UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI

INSTITUTE OF DIPLOMACY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

ESSAY TOPIC
Ethnic Conflict Management in Africa: A
Comparative Case Study of Nigeria and South
Africa

PRESENTED BY: HANS NYANGE

R67/ /2010

COURSE UNIT: CONLICT MANAGEMENT

PRESENTED TO: …………………..

MAY 2011
Introduction
Nigeria and South Africa could be likened to the Biblical Aaron and Moses, who were endowed
with the responsibility to bring Africa out from the bondage of despair, decline and
underdevelopment. As regional powers, history has imposed on them the enormous task of
finding solutions to some of the most pressing African concerns.

African countries today face greater challenges to peace and stability than ever before. The
countries of sub-Saharan Africa, including Sierra-Leone, Ivory Coast, Liberia and the
Democratic Republic of Congo, are a volatile mix of insecurity, instability, corrupt political
institutions and poverty. Alarmingly, most of these countries lack the political will to maintain
previous peace agreements, and thus have fallen prey to continuous armed ethnic conflict.
(Monty Marshall, 2003) This is partly due to ineffective conflict management.

The conflicts in these countries are mostly between ethnic groups, not between states. If not
checked, ethnic conflicts are contagious and can spread quickly across borders like cancer cells.
Ted Gurr and Monty Marshall have written that most African conflicts are caused by the
combination of poverty and weak states and institutions. (Peace and Conflict, 2001:11-13; 2003)

This essay paper is meant as a contribution towards the ongoing search for new means of
managing ethnic conflicts in Africa. Using Nigeria and South Africa as case studies, it compares
the management of ethnic conflicts in both countries and shows the difficulties in managing
deep-rooted and complex conflicts. The governments of Nigeria and South Africa have taken
bold constitutional steps to reduce tension, but the continuing ethnic and religious conflicts raise
questions about the effectiveness of these mechanisms.

1. This study proposes, among other things, that ethnic conflict has been at the heart of both
countries' development problems. Politicised ethnicity has been detrimental to national
unity and socio-economic well-being. It is important to note that most of these ethnic
conflicts were caused by colonialism, which compounded inter-ethnic conflict by
capitalising on the isolation of ethnic groups. The divide-and-conquer method was used
to pit ethnicities against each other, thus keeping the people from rising up against the
colonisers. Distribution of economic resources was often skewed to favour a particular
group, pushing marginalized groups to use their ethnicity to mobilise for equality. These
are the seeds of conflict.

There are some common conflict patterns. They include:

1. The demand for ethnic and cultural autonomy,

2. Competing demands for land, money and power, and
3. Conflicts taking place between rival ethnic groups.
Theoretical Approaches to Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict

Ethnic groups are defined as a community of people who share cultural and linguistic
characteristics including history, tradition, myth, and origin. Scholars have been trying to
develop a theoretical approach to ethnicity and ethnic conflict for a long time. Some, like Donald
Horowitz, Ted Gurr, Donald Rothschild and Edward Azar, agree that the ethnic conflicts
experienced today-- especially in Africa -- are deep rooted. These conflicts over race, religion,
language and identity have become so complex that they are difficult to resolve or manage.
Ethnicity has a strong influence on one's status in a community. Ethnic conflicts are therefore
often caused by an attempt to secure more power or access more resources. The opinion of this
study is that conflict in Africa is synonymous with inequality. Wherever such inequality
manifests among groups, conflict is inevitable. Hence the question, how can we effectively
manage ethnic conflict in Africa to avoid further human losses? Is there a blueprint for conflict
management?

