1000-1284- The Iberian Municipal Militias in the Central Middle Ages THE LIB A !

"# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E

A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers

* E#ACE
-.i/The primary and secondary research for this volume has been undertaken at a number of libraries and archives. In Madrid, I have used the Biblioteca Nacional, the libraries of the Casa Vel !ue of the Ciudad "niversitaria and of the #eal $cademia de la %istoria. I have also sifted the records of the $rchivo %ist&rico Nacional in Madrid, the $rchivo de la Corona de $ra'&n in Barcelona, and assorted municipal archives in (pain. I have also used the British )ibrary in )ondon and the Biblioth*!ue Nationale in +aris, the %arvard "niversity )ibraries, the )ibrary of Con'ress, the "niversity of Vir'inia $lderman )ibrary and the ,ale "niversity (terlin' )ibrary. I o-e a 'reat debt of 'ratitude to the staffs of all of these libraries and archives, as -ell as to the Interlibrary )oan staff of the .inand )ibrary of the Colle'e of the %oly Cross. Moreover, I received considerable support from the Committee on +rofessional (tandards at %oly Cross, -hich a-arded me three Batchelor /0ord1 (ummer 0ello-ships and one 0aculty (emester 0ello-ship to advance the research and -ritin' of the final product. The Council for the International 23chan'e of (cholars, in coordination -ith the Comit4 Con5unto %ispano Norteamericano para $suntos 2ducativos y Culturales /a 0ulbri'ht6related committee of $merican and (panish scholars based in Madrid1, 'ranted me an indispensable fello-ship for si3 months of study in (pain, and the Colle'e of the %oly Cross supported me -ith t-o sabbatical leaves. The %oly Cross Committee on #esearch and +ublication 'ave me numerous small research and travel 'rants. The present study -ould have been delayed interminably -ithout this assistance, and I am most 'rateful. -.ii /There are also persons to -hom I am especially indebted. My former teacher, Charles 7ulian Bishko, +rofessor 2meritus of %istory at the "niversity of Vir'inia, has read the entire typescript of this book -ith his customary dili'ence and has offered many helpful su''estions. To him I dedicate the -ork. I have also benefited from the stylistic and scholarly advice of my collea'ue in Interdisciplinary (tudies courses at %oly Cross,+rofessor 2llen 8osmer of 9orcester (tate Colle'e, -ho brin's her editin' skills and the perspective of a very perceptive art historian to this effort. $lso, 0ather 7oseph +omeroy, (. 7. and the staff of the %oly Cross .ata +rocessin' Center, 'ave fre!uent assistance -hile permittin' me to compose this book on their .i'ital Va3 computer and store its several drafts in the computer memory. There is also the special debt to my -ife Trudy -ho stayed up many ni'hts tryin' to dissolve my unintended barriers of communication, and -ho endured my absences for research and -ritin' at inconvenient times. None of these considerate persons is responsible for any errors -hich lie herein. They are my o-n property.

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -1/ I$T "0&CTI"$ In ::;<, a small army of Christian soldiers advanced north-est alon' the road to C&rdoba, offerin' periodic shouts and chants in the manner of armies attemptin' to keep up their spirits as they proceeded throu'h enemy territory. =utside of the Iberian +eninsula in the t-elfth century, this force -ould have to be re'arded as remarkable in every respect. Their column consisted of both mounted and foot troops, they -ere situated over four hundred kilometers from their home base, and they consisted lar'ely of the municipal militias of t-o to-ns, (e'ovia and >vila, operatin' on a campai'n they had chosen to initiate. They had passed three mountain ran'es and three river valleys to arrive at their present location, and they moved far from home on a darin' raid into the heart of $lmoravid (pain. $s they ran'ed over the countryside seekin' tar'ets of opportunity, a scoutin' party dispatched earlier to search for sources of booty re5oined the main body. It brou'ht soberin' intelli'ence information? a Muslim force commanded by the $lmoravid prince T@shfAn of C&rdoba had been spotted encamped in the vicinity, probably dispatched in pursuit of their o-n s!uadrons. $ more timorous force of skirmishers and raiders mi'ht -ell have sou'ht the nearest ford in the Buadal!uivir #iver and made its -ay back to the Trans6.uero re'ion -hence it had mustered. %o-ever, these troops -ere no panicky amateurs, prone to fli'ht -ithout consideration of the risk of bein' overtaken and routed. )ike trained professionals, they instead sou'ht out the enemy army. The leaders demonstrated initiative and combativeness in the face of this threat. 0rontier -arfare in Iberia included takin' risks, and sound strate'y dictated a direct -2/ assault on the opponentCs force, especially if any kind of surprise could be achieved. $lterin' plans and direction and invokin' Dthe Bod of %eaven and 2arth, %oly Mary and (aint 7amesD for their protection, the t-o militias undertook to search out the enemy army -ith -hom they no- shared the Campo de )ucena. In time, estimatin' that they -ere close by the $lmoravid position, the militias encamped and divided into t-o detachments. The entire cavalry force and appro3imately one half of its infantry moved out on reconnaissance to locate the Muslims, -hile the other half of the footsoldiers remained at the campsite to 'uard the ba''a'e and supplies. The breadth of the campo proved sufficient to hide the Muslims and Christians from each other for a time. They traveled a half dayCs 5ourney from their camp and found nothin'E afternoon faded into evenin' and brou'ht no contact. $s the darkness of ni'ht intensified, the Christians stumbled upon the $lmoravid encampment, catchin' the settled force completely off 'uard. The Muslims sounded the alarm, raced for their -eapons, and a confused and fierce mel4e ensued. The Christians pressed the advanta'e of their surprise attack and cut do-n many opponents before they could arm themselves. In the darkness and disorder Christian and $lmoravid could barely distin'uish one another. (uddenly, +rince T@shfAn burst from his field tent hastily shoutin' commands in an attempt to rally his men. %e -as 'reeted by a Christian lance -hich pierced his thi'h, transformin' his determination to sudden panic. I'norin' his -ound, T@shfAn hobbled to the nearest horse, mounted it bareback, spurred it into action, and 'alloped from the scene of the stru''le, disappearin' into the 'loom in the direction of C&rdoba. The survivin' $lmoravids soon follo-ed their leaderCs e3ample, retreatin' in confused disarray. T@shfAnCs troops never recovered from the initial surprise to put up a 'ood fi'ht. =nce the dust had settled, the Christian militiamen looked about them at the campsite, and the booty left there for the takin'. They 'athered all that they could carry and marched back to their o-n camp. The raid had been e3tremely successful? mules, camels, 'old, silver, -eapons, and even TFshfGnCs o-n battle standard -ere included in the spoils. The -arriors of >vila and (e'ovia divided the booty on the spot, then be'an the trek back to their o-n to-ns -hile the men praised Bod for their 'ood fortune. They -ould discover that T@shfAn had planned a raid a'ainst Toledo -ith the force they had encountered, a raid the militias had terminated. The Muslim soldiers instead stra''led back to C&rdoba empty6handed. +rince T@shfAn stayed under the care of his doctors -1/ in a prolon'ed convalescence of several -eeks. (oon the prince resumed his normal activity and commanded ne- armies. $lthou'h the pain of his -ound subsided, but he -alked -ith a limp for the remainder of his days, and it is doubtful -hether his pride ever fully recovered. /:1 9hile the episode 5ust recounted is one of the more colorful in the chronicle of deeds of the municipal militias of medieval Iberia, it is in no -ay uni!ue. The to-n armies of the medieval (panish frontier rendered similar service throu'hout the critical period of Christian e3pansion a'ainst Muslim (pain, and pursued various other activities as -ell. The monarchs of the peninsular kin'doms consistently utili ed these municipal forces for their varyin' military needs, causin' the standards of the to-n militias to appear re'ularly in the 'reat battles and sie'es of the #econ!uest. Certainly the most emphatic endorsement of to-ns and their military pro-ess -as offered in November of :<HI at the Cortes of $ra'on in Jara'o a, -hen 8in' 7aime I threatened his recalcitrant nobles -ith the use of the municipal militias of the realm, notin' DI have all the to-ns of $ra'on and Catalonia <

that -ould be a'ainst you, and concernin' -arfare they are as skilled as yourselves.D /<1 No contemporary thirteenth6century monarch outside of the +eninsula could have made such a threat credible to the most po-erful nobles of his kin'dom. The )ucena incident, especially, reveals some important characteristics of these frontier militias. By the middle of the t-elfth century these forces 'ave clear evidence of a -ell6or'ani ed command and operations system, demonstrated a kno-led'e of tactics and a capacity for the intricacies of spoils division, and possessed the vital features of a -ell planned and smoothly functionin' military entity. =ffensively, they could supplement royal armies on campai'n, renderin' service at some distance from their homes, or they could operate independently on their o-n initiative. .efensively, their 'reatest contribution to the realm lay in their provision of a standin' defense in depth alon' the Islamic frontier, a belt of populated fortresses -ith strikin' po-er capable of hammerin' and harassin' an invadin' force. Their mission consisted in holdin' land and defendin' it, and the steady advance of the Christian frontier o-ed much to their skill in performin' this task. The present study seeks to 'ain for these municipalities and their armies the reco'nition and the thorou'h analysis that their contribution merits. In the survey of three centuries -hich follo-s, the emer'ence of these to-ns and their armies -ill be e3plored -ith an eye to the causative factors of frontier life that 'ave them their 'enesis. The -ork investi'ates the rapid 'ro-th of their record of service in the t-elfth century, -4/ their role in the disasters and triumphs of the 'reat #econ!uest battles and sie'es, and the chan'es -rou'ht by the stabili ation of the forces of Iberian e3pansion to-ard the end of the thirteenth century. 0ollo-in' this, a close e3amination of the municipal military system in its le'al and institutional forms is presented reflectin' the e3tent to -hich municipal military activity shaped their -ay of thinkin' and became in'rained in their daily lives. 0urther, this study e3amines medieval municipal developments in all of the peninsular Christian kin'doms /)eon, Castile, the Cro-n of $ra'on, Navarre and +ortu'al1, since the e3pansive southern con!uests of the Central Middle $'es constituted an e3perience that all of these states shared, -hile reactin' to the common herita'e in -ays shaped by their varyin' traditions. 0e- studies of (panish and +ortu'uese history have chosen to do this, causin' internal political frontiers to delimit detrimentally a proper understandin' of historical influences -hich have had a peninsula6-ide impact. Certainly the history of to-n armies in medieval Iberia merits a full study across the several states in -hich they served so importantly. %o-ever, this municipal contribution, alon' -ith every other aspect of the military establishment in Iberia, -ent lar'ely unnoticed by some of the military historians of the t-entieth century purportin' to survey the Medieval 9est, such as .elbrKck, =man and even in the more recent -ork of Verbru''en. /;1 By mid6century, possibly due to the consciousness6arousin' (panish Civil 9ar, this insouciance to Iberian military history chan'ed -ith the -ork of 0erdinand )ot, -ho did include a chapter on the +eninsula in his t-o6volume study. More recently 7ohn Beeler and +hilippe Contamine have follo-ed )otCs e3ample. $lthou'h none of these three 'o beyond secondary sources in makin' their rather 'eneral analyses and have little to say re'ardin' the municipal militias, Contamine has a particularly rich biblio'raphy of both articles and books in -hich (pain and +ortu'al do receive careful attention./I1 $ number of the more recent 'eneral histories, such as Valdeavellano, (ure 0ernnde and (oldevila, offer important back'round information on (pain and +ortu'al in the Central Middle $'es. These include several si'nificant surveys in 2n'lish, includin' =liveira Mar!ues, =CCalla'han, %ill'arth, Mac8ay and Blick, that considerably enrich the $merican studentCs kno-led'e of the medieval history of the +eninsula. /L1 $mon' them one can find an e3cellent variety of vie-points, re'ional emphases, and social, economic and cultural approaches to understandin' the comple3 historical forces at -ork both inside and outside of Iberia. -2/ The best 'eneral studies dealin' -ith Iberian military institutions have been -ritten by scholars devoted to peninsular history, startin' at the end of the nineteenth century -ith the multi6volume history of the +ortu'uese army by $yres de Ma'alhMes (epNlveda, three volumes of -hich are devoted to the 2arly and Central Middle $'es, althou'h mostly dra-n from secondary sources. In :O<L, Bon le (imancas -rote his study on medieval (panish military history -hich does dra- upon primary sources and even includes material from illustrated manuscripts, a comparatively pro'ressive method for his time. Botelho da Costa Vei'a -rote his studies in +ortu'uese military history in :O;H, includin' a detailed analysis of the military content of re'ional sources in northern +ortu'al and a partial e3amination of the northern to-n charters. But in all of these 'eneral -orks, the municipal militias receive only small consideration./H1 +alome!ue Torres opened a ne- era in military studies based on primary source materials in his e3tended article, -hich has been for many the basic startin' place for the investi'ation of the medieval Iberian military establishment durin' the Central Middle $'es. %is -ork also initiates a common limitation for much that follo-ed amon' (panish military scholars, in that the study covers only )eon6Castile at the e3pense of the other peninsular kin'doms. Nonetheless, this is the first -ork to study the municipal militias in any detail. 0or some of the le'al aspects of -arfare, includin' the militias, there is the helpful article by (alvador de Mo3& on military la-. There are useful references to the militias in %uici MirandaCs survey of the most important battles of the #econ!uest. In 2n'lish, 'eneral and detailed overvie-s of the #econ!uest and its military implications have ;

