2001. “Identity Confusion.” Frontier. Vol.34.No.17 (pp. 6-8). November 18-24, 2001. Kolkata.R.N. 16516/68
Printed version of the lecture: 2001“Cricket, Wittgenstein, Language Game and so forth...” Symposium on The Language Movements in India, Linguistic Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, kolkata, 21-22 February, 2001
The Indian national identity is imagined from the perspective of cricket apart from the other traditional modules like language, race, religion or ethnicity in connection with print and electronic capitalism. Let us concentrate on the language-issue here along with the cricket-module. We are told by the pioneers of Indian Sociolinguists that we were least bothered about our language-identities in imagining nationality until British government decided to run the Indian administration in vernaculars from 1837. Indian linguistic nation states are going to be born from then on and we have seen that Vidarbha, Mumbai and Maharastra; Sourastra, Baroda and Gujarat; Hyderabad and Andhra Pradesh are playing state-level Ranji Trophy Cricket Matches. These teams like Vidarbha, Mumbai, Sourastra, Baroda, Hyderabad have nothing to do with much acclaimed geopolitical boundaries of linguistic states but almost all of them bear the legacy of old royal or princely states, the kings of which were cricket-enthusiasts and all the so called linguistic states in India are always multilingual states as opposed to Euro-centric monolingual states. Peculiarly enough, the so called Sanskrit dramas contained in at least four to five languages. One or two things are to be noted here: (a) there was no communication problem among the characters of the play; (b) there was no communication problem to the consumer of the play; (c) the language-names that indicated place-names, ultimately turned out as names of sociolects.
The immediate question arises that on the basis of which modules the demands of nation states are shaped. The answer is not easy as in different times and spaces different affiliations are formed to give birth to nation states. In Bundelkhand, one man fighting for Bundeli language showed their affiliation with Sanskrit poet Vyasdeva and Hockey-player Dhaynchand. In the Maynaguri-district of W.B., an old propagator of Kamtapuri language showed their affinities with Sanskrit to prove their classical-heritage compared to dominant Bangla. All these demands are of course generating in the local-intellectual (newly emerged civil society consisting of language-managers/-judges/-police) space and not in the sub-altern spaces. Sub-alterns are least bothered about such identities until cricket and mediators can penetrate their essentialist inner domain.
2001. “Identity Confusion.” Frontier. Vol.34.No.17 (pp. 6-8). November 18-24, 2001. Kolkata.R.N. 16516/68
Printed version of the lecture: 2001“Cricket, Wittgenstein, Language Game and so forth...” Symposium on The Language Movements in India, Linguistic Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, kolkata, 21-22 February, 2001
The Indian national identity is imagined from the perspective of cricket apart from the other traditional modules like language, race, religion or ethnicity in connection with print and electronic capitalism. Let us concentrate on the language-issue here along with the cricket-module. We are told by the pioneers of Indian Sociolinguists that we were least bothered about our language-identities in imagining nationality until British government decided to run the Indian administration in vernaculars from 1837. Indian linguistic nation states are going to be born from then on and we have seen that Vidarbha, Mumbai and Maharastra; Sourastra, Baroda and Gujarat; Hyderabad and Andhra Pradesh are playing state-level Ranji Trophy Cricket Matches. These teams like Vidarbha, Mumbai, Sourastra, Baroda, Hyderabad have nothing to do with much acclaimed geopolitical boundaries of linguistic states but almost all of them bear the legacy of old royal or princely states, the kings of which were cricket-enthusiasts and all the so called linguistic states in India are always multilingual states as opposed to Euro-centric monolingual states. Peculiarly enough, the so called Sanskrit dramas contained in at least four to five languages. One or two things are to be noted here: (a) there was no communication problem among the characters of the play; (b) there was no communication problem to the consumer of the play; (c) the language-names that indicated place-names, ultimately turned out as names of sociolects.
The immediate question arises that on the basis of which modules the demands of nation states are shaped. The answer is not easy as in different times and spaces different affiliations are formed to give birth to nation states. In Bundelkhand, one man fighting for Bundeli language showed their affiliation with Sanskrit poet Vyasdeva and Hockey-player Dhaynchand. In the Maynaguri-district of W.B., an old propagator of Kamtapuri language showed their affinities with Sanskrit to prove their classical-heritage compared to dominant Bangla. All these demands are of course generating in the local-intellectual (newly emerged civil society consisting of language-managers/-judges/-police) space and not in the sub-altern spaces. Sub-alterns are least bothered about such identities until cricket and mediators can penetrate their essentialist inner domain.
