MASTER COURSE IN AFRICAN STUDIES

Quality in Somali and Burundian primary

refugees’ education: a comparative analysis

Davide Prata

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements

for the degree of master of arts in African Studies

June 2009

Supervisor: Tekeste Negash

Master programme responsible: Lars Berge

1
 Table of contents

Table of contents 1
Introduction and focus questions 2

Chapter 1
Background:

1.1) Historical background on Somalia and Somali refugees history 3

1.2) Historical background on Burundi and Burundian refugees history 8
1.3) Education in emergency context and the quality issue
1.3.1) Education in emergency 10
1.3.2) The quality issue 14

Chapter 2
Analysis:

2.1) Burundian and Somali refugees’ education: an overview 18

2.1.1) Environment 22
2.1.2) Actors 26
2.1.3) Tools 30
2.1.4) Outcomes 32

Chapter 3
Conclusive findings and discussion 34

Bibliography 41
Web sources 44

2
Introduction and focus questions
In this thesis, I analyze quality in refugees’ education comparing two cases of study: Burundian
refugees in Tanzania and Somali refugees in Kenya.
Methodologically this research develops the UNICEF’s definition of quality in education and the
Timothy Brown’s study on Bhutanese refugees in Nepal. Based on these statements environment,
actors, tools and outcomes are considered as influencing factors in refugees’ education’s quality. In
addiction, analytic indicators based on the Minimum Standard for Education in Emergency,
(MSEE) are integrated to fulfill this comparative analysis.
The Somali and Burundian asylum seekers’ history and the host countries’ policies on refugees are
emphasized in the first chapter of this research. Furthermore, referring to camps’ education as a
‘matter of right’, I differentiate between the concept of education in emergency and its
implementation. Taking into consideration several critics on this topic, I emphasize the positive
realizations that education could generate in the camps and specify its role on conflict prevention,
stabilization and gender empowerment. Referring on these points of views I argue that education
has to be considered as a life saving activity.
In the second part of this thesis I analyze camps’ environment, actors, tool and outcomes using the
methodological approach clarify in the first chapter.
Within the discussion over environment security, food and gender are considered as main issues. On
the other hand, I also argue that refugees’ education, if properly supported, could positively modify
the camps background. Specifically, refugees could be empowered to cope with the camp’s life and
the post-crisis opportunities.
Teachers, families and students are included in this analysis as influencing actors. I support that
origin country education’s achievements play the major role in determining camps’ enrollment,
attendance rate and education’s perception. This argument is supported stressing dissimilarities
between former education in Somalia and Burundi. In addiction, teacher training and families
behaviors on education are also considered.
Stressing that curriculum issue is the most evident divergence between the two cases analyzed, I
emphasize how different subjects thought could generate dissimilar future perspective for the
youths. Referring to the Burundian case of study, the value of the native curriculum is emphasized
considering the repatriation perspective. On the other hand, referring to the foreign curriculum and
the unfamiliar language of instruction implemented in the Somali case of study I underline the
related threats in camps’ education achievements. A similar suggestion is supported regarding the

3
examination system that differs with the native one implemented for the Burundian refugees living
in Tanzania to the foreign one adopted in the Somali living in Kenya.
Differences over outcomes confirm the hypothesis argued on native instruction’s influence, gender
disparity and refugees’ perception over education.
This analysis is structured on UN agencies’ reports and statistics. On the other hand, relevant
secondary sources, like articles and NGO’s data, are also critically considered.

This study will address the following two focus questions:

• How environment and actors influence and are influenced by quality in Somali and
Burundian refugees education?
• How tools and outcomes affect quality and post refugee opportunities in Burundian and
Somali case of study?

Chapter 1
Background

1.1) Historical background on Somalia and Somali refugees’

history.

In this chapter I analyze the roots of the Somali asylum seekers’ migrations in a historical
perspective.
I argue that to examine these events it is necessary to consider the roots of the 1991 Somali state
collapse and the following failed reconstruction. Due to the multiplicity of these causes, I will
underline those emphasized by the quoted scholar and, according to Maria Brons’ understanding, I
will not support the predominance of the clanic explanation. In this analysis I argue that several
political and economical interwoven roots, parallel to the clan system, contributed to the 1991
collapse and the following asylum seekers’ emergency.
With the focus on the state organization, it is possible to divide the history of Somalia in three
different stages: a stateless society previous to the colonial period; a state society from the colonial
phase to 1991; and, again, a stateless society from 1991 to the present. Considering this
categorization it is possible to affirm that most of the Somali preserves a particular “nomadic
identity based on clan affiliation” despite the presence of the state structure in their territory. In fact,
4
both in the colonial and post colonial periods the presence and the operability of the state have been
conditioned by the clan system. According to Maria H. Brons understanding: “there is a political
aspect to identity, which is inherent in the segmentary lineage of the Somali people. However is not
only tribal or clan identity, but also religious and mythical identity, which became increasingly
politicized when confronted with process of modern state formation”.1 As Paolo Tripodi clearly
reports the clan affiliation is strongly interwoven in the economic, political and social structure of
the majority of Somali people.2 Specifically, the Somali clans existed long before the presence of
any state border. The actual Somali territory is still divided among several units that represent the
influence of the numerous nomadic or sedentary clans and sub-clans.3 To clarify the rule of the clan
in the Somali society it is necessary to examine the concept of “insecurity”. In a semi-desert hostile
environment lacking in resources available, Somali nomadic population faces a daily insecurity to
ensure water and pasture for their heard and ultimately for their personal survival. Regarding this
topic Cindy Horst explains that “since water and pasture are scarce and not constantly available,
social networks are very important, but the formation of a bigger stable group has to be prevented.” 4
Therefore, clan affiliation represents a system to face the Somalia’s hostile environment and a wide
part of the Somali identity. On the other hand, it is necessary to consider it also as a sort of micro-
state organization with the judiciary and the executive structures parallels to a consuetudinary law
system.5
As affirmed above I support the thesis that the clan system represents just one of the 1991 state
crisis’ causes. In the next paragraphs, others complementary explanations are reported referring to
the colonial and post colonial periods.
The arbitrary division of the African map, led in the late nineteen century by the major European
powers, generated a systematic division of the native population into alien borders.6 As common to
the entire continent in Somalia these international borders cut across clan territories, trading and
1
Brons, H. M. 2001, “society, security, sovereignty and the state: Somalia”, international
books, Netherlands.
2
“The Somali people for centuries had been isolated and their contacts with Europeans, due to
the vagaries of the Somali coastline, were very limited. As a nomadic people […] they lived,
and in many areas of the country they still live, with a feeling of freedom and independence
[…]. Traditionally, they recognize the clan and its leader, who is the firstborn male of the oldest
family, as the only authority. With the absence of institutionalized hierarchical authority,
Somali pastoral groups are not held together by attachment to chiefs.”
Tripodi, P. 1999a “colonial legacy in Somalia: Rome and Mogadishu”, Palgrave, U.K. p. 35
3
It is roughly possible to divide the Somali society between nomadic and settled population. In
the pre-colonial period, a form of pre-state society was created among the settled populations,
representative of the 40% of the total Somali inhabitants. The remaining 60% of nomadic
people could be considered as a stateless society.
4
Horst, C. 2006a “transnational nomads: how Somali cope with refugee life in the Dadaab
camps of Kenya”, Berghahn Books, New York. p.50.
5
Brons, p. 98-113.
6
During the colonial period, the Somali region was divided among Italy, Britain, France and
Ethiopia occupations.
5
pastoral zones.7 If in one hand the colonial “divide and rule” strategy caused several clashes among
Somali clans; on the other hand, the negligence in the control of the territory left the nomadic
Somali society in an uncontrolled status, practically over the whole period of colonization. 8 After
the Second World War, Italy took the responsibility to guide the people living in the trust territory
of Somalia toward the creation of an independent Somali nation.9 By the AFIS (Amministrazione
Fiduciaria Italiana in Somalia) Italy in ten years had the mandate to improve: a regional government
organization, the economic and financial development of the nation, the social progress and welfare,
the education system and the shifting of the power from the central administration to the local
government.10 It is possible to argue that a cause of the 1991 Somalia’s collapse is rooted in the
Italian trusteeship period. Paolo Tripodi regarding this topic concludes that: “Italy promoted the
adoption of a form of state inappropriate to the Somali people. […]The new state organization
became just an instrument in the hands of predominant clans, who administered power according to
their own interests. In the long term this created a new source of clan conflict.”11 Specifically
regarding the constitution Maria Brons stresses that “the Italian model constitution was taken over
virtually unchanged, without the necessary adaptation to the specific characteristics of Somali
society. […] The constitution provided no viable venue for the political expression of regional
differences, and no problem-solving institutional framework.”12 The following degeneration of the
political system coupled with widespread corruption and paved the way for the following Siad
Barre's military dictatorship.”13
A parallel background was present also in the British protectorate. Both the Somali National League
(SNL) and the Somali Independent Constitutional Party (SICP) were influenced by the clan
affiliation.14 Consider this topic with the focus on security, most of the Somali continued to refer to
the clan affiliation and to the “traditional strand”15 rather than to the political party for the
management of the power. Generally, it is possible to argue that the establishment of a political
system, based on a Western model, was totally inappropriate to face the peculiar Somali social
7
Brons, p. 145
8
Calchi Novati, G. 1994, “il corno d’Africa nella storia e nella politica”, Società editrice
internazionale, Torino, p. 95.
9
UN resolution number 289, 21 November 1949.
10
Tripodi, P. 1999b “back to the horn: Italian administration and Somalia’s troubled
Independence”, the international journal of African historical studies, vol. 32, n°2/3, p. 363.
11
Tripodi, p. 1999b 379.
12
Brons, p. 161.
13
Tripodi, P.1999b, p. 366.
14
Ware, G. 1965 “Somalia: from trust territory to Nation, 1950-1960”, Phylon, vol. 26, n°2, 2nd
Qtr, Clark Atlanta University, pp. 173-185.
15
The clan affiliation is not the only system to define the Somali’s security achievement.
Religious membership, maternal lineage networks, neighborhood and village networks are also
central to achieve the protection within the Somali population. According to Maria Brons:
“Somali society is a complex of interwoven and independent strands, in which (patrilinear) clan
affiliation is the dominant but not necessarily the decisive security network.” Brons, p. 113.
6
structure and organization of power. Both in the former Italian and British territories the extern
construction of the nation, including foreigner democratic value, did not reach its original proposal
but exacerbated existing tensions to control the state’s power.
The parliamentary democracy instituted as a form of government of this early independent state
revealed soon the weakness of the former state buildings process.16 In 1969 a military dictatorship
led by the General Mohamed Siad Barre replaced this largely inefficient parliamentary state.
Barre’s military regime was initially recognized and supported by the major part of the population.
This mobilizations and the mass consensus were reached adopting several social and economic
transformations.17 Despite this early success, according to Calchi Novati, the pan-Somali ideas
supported by the president became the focal point to determine its decline. It is possible to argue
that the Ogaden war against Ethiopia determined both the edge and the collapse of the Barre
Empire.18 Refugees and disruptions, related to the defeat, promoted a tough return of the clan
system rule. The system of the clan affiliation revitalized its original purpose to provide security,
power and economic opportunity such as lands, jobs and international aid. “A clan-democracy or
clan-political hegemony was institutionalized by the military of Siad Barre, and politics was
commanded through a military chain of officers.”19 By 1990, the civil war spread in the southern
part of the country and in January 1991 the opposition’s movements, without a common line
regarding the future of the state, entered in Mogadishu and defeated the Barre’s government. While
the northern part of the state claimed its independence in May 1991, in the southern part a civil war
between clans and disaggregated militias forced the territory into a situation of political anarchy.20
To summarize, it is possible to affirm that the post independence democratic political weakness, the
Barre international pan-Somali ideas, the governmental clan based oppositions groups and several
economic menaces generated a wide instability. Within this crisis, the whole state structure clashed;
the reaffirmation of the clan system was regarded as the predominant solution to gain with security
matters.