multiplied in the last t-enty years. 7ulian Bishko and Claudio (nche 6$lborno outlined the importance of the militias in their respective papers 'iven at the "niversity of Te3as frontier conference in :OLO. 2lena )ourie sums up a 'ood deal of then recent (panish research in her article of :OHH, part of the title of -hich I have used for this book. T-o comprehensive overvie-s of the #econ!uest, -hich include the entire peninsula, have appeared in 2n'lish since then by Bishko and )oma3, both stressin' the military systems -hich achieved the e3pansion and place the municipal militias in that conte3t. Most recently (alvador de Mo3& has rendered a fine synthesis of the #econ!uest and its attendant resettlement -ith its related military considerations. $ useful 'eneral military history of (pain has also appeared recently by #edondo .i , coverin' the medieval period and profitin' from its authorCs ability to read sources in 2n'lish./P1 Iberian urban studies have been produced at an increasin' rate durin' -3/ the last several decades, and some of these raise tan'entially the !uestion of military service. /Q1 Indeed, it can be ar'ued that %ispanic municipal historians, especially those of )eon6Castile, have evinced more concern in 'eneral re'ardin' municipal military service than has been the case outside of the peninsula. =ne ou'ht to note especially the -ork of Carmela +escador del %oyo, -hose len'thy study concentrates on the primary fi'htin' class in the )eonese6Castilian municipalities, the caballera villana or the urban kni'htly class and their military obli'ations. The histories of particular periods, rei'ns and re'ions offer occasional covera'e of the to-n armies, -hich taken to'ether produce a sketch of their development over the Central Middle $'es. /O1 #eilly, Bon le and Burns have been particularly careful in their e3tensive archival research to e3amine military institutions and to consider the place of municipal militia service. 9orks -hich focus on the municipal militias are comparatively fe-. The earliest is a short book by 7uan MartRne de la Ve'a y Je'rR, Derecho militar en la Edad Media /Madrid, :O:<1, -hich despite its 'eneral title is essentially an e3amination of the military la-s in the charter of Teruel. Biven the e3tent of the material in this seminal member of the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters, MartRne has much to dra- upon, but the -ork is basically a plea for further research on this interestin' material, not a fully developed mono'raph in its o-n ri'ht. $ more recent and more detailed study is by )uis Suerol #oso, Las milicias valencianas desde el siglo XIII al XV? Contribucin al estudio de la organizacin militar del antiguo Reino de Valencia /Castell&n de la +lana, :O;L1, -hich e3amines one of the defense and police force militias of later medieval $ra'on and includes a useful documentary appendi3. )ittle of Suerol #oso book covers the same time period as the present study, and for Valencia in the thirteenth century the studies of #obert Burns are far more valuable for military material. It -as this paucity of studies on a compellin' topic that dre- my interests to this area. My unpublished doctoral dissertation at the "niversity of Vir'inia in :OHH dealt -ith the militias but terminated -ith the rei'n of 0ernando III in :<L< and -as restricted to )eon6Castile. (ince that time I have pressed my e3amination of the sources into all of the peninsular kin'doms, publishin' my initial findin's in a series of articles. /:T1 2ven there, the approach -as partial, dealin' -ith particular aspects of the problem in )eon6Castile, Navarre and the Cro-n of $ra'on, -ith no inte'ration of any +ortu'uese material. Iberia provided by no means the only milieu in -hich municipal military service developed from :TTT to :;TT. The Italian +eninsula, -4/ particularly in Tuscany and )ombardy, 'enerated some of the best developed municipalities in medieval 2urope -hose citi ens rendered both horse and foot service to the commune. /::1 Medieval 0rance and 2n'land similarly e3perienced the emer'ence of municipal militiamen and from the t-elfth century on-ard kin's customarily sou'ht military service from a number of their borou'hs and to-ns. /:<1 No comprehensive study of the municipal militias of any of these states e3ists, for -hich a number of e3planations mi'ht be offered. In Northern 2urope the urban contribution is usually conceived of as a mere component of a lar'er royal military establishment, -hile in Italy the to-nsC e3tensive political and economic development tends to reduce the military component to a lo-er priority for study. $lso, the +irenne merchant school of municipal theory has tended to vie- to-nsmen as active participants in trade at the e3pense of any other roles they mi'ht have played. The impact of this force can be e3emplified in the rava'es laid upon the early municipal military theories of $rthur Biry by +irenneCs $merican disciple Carl (tephenson. /:;1 Indeed, the roles of merchant and soldier sit uncomfortably side by side in medieval society as -ell as our o-n, leadin' those to-ns -ith better developed economies to hire mercenaries or move to small professional standin' armies to ease pressures on the popular military service that -ould disrupt the individualCs commercial activity. The to-ns of the Iberian +eninsula present a notable set of variables -hich contrast them -ith the municipalities in the rest of 9estern 2urope in the Central Middle $'es. The most important sin'le factor here is the on'oin' e3pansion of the Christian kin'doms a'ainst the Islamic principalities, customarily referred to as the #econ!uest. I use the term in this study simply to refer to that process of e3pansion, -ithout any reference to the theoretical implications that some (panish historians have attached to it re'ardin' the continuity of Visi'othic or imperial authority in the +eninsula. This e3pansion and the open frontier -hich it 'enerated a'ainst Islam produced a multi6faceted conflict -ith the Muslim -orld. $t times the frontier spa-ned a curiously variant set of circumstances -hich influenced the to-ns. $t the level of settlement and livestock6raisin' the environment su''ests aspects of the $merican 9est, and the future -ould indeed see elements from this -orld transplanted to the frontier across the seas. In other places the advanced culture, technolo'y and economic net-ork of $l6 I

$ndalus created yet another kind of frontier and another set of influences on the Iberian municipalities. This is not to su''est that the Christian frontier to-ns borro-ed their model of the municipal militia from the Islamic -orld. )ittle evidence e3ists to indicate -8/ that the to-ns of the Caliphate or the $lmoravid and $lmohad empires -ith their complete administrative submer'ence in princely administration ever functioned in so independent a fashion as to field their o-n armies. Certainly Muslim influence -as active on the Christian military in borro-in' administrative or'ani ation and the copyin' of ridin' styles and tactics. Nonetheless, the primary impact of this frontier a'ainst Islam lay in the institutions and style of life -hich the municipalities adopted to counter their physical e3posure to daily insecurity. To settle and hold land the to-nsmen had to 'ird themselves for potential combat in a -ay not called for in the remainder of 9estern 2urope. =nly the Crusader Near 2ast provides any kind of model, but the settlement pattern there -as so at variance -ith the 9est that no similar pattern of municipal militias developed in that front a'ainst Islam. This study does not limit itself to urban history, le'al and institutional history, or to military history. #ather, it develops out of the interaction of all three areas. In spirit, the closest paradi'ms for this book have been provided by the #econ!uest surveys of C. 7. Bishko and .erek )oma3. But I have also borne in mind the -ork of 7ohn 8ee'an, -hose book he !ace o"#attle /Ne- ,ork, :OPH1 stresses the interaction of the institutions and attitudes of men and their -armakin', and underlines the impact of -arfare on its participants and their communities. 9hile military history has sometimes been left to pedants and amateurs -ho -rite battalion histories and concern themselves overmuch -ith the details of combat divorced from the individuals -ho 'ave their lives to en'a'e in it, the three historians noted above pursue full investi'ations of -arfare in its societal conte3t. 9ar simply represents another arena in -hich humans brin' their ambitions, skills and -eaknesses to bear upon the pursuit of particular 'oals. It is also one of the 'reatest catalysts for provokin' historic chan'e of any of the forces available to the historianCs in!uiry. It compels our attention to its impact, and it ou'ht to do so. I have endeavored to e3amine the entire Iberian +eninsula because all of the Christian states -hich it contained e3perienced the forces of e3pansion and the threat of Islamic counter6e3pansion durin' the period. There -as also si'nificant interplay in the municipal la- and institutions both amon' the Christian states and across the Muslim frontier. =n the other hand, Iberia possesses a comple3 mi3 of 'eo'raphies and climates, cultures, and e3posures to outside influences. (tron' re'ional variations, themselves the partial products of the medieval e3perience, make Iberia a sum of many histories as -ell as a peninsula playin' host for -5/ one summation. The #econ!uest, -hile potentially a unifyin' e3perience felt by all of the Christian peninsular states, touched these re'ions in a variety of -ays, affected them differently, and ultimately contributed both to the consolidation of the +eninsula and to the internal dissimilarity of its parts. The to-ns and their militia e3perience thus become an important -ay of understandin' ho- these forces helped shape the profiles of the (panish kin'doms of the Middle $'es. They also su''est an illuminatin' basis for comparison and contrast -ith the rest of 9estern 2urope. The follo-in' study is divided into t-o basic sections? historical survey and institutional development. +art =ne, the first three chapters, be'ins -ith a chronolo'ical narrative of the emer'ence and development of municipal military service in the peninsular kin'doms, and e3amines its evolution and its role in #econ!uest -arfare from the early eleventh throu'h the later thirteenth centuries. In +art T-o, the last five chapters discuss the impact of the frontier and its -arfare on to-n life as seen in particular aspects of the municipal military e3perience? the or'ani ational structuresE the protective traditions of limitation, e3emption and compensation -hich insulated the to-ns from -arCs most devastatin' effectsE the defensive and offensive methods of operation in the fieldE the economics of -arfare as seen in the collection and the division of bootyE and the sanctions a'ainst violators of municipal precepts. 0inally, the results of this inter-eavin' of frontier municipal tradition and militari ation of life are considered over the last t-o centuries of the #econ!uest in the 2pilo'ue. I have used basically t-o kinds of primary sources? first, municipal charters and royal documents both published and unpublished pertainin' to the to-nsE and second, the narrative chronicles both Christian and Muslim of the Iberian Middle $'es. I e3plain the difficulties of utili in' these materials in the early chapters and in the appendices of the book. In citin' the published documentary materials, I have tried to list editions -hich are the most recent or at least the most accessible. These I customarily cite by pa'e numbers of their printed te3t, -ith the e3ception of some of the more e3tended charters -hich can be 'rouped into DfamiliesD, such as those of the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa 'roups. %ere I employ the internal section numbers in the published editions, both because it -ill often take the reader to the cited material more !uickly and because the sections numbers often reveal connections amon' the various charters that -ould not be other-ise discernible. 9ith re'ard to $rabic materials, I have used the transliteration system -10/ established in the $istor% o" the Crusades series edited by 8enneth M. (etton and %arry 9. %a ard, at least -here possible. I have attempted to use (panish, +ortu'uese and Catalan versions of the place names -here appropriate, e3cept -here an 2n'lish form has become e3ceptionally common /e.'. (eville for (evilla1. The only e3ceptions are the names of kin'doms -hich are commonly $n'lici ed. %ence, no accent appears on )eon and $ra'on as kin'doms in the te3t and similarly none appears on the to-n of )e&n. L

