It Takes a Revolution: Forget the Scandal Industry!

ISBN: 978-1-64293-699-5

ISBN (eBook): 978-1-64293-700-8

It Takes a Revolution:

Forget the Scandal Industry!

© 2020 by Larry Klayman, Esq.

All Rights Reserved

Cover design by Ethan Stone

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author and publisher.

Published in the United States of America

Dedication

It Takes a Revolution: Forget the Scandal Industry! is dedicated to our most farsighted of Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson’s superior intellect manifested itself in many ways, as a lawyer, writer, politician, philosopher, architect, farmer, educator, and most particularly in his common-sense understanding of human nature. He understood that the new republic would over time enter into another revolutionary state, thanks to the natural evolution of corruption in society. He forecast that the blood of patriots would inevitably have to be spilled, primarily as a result of a federal judiciary, which he opposed. Jefferson warned that if put in place by the framers of the Constitution, federal judges would become despots, as they would be unelected by and thus not answerable to We the People. This especially rings true today. My book is therefore a clarion call on ways to wage a peaceful revolution and try to avoid Jefferson’s prophesy, which may yet come to pass.

Table of Contents

Foreword

Introduction

Chapter One – The Seeds of Revolt!

Chapter Two – Forget the Scandal Industry!

Chapter Three – Executive Branch Tyranny!

Chapter Four – Legislative Branch Tyranny!

Chapter Five – Tyranny on the Federal Bench

Chapter Six – The New Trump Federal Judges

Chapter Seven – Quasi-Judicial Tyranny

Chapter Eight – Reformation of the Federal Judiciary?

Chapter Nine – Man the Barricades!

Chapter Ten – The Jury’s Verdict: Guilty as Charged!

Afterword – Because There Is No Law!

About the Author

FOREWORD

By Alan L. Keyes

As a young lawyer, speaking to a gathering characteristic of the youth of a nation almost as young as he was, Abraham Lincoln praised its founders for erecting a political edifice of liberty and equal rights, which each succeeding generation had only to preserve and transmit to posterity. Given his youth, we may forgive his carefree dismissal of the specter of foreign conquest. But our nation’s history, up to and including the fateful crisis we presently endure, has time and again confirmed the accuracy of this, with which he identified the persistent, existential danger to our nation’s survival.

At what point then is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it ever reaches us, it must spring up amongst us. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by suicide.

In the twentieth century, the United States passed through the trial of foreign war and international economic depression. Far from destroying us, that trial confirmed the extraordinary force of character, ingenuity, and material power generated by our way of life. We overcame those challenges, so that, far from being killed, we became, for several decades, the preeminent nation on earth.

Of course, Lincoln’s life also reminds us of the contest that, more than any other, confirmed the truth of his youthful prediction. Like the leading founders of the United States, young Lincoln foreshadowed the existential trial that had to come if the nation was to erase the palpable contradiction between the rightful obligations of humanity—by God endowed—and the inhuman curtailment of those obligations that all forms of slavery involve.

In our day, some Americans decry America’s founding generation because they upheld the standard of God-endowed right as the premise of our self-government, even as they degraded it by continuing, expanding, or tolerating the practice of slavery. But who deserves greater opprobrium: people who acknowledge the standard right that impels good conscience to condemn their wrongdoings or people who construe the murder of helpless innocents as righteousness, upholding no standard of right except physical power?

As I write this foreword, the people of the United States face an existential trial that could prove to be their last hurrah. Exploiting the threat of virulent disease, the same people who have made the ritual murder of their posterity a rite of passage now seek to terrorize our whole nation into accepting the permanent sacrifice of true right, including liberty, as the only path to safety. Behind the blatant pretense of respect for life, they have abruptly suspended the rights the Constitution of the United States exists to secure, including especially the primordial rights rooted in our obligation to revere God and, by His command, perpetuate ourselves and our humanity.

These obligations, and all those proper to our natural existence, are our first belongings—the first properties of humankind, by God endowed. It is rightly our first labor and responsibility to secure and preserve them. As we fulfill natural calling—freely choosing to do right by God’s authority, we exercise the species of freedom no mere human power has any license to curtail. The American Declaration calls this right exercise of freedom, by the name of liberty, placing it, just after life itself, at the head of the unalienable rights God’s living will bequeaths to all humanity.

This simple logic is the first premise of our liberty as a nation. It is the ground for our claim to self-government, saving only the majesty of our Creator, God. In our day, it is willfully neglected—except by the remnant of hardy souls, unwilling to let go of our adherence to the logic of God that upholds its self-evident truth. But for this logic, we must cease to be a free people. We shall slip again into the deep mire of terror, dictatorship, and the contest of power in which few prevail—oppressing many—so that all lose sight of the God-intended humanity they are supposed to have in common.