2001. “Identity Confusion.” Frontier. Vol.34.No.17 (pp. 6-8). November 18-24, 2001. Kolkata.R.N. 16516/68
Printed version of the lecture: 2001“Cricket, Wittgenstein, Language Game and so forth...” Symposium on The Language Movements in India, Linguistic Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, kolkata, 21-22 February, 2001
The Indian national identity is imagined from the perspective of cricket apart from the other traditional modules like language, race, religion or ethnicity in connection with print and electronic capitalism. Let us concentrate on the language-issue here along with the cricket-module. We are told by the pioneers of Indian Sociolinguists that we were least bothered about our language-identities in imagining nationality until British government decided to run the Indian administration in vernaculars from 1837. Indian linguistic nation states are going to be born from then on and we have seen that Vidarbha, Mumbai and Maharastra; Sourastra, Baroda and Gujarat; Hyderabad and Andhra Pradesh are playing state-level Ranji Trophy Cricket Matches. These teams like Vidarbha, Mumbai, Sourastra, Baroda, Hyderabad have nothing to do with much acclaimed geopolitical boundaries of linguistic states but almost all of them bear the legacy of old royal or princely states, the kings of which were cricket-enthusiasts and all the so called linguistic states in India are always multilingual states as opposed to Euro-centric monolingual states. Peculiarly enough, the so called Sanskrit dramas contained in at least four to five languages. One or two things are to be noted here: (a) there was no communication problem among the characters of the play; (b) there was no communication problem to the consumer of the play; (c) the language-names that indicated place-names, ultimately turned out as names of sociolects.
The immediate question arises that on the basis of which modules the demands of nation states are shaped. The answer is not easy as in different times and spaces different affiliations are formed to give birth to nation states. In Bundelkhand, one man fighting for Bundeli language showed their affiliation with Sanskrit poet Vyasdeva and Hockey-player Dhaynchand. In the Maynaguri-district of W.B., an old propagator of Kamtapuri language showed their affinities with Sanskrit to prove their classical-heritage compared to dominant Bangla. All these demands are of course generating in the local-intellectual (newly emerged civil society consisting of language-managers/-judges/-police) space and not in the sub-altern spaces. Sub-alterns are least bothered about such identities until cricket and mediators can penetrate their essentialist inner domain.
FRONTIER
IDENTITY CONFUSION
Debaprasad Bandyopadhyay
had an oppertunity to attend
a seminar in the distant village
of Tejgarh in Gujarat. It was
organized by Bhasha, a Gujarat-
based organization devoted to the
language and literature of so-
called tribals. There we met a so-
called tribal group who speaks
Rathova language, a language
that shares. the features of
probably some variation of Hindi,
Marathi and Gujarathi and as
expected they are inhabiting in
the neighbouring states of Gujarat,
Maharastra and Madhyapradesh
Dr G_N Davy, whose brain-
child is Bhasha, introduced us to
the community in a manner that
is worth-remembering. Dr Davy
asked in Hindi to some young
Rathoas, who were, as mejaban
‘host’, at that time receiving us
as mehaman ‘guest’, “Are you
Rathoa’’? They boldly answered
positively, Dr Davy asked them,
“are you Gujarati''? After little
hesitation they also answered,
“'Yes."" The next question was,
“Are you Indian’? They were
rather hesitant to answer such @
question. Dr Davy gave some
hints, “Do you not celebrate,
when India wins in cricket”? They
then joyfully nodded their heads
affirmatively. Dr Davy continued
his speech on the different layers
of identities and individual role-
playing
This incident makes me
remember the question often
asked by Nehru in, public
gatherings, ‘Who is your
Bharatmata"'? Panditji seldom
found the answer from the public
except from a dath who identified
[: the last October 2000, I
Bharatmata with the dharti (soil)
Nehru then elaborated the
concept of Bharatmata to them.