Causes of Ethnic Conflict

Economic factors have been identified as one of the major causes of conflict in Africa. Theorists
believe that competition for scarce resources is a common factor in almost all ethnic conflicts in
Africa. In multi-ethnic societies like Nigeria and South Africa, ethnic communities violently
compete for property, rights, jobs, education, language, social amenities and good health care
facilities. In his study, Okwudiba Nnoli (1980) produced empirical examples linking socio-
economic factors to ethnic conflict in Nigeria. According to J.S. Furnival, cited in Nnoli
(1980:72-3), "the working of economic forces makes for tension between groups with competing
interests."1

In the case of South Africa, Gerhard Mare confirms that ethnicity and ethnic conflict appear to
be a response to the uneven development in South Africa, which caused ethnic groups (Xhosas,
Zulus and even Afrikaners) to mobilise to compete for resources along ethnic lines. It follows
that multi-ethnic countries are likely to experience distributional conflicts.

Another major cause of ethnic conflict is psychology, especially the fear and insecurity of ethnic
groups during transition. It has been opined that extremists build upon these fears to polarise the
society. Additionally, memories of past traumas magnify these anxieties. These interactions
produce a toxic brew of distrust and suspicion that leads to ethnic violence. The fear of white
Afrikaners in South Africa on the eve of democratic elections was a good case in point.

Gurr's (1970) relative deprivation theory offers an explanation based on an ethnic groups' access
to power and economic resources. This is closely related to Horowitz, (1985) who wrote that
group worth is based on the results of economic and political competitions.2
1
Nnoli, Okwudiba, (1980) Ethnic Politics In Nigeria. Fourth Dimension Press. Enugu.

2
Gurr, Ted and B. Harff (1994) Ethnic Conflict In World Politics. (sanfrancisco: west View press.)
According to Lake and Rothschild, (1996) ethnic conflict is a sign of a weak state or a state
embroiled in ancient loyalties. In this case, states act with bias to favour a particular ethnic group
or region, and behaviours such as preferential treatment fuel ethnic conflicts. Therefore, in
critical or difficult political situations, the effectiveness of governance is dependent on its ability
to address social issues and human needs.

Recently, scholars have come out with different approaches to conceptualising ethnicity. Faced
with the proliferation of separatist conflicts in North America, the inadequacies underlying
modernisation theory are being exposed. The notion that modernity would result in smooth
transition from gemeinschaf (community) to gessellschaft (association), with gradual dissolution
of ethnic affiliations, simply did not work. Ethnicity has persisted in North America, Africa and
elsewhere. This failure simply means ethnicity will remain, and that the stability of African states
is threatened not by ethnicity per se, but the failure of national institutions to recognise and
accommodate ethnic differences and interests. According to this argument, the lesson for ethnic
conflict management is that governments should not discriminate against groups or they will
create conflict.

The second theory is from the primordial school and stresses the uniqueness and the overriding
importance of ethnic identity. From their point of view, ethnicity is a biological and fixed
characteristic of individuals and communities. (Geertz, 1963)

The third theoretical approach is the Instrumentalist argument. (Barth.1969, Glazer and
Moynihan, 1975) In Africa where poverty and deprivation are becoming endemic, mostly as a
result of distributive injustice, ethnicity remains an effective means of survival and mobilization.
Ethnic groups that form for economic reasons, easily disband after achieving their objectives.
This corresponds with Benedict Anderson's (1991:5-7) argument that ethnicity is "a construct"
rather than a constant.

Additionally, scholars' attention has also shifted to the nature of ethnic conflict and violence
because the post Cold War era has been marked by the resurgence of ethnic conflict and even
genocide in some societies like Rwanda, Bosnia, and Zaire.

An important theory on conflict and conflict management is John Burton's (1979, 1997) human
needs theory. This approach to ethnic conflict explains that ethnic groups fight because they are
denied not only their biological needs, but also psychological needs that relate to growth and
development. These include peoples' need for identity, security, recognition, participation, and
autonomy. This theory provides a plausible explanation of ethnic conflicts in Africa, where such
needs are not easily met by undemocratic regimes.