Larry Klayman is one of those who remain faithful to this logic of God: the basis on which the people of the United States may claim also to be believers. Because of his good faith, he has always resisted the temptation, prevalent among the elites of our day, to discard the premise of equal justice, logically connected with God’s endowment of human right. We are not all equal in strength, intelligence, or fortitude. We will, therefore, never be simply equal in the results of our individual endeavors. But the terms of God’s endowment of right equally oblige us all to use the capacity for choice that distinguishes us in nature, to fulfill, as best we can, the provisions of His will.

Larry Klayman is a uniquely public-spirited lawyer. He has never lost sight of the fact that the responsible activity of individual citizens, seriously seeking to exercise their God-endowed rights, is the indispensable energy source for all our institutions of self-government. As a people, we do not purport to govern directly. Instead, we elect others to represent us in government. This fact has misled many to assume that our self-government depends on superior leaders, a belief more consistent with the führer principle of Nazi Germany than the Constitution of the United States.

During all the years I have known him, Larry Klayman has acted as one who understands that what the elected officials in government represent in the performance of their duties ought to be what people themselves first present in their hearts, minds, and actions as citizens. He has taken seriously the institutions of government that directly call for individual involvement at the local level, including especially the practice of indictment and trial by jury, wherein the people, acting as judges of fact, also have the responsibility to form judgments about the law, in order to correct provisions that neglect or misrepresent the obligation to do right by God’s will. That obligation is, after all, the ultimate source of authority for their self-government.

It has been some decades since the phrase information is power came into vogue as a mantra of our nation’s Machiavellian elitists. They play on the disregard for truth this mantra tacitly involves. As the word implies, information is more about what people accept as true than what is true. Lies can form consciousness, sometimes more effectively than facts, especially if they more immediately rouse forceful passions. When justice becomes a matter of information, accusations and trials become tests of ingenuity. Indoctrination in education or the media overrides the exposition of truth. Verdict becomes edict. Justice gives way to arbitrary will, cunningly narrating its way to power.

Well-intentioned people who apprehend this danger have striven through my lifetime, as our nation’s founders did, to use existing institutions to obstruct this disdain for truth. In this book, Larry Klayman continues the effort to do so, as he has throughout his career. The task is harder now than it has ever been. The inordinately ambitious, deceitful character of America’s elitist faction has deeply poisoned the environment for public discourse. Discouraged by this, many of our citizens have lost patience with reasoning. They have lost sight of the assumption of good character that has, at critical moments, allowed our nation’s institutions to weather the storms of false, self-righteous passion, fomented by would-be tyrants. Such a storm is raging now. By manipulating resentment, anger, hatred, and especially fear, they aim to terrorize Americans into discarding their responsibility of care and leadership for our institutions of self-government. They have already commenced constructing the totalitarian and technological controls that will replace them.

As he has consistently sought to do in the past, Larry Klayman challenges people to recognize and repel this assault on our decent liberty. Appealing to what Lincoln called the better angels of our nature, he seeks to reawaken the civic courage that has, more than once, impelled us to reclaim the path of strenuous citizenship vital to the survival of our national hope. Most importantly, Larry Klayman refuses to lose sight of the source of that courage—the adamantine faith in God, who even now still sets before us life and death; blessings and curses; evident truth and self-idolizing deception, trusting in us to choose the path of right that his fresh footsteps show the way to tread.

INTRODUCTION

As I penned in my autobiography, Whores: Why and How I Came to Fight the Establishment! , which still can be purchased on Amazon.com, BarnesandNoble.com, and other booksellers, I founded Judicial Watch, Inc. on July 29, 1994—twenty-six years ago—because I had come to see government and the legal system as growing increasingly corrupt. As a former federal prosecutor in the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice, I found many of my colleagues and the judges before whom I appeared to be highly politicized at best, acting and making decisions not on the merits but on their own personal and professional interests. This offended me greatly, and my experience before a federal judge in Los Angeles, the less-than-Honorable William D. Keller, in the early 1990s, was the final straw that broke this camel’s back. I thus conceived and founded Judicial Watch.

In the ten years that followed at Judicial Watch, Inc., and thereafter at Freedom Watch, Inc., which I also founded, I experienced many successes fighting dishonesty and outright corruption in government and the legal system. But to be candid, I never scored a knockout punch. One federal judge in particular, the Honorable Royce C. Lamberth, of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, the tribunal located in what has become known as the swamp, had the power, for instance, given the cases I put before him, to relegate Bill and Hillary Clinton—the Bonnie and Clyde of American politics—to multiple years, if not life, in prison, which is where they certainly belong. But even Lamberth, an appointee of President Ronald Reagan, shied away from holding them accountable, merely ordering up depositions of persons in and around them to expose their illegalities. At one point, before Lamberth was the criminal contempt of the Clintons, where they had hidden or destroyed millions of incriminating emails that exposed their criminal acts in a number of the more than forty scandals during their reign of terror in the White House during the 1990s. The judge held an evidentiary hearing on this caper, which lasted weeks. But in the end, years after I left Judicial Watch to run for the U.S. Senate in my home state of Florida, he dismissed the case and took an exit stage left.