Later on, in the pages of
“Discovery of India’, Nehru
described the impact of his
eleboration in this way, “Bharat
mata, Mother India, was
essentially these millions of
people...., you are in a manner
yourselves Bharatmata, and as
this idea slowly soaked into their
brains, their eyes would light up
as if they had made a great
discovery.” The concept of
Bharatmata, thus is not an a
priori concept, but a historical a
prioti that is to be indoctrinated
persuasively so that that could
be soaked into the brains of the
sub-altern who themselves do not
know the semantics of either Sub-
altern or bharatmata
Now a days, the concept of
Bharat is not totally required to
be transmitted in the way of
Nehru as cricket has got the iconic
status for Indian identity. This is
the cricket-nationalism that has
already diffused in the Indian
market, thanks to the auspicious
sponsorship by the multinationals.
It is played in the blind lanes
sponsored by the multinational
cold-drink companies and it is
advertised as ‘para cricket” or
“gali cricket’, One may easily
notice the accommodation of
Indian language in these two
compound words, And at the end
of last Cricket World Cup,
dJagmohan Dalmia declared the
future goal of International cricket
board ; globalization of cricket.
Though, it is well known that
cricket is played by very few
November 18-24, 2001
countries in the world, it’ is
keeping pace with the motto of
globalization that refers to the
economic control the
majority by the minority.
Cricket is part of the recently
released bilingual film, ‘Lagan’
Though the context of the story
of Lagan is the late colonial
period in India, the making of
the film in the context of
globalization raised many
questions related to Indian
nationalism. The village cricket-
team of Lagan is a result of
careful thinking. The cricket tearm
incorporates Muslim, Sikh,
(socalled) harijan and
handicapped person following the
footsteps of Nehruvian India
project. There is other side of the
story also : the game, which was
totally foreign to the villagers,
interpreted, appropriated and
codified the game according to
their “reality’’. They
appointed a bowler, who is
habituated to drive his cattle by
constantly rolling his hand ; the
man who was habituated with
catching cocks in his poultry, was
appointed as bowler, fielder ete.
this type of matching of
something foreign with something
indigenous triggers the birth of a
synthetic space, where the rules
of dominators are re-interpreted,
codfied and approximated not as
mere mimicry. “Our” imagi-
nation is revealed in (sub)
sabotaging the privileged by
incorporating our own techniques,
that may seem “‘tidiculous’” in
the white gaze. What is surprising
in the Zagan is the appropriated
recurrence of two scenes of
Kiss Abhijanana
Sakuntalam, Bhuban was trying
to rescue deer from the white-
hunter just like thé young saints
over
ownNovember 18-24, 2001
of the old play, who tried to
vesist Dusmanta the king hunter
of deer in the peaceful ‘tapovana’
(space for Hindu meditation). And
then Dusmanta rescued Sakuntala
from the wasp-attack, Here
Bhuvan and his team-mates
rescued Elizabeth from the wasp.
Bhuvan is at a time rescuer
Dusmanta and not deer-hunter
Dusmanta. Bhuvan is the rescuer
of the Hindu tapovan called
India, where everyone lives
happily with the Hindu-Bharativa
equation, if not disturbed by the
outsiders. (This Hindw-
construction of Lagan is a crucial
issue). The point is here that
“return of the classical’ in the
nation statist Bollywood film
What is noticeable here is that
the national identity is imagined
from the perspective of not only
*ricket but also depending on the
other traditional modules like
language, race, religion or
ethnicity in connection with print!
electronic capitalism. Let us
concentrate on the language-issue
here. We are told by the pioneers
of Indian Soctolinguists that we
were least bothered about our
language-identities in imaging
nationality until Britishers decided
fo run the Indian administration
in vernaculars from 1837. Indian
linguistic nation states are going
to be born from then on and we
have seen that Vidarbha,
Mumbai, Sourastra, Baroda and
Gujarat ; Hyderabad and Andhra
Pradesh are playing state-level
Ranji Trophy Cricket Matches.