This paper focuses on John Burton's theory to explain ethnic conflict in Nigeria and South
Africa, because it provided cogent reasons for the conflicts in the case studies. (Burton 1979)
The human needs theory was introduced to debunk the other theories that attribute causes of
conflict to the innately aggressive nature of human beings. (John Burton 1990) The importance
of this theory to ethnic conflict management in Africa is that it moves beyond theories that blame
African conflicts on a primordial past. Instead, it points to ineffective institutions unable to
satisfy the basic human needs of their citizens. Wherever such non-negotiable needs are not met,
conflict is inevitable. Obviously, the problem of ethnicity in Africa largely depends on the level
of state effectiveness, accountability, and transparency in handling the demands of diversity. The
focus on the human needs theory in this study does not mean the neglect of other theories, which
I consider to be equally useful.3

It is necessary to emphasize that proper analysis of ethnic conflicts is very important in order to
avoid prescribing a wrong medicine for the ailment. Failure to find solutions to Africa's ethnic
problem will have devastating social and economic consequences on a continent that is already
worn out by conflict, poverty and disease.

According to theorists, conflict management means constructive handling of differences. It is an

art of designing appropriate institutions to guide inevitable conflict into peaceful channels. The
importance of conflict management cannot be overemphasised. It is when leaders and states fail
to address important issues and basic needs that violence brews. Nowhere is conflict
management and peaceful resolution of conflict more important than in Africa. African leaders
should take a second look at their behaviour and policy choices. Emphasis here should be on
discouraging corruption, embracing transparency and good governance.4

Contextual Comparison of Nigeria and South Africa

There are good reasons why I have chosen Nigeria and South Africa as case studies. Though
countries apart, they are regional giants. They wield great economic, political and military power
in sub-Saharan Africa. The two countries are equally blessed with a mosaic of ethnicities and
races, an asset to national and economic development.

In the case of South Africa, the country's over 40 million people have long been polarized along
racial lines. The country is made up of whites, indigenous Africans, coloreds, and Indians. The
blacks form the majority of the population with about 30 million people, the whites 5 million,
and the coloreds and Indians share 3 million. In South Africa, class is determined by race, with
blacks at the bottom of the ladder. In the past, indigenous Africans were forced to live in
impoverished and segregated ethnic "homelands" under the apartheid regime. The country has
about 11 linguistic groups, but English is the official language.

With about 120 million people, Nigeria is Africa's most populous country. It is home to 250
linguistic groups, but English is also Nigeria's chosen official language. Although most of the
ethnic groups are very tiny, three ethnic groups constitute somewhere between 60 and 70 percent
of the population. The Hausa-Fulani ethnic groups count for 30 percent of the population, the
Yorubas about 20 per cent and the Igbos about 18 percent. These three major ethnic groups are
differentiated not only by region, but also by religion and life-style.5

3
Monty G. Marshall and Ted Gurr, (2003) Peace and Conflict 2003: A Global Survey Of Armed Conflicts, Self
Determination Movements and Democracy.
4
Mzala (1988) Gatsha Buthelezi, Chief With A Double Agenda. Zed Books Limited. London and New Jersey

5
Gurr, Ted and B. Harff (1994) Ethnic Conflict In World Politics. (sanfrancisco: west View press.)
Nigeria and South Africa are both stratified societies. However, only in South Africa was the
white race dominant over the African majority. As we shall discover from this study,
institutionalized racism, discrimination, language, history and culture reinforced the distance
between South Africa and Nigeria. Both countries were shaped by assumptions and definitions
imposed by the British rulers. British imperial rule in both countries provided identities,
languages and symbols for ethnic and racial groups. Colonial racism was responsible for creating
ethnic divisions and encouraging regionalism and separatism, which further separated the races
and ethnic groups.

