbora is ignorant of the fact that
two third of the work done in the
world is by the women alone. Barbora
seems to be approving the gender biased
male preference and traditional
socialization of the females in their
homes only to produce children. They
must be restricted in the four walls of
their household.
Barbora, there are financial,
operational and cultural constraints in
having women fighter pilots. "It, after
all, takes as much as Rs 11.66 crore to
train a fighter pilot," he said. According
to him, after spending so much, IAF does
not want any disruption in its tight
fighter flying schedules, which it feels is
inevitable after a woman pilot gets
married and has children. If a woman
gets pregnant, it will "not be fruitful" for
either the force or her. "Anyone can fly a
fighter. But the issue is that after
spending so much and then not being
able to utilise women operationally
Epilogue, December 2009
36
would not be a prudent thing," said Air
Marshal Barbora. "We are looking at it. If
we do induct women as fighter pilots,
there could be some pre-conditions
(like them not having children for some
specified time)," said the IAF vice-chief,
adding that it took 13-14 years of active
flying by fighter pilots for the
government to recover the huge
investments made on them. Moreover,
with "all the respect" women get in
Indian culture, the dominant "feeling"
as things stand now is that they should
not be exposed to direct or close
combat situations, where there is also
the possibility of them being taken PoWs
(prisoners of war). "Even the Israelis do
not allow their women fighter pilots in
direct conflict roles," he added.
It seems so ridiculous for a country
where women make nearly half of the
population and 50% of the agricultural
laborers and maximum of the
construction labourers are women, the
person in such an esteemed position has
such conservative and dogmatic
thinking for women in his mind. Even
today when our democratic government
acclaimed for India to be a nuclear
power and shining towards prosperity
women are still seen with denudation
and with less potential, inefficient and
only the representations of the beauty.
It is no doubt that in this effort,
advertising companies are notoriously
using women as objects to purvey their
products. Half of the population
constitutes women so half of the jobs to
be given to the women. They are
provided the opportunities in the jobs
easily as nurses, doctors, teachers the
caring and nurturing sectors,
secretaries or in assembling jobs-the
routine submissive sectors. But even if
well qualified women engineers or
managers or geologists are available,
preference will be given to a male of
equal qualification. These jobs are only
www.epilogue.in
the continuation of their domestic
work. The dual relationship with
women, as objects to be used in selling
goods, and as a huge potential market
for goods, creates a peculiar process
whereby women are encouraged and
persuaded to participate actively in
their own objectification. The huge
media attention given to beauty
contests, "successful" models, and the
like, all feed into the rapidly expanding
beauty industry, which includes not only
cosmetics and beauty aids, but
slimming agents, beauty parlours and
weight loss clinics. Many of these
contribute to the most undesirable and
backward attitudes to both women and
their appearance, such as the
advertisements for fairness cream that
emphasise that it is necessary to be fair
for a good job to make a "good"
marriage, which is in turn seen as the
basic goal of a woman.
This attitude which considers
women fit for certain jobs and not
others also colors those who recruit
employees and those who are in
authority to them. A gender bias creates
an obstacle at the recruitment stage
itself. When it comes to remuneration
the law proclaims equality but it is
seldom put into practice. Social
attitude to the role of women lags much
behind the law.
The inbuilt conviction that women
are capable of less work than men or
less efficient than men governs this
injustice of unequal salaries and wages
for the same job. The age old belief of
male superiority over women creates
several hurdles for women at their place
of work. Women on the way up the
corporate ladder discover that they
must be much better than their male
colleagues to reach the top. Once at the
top male colleagues and subordinates
often expect much greater expertise
and efficiency from a woman boss than
Vol. 3, Issue 12
OP I N I ON
Gender Balance
from a male boss. Conditioned by social
and psychological tradition women
colleagues too don't lend support to
their own sex. Working in such
conditions inevitably put much greater
strain on women than what men
experience. These problems tend to
make women less eager to progress in
their careers. Indeed many of them
choose less demanding jobs for which
they may even be over-qualified. A
woman's work is not merely confined to
paid employment. She has to almost
always shoulder the burden of
household chores as well. A woman
could still bear up with these problems
if she had control over the money she
earns. But in most families even now her
salary is handed over to father, husband
or in-laws. So the basic motive for
seeking employment of getting
independence is nullified in many
women's case. Problems of gender bias
beset women in the industrial sector.