These teams like Vidarbha,
Mumbai, Sourstra, Baroda,
Hyderabad has nothing to do with
much acclaimed geopolitical
boundaries of linguistic states but
almost all of them bear the legacy
of old royal or princely states,
FRONTIER
the kings of which were cricket-
enthusiasts and all the so-called
linguistic states in India are
always multilingual states as
opposed. to Euiro-centric
monolingual states. Peculiarly
enough, the so-called Sanskrit
dramas contained in at least four
to five languages, One or two
things are to be noted here : (a)
there was no communication
problem among the characters of
the play ; (b) there was, no
communication problem to the
consumer of the play ; (c) the
language-names that indicated
place-names, ultimately turned
out as namés of sociolects
(socially stratified languages)
The immediate question arises
that on the basis of which
modules the demands of nation
states are shaped. The answer is
not easy as in different times and
spaces differeent affliations are
formed to give birth to nation
states. In Bundelkhand, one man
fighting for Bundeli language
showed their affiliation with
Sanskrit poet Vyasdeva and
Hoockey-player Dhaynchand. In the
Jalpaiguri district of WB an old
propagator of Kamtapuri language
showed their affinities with
Sanskrit to prove their classical
heritage compared to dominant
Bangla. All these demands are of
course generating in the local
intellectual space and not in the
sub-altern spaces. Sub-alterns are
least bothered about such
identities until cricket and
mediators can penetrate their
inner domain.
Reader may notice, in this
discourse, the constant swinging
from language to the game of
cricket. If Wittgenstein is to be
believed, language is also a game
in a sense that, in the act of
speaking, speaker A deploys
language as an instrument to
converse with the speaker B and
vise versa. If the speaker A
demands “‘language’” and
dominant speaker B does not
want to provide it, we have
language war instead of language
game. The war was introduced
by those who also
introduced and enumerated
linguistic states by erasing
fuzziness of ‘our’ boundaries
Without making any provision
of such language-demand within
the purview of Game Theory, |
am rather depending on the
neologism “language war’ to
depict the present proliferation of
linguistic-state demands, though
I know that war is also a game
cither in the sense of Ramanuja’
lila or in the sense of Baudtillard’s
simulations as war is also a
simulacrum of the game or vise
versa. Take for an instance from
the report of the Statesman alter
the 1999 World Cup match
between India and Pakistan
“Fans fight on and off the Field’
The Statesman news service
reported by connecting it with
the then Indo-Pakistan battle at
Karail (9 June 1999), ‘For many
the cricket match in Manchester
‘was a second battle front against
India, after Kashmit where India
and Pakistan soldiers have been
waging almost daily gun battles
Escalating tensions in the
disputed Kashmir region made the
traditional cricket rivalry between
Pakistan and India even more
heated’, Mohammad Rafiq.
secretary, Pakistan Cricket Board
had spoken for the people of
Pakistan, “We know this is just a
game..;. but for the Pakistani
People we feel this game is like a
war and our players are our
‘once8
soldiers and they should not let
us down.”
Quite contrary to this report
‘Alex Balfour, in 8 June 99
Cricinfo, wrote in the heading of
his article : “India wins the ‘War?
That never was”. Accroding to
him, ‘Bored with writing and re-
writing the sorry tale of England's
exit, certain sections of the British
press built this game up as a war
by proxy, and those that didn't
hoped it might at least produce
some fireworks and guarantee
them a front page trail... But the
non-partisan elements of the
crowd far outnumbered the Indian
and Pakistani supporters and if
they had come to see an explosive
encounter they would have left
disappointed
‘A few modest rockets
notwithstanding, the game was
firework free.... (emphasis added)
So also John Houlihan reports in
the Cricinfo (9 June 1999)
“Sound But No Fury at Old
Trafford”. He wrote, “Despite a
billing which predicted that World
War Il would be visited on
Manchester, the crowd were
certainly partisan but never
riotous and one Asian journalist
who works on a Northern
community magazine described
the pre-game hype as “ludicrous”
and a tabloid style attempt to
whip up hysteria and hatred that
has simply never actually existed
between English Asian fans.”