Judge Lamberth hailed from Texas and apparently lost interest in truly holding the Clintons accountable after his native son George W. Bush won the presidency in 2000. In retrospect, it would appear that he allowed me to conduct what, for him, must have been mostly a dog and pony show simply to weaken the political standing of the Clintons. But while they were down, they certainly were not out. In the many years that followed, Bill and Hillary continued their felonious ways, using the Clinton Foundation and other subterfuges as a virtual racketeering enterprise, selling access and favors to the highest bidders—and reaping in hundreds of millions of dirty dollars in cold cash—after President Barack Hussein Obama picked Hillary as his secretary of state. Lamberth had let the Clintons go free, and they sped away from his clutches in a court-sanctioned getaway car, making the original Bonnie and Clyde envious as they lay in their graves.

I am, of course, thankful for the little that this federal jurist did and still does. But unfortunately, Lamberth is simply the best of the worst on the federal bench, which, as our great Founding Father and third American president predicted, would eventually morph into a bench full of despots, particularly since, for some reason, it has become the mistaken norm to believe that they were given life tenure on the bench—there is no such provision in the Constitution—and are not accountable to the electorate. The Clintons are just one of tens of thousands of examples of how the judicial branch has failed miserably, in the last decades in particular, to protect the American people from the tyranny of the other two branches of government—the executive and legislative branches—and the tyranny within its own judicial branch.

I have regrettably come to the conclusion, after toiling in the bowels of our legal system for going on forty-four years, appearing thousands of times before cowardly and outright corrupt federal judges, that the nation cannot be restored to that shining city on a hill envisioned by former President Ronald Reagan, nor to the faithful city described in the Old Testament Book of Isaiah, through the present-day federal courts.

And thus, I’ve titled this book, my book, It Takes A Revolution: Forget the Scandal Industry! I am sure you will recognize that the title is a cynical play on a book, not coincidentally, written by Hillary Clinton called It Takes a Village. Yes, Mrs. Clinton, it does take a village, but not in the sense that you wrote about, which promoted a collective leftist and socialist approach to life and our body politic. My book focuses on Village People who take it upon themselves to enforce their God-given right to live free of government tyranny, as our Founding Fathers eloquently expressed in the greatest document ever written short of the Bible, the Declaration of Independence. Federal judges in particular have failed to protect us and have been one of the principal problems, not the solution. Figuratively speaking, it is they who should be first to the guillotines, the subtitle of Chapter Five on the tyranny of the judicial branch.

Read on, fellow patriots, and learn how we need to turn off cable television, and the other purveyors of self-serving deception and profit that milk what has become the scandal industry. Then, if you want to protect and preserve the vision and conception of our great and enlightened Founding Fathers, roll up your sleeves and join me in getting to work. Live Free or Die!, the battle cry of our first American revolution, rings true again today!

To the barricades, dear fellow Americans, and we will, with great resolve, win the second American revolution without a shot being fired if we peacefully and, without further, potentially terminal delay, act forcefully.

It is the time, as it was in 1776, to take matters into our own legal hands!

CHAPTER ONE

The Seeds of Revolt!

You seem to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions; a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so. They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps.… Their power is more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other functionaries are, to elective control. The Constitution has erected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided, with the corruptions of time and party, its members would become despots. It has more wisely made all the departments co-equal and co-sovereign within themselves.

—Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William C. Jarvis, 1820.¹

Thomas Jefferson understood that the constitutionally created three branches of government were intended to serve as a check, however futile, to despotism. He thus anticipated that, over time, the nation would face another revolution, as the corruption in government would grow in the natural course of human events.

So it was that many have attributed this quote to Jefferson, namely that when the governments fear the people, there is liberty. When the people fear the government there is tyranny. The strongest reason for the people to retain the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect themselves against tyranny in government.²

Jefferson added:

When all government, domestic and foreign, in little as in great things, shall be drawn to Washington as the center of all power, it will render powerless the checks provided of one government on another, and will become as venal and oppressive as the government from which we separated.³

And, just two years before the Constitution was enacted by Congress, he also foretold:

The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.⁴

A little rebellion now and then is a good thing and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical.⁵

Jefferson’s wisdom and prophesy have finally come home to roost and have metastasized in our body politic. The executive branch of government is controlled by a Deep State that illegally and coercively spies on the masses and serves its own nefarious and greedy interests