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Question 2
either through surveys, or through linkage of administrative data. There are a number of different types of longitudinal studies, including: a) individual level panel surveys, where samples of individuals are tracked and interviewed. b) Household panel surveys, where individuals are followed within the context of the households where they live, and information is normally collected about the whole household at each wave. c) Cohort studies, where samples from a particular age range are followed to explore their different trajectories as they age. d) Record linkage studies, administrative or census data are linked across time. (Dunning, 2012) The benefit of this type of research is that it allows researchers to look at changes over time. Because of this, longitudinal methods are particularly useful when studying development and lifespan issues. However, longitudinal studies require enormous amounts of time and are often quite expensive. Because of this, these studies often have only a small group of subjects, which makes it difficult to apply the results to a larger population. Another problem is that participants sometimes drop out of the study, shrinking the sample size and decreasing the amount of data collected. One example of longitudinal studies linked to language development is the study realized by CMBN Infant Studies Laboratory at Rutgers Universiry. Such research helped to understand why children acquire language in different ways and specifically why some children have difficulty language learning. It also helped to determine whether all language delays have common markers or if there are different markers depending on particular risk factors. The Longitudinal Study of Language Development had two interrelated objectives. First, examining early information processing skills as indexed by performance on habituation, recognition memory, and rapid auditory processing tasks. Second, the study is looking at any differences in development across and within our control group of typically developing children and three at-risk groups of children: a) children with a family history of language impairment, b) children who were born very low birth weight and premature, c) children who had recurrent middle ear infections (otitis media) during their first year of life. The findings of the study provide strong evidence that rapid auditory processing (RAP) deficits may serve as a behavioral "marker" of language impairment and could be used as part of an early identification battery for language disorders. (Choudhury & Benasich, 2009, pp. 923)
The results of longitudinal studies about Language Acquisition by another species (like Gardner and Gardner (1972), Premark (1971), Rumbaugh (1977), or Patterson (1978) have shown that apes have some similarities with human child utterances (using the sign language). However they cannot copy the exact position of the hands without explicit instructions as human children do.
Question 3
Question 4
environments, so genetic influences are thought to account for their similarities. b) Longitudinal studies of twins follow twins over time to assess the development of adult-onset conditions and traits. This approach allows for a more complete and accurate assessment of environmental factors over time. Twin study designs and statistical analysis methods are also constantly evolving and improving. The original twin study design has expanded to include studies of twins' extended families, longitudinal studies and other variations. Some of these variations allow researchers to address previous limitations. The assumptions those studies rest on are: a) Equal environments. Twin researchers also assume that fraternal and identical twins raised in the same homes experience equally similar environments. But some research suggests that parents, teachers, peers and others may treat identical twins more similarly than fraternal twins. b) Gene-environment interaction. Some researchers think that interactions between genes and environment, rather than genes and environment separately, may influence many traits. A recent study from Science (Vol. 297, No. 5582) by Avshalom Caspi, PhD, of King's College London, for example, suggests that a gene might moderate propensity for violence, particularly in people who are severely maltreated as children. Many twin study designs don't take this type of complication into account. c) Genetic mechanisms. Traits can be inherited through different genetic mechanisms. For traits governed by dominant genetic mechanisms, a dominant gene inherited from one parent trumps a recessive gene inherited from the other parent: If a person inherits a recessive gene for blue eyes from one parent and a dominant gene for brown eyes from the other parent, then the dominant brown gene wins, and the person's eyes are brown. Since 1979, a study of monozygotic and dizygotic twins separated in infancy has subjected more than 100 sets of reared-apart twins or triplets to a week of intensive psychological and physiological assessment. Smaller studies of monozygotic twins reared apart found that about 70 percent of the variance in IQ has been found to be associated with genetic variation. On multiple measures of personality and temperament, occupational and leisure-time interests, and social attitudes, monozygotic twins reared apart are about as similar as are monozygotic twins reared together. These findings extend and support those from numerous other twin, family, and adoption studies. It is a plausible hypothesis that genetic differences affect psychological differences largely indirectly, by influencing the effective environment of the developing child. The evidence for the
strong heritability of most psychological traits, however, does not detract from the value or importance of parenting, education, and other interventions. Adoption studies are another important way of disentangling genetic and environmental effects. These studies investigate children who were brought up from an early age by parents other than the ones who conceived them (Schaffer, 1996). Adopted children can be compared to their adoptive parents to determine how similar or different they are from each other. If adoptive parents and children are found to be similar to one another on a given measure, then this is likely support for environmental influence (because they do not share genetic material). Adopted children can also be compared to their biological parents (those by whom they have not been reared). If biological parents and adopted children share similar characteristics, this lends support to the argument for genetic influences. However, adoption studies are not lacking criticism. Oftentimes biological parents cannot or do not want to be located/do not wish to be tested, and children who are going to be adopted are often placed within families that resemble or share characteristics with their biological parents (Schaffer, 1996). Studies of identical twins who are raised separately due to adoption are also very important in understanding the difference between genetic and environmental traits. In these studies, since twins have almost identical genetic profiles, the major differences seen between the twins can be ascribed to environmental effects. In a Parent-Offspring Adoption Study (Plomin & DeFries, 1985), Robert Plomin and his fellow researchers concluded that genetics, not environment, play a larger role in the development of the cognitive processes. These researchers were interested in cognitive ability, or the mental process of knowing, including aspects such as awareness, perception, reasoning, and judgment. Results for children aged 1-16 showed that adoptees, although resembling their adoptive parents minimally at first, became more and more like their biological parents and less like their adoptive parents as they aged. By adolescence, there was a strong resemblance to the cognitive functioning of the biological parents, to the same degree as in the control families, and no similarity to that of the adoptive parents. Despite the fact that the children did not spend any time with their biological parents, they were more similar to them, cognitively speaking. These findings suggest that the genes affecting cognitive ability are not all expressed until adolescence and, further, that whatever environmental factors may affect cognitive functioning are not strongly correlated with the cognitive ability of the parents who raise the child.