Notes for the Introduction :. This entire narrative is contained in the C&I, O:6O<. The date of ::;< is not certain, as the chronicler offers none for the encounter. %o-ever, the conte3t of this episode in the chronicle belon's -ith events -hich can be dated to that year. (ee #ecuero $stray, &l"onso VII, :LH6HL, -ho does not, ho-ever, recount the )ucena episode. 0letcher, 'aint (ames)s Catapult, <PT, offers the date I am acceptin' for this raid. Its si'nificance has also been underlined by (nche Belda, D)a Mancha,D :I6:L. <. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D ;OP. D...!ue havem totes les ciutats dC$ra'& e de Catalunya !ue seran contro v&s, e de 'uerra saben tant com vosaltres.D ;. =man, &rt o" *ar. .elbrKck, +eschichte der ,riegs-unst, Vol. ;. Verbru''en, &rt o" *ar"are. I. )ot, L)art militaire, <?<H:. Beeler, *ar"are in !eudal Europe, :LQ6QI. Contamine, La guerre au Mo%en &ge, ::6HQ, :II6IO. L. (ure 0ernnde , $istoria de Espa.a. Valdeavellano, $istoria de Espa.a a la ba/a Edad Media . Valdeavellano, $istoria de las instituciones. (oldevila, $ist0ria de Catalun%a, Vol. :. =liveira Mar!ues, $istor% o" 1ortugal. =CCalla'han, & $istor% o" Medieval 'pain. %ill'arth, he 'panish ,ingdoms, 234562427, Vol. :. Mac8ay, 'pain in the Middle &ges. Thomas 0. Blick, Islamic and Christian 'pain. H. $yres de Ma'alhMes, $istoria do e8ercito portuguez , Vols. <6I. Bon le (imancas, Espa.a militar. Botelho da Costa Vei'a, Estudos de histria militar portuguesa. P. +alome!ue Torres, DContribuci&n al estudio del e54rcito,D :L?<TL6;L:. Mo3&, D.erecho militar,D :<?O6LO. %uici Miranda, +randes batallas. Bishko, DThe Castilian as +lainsman,D IP6HO. (nche 6$lborno , DThe 0rontier and Castilian )iberties,D <P6IH. )ourie, D$ (ociety =r'ani ed for 9ar,D ;L?LI6PH. Bishko, D(panish and +ortu'uese #econ!uest,D ;?;OH6ILH. )oma3, he Recon9uest o" 'pain. Mo3&, Repoblacin % sociedad. $lthou'h its primary covera'e precedes the Central Middle $'es and the emer'ence of the municipal militias, a useful back'round study is (nche 6$lborno , D2l e54rcito y la 'uerra en el #eino $sturleon4s, P:Q6:T;P,D :?<O;6I<Q. #edondo .i , E/:rcitos de la recon9uista. Q. (acristn y MartRne , Municipalidades de Castilla % Len, :TL, :<<. Valdeavellano, ;rgenes de la burguesa. 0ont #Rus, D=rR'enes del r4'imen municipal de CataluUa,D :H?;QO6L<O, :P?<<O6LQL. Torres Balbs, D)a 2dad Media,D OP6:TI, :;H6I:. Carl4, Del conce/o medieval castellano6leon:s. )acarra, D)es villes6 fronti*res,D HO?<:Q6:O. +escador, D)a caballerRa popular en )e&n y Castilla,D ;;6;I?:T:6<;Q, ;L6;H?LH6<T:, ;P6 ;Q?QQ6:OQ, ;O6IT?:HO6<HT. BarcRa "lecia, Los "actores de di"erenciacin, ;LL6IIQ. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, P6OL. 9hile not ne-, the vast -ork on the history of 'overnmental institutions in +ortu'al, Bama Barros, $istria da administra<=o p>blica, vols. ;6I, discusses in brief the military role of the +ortu'uese to-ns. O. #eilly, ?ueen @rraca. Bon le , Regesta de !ernando II. Bon le , &l"onso IX, < vols. Bon le , Castilla en la :poca de &l"onso VIII, ; vols. Bon le , Reinado % diplomas de !ernando III, < vols. to date. Ballesteros y Beretta, &l"onso X el 'abio. Burns, Islam @nder the Crusaders. Burns, Medieval Colonialism. Bon le , Repoblacin de Castilla la Aueva, <?<:<6;P. :T. +o-ers, D=ri'ins and .evelopment of Municipal Military (ervice,D <H?:TH6TQ. +o-ers, DTo-nsmen and (oldiers,D IH?HI:6I;. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition and )e'al Creativity,D L<?IPL6QP. +o-ers, D0rontier Military (ervice and 23emption,D IL?PL6PQ. ::. %yde, 'ociet% and 1olitics in Medieval Ital% . QT6Q:, ::H, :Q;6QI. 9aley, D$rmy of the 0lorentine #epublic,D PT6:TQ. 9aley, D+apal $rmies of the Thirteenth Century,D P<?:6;T. 9aley, DCondotte and Condottiere,D ;;P6P:. (chevill, 'iena, :;:6;<, :HH6HQ. Bo-sky, & Medieval Italian Commune, ::P6LQ. (chevill, Medieval and Renaissance !lorence, :?:TL. :<. +etit .utaillis, !eudal Monarch% in !rance and England, :PL6PH, ;:I. +etit6.utaillis, !rench Communes, H;6PI. Mundy, Libert% and 1olitical 1oBer in oulouse , :I6:L, IH6IP, P:, :L;, <H:, ;;;. Mundy, Europe in the $igh Middle &ges, <IO, I;T. +o-icke, Militar% ;bligation in Medieval England, <I6<L, ;H6LO. %ollister, Militar% ;rganization o" Aorman England, <;:, <IH. :;. +etit6.utaillis, !rench Communes, H;6PI.

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -11/ *A T I THE E6"L&TI"$ "# *E$I$%&LA M&$ICI*AL MILITA ! %E 6ICE 1 - THE " I7I$% A$0 0E6EL"*ME$T "# THE MILITIA C"$CE*T8 1000-1124 I - "rigins -11/The tenth and eleventh centuries constituted an important seminal a'e of foundation buildin' for 2uropean civili ation. The sub6continent pursued the !uest for institutional stability, strivin' to rebuild after the devastation -rou'ht by the triple shock -aves of (candinavian, Ma'yar and Muslim invaders. This !uest often took the form of institutionali ed personal relationships kno-n as feudalism, -hich offered primitive but pra'matic solutions to the problems of 'overnment and military defense on -hich the future could build. The Iberian kin'doms endured many of these same difficulties and dre- upon similar e3periences. /:1 Nonetheless, -hile influenced by their nei'hbors to the north and east, Iberia constituted in many other respects a uni!ue case. Its transitional Bermanic monarchy, the Visi'othic kin'dom, had been virtually obliterated by the Muslim invasion of the ei'hth century, and the nuclei of the Christian principalities -hich -ithstood this assault in the northern Cantabrian and +yreneean mountains -ere sufficiently isolated from 2uropean and Muslim influence to pursue individuali ed pro'rams of state6buildin' born of local needs and traditions. Iberian urban settlements, -hile lackin' the stron' commercial base and merchant classes that +irenne -ould have re!uired for status as to-ns, -ere sufficiently diversified a''lomerations of peoples -ith assorted a'rarian, pastoral and ecclesiastical functions to have been rather more than rural villa'es. Certainly =viedo /the $sturian royal -14/ city1, Catalan Barcelona and (antia'o de Compostela in Balicia all merit consideration as to-ns, per se. $s the $sturian monarchy encroached upon the central plateau to the south in the tenth century after consolidatin' its 'rip on Balicia to the -est and Castile to the east, additional opportunities opened to both political and urban e3pansion. In this re'ard, the settlements -hich 're- up to service the 'reat pil'rima'e route feedin' travelers to (aint 7amesCs shrine at Compostela developed more rapidly than the other )eonese6Castilian to-ns as limited commercial enterprises. /<1 But to achieve this e3pansion a'ainst the 'reat Muslim caliphate based at C&rdoba and its successor Taifa 8in'doms of the eleventh century re!uired special policies dictated by a frontier situation. The li'htly populated one north of the .uero made -alled settlements crucial to the populatin' and holdin' of lands still -ell -ithin Muslim raidin' and con!uerin' capabilities. It -as in this conte3t that municipal militia service -as formed. The ori'ins of this municipal military service in the kin'doms of the Iberian +eninsula are at best obscure. Not only are many of the documents alluded to in the introduction of uncertain validity, but also there is a comparative scarcity of municipal documents of any kind prior to the eleventh century. 2ven to the latter part of the eleventh century, the "ueros and cartas pueblas /the population charters 'iven to ne- settlers1 -hich provide us -ith the institutional record of military service as it applied to the to-ns of these kin'doms rely on brief labels for the service bein' sou'ht rather than e3tended descriptions of the re!uirements and the nature by -hich they -ere to be fulfilled. #icher sources e3ist for the t-elfth century and beyond, but inferences dra-n from that later material can be used to illuminate the eleventh century only at 'reat risk to the creation of an authentic picture. The annals and chronicles of the early #econ!uest present analo'ous problems. +re6eleventh century chronicles are rare. The narrative material for this period survives primarily in later chronicles, -hich dre- on earlier sources that -e no- lack, or possibly upon oral tradition -ritten do-n centuries after the events. The chronicles -e possess -hich do date from this era are usually devoted to the lives and e3ploits of the kin's of $sturias and )eon, or matters directly connected to their activities. The si'nificant narratives, such as the Chronicle of $lfonso III, the Chronicle of (ampiro, the Chronicon &lbeldense, and others, afford disappointin'ly scant attention to the emer'in' to-ns, save a brief discussion of a critical sie'e here and there. /;1 The chronicles of the ninth and tenth centuries -12/ make occasional reference to re'ional musters of military forces and the use of to-ns as assembly points, but convey no sense of to-ns contributin' or'ani ed units. /I1 $'ain, the situation improves markedly by the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries, but too late to assist in dealin' -ith the !uestion of ori'ins. %istorians have taken no consistent line -ith re'ard to the be'innin's of municipal military service, their vie-s lar'ely dependin' on their -illin'ness to consider the dubious charters of the ninth and tenth centuries as evidence. The surmise made almost a century a'o by (acristn y MartRne that the eleventh century marks the be'innin's of to-n militias seems not far from the mark even today. /L1 =ther important sources, the municipal charters or "ueros, are scarce prior to the eleventh century or e3ist in late copies. 0or instance, the la-s of the to-ns of Valpuesta in QTI and BraUosera in QLI re!uired the residents to perform -all6tendin' and 'uard duties, and the citi ens of =viedo -ere e3empted from payin' the fee for missin' military service in QLP /su''estin' P