We quoting these
contradictory reports as we have
also found such contradictions
when we, as a part of our ISI
(Kolkata) funded project, went to
Maynaguri, Santal Paragana,
Uttaranchal, Darjeeling,
Bundelkhand and Chattisgarh,
Majority of the people of these
places did not know their
are
FRONTIER
language war and only certain
portion of the local intellectuals
or mediators were, like that of
British Press, executing and
pursuing proxy language war by
imposing certain kind of language
demand. | am repeating and
paraphrasing the discourse of
John Houlihan that language war
related to nation statist demand
has simply never actually existed
in the pre-colonial India. The
British administration built this
game up as a war by introducing
the statist paradigm depending
on the print capitalist
imagination. The plurilingual
ethos of the indigenous people
and their ignorance about the
language-identity were tried to be
erased by the mediators. The
motto of decentralization, which
has now come as a backlash to
Globalization, does not provide
anything similar to Gandhian
“Hind Swaraj” but follows the
aspitation of the consumer society
and developmental paradigm as
taught by the First World
manufacturer of consents and in
this way these demands are
accommodated in the new
paradigm of globalization. It is
almost like fore-grounding
something which is not at all
noticeable, Before 1992, we were
least bothered about the religious
identities of Kapil and Azhar, but
in 1993, we had seen the banner
in the cricket ground that claimed
“Kapil-Azhar are brothers.””
Before the introduction of the
linguistic states, who really
thought of such things?
‘As expected from the print
capitalist imagination, the sound
and fury of linguistic states largely
depends on the paper-work of
parliamentary politics and paper
is now substituted by the decoding
November 18-24, 2001
flow of, what Deluze and Guttari
called as “Electric language” that
is devoid of the signifying chains
of language. In this situation,
sub-altern can speak by
maintaining their plurilingualism
of selves, however does not wish
to participate in the discourse of
language war in the paper-space
or in the cyberspace of electric
language. In this symposium,
what bothers us the ontological
question of identity. Hritwik
Roshan is known from Kashmir
to Kanyakumari. But, what's
about Rittik Ghatak? He does
not have such Indian-market
identity. We know Roshan, but
who is Ghatak? In the over-
determined hybrid space of
globalization, how one is able to
search one’s identity and be able
to ascribe one’s strategic selthood
in connection with one’s mother-
tongue or any other module are
the problematic questions which,
we hope, will be, answered here.
This symposium is like Ranji
Trophy Mathches for national
supremacy in cricket, playing
within the national arena, If it is
even an international test match
on the Indian pitches, we would
not, it is a matter of regret, have
the opportunity to witness modern
masters like Sir Don Bradman,
Sir Richard Hadley or Chappel
Brothers who had never
performed on Indian soil. And
the Indian test match-player, who.
has excelled on Indian soil and
does not have the opportunity to
perform in overseas test matches,
feels ignored. Unelss he is
incorporated in the English-cricket
self, it is very difficult for him to
be recognized, It was the same
Old Trafford ground, where Neville
Cardas, witnessing Vijay
Merchant’s excellent batting,
commented, ‘'Merchant is inNovember 18-24, 2001
method the Indian's good
European, He would be easily
England's opening batsman’
Before commenting like this,
Cardas differentiated between
Indian and Western type of
Cricket-playing = “nearly all of
them at sometimes or other
enchanted us with a stroke not
possible in the rational and
prosaic range of occidental
science.” Cardas’s enunciation
clearly shows. the supposed
differences between Oriental and
Occidental science according to
whiteman’s gaze. This gaze also
selects Indian's good European
Our National symposium has
such constraints of difference —
constraints of global as well as
reciprocal discourse reception but
we can try our best to search our
identities, strategic selfhood and
crises in our own forum.
Lastly, | want to cite an
incident described by John
Houlihan in his match report
fone lone supporter wrapped in
an Indian flag and a Pakistan
sun hat, summed it (ie., the
supposed Indo-Pak cricket-battle)
perfectly when he declared, “This
was not war, this was a game of
cricket”. And so it was and
thankfully, a memorable and
mainly peaceful one al that.
Everything is a game or lila
afterall. So, 1 will end my
presentation with the Ramlila of
Ramgarh. Anuradha Kapur
reported in 1978 that Ravana
embraced Rama and Rama
peacefully accepted that regard
in an affectionate manner after
the lila, However, after Ram
Janmabhoomi-Babri_ Masjid
incident, it is observed by Kapur,
Bharucha and others that an
angry Ram was proselytized in
which his gentle image was
destroyed. Is it also a part of the
game or lila ? 009
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