16
The system of parties, intrinsically related to the clan affiliation, did not reach a substantial
balance within the parliament, and it became soon a corrupt form of particular interests’
management
17
Clanism and nepotism were drastically reduced and replaced by a wider Somali nationalism
and a socialist management of resources.
18
Calchi Novati, G. Ibidem, pp.220 -232.
19
Sserero, F. 2003, "Clanpolitics, Clan-democracy and conflict resolution in Africa: The
experience of Somalia." the global review of ethno politics 2, no 3-4 (June): 25- 40. Quote in
Cassandra R. Veney, forced migration in eastern Africa, Palgrave, 2007, pg. 23
20
Analyzing the economic face of the crisis, the clan-based armies could recruit many young
males due to the economic conditions of the country that left them without educational and
employment opportunities. On the other hand, the Barre’s selective economic policy, created
the bases for an intra-clan revenge. Furthermore, the former IMF development plan and a
disproportioned budged invested on military expenses caused a decline on the already weak
state’s social and economic enforcement.
7
The efforts to stabilize a new government after the dictatorship regime did not reach any substantial
target. The lack of understanding was evident, especially regarding the Barre’s successors and the
post dictatorship form of state. Inter and Intra-clan fights continued to ensure territory, power and
resources to particular affiliations. Specifically, the city of Mogadishu became the epicenter of
anarchic violence that, after more than 15 years, is still causing starvation and terror over its
population. These inter clan hostilities, connected to the harsh Somali economy, become a constant
plague for the population. Somali, after roughly one hundred years of state rule society through
colonialism, democracy and military dictatorship, found themselves in a stateless vacuum. In the
central and southern parts of the country several clashing warlords continued to compete for the
territory despite the failed U.S. led United Nation operation UNSOM and the following western
withdraw in 1995. Only ten years later in June 2006, a coalition of several clerics, business
managers and Islamic leaders, unified in the Islamic Courts Union, took control over the former
capital’s urban area and defeated all these numerous warlords.
The U.S. allied with the Ethiopian government, that according to Jeffry Gettleman understanding
‘feared an Islamist Somalia’, decided in December 2006 to overthrow the Islamist troops based in
Mogadishu. The thousands of civilian lifeless and the increment of the asylum seekers transnational
flees, regardless the closure of the Somalia-Kenya border, are some of the consequences of the
battles between Islamist insurgents and the Ethiopian troops. In 2007 the intense fighting between
Hawive clan and the US-backed Ethiopian army devastated Mogadishu and force civilians to the
“largest mass migration in recent times”.21 The influx of Somali within the Kenyan border started
approximately with the breakdown of the conflicts, and it endures until the present. Anarchy, chaos
and battles in Mogadishu forced more than one million of Somalis to flee the country. In addition,
interclan fighting in the southern regions of Gedo, Lower Juba and Kisimyo coupled with severe
droughts followed by floods. The result of all these scourges is the recent massive migration of
Somalis into the Kenyan border to escape famine, clan conflicts and floods. On the other hand, the
recent increment of asylum seekers is related to the Ethiopian military campaign and the defeat of
the Islamic Courts Union. The renew warlord presence in the capital is still threatening the security
of the population forcing them to seek refuge in the neighbors’ countries.

21
Mynott, A. 2007 “Somalia's 'total nightmare'” BBC News, Somalia.
8
 1.2) Historical background on Burundi and Burundian refugees'
history.
In this background, I will underline some of the main causes that forced a consistent part of the
Burundian population to escape from their home country. Despite an interwoven complementary
range of reasons, I consider the artificial division between Hutu and Tutsi as the main cause of this
forced migration. I argue that this separation, led by the colonial power and accentuated after the
independence, is strictly related to the Burundian political troubles and consequently to the
following refugees’ crisis. It is roughly possible to synthesize that the Hutu and Tutsi division, the
Burundian democracy trouble and the refugees flee are situated in the same cause and consequences
continuum. In this chapter I will underline some specific features that contribute to explain this
relation.
According to Cassandra Veney refugees that reached Tanzania between 1993 and 2003 are
analogous to those fled in 1965, 1969, 1972, 1988 and 1991; they were mostly Hutus run off from
the political violence. To clarify the division between Hutu and Tutsi it is necessary to refer to the
colonial period when German and the Belgian colonizer consolidate this ethnic determination,
practically aliens to the former Burundian social background.22 Tutsi chiefs, mistakenly considered
as native rulers, were used by the colonial power to maintain order. With this institutionalization
German and Belgian colonial powers generated a profound discrimination between these two
groups that exasperated during the post independence period. Tutsi gained better education
opportunities, jobs and others colonial perks.
In a historical overview, it is possible to argue that the two coupes d’état, in 1965 and 1969, were
the prelude for the massive violence generated between April and May 1972, after the third failed
attempt against the Tutsi government. A huge amount of Burundian people lost their lives in the
battles and over 300.000 peoples escaped from Burundi to the neighbors’ countries, above all to
Tanzania.23 24
According to Cassandra Veney “the bloody events in the 1970s occurred at a time
when the regime in power was characterized by intrigue, clientelism, nepotism, regionalism and
ethnicism. The Hutu/Tutsi problem is neither a social nor an economic problem. It is essentially a
political problem of how this or that ethnic group comes to and stays in power.” 25 Relative to this
suggestion, it is possible to argue that behind the ethnic construction the struggle to gain the
Burundian political benefits was the main cause of the political crisis and the consequent violence.
22
The unfixed professional separation between farmers and pastoralists was the only
significant difference that before the colonial period generated hostility and social hierarchy
between these two groups
23
Eggers, E. K. 2006 “Historical dictionary of Burundi”, The scarecrow press, U.S.
24
Oliver, R. Atmore, A. 2004 “Africa since 1800”, Cambridge. pp.264- 265.
25
Veney, p.50.
9
During the 70s and the 80s Tutsi minority used ethnicity as a tool to manage political benefits with
systematic tracing, discrimination and execution against Hutus, especially after the 1972 failed
coup. Over 150.000 citizens left the country to seek refuge in Rwanda and Tanzania, settled
themselves along the border areas.26
Despite several positive steps enforced in the early 90s like the new constitution approved in 1991
or the general elections held in 1993, political reprisal, violence and forced migration inexorably
restarted. In October 1993 a Tutsi militia murdered the new Burundian president Ndadaye. Due to
the riots that followed this event more than one million Burundian were forced to leave the country
and seek refuge in Rwanda and Zaire; more than 200.000 of them fled to Tanzania. The same
situation happened in 1996 when another coup d’état took place and thousand of refugees seek
refuge in Tanzania. The intensified armed attacks, led by rebels and Burundian army, pushed about
5.000 refugees per week to search refuge abroad until the first quarter of 2000.27
It is possible to summarize that: “the most constant strain for refugees into western Tanzania from
Burundi was generated by war or rumors of war that left people afraid, insecure and struggling to
maintain their farms and business.”28
Since 1998, Tanzanian government and UNHCR are conducting repatriations of refugees. In later
march 1998 a tripartite agreement was signed among UNHCR and the governments of Burundi and
Tanzania. This accord simplified the first repatriation of 8.764 refugees that were repatriated to
those provinces in Burundi retained safe by UNHCR.29 In January 2002, UNHCR, Tanzanian and
Burundian government signed another agreement to close all Tanzanian refugees’ camps with a
population under ten thousands.30 Even with a questionable security situation31 more than 188.000
refugees were repatriated to Burundi between March 2002 and June 2004. The UNHCR
representative in Tanzania, Yacoub el Hillo, reported that the number of refugees had decreased
from 500,000 in 2003 to 287,061 in 2007 with more than 200,000 refugees repatriated during these

26
Fellesson, M. 1995. “repatriation or integration - A study of an organized rural settlement for
Burundian refugee in Tanzania ”, Umeå Universitet.
27
Refugees International 2001 “Tanzanian camps now strained beyond capacity” refugees
international, Washington.
28
UNHCR 2004 "2003 global refugee trend: Overview of refugees Populations, new arrivals,
Durable solution, Alylum seekers and other persons of operational support”, UNHCR Geneva,
Http://www.unhcr.ch.statistics
29
Veney, p.176-78.
30
In the same agreement, it is possible to find the guarantee that the voluntary repatriation of
more than 350.000 Burundian refugees will be assisted by the UNHCR.
UNHCR news stories, 2005, “Tanzanian camp to close as Burundian refugees return home”, in
http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendoc.htm?
tbl=NEWS&id=4252a1af4&page=news , accessed January 13, 2009.
31
Not all the rebel parties involved in the 1996 coup signed the Arusha peace agreement at the
time of refugees’ repatriation. The group named Forces for the Defense of Democracy FDD
reached an accord with the Burundian government only in 2003. The last group, Forces for
National Liberation FNL, reached an equal agreement in 2006.
10
four years.32 Despite the plan to close all the refugees’ camps by mid-2008, it is possible to stress
that in December 2007 more than 120.000 Burundian refugees were in Tanzania.

Analyzing the Somali and Burundian refugees’ history it is necessary to stress the similar political
and economical background of the fled reasons, rooted in the colonial and post colonial struggle.

1.3) Education in emergency context and the quality issues.

1.3.1) Education in emergency

Margaret Sinclair explaining the role of education in emergency33 addresses two focal questions: Is
education needed in emergency situations? Is there a need to do more than feed, shelter and provide
medical services to emergency-affected populations?
To understand these questions and to answer them properly, it is necessary to report different
accounts about “humanitarian policy” and found supply. To deal with these issues this chapter
presents in one hand the official UN’s perspective on education in emergency and, on the other
hand, reports several critics based on the academic perspectives.
The UNHCR definition of early humanitarian response to the refugees’ crisis is: “an immediate and
appropriate action to save lives, ensures protection, and restores the well-being of refugees.”34
According to the UNHCR handbook for emergency life saving activities comprehend: the
establishment of an early minimum supply of food; the development of existing water sources; the
provision of roofing materials and sanitation facilities; the organization of the health care system
with basic drugs and equipment, in close consultation with the national health authorities.35
Specifically on education UNHCR stress its necessity and potential on: conflict prevention, built
capacities, foster a peaceful society, normalize the situation by establishing routines, protect and
empower women and girls, implement the post-refuge perspectives.36 Specifically on this matter the
involvement of the refugees’ community in education is clearly underlined in the UNHCR
education field guideline. According to this handbook, refugees have to contribute in: the
construction, maintenance and repair of classrooms, latrines and other facilities; volunteer resources
32
IRIN, humanitarian news and analysis, 30/01/2007. “Tanzania: UN agency plans to shut
camps as refugee numbers drop” in http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=67719 ,
accessed January 13, 2009.
33
Sinclair, M. 2001 “education in emergencies” in: UNHCR, “learning for a future, refugee
education in developing countries”, UNHCR, p. 1-83.
34
UNHCR, “handbook for emergencies”, UNHCR, p.32.
35
UNHCR, “handbook for emergencies”, UNHCR, p. 1-83.
36
UNHCR, “educating refugees around the world”, in www.unhcr.org accessed on 6/05/09.
11
for school and youth activities to prevent the drop out, promote girl education and pre-schools
enrolment; reporting any harassment by or of teacher or student with the arrangement for student
safe transit to and from school; organize a voluntary child to child tutoring for students in danger of
dropping out; working with head-teacher and senior school staff to prepare and update the school
development plan.37 38
Addressing the question: why refugees’ education is necessary? In the academic area it is possible
to report different viewpoints. According to Margaret Sinclair and Suzanne Hollmann
psychological benefits of education are considered as incontestable responses to the trauma of the
displacement. Specifically, they stress ‘present and future’ positive improvements: in the early time
of a crisis organizing structured activities involve refugees in constructive participation and
integration; on the other hand, in a long term perspective, education could restores elements of
hope, contrasts revenge and decrease the possibility for youth to join militias or participate in
39 40
harmful activities. In addiction, these positive effects on children’s mental status could be
interrelated to parallel constructive parent’s behaviours.
On the other hand, it is possible to report some ‘contrasting voices’ regarding refugees’ education.
Specifically, in the next paragraphs I will consider the host state behaviour; the lack of found and
priority; the discriminatory issues.
Hosts’ countries are usually the critical part regarding refugees education. Generally, several
asylum countries regard refugees as a threat to their internal security. According to their perspective
allowing camps’ structured activities like education or employment could perpetuate the crisis and
extend insecurity within the refugees’ affected areas.41 According to this assumption, Marc
Sommers affirms that education could have an inductive effect in attracting people to the camps