Te c h n o l o g i c a l a d v a n c e m e n t
results in retrenchment of women
employees. No one thinks of upgrading
their skills. Maternity leave is seldom
given. It is much easier to terminate the
woman's employment and hire someone
else. Their pregnancy is seen as a
hurdle. In some of the jobs the bonds
are being signed by the women workers
to remain unmarried or not to get
pregnant for a certain period of time.
The unique feature of the nature to
reproduce provided to women should be
taken as much superior work in the
world. But their reproduction is taken as
stigma to them in providing jobs to
women. Trade Unions do little to
ameliorate the lot of women workers.
Women's issues do not occur on the
priority list of most of the trade unions.
Women going to work are often subject
to sexual harassment. Public transport
system is over crowded and men take
advantage of the circumstances to
Epilogue, December 2009
37
physically harass women. Colleagues
offer unwanted attention which can still
be shaken off but a woman is placed in a
difficult situation if the higher officer
demands sexual favours, if refused the
boss can easily take it out on the woman
in other ways to make life miserable for
her. There have been several cases of
sexual harassment recently involving
even the senior women officials. On the
other hand if a woman is praised for her
work or promoted on merit, her
colleagues do not hesitate to attribute
it to sexual favours. The psychological
pressure of all this can easily lead to a
woman quitting her job. Most of the
problems that beset working women
are in reality rooted in the social
perspective of the position of women.
Traditionally men are seen as the
bread winner and women as the house-
keepers, child bearers and rearers.
This typecast role model continues to
put obstacles before the working
women. A fundamental change is
required in the attitudes of the
employers, policy makers, family
members and other relatives and the
public at large.
Not getting equal pay, being
denied opportunities for growth and
promotion are some examples of the
kind of economic exploitation that
women are subjected to in certain
sectors. In spite of legislation in place
(Equal Remuneration Act, 1976) it is
widely observed that women are usually
underpaid as compared to their male
counterparts performing the same job.
Delhi High Court in 2005 in its ruling in
The Cooperative Store Ltd. (Super
Bazar) v. Bimla Devi and other laid down
that unequal pay is not only a violation
of the said act but also, of Article 14 of
the Constitution, Right to Equality.
Furthermore, India is a signatory to the
International Labour Organisation
Convention for the Elimination of All
www.epilogue.in
Forms of Discrimination Against Women,
to which India is a signatory, specifically
to Article 11 that deals with the
elimination of discrimination in the
field of employment. Moreover, in spite
of allegiance to an International
Convention, having a specific
legislation in force and a High Court
ruling declaring equal pay to be
incorporated in fundamental rights, the
stark reality of the situation is
different. Women still get underpaid.
However, this problem in the organized
specialized sector is guised and more
subtle. Women are discriminated when
it comes to promotion opportunities and
not the blatant discrimination on the
basis of pay for equal work.
It is well established in the minds
even today that in a family it is the
husband who engages in social
production, and brings home the wage
that is just sufficient to feed and clothe
him, his wife and his children. But the
job of transforming the wage into
consumable substances of returning the
fed, washed, rested and sexually
satisfied worker to the factory
everyday, and of bringing up the
children who will form the next
generation of workers, is carried out by
the housewife. It is propagated in a way
that this is indeed the natural function
of the women and makes sure that the
opportunities made available to work
for a wage on her own are restricted in
number, and as far as possible, to
those jobs which are a socialized
version of her domestic function. Thus
instead of bringing increasing number
of women into social production,
modern society has institutionalized
the subjugation of women in its own
way and defined her work even outside
the domestic sphere, by low status and
dependence on men.
In an increasingly commercialized
economy, women are becoming further
Vol. 3, Issue 12
OP I N I ON
Gender Balance
marginalized, due to the very limited
job options permitted to them both by
their own families and by the ways in
which labour markets are structured.
Women's access to both education and
paid employment has remained far less
than men's–even though the gaps
between the sexes are slowly
narrowing. Thus the positive indications
noted are rather misleading, because
improvement in the relative access of
women to education and jobs-
compared to men has been very limited.