that at some point the monarchy at least considered havin' =viedoCs residents render military service1. %o-ever, the very appearance of such military re!uirements and service terms cause some scholars to insist that these are interpolations in the later copies from the eleventh and t-elfth centuries. /H1 9hile it does not seem inconceivable that to-ns and settlements -ould have had such re!uirements in the ninth and tenth centuries, -e cannot ar'ue that the e3istin' municipal documents prove it to be so. This absence of evidence combined -ith the silence of the ninth and tenth6century chronicles su''est that the eleventh century offers the earliest possibility for the ori'ins on any si able scale of such activity. Modern historical concern for the definition of the eleventh6century terminolo'y raises the !uestion of the terms themselves -hich denote military service of one kind or another. =ffensive service, that is service initiated by the kin' or his representative to 'o forth on campai'n, -as customarily desi'nated by the terms e8ercitus, e8peditio or most fre!uently "ossatum /in later romance "onsado1. In the late eleventh century the term hostis /in later romance hueste1, derived from Carolin'ian ori'ins but utili ed in the same conte3t as "ossatum, appeared in $ra'on and became more -idespread in its usa'e, mi'ratin' to Castile in the later t-elfth century. If a to-n or an individual had an offensive campai'nin' obli'ation and failed to fulfill it in a particular year, a ta3 called the "ossatera /in later romance "onsadera1 -as levied in its stead. =n the other hand, a call for a rapid emer'ency defensive force to deal -ith an une3pected raid or full scale invasion -as desi'nated by the term apellitum /apellido in #omance1 -13/. &nubda indicated a form of 'uard duty often associated -ith "ossatum, -hile castle service and -all construction -as indicated by the term castellaria./P1 (ome form of all of these terms -as commonplace in municipal charters durin' the eleventh century, one more indication that this -as the era -hich sa- the initiation of municipal military service on a slo-ly broadenin' scale. The military service re!uirement for villa'ers and to-nsmen -as for'ed from the policies of southern e3pansion undertaken by the $sturian monarchs in the late ninth and early tenth centuries. =rdoUo I /QLT6HH1 and $lfonso III /QHH6O::1 advanced upon the upper Meseta, pressin' into the li'htly6populated lands north of the .uero #iver. The most important step in this process -as the resettlin' and rebuildin' of the to-n of )eon, -hich -as to become the center of the $sturo6)eonese realm. The monarchy thus abandoned the comparative security of mountainous $sturias for a pro5ect of lar'e6scale territorial a''randi ement. By O<T the Navarrese state under (ancho Barc4s I advanced into the upper 2bro Basin to sei e N5era, Calahorra and Vi'uera. (panish historians occasionally define this as the be'innin' of the #econ!uest. (uch activity could take the form of ma5or battles, aidin' rebellious se'ments of Muslim to-ns, or the individual resettlement of open or li'htly6populated lands. In its most precise form, the #econ!uest involved the forced sei ure of populated territories and to-ns under Muslim control./Q1 The "maiyad caliphs in C&rdoba, especially c$bd ar6#ahm@n III /O:<6H:1 responded -ith vi'or to this challen'e. $s a result the lands north and 5ust south of the .uero as -ell as the #io5a district of the upper 2bro became increasin'ly a battle'round -here villa'es and to-ns -ere taken and retaken by either side. Both Muslim and Christian principalities also contended -ith separatist forces -ithin their respective realms. The caliphs stru''led -ith the ever troublesome division bet-een nativist Muslims and North $frican Berbers as -ell as tribal and clannic consolidations. Mean-hile the Christian kin'ships competed -ith each other and could not prevent the development of a ne- principality, the independent County of Castile, bet-een the $sturo6 )eonese and Navarrese states. 9hen the Caliphate of C&rdoba slipped into the control of the 'eneral al6MansNr and his son c$bd al6Malik from OPH to :TTQ, the Christian armies of )eon, Castile, Navarre and Catalonia suffered an unprecedented strin' of defeats at C&rdobaCs hands, clima3ed by the sackin' of Barcelona in OQL, the sackin' of )eon and the destruction of its -alls in OQQ, the sackin' of (antia'o -14/ and the levelin' of its basilica in OOP, and the sackin' of +amplona in OOO. These -ere merely the most spectacular assaults. /O1 9hen even the bells of (antia'oCs church -ere brou'ht to C&rdoba and upended to provide bra iers for the mos!ue there, the Christian monarchs mi'ht -ell have pondered their future hopes of territorial e3pansion to the south. 0ortunately for Christian Iberia, these disasters simply indicated a temporary superiority of Muslim armies and 'eneralship -hich passed -ith the death of c$bd al6Malik. The Muslims did not possess the resources necessary to resettle )eon, +amplona or Barcelona even at their crest of po-er. By :T;:, the Caliphate itself ended, to be replaced by a number of petty Taifa states centered on the ma5or cities of Muslim (pain. But this dramatic shift of po-er in the Muslim south could not have been envisioned by the Christian kin's, -ho doubtless believed that they re!uired ne- methods to stren'then their 'rip on the northern Meseta, the .uero and upper 2bro. +lacin' populations -ithin -alled to-ns -as insufficient to the task at hand. These settlers had to take an active part by doublin' both as populators and as -arriors. In all likelihood the resettlin' of )eon provided the opportunity to achieve such an end. In the period :T:P6<T, $lfonso V of )eon a-arded a "uero to the to-n of )eon -ith the first clear statement of a military obli'ation. This charter included the obli'ation for residents to participate in the royal "ossatum -ith the kin' or his representative, and for settlers in the 'eneral re'ion of the to-n to 'ather in )eon in times of -ar so as to assist in the defense of its -all. They -ere, moreover, e3empted from payin' the "osataria, the ta3 paid -hen no military service -as rendered to the kin'. /:T1 This probably indicates that they -ere free of the military ta3 in times of peace, but -ere e3pected to render "ossatum and -all defense in -ar -ithout e3ception. 9hile doubt has been cast upon the authenticity of some of the contents of the !uero de Len because of the possibility Q

of interpolations in the thirteenth6century copy -hich -e possess, the military provisions -ere not unkno-n for other eleventh6century to-ns a-arded charters -ithin a fe- years after )eon, and no !uestion has been raised concernin' their appropriateness for the time./::1 Indeed, lo'ic su''ests that )eon -ith its political importance and strate'ic location -ould be the very place to lay do-n a policy containin' such precedents. If the policy proved serviceable in )eon, it could be e3tended steadily as the .uero frontier came back into the control of the )eonese monarchy. In fact, ne- options for e3pansion -ere no- on the hori on. -18/ II - The Ele9enth Centur: Christian %ispania under-ent its o-n shift in the balance of po-er in the early eleventh century. The a''ressive and able kin' of Navarre, (ancho III Barc4s the Breat /:TTT6;L1, absorbed the old Carolin'ian marcher counties of $ra'on, (obrarbe and #iba'or a to the east and then sei ed Castile from Vermudo III of )eon to the -est. %is son 0ernando I inherited Castile and completed the con!uest of the 8in'dom of )eon, thereby creatin' the lar'est Christian territorial state in Iberia, one -hich reached from Balicia and northern +ortu'al across northern (pain to the #io5a. 0ernando 'ave much of his rei'n over to securin' all of this land and attemptin' the con!uest of his brothersC kin'doms of Navarre and $ra'on. This Navarrese6Castilian interaction may have led to some blendin' of le'al and municipal traditions. 0or e3ample, (ancho III Barc4s 'ave the first Navarrese indication of a military interest in the municipalities by assessin' a "onsadera in the charter of Villanueva de +ampaneto in :T;<. 0ernando I, -hile e3emptin' VillafrRa from "ossato in :T;O and (anta Cristina from the same in :TH<, re!uired that service from Canales de la (ierra in :TLI and imposed apelido defensive service on five northern +ortu'uese to-ns bet-een :TLL and :THL. Mean-hile, BarcRa III (nche imposed the first "osato re!uirement on a Navarrese to-n at Cuevacardiel in :TL<. /:<1 The +ortu'uese "orais /population charters1 -ere contemporary -ith 0ernandoCs thrust into the +ortu'uese frontier south of Balicia -hich secured the to-ns of )ame'o, Viseu and Coimbra. Coimbra -as taken in :THI, and marked the be'innin' of standard sie'e practice for Christian kin's. #esidents of a to-n under sie'e -ho surrendered promptly could remain -ith full freedoms after the con!uest. If the Muslims surrendered after havin' been under sie'e for some time, they could leave -ith only those 'oods they could carry. 9aitin' for the to-n to fall by force, they faced death or enslavement. /:;1 $ lar'e population of Muslims remainin' behind after the con!uest could create complications in the -ritin' of the "uero, but it -as not until the con!uest of Toledo later in the century that substantial numbers of such minorities had to be confronted by the )eonese6Castilian monarchs. 0ernandoCs initiatives -ere substantially e3panded by his son $lfonso VI, both in his pressure on the Trans6 .uero and in his military e3ploitation of municipal populations. /:I1 But the re'ion -hich -itnessed the most vital creative force in Castilian military la- lay not south but to the east in the #io5a, -here an opportunity of ma5or importance opened -15/ the 'ate-ay to a ne- line of municipal development in :TPH. In Navarre, 8in' (ancho IV Barc4s -as thro-n from a precipice by his brother #am&n, -ho -as in turn driven out of his country for this murderous act. The vacant throne -as soon claimed by $lfonso VI and (ancho I #amRre of $ra'on, both bein' 'randsons of (ancho the Breat and cousins of the deceased monarch. Movin' more rapidly, (ancho I sei ed +amplona and took effective control of the 'reater part of Navarre. $lfonso VI did mana'e to occupy a portion of the #io5a in south-estern Navarre, bolsterin' his claim by 'ivin' an important "uero there to the to-n of N5era in :TPH. In the same year he 'ranted a charter -ith similar military la-s to (epNlveda in southern Castile, -hile at about the same time (ancho #amRre issued a hi'hly si'nificant "uero to the royal $ra'onese to-n of 7aca. The military la- in these three documents is remarkably similar in lan'ua'e and scope, despite the fact that they survive only in later copies, su''estin' that these "ueros -ere indeed contemporary as -ell as closely related to each other. 2mphasis -as placed on personal participation by the kin' in the re!uired military e3pedition, -hich could be called only in anticipation of combat in the field. N5era and (epNlveda dealt -ith the contribution of ba''a'e animals to the "onsado and (epNlveda added helmet and armor contributions as -ell. 7acans -ere re!uired to brin' a food supply for three days in the field, and all three to-ns re!uired service from both mounted and unmounted citi ens./:L1 These "ueros indicate a force probably more influential than the -ars -ith Islam in the history of municipal military evolution, namely the territorial competition amon' the Christian kin's of the +eninsula. $t this point the Castilian6Navarrese6$ra'onese frontier became the intense focus of this competition, -hich manifested itself in the remarkable development of municipal la- durin' the ne3t century as this frontier became e3tended throu'h mutual con!uest do-n the Iberian Cordillera in the direction of Valencia and Murcia. /:H1 +art of this mutual a''ressiveness took the form of militari ed to-ns -hich bristled alon' the ed'es of Castilian and $ra'onese territorial e3tensions, to-ns -hich -ere prepared to fi'ht either Christian or Muslim opponents. In this tripartite conflict, the #io5a -as the initial bone of contention. 0rustrated in his efforts to secure Navarre, $lfonso VI turned his attention to the Muslim south. %e continued the custom be'un by his father 0ernando of collectin' tribute money from the Taifa kin'doms. $t the same time he launched a series of campai'ns desi'ned to -eaken Toledo, -here the -ei'ht of his tributes had 'enerated political instability. -20/ (trikin' do-n the old #oman (ilver #oad -ell to the -est of Toledo, the kin' assaulted the supportin' fortresses of the Muslim stron'hold at Coria, probably takin' the city itself before :TQT. /:P1 9ithin O