37
UNHCR, 2003a “UNHCR education: field guidelines”, UNHCR.
38
Despite this consistent involvement of refugees in carrying out camps' education, UNHCR
address specific directions and methodologies: school curriculum and language of instruction
should be based on the country or area of origin with the enrichment of activities in the fields
of health, safety, environment, peace and human rights; the minimum attending time should
be five days a week with four hours/day above class one and six hours/day after class four;
lessons should be organized in two shifts to increase the attendance rate; final examinations
have to be recognized by the Education Ministry of the origin country with monitoring and
administrative activities; primary education has the priority on pre-primary and secondary
schools.
UNESCO, UNHCR, UNICEF, 1998 “rapid educational response in complex emergencies: a
discussion document”, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNICEF.
UNHCR, 2003a, Ibidem
39
Hollmann, S. 2005 “Lost generation: the importance of adolescent education in refugee and
IDP communities and the barriers to access” in: “Education in emergencies and post-conflict
situations: problems, responses and possibilities. Volume 2” Society for international education,
Columbia university. p. 28-38.
40
UNHCR, 2001 “learning for a future, refugee education in developing countries”, UNHCR, p.
1-83.
41
I refer to Tanzania and Kenya case of study during the 90s.
12
from their destabilized homeland or slow down their repatriation.42 In disagreement on these
suppositions it is possible to suggest that: in one hand, refugees mainly fled in search of a temporal
protection and security not to enjoy facilities in the camps; on the other hand, it is necessary to
consider that refugees’ education is like the whole refugees’ life: precarious and instable.43
According to these considerations, consider host countries’ camps education as a fled reason is a
mistake. Vice versa, it is necessary to judge it as an indispensable tool in the children’s
psychological improvement and a vital instrument to prevent the cycle of anger and human
destructiveness, useful to cope with future repatriation, resettlement or integration.
Deficiency on UNHCR founds44 is one of the core issue in criticizing refugees' education. Kara
Vander Kamp stress that “the UNHCR funding policy negatively impacts its ability to provide a
qualitative education to refugee children”.45 To support this thesis she stresses that UNHCR cannot
act as a neutral body; interests of refugees have to be compromised with the interests of the donors.
Furthermore, this scholar suggests that “the large majority of the money donated is earmarked for a
particular region or activity and, therefore, severely limits UNHCR in the programming choices it
makes.”46 Refugees’ education, as reported above, is still considered as an impediment to
repatriation and several times discouraged by the donors. In addiction, the crisis’ exposure to the
media has a major role in rise founds. According to this consideration, it is possible to consider that
media focus on crisis is always temporary and the founds follows this pattern. This matter impedes
a constant implementation of several long term activities like education.
Another critical contribution on the discussion regarding education in emergencies is underlined by
Amalia Fawcett. In her article, “risking protection through education?”47 she argues that emergency
education could place children at risk culturally, psychosocially and physically. To support this
thesis, she underlines the ‘discriminatory curricula’ issue. During conflicts involving ethnic
tensions, like the Rwandan case for instance48, school curricula could be based in favour of the
42
Sommers, M. 1999 "emergency education for children", Mellon-MIT Inter University Program
on Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and forced migration, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
43
Usually it starts soon after the refugees’ encampment and it finish when repatriation,
integration or resettlement occurs.
44
UNHCR does not receive mandatory contribution from governments unlike other UN
agencies. In 2001 94% of the founds derived from voluntary governments’ donations; 3% from
the UN regular budget and the remaining 3% by private donation from individuals, corporations
and foundations. In www.unhcr.org accessed 7/05/09.
45
Vander Kamp, K. 2004 “high quality refugee education: the impact of funding”, in: education
in emergencies and post-conflict situations: problems, responses, and possibilities, Society for
international education teachers college, Columbia university. p. 25-32.
46
Ibidem.
47
Fawcett, A. 2005 “risking protection through education?” in: forced migration review, n°22,
refugee studies center, Norwegian refugee council, p.13-14.
48
Education in Rwanda, before 1994, played a role to increase exclusion and ethnic division,
that contribute to determine the 1994 genocide. Jill Salmon report: “education was not a
means of advancement, a symbol of peace, or a repository of truth for most Rwandans.
Instead, it was a political mechanism for propping up the status quo, which was characterized
13
dominant ethnic, political, or religious group. The education system in these circumstances could
exacerbate existing tensions, for example, removing languages of specific groups.49 It is possible to
argue that implement a similar curriculum in the refugees’ camps could perpetuate these
discriminations.
To summarize these significant contributions it is necessary to stress the positive intervention that
education could have on the psychological and rehabilitative perspectives of trauma affected
childhood. On the other hand, it is also necessary to affirm that the host country behaviours, the UN
agencies’ financial lack and the discriminatory curriculum issues are still challenging the efficiency
of this action. According to me, to deal with this antinomy, it is necessary to subdivide refugees’
education between ‘necessity’ and ‘implementation’. Regarding the ‘necessity’ it is necessary to
develop the assumption that education in emergency has the value of human rights according to the
Education for All assessments50 and the other numerous international legal instruments.51 This
supposition is correlated to the requirement for the trauma affected children to reestablish fixed
activities and develops trauma coping skills, as clearly supported by Margaret Sinclair.
On the other hand, numerous critics are based to the education in emergency’s implementation. It is
possible to argue that every displacement or refugees crisis is unique and the implementation of
education activities cannot be just a replicable UN led intervention. It is necessary to consider that
the implementation of a neutral and constructive education system is the key issues in re-establish
the schools’ system in emergency’s affected areas and refugees crisis. Reexamining the quoted
scholar it is possible to affirm that the necessity of education is not criticized. On the other hand,
forms and substance of its implementation are critically examined arguing different and relevant
pressures. In the next paragraphs these analysis will be critically considered.

by injustice and inequality.”

Salmon, J. 2004 “education and its contribution to structural violence in Rwanda”, in: education
in emergencies and post-conflict situations: problems, responses, and possibilities, Society for
international education teachers college, Columbia university. p.79-86.
49 The report “education in crisis situations” published in 2006 by USAID suggests a further

critic argument on the development of the education in emergency referring on the different
approach between development and humanitarian assistance. A form of standardization
regarding these approaches has been developed since 2001 due to the creation of the
Interagency Network on Education in Emergency (INEE). To define a form of homogeny on
education in emergency INEE in 2004 suggested the Minimum Standard for Education in
Emergency, chronic crisis and early reconstruction (MSEE).
USAID 2006 “education in emergencies situations mapping the field”, Creative Associates
International, Columbia University, N.Y.
50
Within the Dakar Framework for Action adopted by the World Education Forum organized in
Dakar in April 2000, a specific part is devoted to education in difficult situations. Emphasis is
given to the needs of education systems affected by conflicts, natural calamities and
instability.
51
The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1951 Convention relating the status of
refugees and the 1960 UNESCO Convention against discrimination in education.
14
1.3.2) Quality issue

A useful definition on quality in refugees’ education is given by Timothy Brown in his study on
Bhutanese refugees in Nepal.52 Brown suggests to group refugees education’s affecting factors in
four categories: environment, actors, tools and outcomes.

1) Environment has a pivotal role and specifically it comprehends: the camp background, the
host community attitudes, the fund available, the host country’s national policy on refugees,
the resources and facilities involved;

2) Regarding actors it is possible to identify: refugee community, teachers, learners and school
managers.

3) Within the tools’ category Browns figure out curriculum and curriculum development,
training of teachers and managers, teaching methods and assessment, monitoring and
evaluation of the educational activities.

4) On the topic of outcomes the author suggests to include examination results, literacy and
numeracy rate, additional education opportunities, employment and self-reliance, gender
balance and skills gained.

Similar to this categorization is the UNICEF understanding on quality in education. 53 According to

this definition health, nutrition and family support are particularly emphasized;54 Quality in
education is also related to child-centered teaching approaches, gender’s disparity reduction and
psychosocial discipline’s elements. Additional knowledge on gender, health, nutrition, HIV/AIDS
prevention and peace education are also widely emphasized in this UNICEF understanding.
Both definitions, methodologically similar, offer valuable instruments of analysis Browns
categorization is specifically built on the refugees studies and UNICEF understanding encompasses
a wider background on education. To manage this research I found necessary to focus on them and
also to add the Minimum Standard for Education in Emergency, chronic crisis and early
reconstruction (MSEE) to identify comparable indicators and relevant questions.

52
Brown, T. 2001“improving quality and attainment in refugee schools: the case of the
Bhutanese refugees in Nepal” in: UNHCR, “learning for a future, refugee education in
developing countries”, UNHCR, p. 109-161.
53
UNICEF “defining quality in education”, working paper presented by UNICEF at the meeting of
the international working group on education, Italy, June 2000.
54 Learners who are healthy, well-nourished, ready to participate and learn. Furthermore,

children should be supported by their families and communities. To gain this target good health
and nutrition, regular attendance and family supports are needed.
15
The questions used to compare quality in Somali and Burundian refugees’ educations are reported
in the following table. Browns’ understanding, UNICEF definition of quality in education and the
MSEE standards are merged to comprehend a wide spectrum of variables that affect quality in
refugees education.

Categories Sub-categories (Brown and (MSEE) Indicators and questions

(Brown) UNICEF)

1) Environment Camp background (security) - Are there groups that are particularly
vulnerable or affected by the emergency?
- Is the camp situation stable?
- Are there safes learning spaces?
- How far would children have to travel to
attend classes?
Food rations - Are children affected by specific
micronutrient deficiencies or malnutrition?
- Are children affected by hunger while they
are at school?
- Are there a school feeding programme?
- Do schools have proper infrastructures to
support a school-feeding programme?
Health facilities - Are water sources, lavatories and latrines
easily accessible?
- Which are the 0-6 and the 6-15 mortality
rates?
Hosting state ad community - There are any forms of integration?
- Are the hosting communities supported with
specific programs?
Resources and facilities - How many school buildings are functioning
in the camps?
- Are school building and infrastructure
lacking?
- What is the current condition of the learning
environment? (space materials, classroom,
staff, kitchen, sanitation facilities, storage)
- What quantity and quantity of learning
materials are available in the camps? (text
books and schools materials)
- Are the available school facilities fully
functioning?
- Are the locations of the schools secures?
- Which are the classes’ sizes and the number
of teachers involved?
- Are there any secondary or vocational
school?
- Are there sanitation facilities and potable
water available at the schools?
2) Actors Teacher - Which are the teacher/student rate and the
class size?
- What adult human resources are available to
support teachers?
- Are the working conditions safe for teachers?
- Are teachers trained for their work?
- Are teachers paid?
- Are primary healthcare and other service

16
 personnel available to help them better
support children?

Family support - What is the predominant family structure?

Learners
School managers, programme
managers and refugees community
3) Tools School curriculum and curriculum
development
- Who is the household head?
- What is the economic background of the
children families?
- Has emergency affected family structure?
- Who make decisions about children’s
(particular girls’) participation in education?
- What is the nature of hardship and stress
faced by parents that is affecting their well-
being as well as how they care for their
children?
- Do refugee adults and children have access to
social services to help address difficulties?
- Are children involved in household chores or
any other work?
- What are the community’s normal
mechanisms to respond to and deal with
psychosocial distress?
- Which is the family’s attitude regarding child
education?
- Do refugees have access to social services to
address difficulties?
- Is the situation the same for boy and girls, or
children of different geographical ethnic
background?
- Have situation of abuse stopped? They are
continuing to create a climate of insecurity
for children and their families?
- Which is the school life expectancy?
- Are learning environment peaceful and
inclusive spaces?
- Are children involved in post-trauma psycho-
social activities?
- Are there children who are behaving in an
aggressive and violent manner?
- Are there school managers
- Are there an efficient administrative support?
- Are community resources mobilized to
strengthen access to education?
- Are there native coping mechanisms relative
to the education system?
- Are the religious believes influencing the
education system?
- What is the community’s normal mechanism
to respond to and deal with psychosocial
distress?
- Are teachers accepted by the refugees’
community?
- Is there any community based code of
conduct for teachers?
- Which curriculum is used?
- Is curriculum reflecting the refugee
community background?
- Is curriculum reflecting the needs of the
refugees?
- Is there a common curriculum for all the

17

Teaching methods and assessment
4) Outcomes Student attendance and gender
Examinations
Literacy and numeracy levels
Employment and self-reliance
Outcomes related to community
participation, learner confidence and
life- long learning
refugees in the camps?
- Is curriculum gender-sensitive?
- Is there a common language of instruction?
- Are HIV/ AIDS preventive programmes
available for schoolchildren?
- Are peace and environmental education
developed?
- Are discriminatory matters (like girl or ethnic
issues) removed from the curriculum?
- Are participatory methods used to facilitate
learner involvement?
- Is there a need for teacher training/
retraining?
- Are the teaching methods relevant on the
child safeness?
- Gross enrolment ratio 1-6 male and female.
- Are children enrolled in and regularly
attending school?
- Are there any forms of examination?
- Are examinations recognized on the national
and international level?
- Which is the level of literacy and numeracy
among the refugees’ child?
- Are there any kinds of employment
perspective for the educated refugees?
- Are health outcomes and life skills (peace and
environment education) applied in the real
life?