Comparing male and female indicators
reveals that huge sex based disparities
remain.
For socio-cultural reasons, most
women's families restrict or obstruct
their equal access to education and
choice of jobs, resulting in the vast
majority of Indian women reaching
adulthood severely handicapped in
relation to the male dominated labour
market. Very little has been done to
reduce women's traditional
disadvantages in the labour market,
with the consequence that most women
remain confined to the lower rungs of
the labour hierarchy. Even India's switch
over to the policies of globalization,
liberalization and privatization under
the shield of development has done
little to expand women's job
opportunities. This is because of the
women's socialization as mother,
housewives. With the spread of global
market economy in India there has been
a strengthening of male biased
(patriarchal) norms and values.
It is suggested to the IAF Vice chief
Marshal and other recruiting agencies to
augment their dogmatic, conservative,
traditional and patriarchal engrossed
judgements. Women are the claimers of
half of the opportunities. Women should
be provided equal opportunities in
respect of the jobs, promotions, status
and reverence.
Epilogue, December 2009
38
CENTRE-STATE RELATIONS
The Way Coalitions
Make Adjustments
TARIQ AHMAD RATHER
R
elations between the centre and
states have always been a live
issue in the country’s politics,
rendered all the more so with the rise to
power of regional parties in a number of
states and their growing prominence at
national level politics as well. Today in
India, the political system is moving
towards greater federalism that is
towards enlarging the area of the state's
functional autonomy. The need for a
less centralized system of economic
decision making and development
planning is accepted largely. An
important feature of 1990s has been the
emergence of the Indian states as
significant players on the political
scene. At independence, although the
constitution established a federal
structure, the absence of strong
regional force in the constituent
assembly, a single written constitution,
the overreaching position occupied by
the dominant Congress etc. led to the
states playing a peripheral role.
However, the 1967 Fourth General
election radically changed the political
situation in India. In it, the dominant
position of the Congress in Indian
politics suffered a great setback. Since
then certain changes are underway
making India more federal. Today the
states enjoy much greater autonomy
from the centre. Regional parties are
partners in national governance.
Politically the process of centralization
has seen eventual replacement of
government by coalition governments in
www.epilogue.in
Delhi-Srinagar Relations
partnership with regional parties at the
centre. In view of the growing pressure
for greater autonomy, central
government had appointed Sarkaria
Commission and Inter-State Council to
review the question of centre -state
relations.
The relations; legislative,
administrative and financial between
the centre and the states are dealt with
under chapters I, II, and III, of Part XII of
the Indian constitution. Whereas the
constitution distributes the powers
between the centre and the states
through three lists, viz., the Union List,
the State List and the Concurrent List,
the state of Jammu and Kashmir was
kept out of the general scheme which
governs the relations between the
centre and the rest of the states. This
departure is naturally due to the special
status which the state enjoys since it
acceded to India. The state's relations
with the centre have been arranged in
the light of Article 370 and in
accordance with the terms of the
Instrument of Accession. Thus, the
object of maximum autonomy to
Jammu and Kashmir was guaranteed at
the time the state was placed on the
constitutional map of India. Under the
arrangement, matters surrendered to
the Union government by the
Instrument of Accession were defense,
foreign affairs and communication
along with other related matters which
due to their importance would naturally
fall within the jurisdiction of the central
Vol. 3, Issue 12
POL I T CS
government. All other undefined or
what may be called as residuary powers
were left with the state. On this basis,
the state of Jammu and Kashmir in its
constitutional relationship with Union
government was not bound to accept
any future constitutional relationship
with the government under the
conditions as laid down in the
Instrument of Accession. The treatment
accorded to Jammu and Kashmir, thus,
is not a departure made in the case of
that state in the distribution of power
and therefore, not a violation of the
principal of equality before law. The
present arrangement of relationship
between the centre and Jammu and
Kashmir is, however based on the
provisions of Article 370 and the
provisions of constitutional (application
to Jammu and Kashmir) order, 1954,
issued by the president of India.