In South Africa, for example, the colonists' policies deepened the differences between Zulus and
Xhosas, Ndebele and Vendas, Tswana and Qwaqwa, etc. Also, those of mixed race were
segregated from the white groups through culture, residence, occupation and status. These
differences benefited the elite by fomenting conflict. (See Horowitz, 1985; Mare, Gerhard, 1993)

The case of Nigeria is similar, with the exception of the racial groupings. There are no significant
populations of colored people or whites in Nigeria. Instead, there are indigenous ethnic groups
who were encouraged to segregate by the colonialists. The divide-and-rule strategy was evident
in the design that distanced ethnic groups from each other in separate areas called "Sabongari",
in northern Nigeria and "Abakpa" in the eastern part of the country. This arrangement resulted in
violent conflict when the various ethnic groups were forced to compete for scarce resources.6

In both countries, the process of modernization is adding tension to already divided societies. As
in most of the third world countries, major rifts in society such as these present formidable
problems for governments attempting to maintain or establish ethnic harmony and foster
economic development.

The South African conflict involved the Zulus and the Xhosas, African National Congress
supporters in the KwaZulu-Natal homeland. Few physical conflicts occurred between the
dominant minority white groups and the black majority ethnic groups. This was partly because of
the government strategy of segregation, which distanced black homelands from white cities.
However, there was a high level of violent conflict between black ethnic groups in the
homelands. In Natal alone, well-over 1,147 people were killed during the first months of 1992
( The New York Times, 18 November 1992: A6 ).

The conflict in Nigeria, especially from the year 1967 to 1970, was somewhat different from that
in South Africa. In Nigeria, ethnic identities are so mixed that no region or state is immune to the
infection. The main conflicts involved Hausa-Fulani and the Eastern Ibos and the Yoruba and
Hausa, the minorities of the oil producing states of the south.7

6
Federal Republic Of Nigeria: Report Of The Constitution Conference Containing The Resolution And
Recommendations, vol.2, Abuja. National Assembly Press, 1995: 7

7
Joseph, Richard (1991) Democracy And Prebendal Politics In Nigeria: The Rise And Fall Of The Second
Republic. Spectrum Books Limited. Ibadan. Owerri.
Both Nigeria and South Africa are among the richest in the continent in terms of natural
resources. Nigeria can boast of its oil, coal, tin, bauxite and gold. South Africa is rich in gold,
diamonds and other strategic minerals. Unfortunately, the majority of South Africans did not
benefit from these riches because of racism and apartheid. That however does not rule out the
presence of a strong and diversified private business sector and a substantial middle class that
does include some blacks. Though South Africa's economy is not very healthy, they still have a
highly developed financial system, a fairly efficient telecommunication infrastructure, power, a
reliable water supply, roads, and a system of public administration, which is afflicted by
patronage and corruption, but still delivering to the citizens.

In Nigeria, the majority of the population, especially the people from the Niger Delta oil-
producing areas in the South, has yet to feel the impact of oil revenues because of corruption,
discrimination and economic mismanagement. After independence, the Nigerian government
interfered heavily in all spheres of economic life at great cost to the private sector and economic
growth in general. Additionally, ethnicity, centralized government, and a corrupt ruling elite
overshadow life in Nigeria. The incessant power failures in Nigerian cities and lack of good
drinking water, telecommunication systems and reliable roads are complicating life in Africa's
most populous and wealthy nation. Hence the questions, where is Nigeria's oil income? Where is
Nigerian leadership?

Both Nigeria and South Africa, having concluded a difficult transition to democratic rule are at a
crossroads. Both countries bear the responsibility to steer the continent away from the repression
of authoritarian governments towards a path of social and economic development and good
governance.8 Interestingly, the two countries are also driven by a similar political strategies to
manage conflict through national reconciliation, consensus building and economic development.
The dual processes of transition and transformation need nothing less than a vibrant economy in
which the basic needs of citizens are taken care of. They also require a state and society with a
sense of shared destiny where racial and ethnic identities are harnessed positively as a uniting
force rather than divisive factor or an impediment to nation building. In South Africa, the
potential for disaster may have been averted by the wisdom of Nelson Mandela. However, what
will become of current president Thabo Mbeki's government is still unknown. Now, all eyes are
on Nigeria's president, Olusegun Obasanjo, and his party to show some degree of capability too.