Question 5
The main problems with Twins Studies are the following: a) the
sample of the study is very small because there are no much identical twins. b) when identical twins reared apart are studied, the majority of the cases share the almost identical environmental circumstances. c) is difficult to distinguish between monozygotic and dizygotic twins. To overpass these difficulties the researchers are using the correlation coefficients. The general pattern of results of these studies indicates that the closer the genetic relationship, the more similar the individuals IW scores are. For non identical twins the correlation coefficient is 0.60. For identical twins reared apart is 0.74 and for those reared together is 0.89. The findings of these studies suggest that there is certainly a large genetic component to a persons intelligence, but environmental conditions are extremely important too..
Question 6
Name and describe the stage which these eight-year olds have reached according to Piagets theory.
The
stages
of
cognitive
development
proposed
by
Jean
Piaget
indicate
that
a
eight
year
child
is
situated
in
the
operational
period,
especially
concrete
operation
stages.
At
this
stage,
the
childs
thinking
becomes
more
logical
and
mathematical.
The
child
is
able
to
perform
reversible
thoughts
operations,
is
able
to
be
attentive
to
several
kind
of
information
in
the
same
time,
and
he
can
to
decentre
himself,
being
able
to
attend
to
several
aspects
of
a
situation
and
look
to
an
object
from
the
point
of
view
o
someone
else.
At
this
age
the
child
generally
master
the
conservation
tasks
regarding
quantity,
mass,
and
substances.
He
starts
to
understand
the
conservation
of
weight.
However,
at
this
stage
children
can
only
think
in
terms
of
real
world
objects
and
events,
can
use
the
inductive
logic,
so
they
can
form
general
principles
from
their
own
actual
experience.
They
are
prepared
to
step
into
the
next
stage
of
development:
the
deductive
logic.
During
this
stage,
the
thought
process
becomes
more
rational,
mature
and
'adult
like',
or
more
'operational',
Although
this
process
most
often
continues
well
into
the
teenage
years.
The
process
is
divided
by
Piaget
into
two
stages,
the
Concrete
Operations,
and
the
Formal
Operations
stage,
which
is
normally
undergone
by
adolescents.
Belief
in
animism
and
ego
centric
thought
tends
to
decline
during
the
Concrete
Operational
stage,
although,
remnants
of
this
way
of
thinking
are
often
found
in
adults.
(Berk,
2009)
Children's
ideas
about
different
objects,
are
formed
and
dominated
by
the
appearance
of
the
object.
For
example,
there
appears
to
be
more
blocks
when
they
are
spread
out,
than
when
they
are
in
a
small pile. During the Concrete Operational Stage, children gradually develop the ability to 'conserve', or learn that objects are not always the way that they appear to be. This occurs when children are able to take in many different aspects of an object, simply through looking at it. Children are able to begin to imagine different scenarios, or 'what if' something were to happen. This is because they now have more 'operational' thought. Children are generally first able to conserve ideas about objects with which they are most comfortable. (Lightfoot, Cole, & Cole, 2009)
Bibliography Berk, L. E. (2009). Child development. Boston: Pearson/Allyn & Bacon. Bernard, H. R. (1994). Research methods in anthropology: qualitative and quantitative approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Choudhury, N., & Benasich. (2009). Infant information processing and family history of specific language impairmet: Converging evidence for early auditory perceptual deficits. In H. Eswaran (Ed.), Advances in developmental neuroscience and imaging (pp. 923). New Delhi, India: Anamaya Publishers. Dunning, T. (2012). Natural experiments in the social sciences: a design-based approach. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Goodwin, C. J. (1995). Research in psychology: methods and design. New York: Wiley. Lightfoot, C., Cole, M., & Cole, S. (2009). The development of children. New York, NY: Worth Publishers. Plomin, R., & DeFries, J. C. (1985). A parent-offspring adoption study of cognitive abilities in early childhood. Intelligence, 9(4), 341356. doi:10.1016/0160-2896(85)90019-4 Schaffer, H. R. (1996). Social Development. Wiley.
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