However, it was the Delhi Agreement of
1952, which essentially ratified
Kashmir’s special status under Article
370 of the Indian constitution. The Delhi
Agreement could not be translated into
actual operation. From 1948 to August,
1953, National Conference headed by
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah ruled the
state. But soon unhappy developments
took place which created strained
relations between the government of
India and Sheikh Abdullah. The central
government was reluctant to consider
more autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir
leading to tension and finally to the
dismissal, of Sheikh Mohammad
Epilogue, December 2009
39
Abdullah's government in 1953. Sheikh
was arrested and put into detention and
then extorted and imprisoned. Right
from January 1974, a series of
discussions began between Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah and his associate
Mirza Afzal Beg on the one hand and
various members of the Indian
government, including Indra Gandhi on
the other, over the terms on which the
administration to the state of Jammu
and Kashmir might be entrusted to a
government headed by Sheikh Abdullah.
Finally Indira-Shiekh Accord or
Kashmir Accord was signed on 24th
October 1975. The terms of the Kashmir
Accord considered much
disappointment in Kashmir, particularly
in a section of its youth for it offered
much less autonomy to the state than it
enjoyed in 1953. Certain activities of
Sheikh Abdullah's government such as
the reorganization of some assembly
constituencies in 1979 on communal
lines, withdrawal of cases against the '
Al Fateh' men, denial of state
citizenship to the 1947 refugees and
adoption of the Resettlement Bill (1982)
made serious dents in the body politic of
the state.
The year of 1986 was a period of
coalition between a regional party
(National Conference) and a national
party (Congress), which despite having
historical differences in their political
ideology made a first coalition
government in Jammu and Kashmir by
entering into an accord known as Rajiv-
Farooq accord on 7th November, 1986.
The accord was defended by the two
parties mainly on the ground that it
would ensure a larger inflow of central
funds to the state. The argument
implied that central aid was given on
narrow political considerations. It was
as if the party in power at the Centre
had a right to buy a share in the political
power of a state by promising aid. This
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coalition government was a coalition of
compulsion that gave rise to communal
elements which paved the way of
instability in Jammu and Kashmir.
However, Rajiv-Farooq Accord failed to
prove as effective as expected. The
Accord also played havoc in Kashmir as
it was denounced as unholy, unjust and
un-politic. It was not based on
principle. The opposition parties in the
The year of 1986
was a period of coalition
between a regional party
(National Conference)
and a national party
(Congress), which despite
had historical differences
in their political ideology
made a first coalition
government in Jammu
and Kashmir by entered
into an accord known as
Rajiv-Farooq accord on
7th November, 1986.
state described the Accord as another
sell out of the state to Delhi and also
called Dr. Farooq a puppet in the hands
of the Centre. The accord once again
pushed Jammu and Kashmir outside the
framework of federal democracy in
India. More importantly, it blocked
secular outlets of protest against
governments both at the centre and the
states. Before the accord was signed,
the National Conference provided an
outlet for the first and the Congress an
outlet for the second kind of protest.
Vol. 3, Issue 12
POL I T CS
Delhi-Srinagar Relations
The accord destroyed the raison d'être
of both the parties and forced all types
of discontent to seek fundamentalist or
secessionist outlets, which
consolidated in the form of the Muslim
United Front. Rajiv- Farooq alliance was
perceived to be in the category of the
Rajiv- Longwall accord, the Assam
Accord and the Mizoram accord. The
common features of these accords were
an agreement between the regional
leaders and the Prime Minister of India
over disputes regarding the status or
problems of the respective regions.
There was no such dispute in Jammu
and Kashmir which Rajiv-Farooq accord
resolved. It was an agreement between
them as presidents of two parties. But
the way it was perceived, interpreted
and projected, it implied a new
agreement over centre-state relations.
One of the important conditions of the
accord was to call fresh elections which
were held on 23rd March, 1987, but the
entire electoral politics gave rise to a
new political syndrome characterized
by radicalism and aggressive
propaganda against the existing setup
and a threat of violence. Thus 1987
elections undoubtedly revived the spirit
of separation in Jammu & Kashmir. The
sanctity of electoral process and the
trust of Kashmiri's in Indian democracy
that was already declining due to
erosion of special status and toppling of
elected governments by the centre
collapsed after these elections. The
successive rulers imposed by the
centre, the arbitrary dismissal of Dr.