Chapter 2
Analysis
2.1) Burundian and Somali refugees’ education: an overview.
In this chapter I will analyze education’s quality in Burundian and Somali refugee’s camps.55 This
analysis is based on data collected on formal education, specifically regarding the primary level of
instruction. Concerning Burundian refugees the area of study comprehends the camps situated in the
Ngara and Kigoma regions of western Tanzania. Specifically I refer to Mtabila I and II, Muyovosi,
Mtendeli, Nduta, Karago, Kanembwa and Lukole A and B that host most of the refugees from
Burundi. On the other hand, regarding Somali this analysis refers on refugees hosted in the Kenyan
camps of Ifo, Hagadera and Dagahaley, commonly called Dadaab.
55
Urban settled refugees are not considered in this analysis. Furthermore, within the camps it is
possible to differentiate between formal and non-formal education. The first one comprehends
primary and secondary levels of instruction; the second one adult, pre-primary and peer
education. The choice to analyze formal primary schooling is implemented due to the lack of
data available on urban settled refugees and on the other forms of camps education. It is
necessary to consider that in Kenya and Tanzania the major part of the refugees are situated in
the camps. Encampments generate an extremely atypical environment where education’s
efforts generate peculiar characteristics.
18
As established in the previous chapter I will define the qualitative issues using the UNICEF
understanding of quality in education, Brown’s categorization and INEE minimum standards. A
general overview on Tanzania and Kenya behaviors on refugees and on refugees’ education will be
followed by a deeper discussion over quality’s affecting categories (environment, actors, tools and
outcomes) studied separately.

Education in the Burundian refugees’ community in Tanzania is, according to Anna Obura56, a
successful story. Referring to this scholar it is possible to summarize three main characteristics that
contributed to reach this target:
- the immediate start of education activity by refugees themselves, despite the public
opposition;

- the strong believe in education within the Burundian community;

- The presence of a managerial cadre within the refugees’ population.

Considering the refugee influx and the immigration policies carried out in Tanzania since
independence it is possible to divide the refugee history in two different stages: a first period from
the early 1960s to the early 1990s when Tanzanian government performed a permissive but

56
Obura, A. 2008 “staying power: struggling to reconstruct education in Burundi since 1993”,
IIEP, UNESCO
19
controlled open door refugees' policy57; and a second period started after the 1994 Rwandan crisis
characterized by restrictive refugee strategies, encampment and forced expulsion.58
The 90s Tanzanian economic and political troubles severely affected the immigrants and refugees
public perception: “Tanzanian citizens became more xenophobic because they began to view
refugees and immigrants as ‘foreigners’ who enjoyed social and economical benefits that they did
not.”59 Refugees were accused above all in the political scenario: national leaders used the problems
related to the refugees’ settlements to gain electoral consensus. Problems like insecurity, both
internal and external, the proliferation of weapons and the environmental damage to the local
communities were used, according to Anna Obura60, as a scapegoat to mask the real economic and
developmental problems of the country and overall of the refugees hosting regions.61 In addiction,
57Tanzanian government provided to the asylum seekers social services such as free primary
education and medical services. On the other hand, restriction of freedom and a strict control
were also firmly carried out.
Nyerere’s government in order to contribute to the independence struggles of the neighbors’
countries like Rwanda, Burundi, South Africa, Somalia, Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe
supported several independences movements. Furthermore, Tanzania gave to the asylum
seekers economic opportunities offering land for settlement, integration and, at time,
citizenship. In addition, it is necessary to report that refugees in this early stage were often
seen as an economic opportunity. In many communities, they became a cheap source of labor
that usually increased the local production. Despite this refugee friendly behavior in the same
period the Tanzanian parliament approved two laws concerning refugees: the 1966 refugee act
and the 1972 refugee immigration act. In these two legislations emphasis was put on control
refugee instead of protecting them restricting their movements and allows the State to
exercise considerable control over them.
Kamanga, K. 2005. “The Tanzania refugee act of 1998: some legal and Policy implication”,
journal of refugee studies, vol 18, n°1, Oxford.
Mendel, T.D. 1997. “Refugee law and practice in Tanzania”, international journal of refugee
low, (1):35. Oxford. p.47.
Mkwizu, J.S. “Implementation of the OAU/UN conventions and the legislation concerning the
rights and obligations of refugees in Africa”, final report of seminar 14-18 September 1986,
Oxford, in: forced migration on-line http://repository.forcedmigration.org/show_metadata.jsp?
pid=fmo:271 accessed: 12/02/09.
Nyerere, J. 1966. “Ujamaa the Basis of African Socialism”, freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam,
Oxford University Press.
58
According to Cassandra Veney it is possible to suggest that the great lake crisis, the
transition to democracy and the macro-economic changes were the causes that drove
Tanzanian government to adopt a restrict refugee policy. The Nyerere successor Ali Hassan
Mwinyi led the country through a series of economic and political reforms. These reform with
the implementation of the SAPs policies conducted Tanzania to dramatic changes. It is possible
to argue that the liberalization process deteriorated the Tanzanian living standard. Some
indicators like the fall of the life expectancy rate, the higher infant mortality, the increased
unemployment rate, the diminished social security coverage and the elevated difficulties to
afford social expenses are clear sings to underline the difficulties afforded by the citizens in the
early 90s.
59
New issues in refugees research, “working paper No. 5”, refugees studies program, oxford
university in: Http://www.unhcr.ch/refworld/pb/wpapers/
Quoted in: Veney, C. R. 2007. p.92.
60
Obura, A. 2008.
61 It is also possible to argue that within the democratic process, started in the early 90s, the

state became more sensitive to the needs, interest and voices of its own citizens: "politicians of
all parties were aware of this and decided to play to the sentiment of the people by promising
to send all refugees back if elected. The ruling party took advantage of being in power to
20
the proximity to the great lake conflict’s zones represented another threat for the refugees affected
areas. As Veney report “local communities found it difficult to understand why their police and
security personnel were stationed in the camps to protect refugees while their lives and those of
their families, along with their property were at risk.”62 Increasing crime rate in these regions and
weapons proliferation in the camps became pressure for the local population and above all for the
refugees themselves.63
During the 90s massive refugees’ encampment, education activities were forbidden by the
Tanzanian government. Authorities feared that refugees would never repatriate with a valuable
school system available for them in the camps. Regardless this ban, during this period education in
the Burundian settlement represented an extremely positive success. The refugees’ button-up
approach in education, probably a response to the early restriction, determined an elevated
enrollment and attendance rate. In fact, education initiatives started immediately after the
encampment by the refugees themselves, regardless the host government’s permission.
Another interesting explanation is related to the Hutu’s enrollment rate in Burundi. After the
independence of the country, the socio-political separation between Hutu and Tutsi determined a
lack of education possibilities for the Hutu’s majority. According to this consideration, since 1993,
the Burundian refugees in Tanzania, almost all Hutu, looked for education to improve their
possibilities. “All Burundian understand that to improve their lives, to have a guaranteed stake in
the political process of national development, they must have schooling.”64 Furthermore, among the
refugees there were a significant number of trained primary and secondary teachers, seasoned
education planners and private sector managers who helped in structuring and organizing the
camps’ education system.65 A similar explanation is supported by Paul Manengre:

demonstrate that they could do this immediately."

Rutinwa B. 1999 "the end of asylum? The changing Nature of Refugees Policies in Africa." New
issues in refugees research, working paper No. 5, Refugees studies program, oxford university,
May,
Http://www.unhcr.ch/refworld/pb/wpapers/ Quoted in: Veney, C. R. 2007. “Forced migration in
eastern Africa; democratization, structural adjustment and refugees”, Palgrave Macmillan, N.Y
p.92.
62
All Africa news service 2003 "Focus on the impact of hosting refugees” October 15,
http://allafrica.com/stories/200310150261.html quoted in: Veney, C. R. 2007.p.85.
63
Liberty of movement drastically reduced since the 1998 “Tanzania refugee act” established
that refugees have to settle in designed areas and authorities decide discretionally the term
and the condition for the permissions to leave these camps. Furthermore “the government
enacted an exclusion zone around the camps – refugees could not travel more than 2.5 miles
from the camps, but the restriction intensified to include household curfews between 8 pm and
6 am […] and arrests of refugees who are travelling without issued permits.”
Veney, p.89.
64
Obura, A. 2008, p.211.
65
Ibidem.
21
 “L’Education a commencé dans les camps des réfugiés sur l’initiative des parents
réfugiés qui ont compris les biens fondés de l’éducation des réfugiés à l’instar de leurs
frères et sœurs qui sont restés dans les pays d’origine. Cela a était motivé par la présence
d’un bon nombre de réfugiés qualifiés pédagogiquement.” 66

Like Tanzania, Kenya faced from the independence a massive influx of asylum seekers due to the
political instability of the neighbours’ countries. In the firsts two decades after independence
refugees in Kenya were accepted as resources to empower the state’s economy and as an
opportunity to develop the neo independent state. Facilities like public education and the health
assistance were granted to the host population in a general “lessez faire” management.
Like in Tanzania refugees’ situation in Kenya changed in the early 80s when political and
economical troubles jeopardized both the refugees and the native’s survival.67
Governmental opposition to refugees increased parallel to the amplified trafficking of weapons and
the augmented instability of the Kenyan borders’ areas. This hostile behaviour has been followed by
xenophobic and anti-refugee statements carried out by the government officials.68 Forced
encampment and expulsion policies were enforced in a hostile scenario that endangered both the
refugees and the local communities. According to Verdirame, in the early and middle 90s, the
encampment policy has been carried out to attract external founds and to monitor undesirable
activities within circumscribed spaces. Refugees from Somalia were placed in Mombasa69 and
Dadaab; Ethiopians in Mandem and Sudanese in Kakuma.70 Subsequently, in 1998 all the camps in
66
Manengere P. 2008 “L’education dans les camps des fefugies en republique unie de
Tanzanie”, essay presented during the international seminar on: certification of the learning
attainments of refugee and internally displaced pupils, IIEP, Paris 21-23 January 2008.
67 I argue that it is possible to distinguish the roots of this transformation between internal and

external: in one hand the transition to the democratic rule, the decline of the economic growth
and the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) imposed by the International Monetary Found;
on the other hand, the international crisis occurred in Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia with their
relative huge refugees’ influx threatened the stability of the Kenyan immigration policy.
68
To elucidate this topic Awa M. Abdi suggests a clear politicization of the refugees’ crisis
arguing that: “Kenya already facing reduction of aid due to its human rights record used the
Somali refugee crisis to negotiate for a continuation of international aid. Scapegoating refugees
as responsible for all the social and economic ills, often in reality preceding the refugee
arrivals, often fuels resentment of an already disfranchised populace within the host population
who might perceive neighbouring ‘enemy’ citizens on their territory as foreign and
undesirable.”
Abdi, M. A. “In Limbo: Dependency, Insecurity, and Identity amongst Somali Refugees in
Dadaab Camps”, refuge vol.22. n°2.
69
Since 1991 Somali refugees arrived in Mombasa by boat. Official policy of forced
encampment concretized in five refugees’ sites situated near the urban area: Jomvu, Utanghe,
MArafa, St. Annes and Haimy. Somali refugees regardless the forced encampment policy self-
settled in the coast cities. Mutually, members of the local community benefited water pump
and health facilities located within refugees’ camps
70
Verdirame, G. 1999 "human Rights and refugees: the case of Kenya", The journal of refugees
studies, 12 n°1, p. 154-177.
22
the costal province closed due to economic and political reasons71. Refugees were transferred to
their actual locations: Somali fled to the inland camps of Ifo, Hagadera and Dagahaley, commonly
called Dadaab and Sudanese refugees were placed in Kakuma.
As it will be deeply explained later, refugees from Somalia did not implement extensive education
activities within the camps as reported in the Burundian case of study. In one hand, in the Somali
refugees’ community there were not a consistent number of teachers or educational planners like in
the Burundian refugees’ community. On the other hand, the global level of literacy and the former
low school’s enrolment in Somalia generally deny a positive concern over education matters.