In South Africa's transition process, Mandela's charisma helped the African national Congress
(ANC) to pursue the path of negotiation, accommodation and confidence building for managing
the ethnic diversity problem, though some South African whites still complain of dominant party
favoritism following ANC's second election victory of 1999. However, in Nigeria the ruling
Peoples Democratic Party's (PDP) shortcomings are evident in Nigeria's democratic transition
process. The South African people defied the pattern of their past and broke all the rules of social
theory to forge a powerful spirit of unity from a shattered nation. (Waldmeir and M. Holman,
1994) But in Nigeria, the politicians are still putting out the growing flames of ethnic conflicts
and religious violence. This is partly due to the government's lack of will and partly due to the
military, which has been a stumbling block in the transition to democracy for some time.

8
Kane-Berman, John (1993) Political Violence In South Africa. South African Institute Of Race Relations.
Johanseburg.
Nigeria's dictators often dressed in ethnic costumes and exploited the opportunism of the
politicians and thus were able to use ethnicity to manipulate the transition process and silence
their opponents. The human right groups that fought against General Babangida's and Abacha's
regimes were not prepared for electoral politics. Hence, Nigeria marches towards
democratization with a feeble civil society, fearing future military takeovers.9

Comparatively, civil society in South Africa is believed to be far more supportive of democracy
than in Nigeria. The South African society accommodates non-governmental organizations, civil
associations, and human rights groups. They play a very important role linking the formal
bureaucratic activities with the interests of the people. Contrastingly, what has emerged in
Nigeria during the transition period are militant ethnic associations, like the Oodua Peoples
Movement for the Yorubas, the Arewa Group for the Hausa-Fulanis, and the Movement For
Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MOSOB) for the Igbos. Unlike a genuine civil
society, these militant organizations act like political thugs, rarely supportive of democratic
principles.10

Historical Antecedents to the Problem of Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria and South Africa

Nigeria and South Africa both have disturbing histories of colonialism and white repression,
which generated hatred and conflict among different ethnic groups. 11 The task of addressing
these seeds of conflict planted by the British has been a complex one. After weakening the
African kingdoms and reordering societies, the colonial powers failed in nation building and
providing for the people's basic needs. Hence, poverty increased and with it, conflict over scarce
resources. South Africa became a United Republic in 1910. Less than four years later, Nigeria's
Southern and Northern protectorates were also being merged into a nation. In South Africa, the
creation of the republic followed the 1902 peace agreement reached with the Boers after the
gruesome Anglo-Boer War. Meanwhile, the merging of separate colonies into the country of
Nigeria was forcefully done without the people's consent. This was a major seed of conflict that
is still troubling Nigeria today.12

Comparitive Conflict Management Approaches

In view of the intensity of the ethnic conflicts that have rocked Nigeria and South Africa, both
countries have worked to develop constitutionally backed institutions for conflict management.

9
Mare', Gerhard and Hamilton C.,(1987) An Appetite For Power: Buthelezi' Inkatha and South Africa. Johanesburg.
Ravens , Bloomington and Indiana Polis: Indiana University Press.

10
Osaghae, Eghosa (1991) "Ethnic Minorities And Federalism In Nigeria", African Affairs, vol, 90: 237-258.

11
Osaghae, Eghosa (1991) "Ethnic Minorities And Federalism In Nigeria", African Affairs, vol, 90: 237-258.

12
Afigbo, A.E., (1989) "Federal Character: Its Meaning And History", in P.P Ekeh and E. Osaghae, (eds), Federal
Character And Federalism In Nigeria. Ibadan. Heinemann.
In South Africa, after a difficult and courageous political negotiation between the country's
various interest groups, the state has prevented further violence by developing multiple
democratic approaches to create a foundation for peace and security. The architects of the new
South African constitution crafted an impressive document aimed to heal the wounds of the past
and establish a society based on social justice, fundamental human rights and rule of law. The
constitution guarantees freedom of association, languages and religion and includes a bill of
rights. Secondly, the government has created affirmative action packages for disadvantaged
groups, which emphasise "management of diversity." They are meant, among other things, to
address the structural racism created by the apartheid state.13

Thirdly, the structure of the South African government was constitutionally changed to make
way for a government of national unity. Power-sharing mechanisms were included in the
constitution to prevent the ethnic or racial domination of any group. 14 The composition of the
new government confirms a trend towards accommodation and tolerance, which also helped to
legitimise the government.