Farooq Abdullah's government and
subsequent arm twisting to share power
with Congress and the blatant
manipulation of the electoral process in
1987 led Kashmiris’ to believe that they
would remain permanently
marginalized under the current political
dispensation. Hence rose the demand
for secession .
Epilogue, December 2009
40
3 POL I T CS
The second coalition government
formed after 2002 elections between
Congress and a newly emergent regional
party PDP was the result of fractured
verdict. It replaced the one party
dominance system of National
Conference. The coalition thus formed
operated under the common minimum
programme. The coalition government
under a system of rotation of Chief
Minister's post between Congress and
PDP alternatively worked within the
broad policy framework of 'healing
touch' and Khushal Kashmir. The PDP led
coalition government headed by Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed in the first thee
years was largely guided by peace,
development and rehabilitation
objectives. In other words Healing
Touch remained basic to the programme
and ideology of PDP-led government.
PDP's ultimate goal was to restore peace
but it realized that the real peace can
not be won by suppressing the political
urges of the people and torturing them
to silence. In its opinion, the restoration
of peace is possible by rectifying the
wrongs done to the state by the Indian
government, by seriously opening
channels of communication with
alienated Kashmiri leadership as well as
with Pakistan, by immediately stopping
the reign of terror unleashed by
renegades and various police and
security agencies, by respecting the
human rights, by releasing the prisoners
who are not involved in serious crimes,
by giving the people a feel of
democracy. After Mufti, Ghulam Nabi
Azad took the reins of administration,
making the transfer of power from the
PDP to the Congress in the state after
three years, framed policies and
programmes within the broad policy
framework of Khushal Kashmir. The
broad contours of this policy were
corruption free administration,
transparency, accountability and all
round development of the state.
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Further no human rights violation was
stressed by Azad government
corresponding to Prime Minister's
assurance of Zero tolerance in Jammu
and Kashmir. Azad led government also
had the agenda of restoring peace, the
central government tried to address the
problem in a holistic way and thus held
many Round Table Conferences and
constituted many working groups to
evaluate and emphasize on Confidence
Building Measures (CBMS) with Pakistan
including cross-border and cross-LOC
relations, Centre-State relations, good
governance, infrastructure and
economic development and CBM's with
Jammu and Kashmir. Crisis hits the
working of coalition government as the
PDP's demands for withdrawal of troops,
self-rule, dual currency, created
irritants in Centre-State relations in
Jammu and Kashmir. PDP had
withdrawn its support from the
government as a protest against the
transfer of land to the Shri Amarnath
Shrine Board (SASB). The controversy
put the Congress and the PDP on the
back foot, since the two parties were
involved in the transfer of nearly 40
hectares of land to the Amarnath Shrine
Board in the valley on May 26, 2008. The
conflict over the piece of land pitted
Kashmiri Muslims and Hindus in Jammu
and Kashmir against each other while
threatening the division of the state on
religious lines. The mainstream parties
like National Conference and PDP have
been thrown in the backstage by the
resurgence of the separatist leaders and
are struggling to end their increasing
alienation in the wake of Amarnath
controversy. These parties had taken a
U-turn by announcing their
participation in the recently held 2008
elections in Jammu and Kashmir. The
present coalition government in Jammu
and Kashmir is again a partnership
between a regional party the National
Conference and the Congress. Since
Vol. 3, Issue 12
Delhi-Srinagar Relations
both parties entered into a ruling
arrangement January this year, there
were wide apprehensions of the repeat
of 1986-87 experience when NC-
Congress made first coalition
government in J&K NC-Congress’ nearly
one year in office has hardly made any
significant political statement at the
home turf while the relations between
state and center appear to be running
smooth enough for strong reasons. It
was the Greater Autotomy proposal of
National Conference which could led to
confrontation between state and
center. The NC seems to have burried its
core political manifesto for a smooth
relation with center as long as it is in
ruling alliance with Congress. Stands of
both parties on key issue suggest that
they are more interested in completing
their full six year term with stability
rather than enter into confrontation on
key issues.
Epilogue
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Epilogue, December 2009