Somali and Burundian refugees experiences in camps education present several differences but also
numerous similarities. To analyze this wide range of variables in the next paragraphs environment,
actors, tools and outcomes will be considered separately as state in the previous chapter.

2.2) Environment
Environmental issues are strictly related to education and above all to the security prerequisites of
schooling. In this paragraph: location of the camps; personal security menaces; gender base
discrimination; food resources and school structures will be separately considered as quality in
education’s affecting issues.
Regarding the location of the camps it is necessary to consider that both refugees’ camps in Kenya
and Tanzania are placed in remote and underdeveloped areas. According to Anna Obura, Dadaab
camps “are situated in the most remote, arid and developmentally neglected areas of the
country.”7273
Reporting the Awa M. Abdi and Anna Obura’s understanding on Dadaab camps’ environment, it is
possible to state that security is an extremely relevant issue. Safety matters are particularly
significant specifically regarding women and children. Considering the Somali refugees case it is
possible to distinguish between internal and external threats. Within the camps exploitation,
tensions and fears are generated by domestic violence, inter-ethnic/clanic violence, competition for
natural resources, lack of water, food and shelters. Forms of violence are perpetuated within
71
Unfair competition due to the different taxation system between local community and
refugees merchants became a root of xenophobia. Kenyan government saw refugees as a
threat to the tourist business and the local community several times found objectionable the
unfair assistance provided to the refugees, regardless their free access to the camps.
72
Obura, A. 2002 "Peace Education Programme in Dadaab and Kakuma, Kenya Evaluation
Summary”, UNHCR.
73 Since independence this area named Northern Frontier District (NFD) has been a source of

hostility between Kenya and Somalia. This antagonism in one hand was rooted in the trans-
border Said Barre’s Pan Somali ideal; on the other hand, autonomous regional independence
movements also threatened the stability of the region.
23
families, especially by the household against wife and children. On the other hand, the forced flee to
the neighbours countries does not end the Somalis clanic based identities and the role that clan has
in providing security (and insecurity) to the affiliate. Traditional antagonist divided among clans in
the home country faced one another also inside the refugees’ camps generating riots and violence.
Furthermore, resources’ supply became a cause of conflicts specifically over water and food
queues. Several external factors contribute to jeopardize this precarious environment. Expulsion and
round-up in the camps have been implemented against refugees, illegal immigrants and anyone that
the government thought was illegally residing in the country.74 Statistics reveal that in the middle of
the 1990s, within the Kenyans camps, criminality reached a peak with armed criminal gangs, cattle
robbers and diffuse gender-based violence. Furthermore, similar to the Burundian refugees’
environment cross border armed bandits (shifta) raided the camps targeting refugees suspected of
owning valuable goods or those who receive external remittance.75 According to Awa Abdi several
time bandits’ incursions coincide with UN distribution of food and non-food items like the plastic
tarpaulin used as a roof.76
A similar consideration is possible to report on the Tanzania’s refugees camps environment. It is
necessary to consider that especially after the 1994 Rwandan genocide the rate of murder, armed
robbery, rapes and unlawful possession of illicit arms increased within the Burundian camps and the
refugees’ affected areas. According to Katunzi and Ndalichako understanding, the unsafe location
of the refugees’ camps near to conflicts’ borders and the shortage of refugees’ food supplies are the
mains factors that determined the crime’s rate growth. The report "evaluation of the education
programme in refugee camps in western Tanzania" considers police enforcement inadequate to
control the “number of bandits and other criminals that are able to enter villages and terrorise the
population at will.”77 Furthermore, it is necessary to consider that the Burundian asylum seekers that
arrived in Tanzania during the 90s were generally civilians. Notwithstanding rebels, former and
active combatants settled within the refugees’ community. There are evidences that during the
period from 1994 to 2000 Tanzanian refugees’ camps were used as rest and recuperation site by
armed elements from DR Congo and Burundi.78
In both case of study analyzed security issues are particularly significant regarding the status of
women and children.
74
Africa Watch 1990 "Kenya: illegal expulsion of more than 1000 refugees" Washington: Africa
Watch. Quoted in: Veney, C.R. 2007 “forced migration in eastern Africa”, Palgrave.
75
Obura, A. 2002. p.5.
76
Abdi, M. A. Ibidem
77
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004 “evaluation of the education programme in refugee camps
in western Tanzania" UNICEF, in:
http://www.unicef.org/evaldatabase/files/Tanzania_2004_004_Education_Refugee_Camps.pdf
accessed 15/03/09 p.34.
78
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. pp.29-31.
24
The Human Rights Watch statement “seeking protection: addressing sexual and domestic violence
in Tanzania’s refugee camps”79 stress that in the camp’s environment as well as in the former
Burundi background women are traditionally considered in an ‘inferior status’ by men and
practically dependents on their male relatives. It is possible to assume that this vulnerability
increased after their flight due to the psychological stress and the pressure of the refugees’ life in
the camps. Sexual and gender based violence including domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment
and exploitation, forced and early marriages, have to be considered as the major concerns on
women’s safety. Children wellness is also particularly affected by security provision, especially
regarding the study’s environment. Katunzi and Ndalichako report that despite a stable situation
within the Burundian refugees’ settlement several times “bandits come to the camp during the
harvest time and caused trouble for the refugees. These incidents affected students' learning as they
could not sleep at night for fear of being attacked.”80
Rapes, defilements, assaults, domestic violence and forced wives inheritances are menaces that also
the female Somali refugees have to face. Furthermore, they refer to be afraid while they are
collecting their rations, firewood81 and fetch water from the communal taps82.
Food is another incisive matter related to the refugee camp environment and the quality in
education. The World Food Program (WFP) is the organization devoted to deliver food in the
Tanzanian and Somali refugees’ camps. During the lasts years a periodic decline in donors’
contributions led WFP to adapt relevant rations’ cuts both in Tanzanian and Kenyan camps. Food
security is emphasized in the first dimension of the UNICEF understanding of quality in education.
According to this statement, provide health and food for the learners are education’s preliminary
conditions. Once these starting points are gained all the others learning proficiencies could be
established. Considering the Burundian and Somali refugees’ community these essential
prerequisite seem to be lacking.
Concerning Burundian refugees, Katunzi and Ndalichako stress that the lack of the food supply has
to be considered as the main reason behind frequent absenteeism, lower concentration levels and
79
Kamanga, p 111.
80
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004 p.34.
81 To deal with these matters UNHCR has developed a form of protection distributing a firewood

supply to women and children avoiding risks and abuses while they collect them. Referring to
2003 this activity did not reach its target due to the lack of funding. Distribution was under the
minimum recommended of 2, 5 Kg of wood daily per person. Furthermore, according to
WFP/UNHCR report it is difficult to state a clear correlation between distribution of firewood and
global reduction of sexual abuses. In fact, exploitation happens also inside the refugees’ site
and relatively few women go outside the camp solely for collecting firewood.
UNHCR 2005a "Analysis of Refugee Protection Capacity Kenya", UNHCR, p. 3.
UNHCR 2003b “global report: Kenya”, UNHCR
WFP 2000 “food assistance to Somali and Sudanese refugees”, executive board, second regular
session 17 – 19 May, Rome.
82
Horst, C. 2006a Ibidem, pp. 19-23.
25
poor academic performance.83 In addiction, B. E. Whiteker report that: “in mid-2000, most
commodities were cut by 40 percent; full rations did not resume for more than ten months. Soon
thereafter, in August 2001, the definition of a 100 percent ration was reduced from 2,166 to 1,857
calories per day. This change was based on the (false) assumption that refugees would continue to
be allowed to farm small plots near their camps. Full rations resumed in September 2003, only to be
reduced again with a new round of shortages each year since then.”84 Food cuts in December 2004
were continuing as reported by Bonaventure Rutinwa; food ration per refugees [1400 kcal] was
seriously under the minimum recommended by UNHCR [2100kcal].85
A similar situation is reported on the Somali case of study. Due to the UNHCR and WFP lack of
founds the necessary provision of food in 2000 was heavily under the minimum recommended.86 87
Women and children are particularly affected by the lack of food since male households use to sell
part of the rations to purchase a kind of drug named miira.88 Only in 2003, thanks to the effective
advocacy of WFP, the daily food supply for Somali refugees improved from 1.024 Kcal per day,
distributed in 2000, to 2.051 Kcal in 2003. A daily average of 2.005 Kcal per person was provided
in 2005.89 90

The efficiency of the school structures and the class/student ratio represents important qualitative
topics in refugees’ education. In both cases analyzed the lack of buildings and the overcrowded
classroom limited in the education proficiency.
According to Anna Obura, regarding the Burundian case of study, school structures progressed
towards “gathering children under the trees, to mud-and-pole thatched constructions, to mabati
83
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L., Ibidem
84
Whiteker, B. E. 2008 "funding the international refugee regime: implication for protection",
Global governance, n.14, pp. 241-258.
85
Rutinwa B. 2005 “identifying gaps in protection capacity: Tanzania”, UNHCR. p.44-45.
86
Provision of food in 2000 was 1.024 Kcal per person per day; the standards require at least
2.100 Kcal. UNHCR 2000 “UNHCR global report”, UNHCR
87
Jelvas Musau according to the Médecins Sans Frontières standpoint assess that food
distribution in 2001 diminished over 35% in six month and consequently malnutrition
pathologies among children increased over 170%.
Jelvas M. 2001 "protecting refugees in Dadaab: processes, problems and prospects", forced
migration review, 11, October, p.35- 37.
88
Jelvas M. Ibidem.
89
UNHCR 2005b “global report: Kenya”, UNHCR
90 If in one hand the lack of food is an external problem related to the international funding

contribution; on the other hand, the camps internal distribution is also an incisive issue. Food is
several times sold to purchase other valuable items or used as a form of payment. Despite
UNHCR’s concrete efforts to ensure enough food for each family and implement an equally
distribution several times the male household act irresponsibly using food to gain cash, alcohol
or as a form of payment for extra-marriage sexual intercourses. Refugees are restricted from
engaging in food production or to implement others income’s generating activities outside the
camps. Therefore, deficiencies in food supply heavily affects the nutritional status of the
refugees. Furthermore, several times food allocation have been the cause of violence, family
disputes, criminal activities and sexual exploitation.
26
roofs, to un-burnt bricks and finally to burnt-brick walled mabati-roofed classrooms.”91 Despite
several permanent structures has been established, these constructions are considered numerically
insufficient. Due to the relevant number of school-age refugees several class sessions are conducted
in churches or grass thatched buildings.92 Furthermore, it is necessary to underline that shortage of
instructional materials and problems in distribution heavily affect the refugees’ learning
environment.
Concerning the Somali refugees, in 2003 classroom to student ratio was 1:70 despite the
recommended average of 50 students per class.93 In addiction school structures suffered by heavy
floods occurred in 2003 and 2007. In these periods primary and secondary classrooms in Ifo and
Dagahaley were closed down and used as temporary shelters while others remained water logged.
Latrines collapsed and textbooks were ruined by water.94 As report by UNICEF “The existing
Somali refugee camps have been inundated, where the rains have caused severe damage to
sanitation facilities, health centres and refugee houses, and have disrupted water provision” 95 Floods
damaged food storage, a significant number of shelters and one wing of the hospital in Ifo camp.
Furthermore, during the late 2006 and the early 2007 a massive influx of 34.000 Somali refugees
reached the Kenyan Garissa district due to the deteriorated political conditions in Somalia. Refugees
were re-displaced and the fragile sanitary conditions determined the outbreaks of polio and others
mortal illness.96 According to Erik Gerstner specifically regarding Dadaab camps “education
facilities are in desperate need of repair”.97
It is possible to affirm that security, food and schools’ structures heavily suffered by the UNHCR’s
lack of founds that consequently interfere in education’s quality.98 According to Whiteker the
decrease of funding, especially regarding the UNHCR budget, continued to deteriorate the refugee’s
situations, above all regarding food and non-food items. Whiteker referring on Burundian
experience stresses that: “between 1999 and 2003, the UNHCR country program's annual