Fourthly, the constitution dismantled the homelands. This act signified the end of apartheid. As
mentioned above, the conditions in the black reservations were inhuman. Poverty was endemic
and social amenities and jobs were scarce. The neglect of the homelands and townships made the
people vulnerable to ethnic entrepreneurs and warlords who were fighting for power and
economic resources. Following the dismantling of the ethnic homelands, the constitution
provided for the creation of nine provinces in place of the former four provinces that existed
during apartheid. This decision aimed to distribute power between sub-national units. The
provinces enjoy relative autonomy, thus helping to de-escalate conflict.

The fifth step taken towards peaceful conflict management was the establishment of the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) chaired by Arch-bishop Desmond Tutu, which helped to
heal the wounds inflicted by the apartheid system. It also helped to inculcate a commitment to
accountability and transparency into South African public life.

The sixth step the ANC government took was meant to address the roots of economic
inequalities. The ANC introduced an ambitious plan of action called the "Reconstruction and
Development Programme (RDP). The RDP was aimed at encouraging disadvantaged groups,
especially blacks, to participate equally with others in business. To manage her complex ethnic
problem, Nigeria, like South Africa, has developed mechanisms for ethnic conflict management.
Constitutionally, Nigeria opted for federalism and secularism to manage ethnic and regional
misunderstanding Like South Africa, a bill of rights was included in the 1999 constitution, which
was intended to allay the fears of ethnic minorities in the South.15

13
Anderson, benedict (1991) Immagined Communities: Reflection On The Origin and Spread of Nationalism. (ed)
Revised Edition. (London and New York: Verso)

14
Chanaiwa, David (1993) "Southern Africa Since 1945", In , (eds), Ali Mazrui and Wondji, C., General History Of
Africa Since 1935, Vol. 8, Heinemann. California. UNESCO

15
Burton, John (1990) Conflict Resolution And Prevention: St. Martins Press
Past Nigerian dictators had been under enormous pressure from minority groups for a more fair
distribution of power. From 1967 to 1999, thirty-six states were created in Nigeria, which cut
across ethnic and religious lines.16 This move was meant to further allay the ethnic groups' fears
of being dominated by the three major linguistic groups, the Hausa-Fulani, the Igbo and the
Yoruba. However, the viability of these new states is unclear, with the exception of the oil-
producing states in the South. Some of these states have recently become conduits for the
personal enrichment of the elites at the expense of alleviating poverty and creating job
opportunities for the rest of the population.

There have been reports of disparities in the distribution of the oil resources in Nigeria for many
years. This contentious issue has fuelled most of the recent ethnic conflicts in the country.
Though the constitution provided for a new system of resource allocation, ethnic groups from the
oil and mineral producing areas see the new system as inadequate, arguing they are not receiving
enough money for their own regional development. These are the dynamics behind the Ogoni
crisis and the recent sporadic ethnic violence in the oil producing Niger Delta states. 17 I would
argue that unless this issue is resolved, by a national conference, the economic base of the
country will be jeopardised.

Conclusion

In sum, these two cases give evidence that suggests some important links between conflict
management, and the resultant state and quality of relations between rival ethnic groups. Firstly,
the preservation of ethnic peace (or its breakdown) is dependent upon the type and effectiveness
of the available conflict management mechanisms and also the respective government's policy
choices and decisions. Secondly, the use of constitutional conflict management tools has the
potential to create lasting peace. This was more evident in South Africa, where the government
created the foundation for a thriving civil society, accountability and government transparency.
In Nigeria however, the undemocratic 1999 federal constitution lacks the support of the citizens.
The constitution was drafted by military dictators and handed over to the people. It has not gone
far enough to resolve the problems of ethnicity that have dogged the country since independence.
Civil liberty groups are currently campaigning for a new constitution.