five years, Toledo -ith its keystone location on the central Meseta and its crucial brid'e across the Ta5o #iver had fallen into $lfonsoCs hands. $ ne- era in Christian frontier e3pansion had da-ned -ith the penetration of the Central (ierras and the capture of this ma5or Muslim city. .etermined to maintain his momentum, $lfonso turned to another Taifa capital, the city of Jara'o a in the 2bro Valley, placin' it under sie'e in :TQH. (uccess here could have dramatically chan'ed the future history of central Iberia. The Muslim Taifa states, ho-ever, resorted to their o-n desperate action in the crisis by invitin' the $lmoravids from North $frica to balance the scales a'ainst $lfonso VI. $s a lar'e force of $lmoravids and peninsular Muslims 'athered near Bada5o in the summer of :TQH, $lfonso -as forced to abandon his enterprise at Jara'o a and 'ather an army to deal -ith the threat. $lfonsoCs )eonese6Castilian army -as assembled in haste, and -hile he -as in need of all available forces, there is no documentary indication of any municipal militias in his levies. 9ithin a half century to-n militias -ould be capable of fre!uent strikes near Bada5o in the Buadiana Basin, but their late eleventh6century capacity in ran'e and development seems to have ruled out any assistance by them at this point. The resultant conflict took place near Bada5o at (a'ra5as /or Jallaca1, a battle culminatin' in a disastrous and costly defeat for the Christian kin'. /:Q1 0ortunately for Christian %ispania, the Muslims -ere not able to follo- up their decisive victory -ith con!uerin' assaults into the Ta5o and .uero re'ions. %o-ever, any Christian hope of e3pandin' their possessions beyond the Ta5o #iver -as crushed, and the )eonese6Castilians shifted to a defensive stance for decades to come. $lfonso no- faced a situation frau'ht -ith both opportunities and ha ards. %e and his father had encoura'ed settlements in the Trans6.uero and his con!uests had assured control of the re'ions north of the Central (ierras. %is salient in the Ta5o Valley at Toledo presa'ed the possible con!uest of the entire central Meseta, but the $lmoravid entry into (pain threatened all of this -ork, compellin' $lfonso to look to those strate'ies that -ould best shore up his defenses. Municipal militari ation -as to be one of those strate'ies. The kin' could be liberal -ith military e3emptions in "ueros for to-ns such as )o'roUo /:TOL1, Miranda de 2bro /:TOO1 and Vallun!uera /::T<1, all far to the northeast near Bur'os and the #io5a. /:O1 The $ra'onese6Navarrese kin'dom offered no present -21/ threat and the to-ns -ere too distant to be of assistance a'ainst the Muslim south. 0urther to the south a more militant policy -as follo-ed. $lfonso VI -ould be remembered in the 1rimera crnica general t-o centuries later as a monarch -ho fortified his to-ns to stren'then the security of their settlers. More recent historical thou'ht has noted that he enhanced municipal strikin' po-er as -ell by stressin' the development of the li'ht municipal cavalry class / caballeros villanos1, an indication that he needed a broader military base to defend his e3tended frontier./<T1 0resnilloCs caballeros, positioned on the road bet-een Bur'os and (epNlveda at the .uero, -ere re!uired to render "onsado service in ::TI. In the salient of Toledo itself, the pre6con!uest resident Mo arabs -ere offered the opportunity to render both cavalry and infantry service, thereby enterin' the open social structure of the Castilians based on military participation. To secure a militarily effective population for fortified $ceca -hich supported nearby Toledo, $lfonso offered caballero status to anyone -ho brou'ht a horse -ith him -hen he settled./<:1 In terms of the future of to-n militias, ho-ever, $lfonsoCs most important resettlements -ere established on the northern flanks and uplands of the Central (ierras. Coca, $r4valo, =lmedo, Medina, Iscar and Cu4llar -ere si'nificant reserve fortifications, -hile (e'ovia /repopulated :TQQ1 and (epNlveda /still bein' resettled as late as :TQL1 sat opposite the key Central (ierra passes of Navacerrada and (omosierra, respectively. >vila /repopulated :TQO6O<1 and (alamanca covered the ma5or 'ap in the central chains bet-een the (ierra de Bredos and the (ierra de Bato. $lfonso dre- lar'ely on a 'roup referred to in contemporary sources as DserranosD for his settlers, -hich literally means peoples of the mountains but here refers to the residents of the "pper .uero, especially )ara and Covaleda./<<1 In the ne3t century, the chronicles -ould recount repeated instances of the military successes achieved by the militias of >vila, (alamanca, (e'ovia and Toledo. 0or the present they served by settlin' and holdin' royal lands in their for-ard positions, -hile developin' their nascent economies around the raisin' of sheep and the control of cattle trails in their vicinity. 2ven the most devastatin' e3pedition by the Muslims could not make permanent 'ains in the Trans6.uero. The operatin' conditions here -ere much like those of the Crusader Near 2ast -ith its similar topo'raphy and climate, -here Christian territories -ere maintained by -arriors -ho d-elt -ithin fortified cities and strate'ic castles. The Muslim armies of 2'ypt, (yria and Mesopotamia mi'ht campai'n ri'orously in Crusader6held lands, but could secure no -22/ territory -ithout e3pensive and time6consumin' sie'es of fortified populations. /<;1 9here the Crusaders occupied -ell6established older cities, the brunt of battle in Trans6.uero (pain -as borne by ne-ly resettled frontier to-ns of some-hat diversified types. >vila, for instance, -as a combination of episcopal center and military base -hose stout6-alled site -as strate'ically important but commercially ill suited to little but sheep raisin'. (e'ovia, on the other hand, -as a collection of rural farmin' aldeas fused into a to-n by defensive -alls in the late eleventh century. The increase in the number of fortified to-ns, especially durin' $lfonso VICs rei'n, produced a 'ro-in' contrast bet-een the older and commercially6consolidated to-ns of the pil'rima'e route north of the .uero and in $sturias as a'ainst the sheep6raisin' military bases of the Trans6 .uero. The southern to-ns had more political freedoms, a more fluid social structure, and narro-er economic bases in -hich military activities came to play an ever lar'er role. /<I1 In the 'ive and take of $lfonso VICs later :T