91
Obura, A. 2008, p.214.
92
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L., p.i.
93
UNHCR, 2003b Ibidem, p. 194.
94
Renos, P.; Ljubinokovic, L.; Warner, S. 2007 “report on assessment of psychosocial needs at
the Dadaab refugee camps 11-23 April 2007” University of Essex, U.K. p.18.
95
UNICEF 2006 “Horn of Africa floods: Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia. Immediate needs for
children and women affected by the horn of Africa floods.” , UNICEF.
96
UNHCR, 2008 “UNHCR global appeal 2008 -2009 part 1 UNHCR: an overview”, UNHCR.
97
Gerstner, E. 2009 “hope for the future: issues of educational certification in Dadaab, Kenya”
p. 183-191. In: Kirk, J. “certification counts: recognizing the learning attainments of displaced
and refugee students”, UNESCO
98 It is necessary to report that other supplementary educational opportunities are carried out

by complementary NGOs parallels to the former schooling: the Windle Trust offers English
language courses, the Norwegian refugee Council and the National Council of Churches of
Kenya offer vocational education. Furthermore, private and religious institutions increase the
possibility of schooling within the camps.
27
operational budget dropped almost 40 percent despite supporting roughly the same number of
refugees.”99

2.3) Actors
The implementation of the refugees’ education activities is strictly connected with teachers, family
and learners behaviors. In this chapter I will analyze how these actors influence quality in
education.
The major differences concerning teachers in Burundian and Somali’s refugees’ experiences regard
the level of qualification and the possibility of training.
Referring to the Burundian case of study the presence of several national educator planners within
the refugees’ community has been extremely imperative to start an early and quick education
response in the camps. It is possible to report two types of teacher training offered to the refugees:

1) The first one named in-service teacher training comprehends a refill of methodology,
pedagogical skills and school management for qualified and un-qualified teachers.

2) The second one, basically taught in two years of study, offers refugees the possibility to
attend an inter-regional examination and graduate as teachers.

According to the grade (primary education, low secondary or upper secondary education) there are
different teacher’s careers offered to the Burundian refugees:
1) to teach in the primary school it is required to attend four years of secondary education and
two years of teacher education.

2) to teach in the low secondary schools, form 1 and 2, it is required to have the same skills as
the primary schools and two years of teaching experience.

3) to teach in the upper secondary schools, form 3 to 6, it is required four years of teacher
training besides the compulsory four years of secondary education.

Particularly different is the Somali experience. Teachers’ training is extremely lacking since only
the 6% of the educators have been trained in Kenyan colleges100 while the average of qualified
teachers in Burundian camps is 48%.101 Generally in Somali camps, the teachers employed in
primary school are secondary school graduated who have been employed by CARE and trained in a
two-week course.102 This course includes general knowledge of Kenyan curriculum and child
99
Whiteker, B. E. ibidem.
100
Gerstner, E. Ibidem
101 Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004
102
Gerstner, E. Ibidem.
28
oriented methodologies.103 According to Erick Gerstner, almost none of the teachers that are
operating in Dadaab have a formal certification and the number of certified refugee teacher is not
rapidly increasing.
Referring to both realities education’s quality is threatened by an intrinsic factor: the instability of
the refugee situation in itself. “The nature refugees’ life is temporary as they are supposed to be
repatriated to their homes of origin or resettled in third countries. This means that teachers cannot
be stopped from leaving.”104 It is possible to report that trained and qualified teachers, like other
refugees, are waiting for resettlement or repatriation. Several times, qualified teacher are replaced
with unqualified once generating a deterioration of the education quality.
The lack of payment represents another primary reason to determine the high teacher turnover both
in Tanzanian and Kenyan refugees’ camps. Teachers are not formally paid for their work.
Burundian refugees received only an incentive allowance of Tsch 18,000105 per month that is
underestimated for their living conditions. These shortages push teachers to add other activities or
to search better job opportunities. In Tanzanian camps NGOs and the refugees’ families themselves
encourage the teachers’ activities giving them small contributions.106 A similar incentive, variable
between 2200 to 4000 Kenyan Shillings, is delivered by international agencies in the Dadaab
camps. 107 It is necessary to suggest that these incentives do not correspond to a parallel level of
payment for Kenyans or Tanzanian employee in the same kind of job.

Families support to education and their provision to child safe environment directly influence the
quality of education achieved in the camps. According to UNICEF “The family, the first place
where children learn to participate, is the ideal forum where children can learn to express their
views while respecting the perspectives of others.”108
In Dadaab camps Jelvas Musau report that: “Women and children — especially the girl-children —
suffer from negative customary and traditional values and practices. Male domination is manifested
in cases of forced marriages, girls’ enrollment and women excluded from community decisions.”109
Reviewing the enrollment and the attendance rate in a gender perspective, it is possible to conclude
that girls are discriminated in their education possibilities. According to UNHCR girls’ forced

103
Monnin D.; Thibault. F. 2004 “Dadaab teacher training workshop July 26 August 6, 2004”
school for all/ecole pour tous, in: www.school-for-all/ecole-pour-tous.com
104
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L.
105
Currently about 9-10 euro per month.
106
Manengre, P. Ibidem.
107
Horst, C. 2006a, p. 82-86.
108
UNICEF, 2003 “the state of the world children 2003” UNICEF, p.7.
109
Musau, J. 2001 "protecting refugees in Dadaab: processes, problems and prospects", forced
migration review, 11, October, p.35- 37.
29
marriages, wives inheritances, domestic violence and parents’ negative behavior on girls education
heavily influence their school enrollment.110 Furthermore, Jeff Crisp suggests that violence is a
regular occurrence in the camps and is connected with family or community members. This
violence is perpetuated above all against women and children by the household male using physical
abuses and exploitations.111 Specifically on education, several time in the Somali case of study
parents regard girls education as an unprofitable investment, and they prefer to marry daughters for
bride prices.
Similar to the Somali case, most decisions within the families are strictly related with gender also in
the Burundian camps. Care and food activities are usually female occupations while providing
family’s income and deciding how to use these resources are activities related to the male position.
Generally women are considered as subordinated to the male with domestic violence that occurs
often. Despite this behaviour, it is possible to summarize that stressful condition related to the fled
and the camps’ environment could threat this prevalent family structure, specifically regarding the
male figure. The Human Right Watch report on sexual abuses in Tanzanian camps states that the
male role in the families changed. The provision of housing, food and clothing by relief
organization exposed the males’ households in a weak position within the families’ background.
Their traditional role, usurped by assistance agencies, tends to exacerbate anger, frustration,
uncertainty and helplessness. These attitudes could be easily transformed into violence against
women and children.112 Considering that decisions in the family resource’s management are
conducted by male, Sommers affirms that several male attitudes generate impediments for the
children’s school attendance. This scholar affirms that:

"Despite the fact that most primary school-aged children in Burundian refugee camps
have attended a refugee school at one time or another, a considerable number has
remained outside of schools. The reasons why Burundian refugee children do not attend
to school are numerous, but they centred on domestic demands.”113

In both Tanzanian and Kenyan camps realities these occupations consist prevalently in collecting
firewood, water, food and caring for siblings; girls are predominantly affected. In fact, globally
schoolgirl enrolment rate is inferior to the boys’ classmates. Furthermore, house chores like cooking

110
Mohamed Jama suggests that Somalia is traditionally a patrilinear society; the lifestyle is
primarily suited to men’s convenience and the traditional role of women buttresses and
supports this orientation.
Jama, M.A. “Socio-cultural aspects of attendance of girls at primary level in Somalia” UNESCO
111
Crisp, J. 2000 "form and sources of violence in Kenya's refugee camps", refugee survey
quarterly, vol 19, n° 1, pp. 54-70
112
Human rights watch, 2000 "seeking protection addressing sexual and domestic violence in
Tanzania's refugees camps", HRW, U.S. p. 26.
113
Sommers, M. Ibidem
30
or cleaning are activities that impede girls to attend class regularly. It is also possible to consider
fetching firewood as a core trouble. Children and parents have to walk long distances, as far as
30km, to fetch the wood and considerably spend the major part of the day in this activity. Due to
this activity, predominantly girl does not have time to attend class or study.114
A similar form of discrimination is perpetuated by the families that consider girl’s education not
valuable and disincentive their enrolment. Early marriages and pregnancies are also important
reasons to increase the girl’s drop out rate. According to Sommers understanding adolescent
pregnancy is relevant in refugees’ camps and conditions parents to allow girls in attending
schools.115
Specifically concerning school age youth, the psychological stress due to the former war’s trauma
suffered in Somalia and Burundi, the prolonged permanence in the camps, the high unemployment
rate and the restricted movement develop often into pathologies. These illnesses include post
traumatic stress disorder, depression and hopelessness. Specifically regarding Somalia, the
resettlement dream named buufis is extremely common among the refugees. Cindy Horst report that
“Buufis is a Somali word and the meaning of the word is resettlement. People changed its meaning
and said that it is a disease that attacks people who are mentally in America and physically in Ifo.
Coming to the refugee camps in Dadaab, I recognized that everybody is eager to get resettlement to
a Western country. Many people have failed in buufis and became mad, or committed suicide.”116
Specifically regarding Somali it is possible to summarize that this resettlement dream is strictly
connected with the transnational interactions, the prolonged exile, the limited opportunity within the
camps and the continuous political instability of their native country.117 Furthermore, as it will be
analyze later, I argue a connection between Buufis and the foreign curriculum implemented in the
Kenyan’s refugees camps.

114
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. p.38.
115 A positive response to these matters took place in the Tanzanian camps, specifically
counselling activity took place by older girls, teacher and peer educators. Particularly female
teachers in several camps are involved in these activities including sexual education and
HIV/AIDS prevention.
Sommers, M. Ibidem
116
Horst C. 2006b “Buufis among Somalis in Dadaab: the transnational and historical logics
behind resettlement dreams” Journal of refugee studies, Vol. 19, n°2
117 Since 2004 a Counseling Unit (CU) has been established to provide psychological support to

address difficulties both at family and community levels. Peer counseling, psycho-social
education, focus group discussion, community mobilization and sensitization are developed by
teams to answer the psychological needs of the refugees. Specifically regarding youths a
children rights club, sport motivators and school peer counseling are developed to help young
age refugee to deal with camps’ life.
Papadopoulos, R. ; Ljubinkovic, A; Warner S. 2007 “report on assessment of psychosocial needs
at the Dadaab refugee camps 11- 23 April 2007” Center for trauma, Asylum and refugees,
University of Essex, U.K.
Gerstner, E. Ibidem.
31
 2.4) Tools
I consider extremely relevant curriculum and language of instruction to determine quality in
refugees’ education. Choose which lessons have to be thought in a refugees’ camp is a sensitive
choice. In one hand, the school system of the refugees’ origin country could be influenced by the
predominant political power. In several countries, education has been used as a tool to increase
discrimination and influence youths’ thought into ethnical and discriminatory bases.118
On the other hand, curriculum is strictly related to the refugees’ future. Politically, if repatriation
should be the main solution to the refugees’ crisis, camps’ school curriculum should consider the
native one to prepare children to their native education system. This choice has been implemented
within the Burundian refugees’ camps. Oppositely, the host country curriculum is used in the
Somali case.
Referring to the Burundians’ camps the primary education curriculum includes 13 subjects:
Kirundi, French, mathematics, general knowledge (history, geography and environment), Kiswahili,
English, music, games, art, religion, agriculture, home economics and peace education. In this case
the mains Burundian subjects are complemented by Tanzanian themes. Furthermore, the languages
of instruction depend on the grade: Kirundi for grades one and two and French from three to six.119
On the other hand, referring to the curriculum used in the Somali camps it is possible to report two
opposite phases. Before 1996 the Somali syllabus was taught at the primary level of camps’
education. Oppositely, since 1996 UN partners are carrying out the Kenyan curriculum due to the
absence of an official Somali national certification system and the need to stabilize a refugees’
formal education. Somali camps’ education, like the national Kenyan, is based in eight years of
primary education (Standard 1 to 8) and four years of secondary school (Form 1 to 4).120
It is necessary to report that in Somalia any type of formal education is implemented at this point
and the solution of the crisis seems to be far-off. Furthermore, Somali schools are using a variety of
curriculum that complicates a future recognition of the Kenyan certificates of education. Somali
refugees’ language of instruction represents another deep concern: Somali language is thought in