In both countries, ethnic conflicts arose as a result of the denial of the basic human needs of
access, identity, autonomy, security and equality, compounded by the autocratic roles played by
the government and the military. Furthermore, the violent conflicts in KwaZulu Natal,
Johanesburg, Lagos, Kano, and the Niger Delta resulted in a more distorted pattern of
governance, which led to further denial of basic needs to the masses. Conflict management is
more effective if a government is devoid of corruption. In tune with John Burton's theory, this is
the only way to satisfy people's basic needs.18

16
Cohen, Abner (1974) Custom And Politics in Urban Africa. Routledge and Kegan Paul Press.

17
Brass, P.R., (1991) Ethnicity And Nationalism. Theory And Comparison. Sage Publication. London.

18
Coleman James (1958) Nigeria: Background To Nationalism. Berkeley and Los Angeles.
The role of good political leadership cannot be overemphasized. The leadership scale awards
Nelson Mandela and FW de Klerk high marks. Both leaders were able to forget the past and
move towards the path of peace and democracy. Nigeria, however, has been less fortunate in its
leadership. Ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria have continued because Nigerian elites are
corrupt and split along lines of religion and ethnicity. This has resulted in ethnic rivalry,
suspicion and hostility among leaders. Without a bold and articulate leadership, conflict
management or prevention will always be a mirage. The relative economic growth and
development witnessed in South Africa after its transformation has helped the country alleviate
poverty and manage ethnic grievances. This success has challenged Nigeria to try and transform
ethnic politics into mutually beneficial relationships. To do this, Nigeria must withdraw from its
old and ineffective approaches and develop new institutions and mechanisms that can address
poverty, revenue allocation, and other national issues peacefully. 19

This paper has pointed out the importance of civil society in ethnic conflict management. The
vibrancy of civil society in South Africa contributed to its peaceful democratic transition. In
Nigeria, most of the civil society has been crushed. During the military dictatorship, most
grassroots organizations were threatened and forced to go into hiding or become militant. The
civil society that does exist in Nigeria has played an important role in conflict management. They
used public meetings and debates to raise awareness about the need for ethnic harmony and the
consequences of unchecked ethnic animosity. The next step is for the civil society to try and
cooperate with the state in designing conflict management strategies as well as monitoring the
efficiency of the institutions in place.

The lessons of this study are that ethnic conflict is a negative sum game that benefits no one. The
advocates for racial and ethnic peace in Nigeria and South Africa have outnumbered those who
want to feed from the spoils of conflict. The recent decrease in violent conflict and both
countries' transitions to democracy attest to this. To achieve a lasting peace, Nigeria and South
Africa should challenge the actions of ethnic leaders who have used violent ethnic conflict for
personal gain. The lessons learned from both South Africa and Nigeria may begin to convince
policy makers and politicians that strategies of discrimination and racism are not in the interest
of peace and democracy.20 Furthermore, effective conflict management institutions reassure
foreign investors, thus boosting the economy. Finally, peace would help both countries solidify
their leadership positions in the African Union and the New African Partnership for
Development (NEPAD). The democratic transformation process in both countries is not yet

19
Heribert, Adam and Kogila Moodley (1993) The Negotiated Revolution. Society and Politics
in Post Apartheid South Africa. Johanesburg, Jonathan Ball Publishers.

20
Hislop, Robert, (1998), "Ethnic Conflict And The Generosity Moment", Journal Of
Democracy, Vol.9, no, 1: 140-53
complete. The significance of ethnic conflict management in Africa is underlined by the
continent's underdevelopment and weak economic growth. This points to the need for a change
in the continent's approach to conflict management. Peace in Africa is not the absence of war, but
the provision of the people's basic human needs.
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