conflicts -ith the $lmoravids his con!uests stood firm. The ne- phalan3 of frontier to-ns -ould assist in retainin' his 'ains for his successors. )eon6CastileCs remarkable e3pansion had certainly not 'one unnoticed in $ra'on6Navarre, nor the methods by -hich it had been achieved. The triumphant sei ure of Navarre from the hands of $lfonso VI by (ancho I #amRre in :TPH could have been reduced to insi'nificance -ithin ten years by $lfonsoCs preparations for his assault on Jara'o a. $ con!uest there by Castile -ould have terminated any future for $ra'onese6Navarrese e3pansion to the south, leavin' (anchoCs realm a compressed micro6state in the +yrenees. The $lmoravids had inadvertently purchased valuable time for $ra'on. (ancho #amRre had been receivin' pressure from the e3pansionist counts of "r'el and Barcelona to the east as -ell as Castile to the -est, 'eneratin' stress -hich the alliance of $ra'on -ith the +apacy in :TH; and the abortive 0rench crusade a'ainst Barbastro in :THI had not fully alleviated./<L1 =n the positive side, the ac!uisition of Navarre had considerably enhanced (anchoCs territory and his population reserves. %e had access to 0rench colonists and military support throu'h the (omport +ass above 7aca, -hich the Muslim 'eo'rapher al6IdrAsA called his D'ate-ayD, as -ell as throu'h #oncesvalles into Navarre./<H1 The time had clearly arrived for a ma5or effort to break the lon'6standin' defensive line a'ainst Jara'o a in the south -hich ran throu'h the frontier to-ns of 25ea, %uesca, Barbastro and Tudela. In $ra'on6Navarre, (ancho #amRre established the precedent of placin' a military obli'ation upon his to-nsmen at 7aca in :TPP. 7acaCs -21/ residents -ere e3pected to brin' supplies for three days -hen renderin' military service, a re!uirement destined to become -idespread in the lar'e 'roup of $ra'onese and Navarrese "ueros -hich -ere derived from or influenced by that of 7aca. /<P1 9hile a three6day combat ran'e /-hich -as at least implied by the re!uirement of supplies1 mi'ht have been sufficient for campai'ns in the upper $ra'&n #iver valley, it -ould have been -ell short of enablin' 7acaCs militia to serve on even the comparatively close southern frontier at %uesca, over fifty kilometers of mountain road a-ay. 9hen (ancho #amRre imposed the 7acan re!uirement on $r'Kedas in :TO< ten kilometers north of the frontier at Tudela, his e3pectations of dra-in' upon municipal li'ht cavalry and infantry for service at the frontier -ere increased. /<Q1 (hortly thereafter, 8in' (ancho #amRre undertook to crack the Muslim frontier line -ith a campai'n a'ainst %uesca, but he did not live to see it throu'h. +edro I, the first of (anchoCs three sons to succeed him to the throne, captured %uesca in :TOH and broke the defensive line -ith Jara'o a./<O1 +edro ICs municipal military la-s continued alon' much the same lines as those established by his father. The kin' a-arded "ueros to the to-ns alon' the $ra'&n #iver and to Barbastro to the southeast, once it -as retaken. The "ueros of Barbastro /::TT1, Caparroso /::T<1 and (antacara /::T<1 all e3empted residents from lon'er6 ran'e hueste service, but re!uired the shorter6ran'e duty for local battles and castle defenses -ithin the scope of the three6day supply re!uirement. In addition to these hueste e3emptions, there -ere indications of 0rench influence appearin' east of %uesca at )ecina /:TQ;1 and Barbastro, and north of 7aca at (anta Cristina /::TI1, -here e3emptions -ere 'ranted from cavalcata, a form of mounted service kno-n since the Carolin'ian era -hich could presumably be rendered only by caballeros. +edro also 'ave a "uero to the middle rank in"anzn nobility of the kin'dom in ::TI re!uirin' the three6day field service for battles and castle defense, a "uero -hich later served as a basis for the "uero of Jara'o a./;T1 Both native $ra'onese and 0rench immi'rants populated the #Ro $ra'&n to-ns of Caparroso and (antacara, -hich -ere strate'ically critical since they -ere poised to strike at the frontier -hile defendin' the interior of $ra'on from Jara'o an raids. .urin' this period -ith encoura'ement from the monks of (an 7uan de la +eUa, +edro succumbed to the crusadin' ideal and offered +ope +aschal II his services as a crusade leader. The pope -isely su''ested that +edro mi'ht better direct such ener'ies a'ainst his domestic (aracens. +edro spent his last years preparin' for the final sie'e of Jara'o a, startin' in an assault in ::T: -hich -as -24/ aborted by his lack of sufficient cavalry. /;:1 %is premature death three years later placed his brother $lfonso I on the throne, a kin' destined to play much the same role in t-elfth6century $ra'on that $lfonso VI fulfilled in eleventh6century Castile. Indeed, Jara'o a -as ultimately to be his Toledo. (uch victories -ere destined to earn for $lfonso I the sobri!uet D2l Batallador.D III - The Earl: T,el;th Centur: 2l BatalladorCs opportunities developed in lar'e part as the result of a succession crisis in )eon6Castile. In ::TO, $lfonso VI sa- the approach of his death -ith 'reat concern, inasmuch as he lacked a male heir, his only son havin' been killed in the battle of "cl4s durin' the precedin' year. Moreover, his dau'hter "rraca had recently lost her husband Count #aymond, and their only son $lfonso #aimNnde -as but a child. $lfonso VI sou'ht to remedy the situation by marryin' the -ido-ed "rraca to 8in' $lfonso I el Batallador of $ra'on. Much has been -ritten concernin' the prudence of this marria'e, from -hich at least t-o ma5or complications 're-. 0irst, $lfonso I and "rraca proved totally incompatible. 2ven a papal annulment of this consan'uineous union /both -ere 'reat6'randchildren of (ancho the Breat of Navarre1, ho-ever, did not prevent the $ra'onese kin' from both layin' claim to much of Castile and launchin' the campai'ns re!uired to make 'ood that claim. (econd, a ma5or successionist threat at the other e3treme of )eon6Castile appeared as Balicia rose up in reaction to the marria'e of $lfonso and "rraca, -hich threatened the youthful $lfonso #aimNnde -ith the potential loss of his ::

ri'ht to the throne. In the face of this unfortunate disunity, there -ere t-o remarkable developments. The $lmoravids did not or could not take advanta'e of the situation to capture Toledo or con!uer portions of the Trans6.uero. Moreover, "rraca held her kin'dom to'ether, passin' it intact to her son $lfonso #aimNnde at the close of her rei'n./;<1 Contemporary -ith all of this, the chronicles be'in to 'ive indication that the municipalities -ere testin' their fled'lin' military capabilities in the Trans6.uero and in Balicia. In ::TO, the year of "rracaCs accession to the throne, the $lmoravid 2mir c$lA ibn6,Nsuf, -as applyin' intense pressure in the Ta5o #iver Valley to follo- up his brother TamAmCs victory at "cl4s the year before, and to take advanta'e of the chan'e of rulers in )eon6Castile. c$lA led a ma5or assault into the Toledan frontier re'ion, breakin' do-n the -alls and sackin' the to-ns of Talavera, Madrid, =lmos and Canales /amon' others1, -hile probin' but -22/ not penetratin' the defenses of Toledo and Buadala5ara. There is also a record of municipal forces from Madrid and D2stremaduraD /here indicatin' almost certainly the Trans6.uero1 campai'nin' in the vicinity of Muslim6held $lcal de %enares, some t-enty6five kilometers distant. /;;1 (upportin' the likelihood of increasin' militia activity, Sueen "rracaCs rene-als and additions to the "ueros of )eon and Carri&n included la-s -hich e3empted unmarried -omen and -ido-s from "onsadera alon' -ith male children too youn' to bear arms. $lso, a temporary e3emption from "onsado of one year -as 'ranted to caballeros -ho had recently married, an interestin' insi'ht into the burdens that -arfare placed on personal life in these to-ns. /;I1 The municipal military capability could also be used a'ainst the !ueen, ho-ever. 0or e3ample, the to-nsmen of (aha'Nn alon' the pil'rima'e route assisted $lfonso el Batallador in his capture of their to-n because of their 'rievances a'ainst the important monastery there, a municipal revolt -hich could be taken as a demonstration of opposition to "rraca as -ell./;L1 The $lmoravid frontier may have encountered the stin' of the militias at this time. $t least, the se.or of >vila -as credited -ith a victory over the Muslims near Bae a on :: November :::L by Ibn6cIdh@rA and it -ould seem likely that the se.or had at least some $bulenses under his command at the time./;H1 $ particularly active area durin' "rracaCs rei'n -as Balicia, then in the control of its ener'etic bishop, soon archbishop, .ie'o BelmRre of (antia'o. T-o re!uests for military service survive from "rracaCa rei'n, both pertainin' to BelmRre and the territories under his control. =ne for the year :::: re!uired that the bishop pursue the takin' and mannin' of the castles of several rebellious Balle'an nobles, -hile a second in :::; called for assistance in the sie'e -hich "rraca undertook a'ainst Bur'os, then in $lfonso el BatalladorCs hands. The len'th of the second e3pedition /late May to mid67uly1 su''ests that it -as too e3tensive to have obli'ated participation by the residents of (antia'o or the other to-ns of Balicia, 'iven the short municipal service terms. Indeed, the :::; Bur'os e3pedition -ith its additional foray to assist at Berlan'a -as sufficiently e3ceptional to 'ain for BelmRre a personal e3emption from such service in the future. /;P1 Closer to home, the contemporary $istoria Compostelana indicates that (antia'oCs militia did perform military service, includin' an undated campai'n accompanied by forces from Iria and (anta MarRa de la )an ada a'ainst 2n'lish pirates. In addition, campai'ns a'ainst rebel castles are cited for (antia'oCs forces in ::<:, ::<H and ::;T, -23/ -hile victorious battles -ith the +ortu'uese are noted in ::<: and ::<P. =n at least three of these occasions the (antia'an recruits served directly under .ie'o BelmRre ./;Q1 The divisive forces of "rracaCs rei'n and the ambition of the enterprisin' archbishop thus spurred a brief sur'e of militia development. 9ith the e3pansion of )eon6Castile and the emer'ence of an independent +ortu'al in the mid6t-elfth century, Balicia slips into a rear-ard position and -e hear little of (antia'o and the Balician militias after this time. =n the $ra'onese frontier, $lfonso el Batallador balanced his involvement re'ardin' his claim to the )eonese6 Castilian throne a'ainst this continuin' pro'ram of pressure on Jara'o a. In :::P $lfonso made an a'reement -ith "rraca to relin!uish the bulk of his claims on Castile in e3chan'e for a truce -ith his former -ife, lar'ely to 'ain freedom of movement a'ainst Jara'o a. In :::O, he 'ranted a "uero to Tudela, some PL kilometers up the 2bro from Jara'o a. In"anzones and residents -ere 'iven a yearCs e3emption after settlement, then -ere e3pected to render offensive and defensive service. /;O1 %o-ever, one suspects that the Tudelan 'rants alon' -ith those made to other to-ns by his deceased brother +edro -ere primarily defensive in purpose. 9e have no record of militia forces at the sie'e of Jara'o a in :::Q, -here e3tensive 0rench support -as re!uired, nor in any of the campai'ns -hich follo-ed the Jara'o a con!uest. 9hat does occur simultaneously -ith the Jara'o an con!uest is the e3tension of $ra'onCs le'al and lin'uistic influence into eastern Castile, especially -ith re'ard to the 'rantin' of a "uero to (oria in ::<T. This charter called for settlers from beyond the 2bro #iver in upper $ra'on to relocate in (oria and clearly indicated that $lfonso retained desi'ns on Castile and sou'ht to make permanent his situation there. The lin'uistic influence is ar'ued to have penetrated the entire (oria re'ion, as -ell as Bureba, the #io5a, Berlan'a and $lma n. This -est-ard thrust of $ra'on -as not destined to be permanent, either politically or lin'uistically. The more natural direction of $ra'onese e3pansion -as to the south -here the dependencies of Jara'o a lay. 2ven here, the ac!uisition of Tara ona, Bor5a, Ma'all&n, #ueda and Vpila continued the pressure on Castile -hile the con!uest of Calatayud and Medinaceli secured control of the key access road from C&rdoba -hich th-arted Muslim efforts to retake Jara'o a. /IT1 The ne3t decade sa- important foundations bein' laid in municipal la- in $ra'on, includin' the !uestion of military service. In order to ti'hten his hold on the ne-ly6-on lands and to deal -ith the risin' Castilian threat :<