118
Considering for instance the case of Burundi several time teacher behaviour and curriculum
choices generated these kind of racial attitudes.
119
The vastness of this curriculum has been strongly criticized. Teachers have to specialize in
several subjects to deal with overcrowded classrooms. According to me, overloading curriculum
could lead to ineffective learning enhancement and unrealistic efforts by the teacher
community.
120
The implementation of the Kenyan curriculum started in 1996 within the standard 6 class.
Ten boys in 1998 were the firsts to achieve the Kenyan Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE)
as private students in Garissa district.
Gerstner, E. p.187
32
the refugees’ school as a subject, but the implementation of the Kenyan curriculum could represent
a threat to future repatriation programs.
Another important question on Burundian and Somali refugees’ curriculum is the inclusion of new
subject like environmental education, HIV/AIDS prevention and peace education particularly
emphasized by the UN agencies. According to the UN understanding peace education represents a
way to reduce ethnic based violence and prepare a safe repatriation for the refugees. Referring to
the Burundian case contrasting sources and different evaluation on this topic enhance uncertainty on
the role and the effectiveness of peace education in the camps.121 I argue that the community
involvement on this matter is extremely relevant. Arguing that children tend to emulate elder
behaviour, if parents are used to violence as seen against women, children will follow their
relatives’ actions. According to this supposition, I argue that one period per week of peace
education cannot be effective to change actively children behaviours if a similar conduct is not
carried out within family and peers.
Regarding peace education in the Dadaab camps, in 1998 about 20% of the total community
population and the whole school students were reached by this subject. 122 This evident success is
mitigated by the high turnover of refugees that impede a long view development of these tasks.

2.5) Outcomes

Considering the Burundian case of study it is possible to affirm that attendance rate generally
decrease in grade five and six.123 It is possible to argue that puberty, house and relatives care often
threats the school’s enrollment in these highest grades.
On the other hand, male and female dropout rate are quite similar. These data seem to be in
disagreement with the Sommers understanding of upper grade girls’ dropout.124 To explain these
121Concerning the evaluation of this program it is possible to report two contrasting versions. In
one hand Katunzi and Ndalichako identified a positive impact of peace education within the
youth refugees. They assess that since peace education has been introduced relations among
children and community improved, use of abusive language decreased and behaves of respect
and forgiveness enhanced. Furthermore, these authors stress that children use to practice
what they learned at home influencing the parents’ behaviours. On the other hand, Anna Obura
is critical about these assumptions. She underlines that the weakness of the peace education
programme is connected to the high turnover of the teachers and the lack of resources
involved by UNHCR and UNICEF. In addition she stresses the lack of teacher’s preparation on
these matters related to the deficiency of lesson’s note in the guidebook necessary to show
how the teachers have to encourage tolerance and harmony within the pupils.
122
Obura, A. 2002. p.8
123
Data are collected in the 2004 UNICEF evaluation on education programme in Tanzanian
refugees’ camps. It is possible to argue that due to the lack of long perspective’s data this
analysis is inevitably statics. Furthermore, define the exact size of the refugees’ school
population is almost impossible due to the repatriation and the lack of records.
124
Sommers, M. ibidem
33
results it is necessary to consider that several interrelated factors influence both male and female
school’s dropout. With no doubt early pregnancy and household care heavily affect female but it is
also possible to suggest similar reasons that affect genders equally. These causes generally are
resettlement or repatriation, lack of basic items and the research of an income source.
Comparing outcomes data in a gender perspective it is possible to note that in both refugees realities
girl enrollment is always lower.125 In the Dadaab camps girls are still greatly underrepresented and
face numerous obstacles in performing at the same level as boys. These low performances are
caused above all by the parents’ denigration of girl’s schooling, not considered as a profitable
investment. Futhermore, In both refugees realities heritage of discriminatory practices against
women and girls impede an equal benefit of refugees’ life opportunities, education above all. 126
Despite this gender discrimination, extremely relevant is the global increment on education’s
enrollment data. This indicator is particularly relevant compared with the former Burundian and
Somali ones.127
The examinations’ issue represents another variable that should be considered regarding education
outcomes. In Burundian refugees’ camps it is possible to differentiate three kinds of examinations:
an internal one; an inter-regional one; and a national one based on Burundian tests.128 Since 2004,
Burundian refugees are attending the same national exam hold in Burundi recognized by their
government. I argue that this system of refugees’ examination integrated with the Burundian one is
an important and encouraging achievement for the refugees’ re-integration.129 130

125
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004
126
Mohamend A. Jama regarding Somalia affirms that: “cultural conditioning operates through
the total process of socialization. Through child rearing practices lead girl children to accept an
inferior self image and lower levels of aspirations, motivation and achievements. […] One clear
social role of the girl in this patrilinear society is to marry and become a housewife and a
mother. In this context, marriage is a social obligation and is strictly observed with respect to
both boys and girls, but girls are supposed to marry at earlier age than boys.”
Jama, M.A. “Socio-cultural aspects of attendance of girls at primary level in Somalia” UNESCO
127
Regarding Somalia it is roughly possible to state that in 2003 51% of the schooling
population attended the camps’ schools. This value reached 55% in 2004 and 66% in 2005. The
former Somalia’s school enrollment was below 10%.
UNHCR 2004 “global report: Kenya ”, UNHCR;
UNHCR 2005b, ibidem.
128
The first kind of examination is an internal school test hold at the end of each term. The
second, named Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), is an inter-regional examination
hold at the end of the Grade six and attended by all the children in the Tanzanian camps
regardless their countries of origins.
129
Kirk, J. 2009 “certification counts: recognizing the learning attainments of displaced and
refugee students”, UNESCO, p. 79.
130
Particularly interesting for this analysis are the data collected by Manengre. He states that
the pass rate of the Burundian refugees’ children in the two exams is 50% at the interregional
level and 49, 3% at the national one. Comparing the national examinations’ results between
refugees’ children and students in Burundi it is possible to affirm that refugees have a higher
score since in Burundi the pass rate is 46.3%. Manengre, P. Ibidem.
34
Completely different is the examination issues in the Kenyan refugees’ camps. Somali refugees
settled in Kenya are evaluated with the national Kenyan’s examination system. A wider discussion
over the consequences of these issues is reported in the next chapter.

Chapter 3
Conclusive findings and discussion
Why compare quality in two different refugees’ education?
According to Anna Obura I believe that support children schooling in refugees’ camps is above all a
matter of right. Specific legislation on education in emergency has been developed in numerous
international accords; the forums of Jomtien and Dakar in 1990 and 2000 represent the lasts efforts
in this children rights’ identification. Despite a general recognition, children’s rights are several
times denied due to economic constraints or political interests. This judgment is particularly evident
regarding education in emergency. Only in the recent time education in emergency seems to be
recognized by the international organizations and donors as a priority in humanitarian and
development activities.131 Notwithstanding, the reduction of founds represents a deep concern on
these actions specifically when the prolonged period of crisis determine the establishment of
structured activities.
An interdisciplinary methodology is compulsory to analyze quality in refugees’ education due to the
wider number of affecting variables. As reported in the scheme below, quality in education affects
and is affected by several issues that contribute to define and change it.

In one hand, compare two cases of study on quality in refugees’ education is useful to understand
how actors and environment interact with education’s matter and respectively how education could
be useful to change them. On the other hand, the debate over repatriation issues is enhanced
analyzing different tools and outcomes.
131
INEE website http://www.ineeserver.org/ accessed: 01/07/09.
35
Referring to the two cases of study analyzed, in this chapter I will separately discuss the
interrelation of environment and actors with quality in education. Furthermore, an analysis over
tools and outcomes results will be developed. Each category will be introduced by relevant
questions to define the main aim of this research.

1) How environment affect quality in refugees education? Are there significant differences
between Somali and Burundian refugees concerning this topic? Education can modify
camp’s environment?

In this analysis, I considered the environmental issues as a sum of different topics. Both in the
Somali and Burundian cases of study I investigate matters like security, food, health, gender and
host states’ behaviours. I support the thesis that they are extremely relevant on education and I
consider them as physical and psychological prerequisite necessary to implement any kind of
camps’ education. To summarize, these environmental issues negatively affect refugees’ education
as suggested by the several instances reported in the previous chapter. Comparing refugees from
Burundi and Somalia it is possible to stress a common background on fled reasons, host country
political behaviour and camps environment. In fact, reviewing the literature used it is possible to
suggest that in both cases civil war, violence, ethnic or clanic discrimination determined the fled of
the asylum seekers.132 On the other hand, Tanzania and Kenya applied similar policies on refugees’
matters that included integration and facilities in the early period and forced encampment in the
second phase.
Camps’ environment presents similar problems both in Kenya and Tanzania. Specifically,
concerning location, refugees from Burundi and Somalia faced numerous constrictions due to the
marginalization of the places and their natural inadequacy. This assumption is particularly evident
concerning the semi-desert area of Dadaab camps in Kenya. This zone has been threatened by
droughts and heavy rains during the lasts years jeopardizing refugees’ security. Furthermore, both
Kenya and Tanzania refugees’ camps are located near conflict states’ border. Bandits, trans-border
criminality and arm traffic could generate a climate of physical and psychological insecurity.
Both Burundian and Somali refugees have been threatened by the UN agencies’ lack of found.
These cuts, specifically on food supplies determined the impossibility to reach the minimum
standard of daily calories required. A similar consideration is possible to argue regarding health
security and hygiene. The diffusion of pathologies threat the children’ life and impede a regular
132
I’m referring to: Veney 2007; Obura 2008 and Horst 2006.
36
school attendance. Generally, the efforts to gain the EFA’s target and the UNICEF understanding of
quality in education seem to be commonly missing in both cases analyzed.
On the other hand, I argue that refugees’ education could positively influence the camps’
environment. According to the sources analyzed133 education enrolment could create a clime of
stability both for children and parents. Furthermore, several programs carried out by UNHCR,
UNICEF and CARE like peace and environment education could promote different behaviours and
determinate an improvement in refugees’ life. Vocational schools and post-primary education
develop useful skills to increase the refugees’ opportunities. Despite these assumptions, it is
necessary to take into account that these programs seem to be just limited efforts, not economically
supported or properly implemented by the donors. In addition, the host state political views on
refugees several times treat the implementation of activities that promote refugees’ self sufficiency.

2) How teachers and families influence quality in refugees’ education? Are there similarities
among actors’ practices between Burundian and Somali refugees’ education?
In this analysis, teachers and families are considered as actors that influence quality in refugees’
education. Both in the Somali and Burundian case of study these actors are analyzed separately
stressing their rule in generate different behaviors and results.
It is necessary to introduce this discussion specifying that refugees’ camps education is interrelated
with the former refugees’ behavior and achievement on schooling. This means that origin states’
performance and improvement on education heavily influence the refugees’ behaviors. Specifically
in the Burundian case of study the political discrimination between Hutu and Tutsi determinate the
following refugees’ efforts to implement education activities as a form of social improvement. On
the other hand, regarding the Somali case of study it is necessary to consider the dismal literacy
rate. Before 1991, the literacy rate was 24% (36% for males and 14% for females) and the gross
enrollment ratios decreased from 14% in 1980 to 7% in 1988.134 In addiction, according to Ali A.
Abdi in post 1991 Somalia the value of knowledge and learning has been severely threatened by the
ongoing situation of civil conflict and the youths accustom to live practically without formal
education facilities.135 These preliminary considerations are relevant to analyze the refugees’
attitude on education and particularly to discuss the role and the determination of the actors that
implement it.