of his former stepson, $lfonso #aimNnde , -ho came to po-er as 8in' $lfonso VII of Castile, 2l Batallador -24/ be'an to concern himself once more -ith the institutional development of his municipalities, particularly their military potential. %e issued "ueros to Cseda, Carcastillo and 2ncisa, three Navarrese to-ns on or near the #iver $ra'&n in ::<O, -hich re!uired militia service in the form of "onsado, a Castilian -ord -hich indicated fundamentally the same kind of service desi'nated by the term hueste. $ll three charters discussed the matter of booty -on in combat and the proper royal fifth share of those military profits for the first time. +ossibly no other la- could indicate so clearly the fact that militias had already be'un to function effectively in the kin'dom, and that the booty -hich resulted from their combats needed to be ta3ed. Carcastillo also re!uires service based upon a ratio of those obli'ated to serve /one6third of the caballeros and the peones had the obli'ation to 5oin a 'iven military e3pedition, the remainder payin' a fee in lieu of service1. Movin' to the southern frontier in ::;:, the !uero de Calata%ud called for the one6third service ratio for caballeros, the royal ri'hts to a fifth of booty, and added t-o ne- areas of concern? prisoner e3chan'e and the ri'ht to indemnify personal -ounds and the loss of animals from the booty taken in combat. That such considerations are makin' their appearance in the "ueros stron'ly su''ests that the $ra'onese to-n militias are becomin' active, despite the absence of contemporary chronicles describin' their deeds. Moreover, this area of municipal la- e3pands considerably in the $ra'onese to-ns alon' the flanks of the Iberian Cordillera in the ne3t fifty years./I:1 This development places $lfonso I of $ra'on as somethin' of a Dfoundin' fatherD of municipal military evolution in his kin'dom, as -ell as establishin' a basis of intense political and le'al competition bet-een $ra'on and Castile for settlement and municipal development in the Iberian Cordillera. The result -as a truly remarkable elaboration of peninsular la- durin' the t-elfth century -hich clima3ed in the "ueros of Teruel and Cuenca by ::OL. The rapid development of the 8in'dom of $ra'on under $lfonso I and its con!uest of Jara'o a dramatically altered its o-n evolution, as -ell as that of Castile and Navarre. Castilian e3pectations for the absorption of the upper 2bro Valley -ere dashed by 2l BatalladorCs triumphs, and a similar process of separatism -as under-ay to the -est in +ortu'al. $t the same time, the $lmoravid states to the south -ere in the early sta'es of political and military decay. This -ould soon lead to -hat C. 7. Bishko calls Dan uncoordinated but simultaneous three6 pron'ed +ortu'uese, )eonese6Castilian and $ra'onese6Catalan offensive,D -hich -28/ reaped a harvest of territory for all these buddin' political entities -hile removin' beyond recall any hope of Christian political unity for the +eninsula./I<1 It no- seems clear that all three states had anticipated this e3pansion in opportunity by the development of their municipal military la-. Castile continued to maintain pressure on the #io5a and the upper Cordillera in $lfonso ICs early rei'n, assurin' his control on )ara, Villafranca, and N5era. In ::<Q, $lfonso VII pursued CastileCs interests a'ainst the $'a'onese frontier by confirmin' a "uero for Bur'os, even thou'h it contained an $ra'onese6style military re!uirement for "onsado specifyin' a field conflict and three days of supplies. 9hen $lfonso I died in the -ake of the battle of 0ra'a in ::;I, $lfonso VII moved to establish a feudal overlordship over Jara'o a a'reed to by 2l BatalladorCs brother and successor, #amiro II. /I;1 This activity points to one of the ma5or creative forces for municipal la- in the a'e, the cross6borro-in' and competition bet-een $ra'on and Castile in the to-ns of the Iberian Cordillera. 0rom the standpoint of military la-, there are at least t-o other areas -hich need study in the t-elfth century? the central Meseta focused upon Toledo and the Trans6.uero centered on (alamanca and >vila. BarcRa6Ballo has recently detailed the t-elfth and thirteenth6century evolution of the "ueros of Toledo and the to-ns -hich dre- from the le'al traditions of that city, -hile advancin' the ar'ument that the Toledan form of re'ional laprecedes other areas in the chronolo'ical evolution of precedents. The militia re!uirements from this la- -ere concentrated in three charters of $lfonso VIICs rei'n? the charter of 2scalona of -hich some la-s date from c. ::;T, a "uero 'iven to the 0rench residents of Toledo in ::;H, and the "uero 'iven to the castle to-n of =re5a after its con!uest in ::;O./II1 9ith re'ard to the precedent6establishin' value of this portion of Toledan la-, =re5a had only a reference to the re!uirement of a fifth of booty for the kin', by no means a ne- precedent. The 0rench residents of Toledo -ere freed from mounted military service / cavalguet1, remarkable only in that their e3emption probably related to the fact that they -ere a valued commercial class. 2scalona did have important ne- material re'ardin' residence re!uirements -hich re!uired a kni'ht -ho intended to cross the Central (ierras to leave his -ife and children or another kni'ht in his residence in the to-n to retain his miles ta3 advanta'e. The kni'ht -as also obli'ed to leave any horse or arms received from the kin' to his sons or blood relatives at his death. BarcRa6Ballo re'ards the Toledan precedents as at least as important as the traditions evolvin' in the Cordillera to the east. 9ithin the possibly narro- frame of military la-, I am not inclined to accept that position. In truth, both areas -25/ developed important la- and doubtless influenced each other, but there is no 'rand summation of the Cuenca6Teruel kind -ith its rich delineation of the la-s a-aitin' at the end of the Toledan development./IL1 The Trans6.uero provided another creative center of military la- not duplicated in either the Cordilleran or the Toledan families -hich seems to have emer'ed in this a'e. =ne can make a stron' case that both (alamanca and >vila received charters in the early t-elfth century -hich contain important military la-. These "ueros no lon'er e3ist, but t-o distinct families of +ortu'uese "orais cite either (alamancaCs or >vilaCs charter as their basis. The :;

+ortu'uese charter of NumMo /::;T1 follo-ed later in the century by that of Trancoso carry on the (alamancan tradition, -hile the charter of Vvora -ill inau'urate the use of >vilaCs charter in the ::HH. In addition to this direct connection, (alamanca and >vila prototypes apparently contained si'nificant la-s re'ardin' ratios of kni'hts in the to-nsC contin'ent -ho must serve on any 'iven campai'n /(alamanca re!uires one6third, >vila t-o6thirds1. Versions of this la- appeared across the +eninsula bet-een ::<: and ::;L in Navarre, $ra'on, Castile and +ortu'al, a development su''estin' yet another net-ork of le'al interrelationships re!uirin' study. /IH1 The survivin' pattern of emer'in' military la-, -hether Cordilleran, Castilian or +ortu'uese, stron'ly indicates that monarchs perceived a ma5or role for these municipal militias in the frontier -ars of the mid6t-elfth century. 0rom ::<T to ::LT, the creation of la- and intensified militia activity -ent hand in hand. The Crnicadelapoblacin de Cvila, a thirteenth6century chronicle not al-ays reliable in its earliest sections, does allude to combat a'ainst Muslim raiders and disputes over booty before ::TP that relate -ell to the concern for a municipal reserve and booty fifths likely to have been included in its lost "uero./IP1 $lthou'h the seventeenth6 century histories of >vila indicate the presence of that to-nCs militiamen /alon' -ith those of Jamora1 at $lfonso VICs con!uest of Cuenca in ::TH and at the disastrous loss at "cl4s in ::TQ a'ainst the $lmoravids, this seems rather unlikely at so early a date 'iven the considerable distance of these areas from >vila. /IQ1 But by the rei'n of $lfonso VII, the accounts in contemporary chronicles become too fre!uent to be discounted. 2arly in the rei'n of $lfonso VII, c$lA ibn6,Nsuf, no- 5oined by his son T@shfAn ibn6c$lA, -as a'ain increasin' his pressure on the re'ion of Toledo. In ::;< the Christian frontier forces made a ma5or counter6thrust -hich dramatically demonstrated an increased campai'nin' ran'e for the militias of the Trans6.uero and the Ta5o Valley. -10/ The impact of one of these raids -as sufficient to merit recountin' by three chronicles, one of them Muslim. #odri'o Bon le de )ara, $lfonso VIICs 'overnor of Toledo, 'athered a substantial force for a ma5or raid in the re'ion of (eville, includin' the militias of >vila, (e'ovia and Toledo. 9hen 8in' "mar of (eville mustered an army to curtail the destructive raidin' and booty takin' of Bon le Cs invaders, a ma5or battle resulted. The battle seemed of such si'nificance to the author of the Chronica &de"onsi Imperatoris that he pla'iari ed the Bible /I Maccabees O1 for some of the battle details. 9e do kno- that >vilaCs militia faced an $rab -in', that (e'ovia confronted a -in' made up of $lmoravids and $ndalusian Muslims, and that ToledoCs forces constituted part of Bon le Cs reserve to the rear. The Christian forces routed the Muslims, beheaded "mar, and continued their forays a'ainst the people, trees, crops and cattle of the re'ion, returnin' -ith an enormous collection of booty. +robably in the sprin' of ::;<, the )ucena raid of both mounted and unmounted forces described in the Introduction took place, takin' the militias of >vila and (e'ovia south of C&rdoba./IO1 The )ucena and (eville raids are stunnin' -hen one considers that both are appro3imately ITT kilometers from >vila, and demonstrate a remarkable ran'e for these militias. Victories -ere not assured, ho-ever. The commander of the Muslim fortress of Calatrava crushed the militia of 2scalona in the early ::;TCs, and (alamancaCs ambitious militia overe3tended itself in a raid a'ainst Bada5o and -as defeated and shorn of its booty by +rince T@shfAn and his C&rdoban forces in ::;<. /LT1 The late ::;TCs and the ::ITCs indicate continued conflict alon' the frontier as crumblin' $lmoravid resistance and increasin' municipal capabilities spurred $lfonso VII, his frontier captains and his militias into 'reater activity. Contemporary accounts su''est that >vila, (e'ovia, (alamanca, Jamora, Madrid, Buadala5ara and Talavera -ere the most active to-ns, but re'ional levies -hich summoned a number of unnamed to-ns -ere continually alluded to. The hi'hli'hts of this period -ere the municipal assistance in the takin' of =re5a in ::;O /an important fortress6to-n for the defense of Toledo1 and the raid a'ainst C&rdoba -hich included the militias of >vila, (e'ovia and Toledo and clima3ed -ith the battle of Montiel at the end of the ::ITCs. %avin' raided $ndalusia, Munio $lfonso, the kin'Cs reno-ned 'overnor of Toledo and the commander of the e3pedition, !uickly retreated throu'h the Muradal +ass from C&rdoba. The $ndalusians pursued the Christians past Calatrava fortress to Montiel on the road to Toledo, -here Munio turned -11/ and fou'ht, decimatin' the Muslims. 9hen the returnin' army marched back into Toledo before an astounded and pleased $lfonso VII, Munio displayed a lar'e !uantity of booty both from the raids and the battle, as -ell as the heads of the Muslim commanders on the spears of his -arriors. Neither Munio nor 8in' $lfonso could foresee that MunioCs head -ould one day ride a Muslim spear in a similar triumphal procession into C&rdoba./L:1 The lost "ueros of (alamanca and >vila and the sections of the "uero of Buadala5ara -hich can be accepted as contemporary to the early part of $lfonso VIICs rei'n -ere the best systemati ed creations of ne- la- in )eon6 Castile -hich parallel the increase in municipal military activity. The remainder of the charters for the rei'n of $lfonso VII -ere less informative and clear. The most -idespread statute in the survivin' charters -as e3emption from the "onsadera fee, or from offensive "onsado or from defensive apellido service. (ome of these e3emptions -ere conditioned, as in the similar "ueros 'ranted to =viedo and $vil4s /dated ::IL and ::LL respectively, but both possibly from the thirteenth century1 -hich limited e3emption to 'roups already performin' !uasi6military service? 'uards of cattle, 'rain and vineyards. Villacelema served only -hen nearby Mansella did, and (aha'Nn and =viedo6$vil4s only up to a certain fi3ed frontier. =viedo, $vil4s and (aha'Nn :I