133
Particularly Obura, A. 2002; Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004; Sinclair M. 2001.
134
Abdi, A. A. 1998 Ibidem.
135
It is necessary to consider that the nomadic heritage of numerous Somali compromise the
implementation of a formal education system.
37
Comparing Burundian and Somali refugees’ teachers it is possible to report relevant similarities and
marked differences, specifically concerning training. Considering the Burundian case of study
several teachers were included in the refugees’ community. This inclusion emphasized an early
reconstruction of children schooling in the camps. According to the sources used, this evidence is
not comparable in the Somali case. This divergence could be explained considering the diverse
enrollment rate and the dissimilar opportunities of schooling, specifically concerning secondary
schools and teacher colleges, between Somalia and Burundi.136 I argue that this difference
contributed to the establishment of two different teacher training structure in Burundian and Somali
camps.137
According to UNICEF understanding, quality in refugees’ education is strictly related to the teacher
training, behavior and years of experience. Furthermore, previous origin countries’ school
enrollment directly influences refugees education’ perception and participation.
According to the results achieved in Dadaab camps, international agencies’ efforts seem to be
largely insufficient to decrease the previous refugees’ educational gap and achieve briefly the EFA
targets.
It is necessary to consider that in both cases analyzed refugees teachers are not properly paid for
their work; they usually receive only a form of allowance from UN agencies or parents. I support
the thesis that a proper salary could be an incentive to improve quality and increment the global
number of teachers. Moreover, several refugees teachers used to search for better job opportunities
within NGOs and, like the other refugees, resettlement and repatriation. These conditions generate
instability in the teachers’ staff and the need to increase a constant training to replace the teachers. I
argue that the UN agencies and the other NGOs have to concentrate and amplify efforts to train new
teachers both to assure quality improvement in camps’ education and to develop future benefits to

136
According to Katunzi and Ndalichako in 2003 the average of unqualified teachers in
Burundian camps was 52, 7%. Regarding Somali refugees’ camps Gerstner report that in 2008
only the 6% of the teacher received formal training in Kenyan teacher schools.
Katunzi, N. Ndalichako, J.L. 2004
Gerstner, E. 2009
137 In Burundian refugees’ camps already qualified teacher received a refill on methodological

framework and child oriented teaching methodology. Furthermore, a two-year course for youth
with a secondary level of education develops proper competences to shape new teachers. On
the other hand, in Somali camps the shortage of refugees’ teacher and youth with a secondary
level of education determined a different pattern of training. In Dadaab camps, refugees with a
secondary level of education became teacher in primary school frequenting a two week course
of teaching methodology. It is necessary to consider this disparity of training as a relevant
variable to explain different qualitative results comparing Somali and Burundian refugees’
education.

38
the refugees’ community. Camps’ situation could be an important occurrence to develop skills and
professions that will be extremely useful once resettlement, repatriation or integration occurs.
Families’ consideration on education is a influencing variable on refugees’ education quality.
Parents in one hand could positively emphasize the role of schooling and exploit camps’
opportunities to increment their level of literacy and the children enrollment rate. On the other hand,
opposite behaviors, like negative customs performed in the origin countries, could procrastinate
schooling inclusion. In both cases, I found comparable familiar psychological problems that affect
particularly the male households. Inadequate support to cope with camps’ life, psychosocial stress
and the changed families rule, generate unconstructive behaviours and influence the children’ safe
enrolment in education. Furthermore, sexual abuses and domestic violence could aggravate the
traumatic experiences that children suffered before and during the fled. Particularly important is the
unconstructive behavior on girl education. In both cases, it is possible to observe that the
perpetuation of discriminatory practices contribute to the actual gender disparity. Housework,
parents care, domestic violence against children and negative behave on girl education determine
both in the Somali and Burundian cases a consistent gender discrimination specifically on
schoolgirl enrollment.

3) Are actors’ behaviors influenced by education facilities available in the refugees’ camps?

I argue that schooling is a variable that contributes to modify actors behave. It improves knowledge
and skills useful to cope with refugees’ life and, above all, it increase their post-refugees
opportunities. This consideration is based on the assumption that to overcome the psychological
trauma it is necessary to introduce a stable routine. Education could provide this kind of stability for
children but also for the other refugees involved in management and teaching activities. On the
other hand, once children are safely in schools, parents can concentrate to cope with the new life.
Referring to the cases analyzed, particularly relatable is the Burundian refugees’ case where high
enrollment and school attendance rate are enforced.
Relevants to this question are the new issues thought in the camps’ schools like peace,
environmental and health education. In the Burundian case of study, I found contradicting
evaluation specifically regarding peace education. Anna Obura stressing the lack of families and
community involvement criticizes the achievement awarded, supported, on the other hand, in
Katunzi and Ndalichako’s report. On the other hand, according to the sources analyzed, in Dadaab

39
camps community involvement is increasing and peace education is slowly expanding its target. It
is problematical to assess preliminary evaluation on this topic since data available are still lacking.
Furthermore, due to its main aim, changing behaviours, only in a long period perspective it is
possible to evaluate if peace education is achieving its targets.

4) How ‘tools’ influence quality in refugees’ education? Different curriculums could determine
opposite post-refugees perspectives?

Comparing Somali and Burundian refugees’ education the most evident difference is the curriculum
implemented. Burundian refugees in Tanzanian camps are using their native curriculum, while
Somali refugees in Kenya are using the host state one. I argue that this difference could drive
relevant divergences, specifically on present and future repatriation/reintegration efforts.
Curriculum is an extremely sensitive issue. According to INEE understanding either origin or host
country curriculums should not be uncritically implemented in the refugees’ camps. INEE suggests
that refugees’ curriculum should be negotiated to exclude controversial subjects such as language,
geography and history. Furthermore, a specific attention to eliminate violence, hatred and revenge
has to be parallel developed. In addiction, according to INEE understanding “ideally, in longer-term
refugee situations, the curriculum needs to "face both ways" and be acceptable in both the country
of origin and the host country. Specific issues to be discussed include language competencies and
recognition of examination results for certification.” 138
Comparing the cases analyzed, it is possible to affirm that these recommendations are not properly
carried out. In the Burundian case of study the early development of education and the following
one, support by the UN agencies, permitted the present institutionalization of the national
Burundian curriculum. Even if I consider this choice as a valuable preference I argue that the risk of
perpetuate discriminatory issues could exist.
Somali refugees’ curriculum in Kenya, according to me, is a particularly problematic issue. Since in
Dadaab camps a foreign education is implemented, due to the absence of a recognizable Somali
curriculum, I not consider this choice appropriate to face the refugees’ needs. Specifically
concerning language of instruction I argue that English in this case has a negative impact on quality
stressing that Somali children could improve better their skills in a familiar language of instruction.
This supposition accord to the UNICEF general consideration on language of instruction.

138
INEE, “INEE good practice guide revising and negotiating the curriculum”, INEE in
http://www.ineeserver.org/page.asp?pid=1401
40
Specifically regarding girl, UNICEF reports that “when the language of instruction is different from
the children’s mother tongue, it is often more disabling for girls, who tend to be less exposed to
social environments beyond their immediate families.”139 In addition, I argue that the
implementation of a foreign curriculum decrease the perspectives of repatriation and increase the
resettlement dream, since Somalia crisis’ solutions seem to be far-off. If in one hand, it is necessary
to report that the formal Somali curriculum is not developed since 1991; on the other hand, I argue
that education planners in Dadaab should not ignore completely the Somali refugees’ educational
background. I argue, according to the INEE understanding, that a two face curriculum is needed in
the camps. Ideally this should be thought in Somali but include Kenyan subjects like English or
Swahili. In addiction, an internationally recognized certification of primary education should be
carried out by competent international agencies like UNICEF or UNHCR as happened in Burundi.
These efforts could be extremely useful to cope with refugees’ resettlement or repatriation.

5) Are there differences between outcomes gained in the cases of study considered? Which are
the reasons of these dissimilarities?
Outcomes in refugees’ education are relevant indicators to discuss quality. Considering the two
cases analyzed, it is possible to suggest relevant disparities, particularly considering enrollment rate.
Referring to 2003, the average GER in Burundians’ camps was 71% while in Somalis’ 51%. To
clarify this disparity it is necessary to consider the refugees’ previous education experiences. Somali
and Burundian refugees experienced different performance regarding former education’s
enrollment. According to Ali A. Abdi140 Somalia’s GER in 1980 was 14% but this indicator
decreased to 7% in 1988 due to the effects of Barre’s political repression, nepotism and found
mismanagement. On the other hand, considering the same years, GER in Burundi was higher: 24%
in 1980; 48% in 1985 and 70% in 1990.141 I argue that this consideration is crucial to understand
different outcomes data. Furthermore, as suggested in the previous chapter, Burundian refugees
regarded schooling as a form of social improvement to face with the former ethnical discrimination.
In addiction, the early reconstruction of camps’ education was supported by “pivotal refugees” like
planners, teachers and graduate youths. Somali refugees, on the other hand, started later to improve
education facilities involving fewer human resources like teacher or planners.

139
UNICEF 2004, “strategies for girl education”, UNICEF
140
Abdi, A. A. 1998 Ibidem.
141
UNESCO 2008 “Global historical data on primary education” in:
http://www.uis.unesco.org/ev.php?ID=7660_201&ID2=DO_TOPIC accessed 25/05/09.
41
According to these considerations, I argue that pre-refugees education is crucial to determine
quality in refugees’ camps.
In both cases, it is possible to suggest that gender discrimination is a cause of concern. Female
school enrollment is always lower compared with their male classmates; in addiction, girls’
attendance rate decrease relevantly in the higher grades. A possible explanation of this tendency is
related to the refugees’ general consideration on girl education, often views as an invaluable
investment. Data collected in the refugees’ camps are similar to the regional context. Generally, in
central/eastern Africa girl education is often discriminated and gender balance is still a challenge.142
Comparing examinations between Somali and Burundian refugees’ camps it is possible to define
another interesting differentiation. In one hand, since 2004, the Burundian youths have the
opportunity to attend their national examination and, in addiction, to be examined in an inter-
regional test. According to me this recognition is an important success. UNHCR’s repatriation
efforts and the following Burundian reintegration could be simplified carrying out a parallel
education system.
On the other hand, Somali refugees settled in Kenya are evaluated in the national Kenyan’s
examination system. In fact, Somali students achieve the same (KPCE) certification as the native
Kenyans. I argue that this choice could be a threat for the future refugees’ reintegration.
Furthermore, it is possible to suppose a connection between the resettlement dream, buufis,
widespread among the youths in Dadaab, and the implementation of a foreign system of education
and examination. Since in Somalia a formal education system is not implemented I argue that UN
agencies should involve extra founds and energies in its reconstruction. According to me, this could
be done using skills and ability of expatriated Somali and the educational achievement of pre-1991
Somalia 143

142 UNICEF report on schools’ gender disparity suggests a further clarification on this topic.
According to this report, mothers’ level of education plays a major role in determining
daughter’ school enrollment. This suggests that girl education enrollment is related to the
women social improvement and adult literacy. Reporting this consideration in the refugees’
background it is possible to suggest that a wider improvement of adult literacy could develop
the youths’ enrollment and attendance rate.
UNICEF 2005 “progress for children; a report card on gender parity and primary education”
UNICEF. p.7.
143. The aim of this effort should be the regeneration of a formal curriculum, useful for the

Somali refugees and for the future Somali education’s system. According to Gonzalo Retamal
and Ruth Aedo-richmond a cross border strategy is needed: “rehabilitation of the educational
sector in a country cannot be complete without ensuring simultaneous provision of
repatriation-oriented education in the refugee camps. Making refugee children follow the host
country’s curriculum makes repatriation even more difficult than it is already.” A possible
starting point could be the 1985 official syllabus for primary cycle education. Subsequently, the
efforts of UNESCO-PEER operating in Somalia since 1993, the Education Development Centers
EDCs and the Education Rehabilitation Units (ERUs) should to be included to enforce an original
42
Considering this reflection it is possible to state that curriculum and examinations have to be
regarded as main topics in refugees’ education. I argue that the future of the youth refugees is
strictly dependent on these issues. Therefore, a wider discussion over quality and post-refugees
opportunities within the UN agencies and the academic area is still needed to develop this topic.

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