had service re!uirements for those not e3empted by 'uard duty -hich bore a stron' resemblance to $ra'onese la-? service only -ith the kin', involvin' a field battle / lidcampal1 or castle duty and -ith a three6day time limit./L<1 =n the other hand, several to-ns assessed a fine for missin' military service, and -hile $studillo e3empted its caballeros from "onsado, it did re!uire t-o peones of every three to serve, -ith the third contributin' a pack animal in lieu of his personal service. 0inally, =caUa in ::LH had the only reference to the royal booty fifth outside of Buadala5ara and =re5a, althou'h )ara and Villavicencio divided the fees paid by those missin' combat muster bet-een the city 'overnment and those -ho served. /L;1 The lack of a consistent pattern of re!uirements in these survivin' "ueros thus tends to support likelihood of the potential (alamanca6>vila charters, especially in the li'ht of the e3tensively documented military performance of these to-ns durin' $lfonso VIICs rei'n. The unevenness of the sources outside of this pattern re!uires considerable caution in the makin' of 'enerali ations re'ardin' $lfonso VIICs rei'n. Nonetheless, one ac!uires a stron' sense of the concentration of the recruitin' areas of urban military service. Certain to-ns, especially those near the Ta5o frontier, developed e3ceptional capability for offensive e3peditions. .efensive service -as more evenly -12/ shared amon' the many to-ns, apellido e3emptions bein' e3ceedin'ly rare. 2ven here, to-ns such as (alamanca, >vila, (e'ovia, Madrid and the central force at Toledo -ere likely to have rendered e3traordinary service, since their developin' capacity -ould have made them more valuable in emer'ency situations. It is difficult to ima'ine ho- that most endurin' achievement of $lfonso VII, the securin' of the Ta5o Valley, could have been accomplished -ithout the municipal contribution. ,et, the military capability of >vila and (e'ovia in the Trans6.uero threatened the security of the ne-er frontier to-ns to their south on the other side of the Central (ierras in the Ta5o Valley. $lfonso VII 'uaranteed the boundaries of Madrid a'ainst (e'ovia in ::<< in part due to MadridCs o-n military performance in behalf of the cro-n, -hile the same monarch had to certify the frontiers of Talavera a'ainst >vila in ::L<. Concern for >vilaCs enterprisin' e3pansion caused the redactors of the !uero de1lasencia to prohibit the settlement of $bulenses in any part of that to-n on the -estern flank of the Bredos (ierra as late as the early thirteenth century. (uch to-ns often threatened the peace a'reements bet-een Christian and Muslim rulers by their est for independent raidin'. /LI1 Thus, -e have early indications of both the possibilities and the potential liabilities of these municipal military establishments. Municipal development -ithin the kin'doms nei'hborin' on )eon6Castile needs also to be considered. The details of $ra'onese military la- su''est special emphases there -hich are not present or less developed in )eon6Castile. +ortu'al similarly evolved its o-n special concerns, -hich are more clearly defined for us since the survival rate of +ortu'uese charters is better than that of Castile or $ra'on. $round :TOI, Count %enry of Bur'undy and Teresa /$lfonso VICs ille'itimate dau'hter1 -ere 'iven the Dland of +ortu'alD -ith an open southern frontier. This can be taken as the be'innin' of the +ortu'uese "oral tradition. =ne clear line of interest in +ortu'al up to the mid6t-elfth century -as defense. 9hereas "ossato, e8peditio or hostis, all terms indicatin' offensive operations, tended to be the most fre!uently cited terms to the east, it -as apellido service that -as more clearly stressed in +ortu'al. (tartin' -ith the "oral of BuimarMes in :TOL6OH, 'iven by %enry and Teresa, apellido -as discussed in t-elve of the <I "orais -hich contain military materials do-n to ::LP. Much of the concern -as 'iven to the len'th of this service /one to three days1, -ith occasional distinctions bet-een fi'htin' Muslim opponents for -hich there -ere fe-er limitations in time, and -arfare a'ainst fello- Christians -here stricter time limits -ere imposed. There -as reference to the fees -11/ char'ed for missin' the apellido call, -hich varied from charter to charter./LL1 =ther "orais inform us of the fluidity of the social structure on the +ortu'uese frontier. Cavaleiros o-ed their social and economic position to their maintenance of a horse and its use in combat. To maintain their preferential standin' in the face of the non6combat loss of their mount, nine charters allo- a time period in -hich the horse can be replaced -ithout the loss of status /bet-een one year at Viseu in ::<; to five years at (intra in ::LI, -ith three years the most common interval cited1. )eiria and (intra make it clear that foot soldiers can 'ain the status of kni'hts by ac!uirin' and usin' a horse. 2arly references to the royal booty fifth also occur in the documents from :::: on-ard./LH1 These statutes appear in the transitional a'e of Count %enry and Teresa, continued -hen the -ido-ed Teresa ruled the County of +ortu'al alone, and lasted into the rei'n of their son $fonso I, -ho chan'ed his title of count to that of kin' in ::IT. The emphasis on defense -as not surprisin' at the outset, 'iven the battle for +ortu'uese independence a'ainst Sueen "rraca and $lfonso VII. Moreover, $lmoravid pressures -ere felt here, as -ell, as the t-enty6day sie'e of Coimbra by c$lA ibn6,Nsuf in :::P cited by the Chronica+othorum -ould indicate./LP1 By the time $fonso I had driven his mother Teresa from po-er in ::<Q, the primary tendencies in +ortu'uese municipal military obli'ations -ere established. To a considerable de'ree $fonso continued these earlier municipal traditions, but there -as an unmistakable shift to the offensive for this 'reat con!ueror and monarchy6 creator. 0or e3ample, there had been no prior reference to offensive military re!uirements before his time, but "ossado, "ossadeira and e8peditio appeared in seven charters from his accession do-n to ::LP. The first adaptation of a (alamancan charter took place at NumMo in ::;T /a non6royal charter1 -ith its one6third participatin' and t-o6thirds reserve re'ulations for the cavaleiros, -hile a half and half ratio of residents called to service appears to have been assi'ned to the royal "ossado at +enela in ::;P./LQ1 Moreover, a concern for the :L

factor of a'e appears. Miranda da Beira, )ou M and (intra allo- cavaleiros too old to serve in combat to retain their kni'htly ri'hts, and their -ido-s retain this privile'e as -ell. Miranda and )ou M even 'ive kni'htly status to archers, a +ortu'uese tradition -ith a lon' history. /LO1 The "orais of (eia /::;H1, (intra /::LI1 and 0rei3o /::LL6LP1 demonstrate a royal tendency to-ard lon'er charters containin' more military la-. (eia indicates interest in the contribution of animals to the "ossato, su''ests the possibility of a yearly "ossato in May, -14/ and le'islates a'ainst the stealin' of a kni'htCs booty. (intra assembled a variety of older military la-s in its charter, -hile addin' a limitation of one royal e8ercitus per year on -hich residents -ould be obli'ated to serve and for -hich they -ould not be re!uired to pay the royal fifth of booty ta3. 0inally, 0rei3o contained la-s finin' a resident -ho -ounded another resident durin' a defensive apellido, permittin' an individual -ho missed an apellido to have a -itness testify that he had not heard the emer'ency call, and restrictin' any residents -ho held properties in other places that he o-ed his "ossado obli'ation in 0rei3o and there only. /HT1 "nlike )eon6Castile, ho-ever, -e have little indication from the contemporary chronicles that the +ortu'uese municipalities -ere makin' a substantial contribution to the rapid advance of the frontier under $fonso. 0or e3ample, the narratives of the takin' of )isbon in ::IP, the most thorou'hly recounted event in t-elfth6century +ortu'uese history, make no mention of to-n militias, as -as also the case in $ra'onese Jara'o a. There is one reference in the Chronica+othorum to si3ty cavaleiros of (antar4m aidin' the badly outmanned royal forces at $lccer a fe- months after the takin' of )isbon. /H:1 The appro3imately one hundred kilometers bet-een (antar4m and $lccer -ould have tested the probable outside ran'e of a three6day obli'ation for cavaleiros of that Te5o #iver to-n, and su''ests that here as -ell as in $ra'on the service re!uirements tended to restrict the municipal militias to brief, short6distance strikin' raids and defensive forays. To this point, at least, there -ere no to-ns -ith the strikin' capacity of an >vila, (e'ovia or Toledo alon' or behind the +ortu'uese frontier. The development of municipal militias to mid6century on the eastern flank of )eon6Castilla in $ra'on -as dramatically affected by the death of $lfonso el Batallador in ::;I, brou'ht on by the sharp political /and therefore le'al1 divisions it created in the Cordilleran one. $lfonsoCs death and its attendant succession crisis redirected the future of $ra'on and the +eninsula as a -hole. %avin' no children, $lfonso -illed his kin'dom to the three military orders, the Temple, the %ospital and the %oly (epulchre, possibly as a device to bypass any claims on his lands -hich mi'ht be e3ercised by $lfonso VII of )eon6Castile. /H<1 $t the outset, the nobility of Navarre sei ed the opportunity to break free of $ra'on and reestablish their native dynastic line -ith BarcRa IV #amRre /::;I6LT1. Mean-hile, the last survivin' son of (ancho #amRre , #amiro II, -as dra-n out of his monastery to assume the $ra'onese throne. The betrothal of his infant dau'hter +etronilla to the Count of -12/ Barcelona, #amon Beren'uer IV, assured the succession of the $ra'onese throne and created the fateful linka'e of Catalonia and $ra'on. .urin' the lon' rei'n of +etronilla and the minority of her son $lfonso II /$lfons I of Barcelona6Catalonia1, $ra'on found itself pulled to-ard the Mediterranean, -hile at the same time #amon Beren'uer took an active interest in the southern frontier of both $ra'on and Catalonia. 0or Navarre, mean-hile, the separation from the $ra'onese monarchy had finally borne its bitter fruit. In the early eleventh century before under (ancho III it had been the dominant and risin' monarchy in the +eninsula. No- the events of ::;I6 ;P had sealed off its frontier a'ainst the Muslim south, leavin' it to atrophy as a recon!uest state -hile )eon6 Castile and $ra'on6Catalonia e3panded to consume its territorial options. Brief "ueros 'iven to +eralta /::II1, ,an'uas /::II, ::IL1 and =lite /::IP1 offered military la- -hich contains nothin' that -as ne- for Navarrese militias./H;1 %o-ever, future territorial competition -ith its Christian nei'hbors and the continuin' ambition of the Navarrese kin's 'ave promise for the future development of militia la- and capability, loss of Muslim contact not-ithstandin'. The case of $ra'on becomes some-hat more uncertain bet-een ::;I and ::H<, the a'e of #amiro IICs brief rei'n /::;I6;P1 follo-ed by Count #amon Beren'uer IVCs rei'n as +etronillaCs consort. #amiro issued "ueros to %uesca /::;I1, "ncastillo /::;H1 and 7aca /::;I6;P1 -hich offered no- familiar re!uirements for hoste, castle duty and battlefield service -ith a three6day food supply, a retention of already established precedents. More interestin' in this same period is a charter 'iven by $lfonso VII of )eon6Castile to the in"anzn nobility of $ra'on, rene-in' a similar 'rant of +edro I. %ere a sharp distinction -as made bet-een lesser nobles -ho have the typical three6day obli'ation as a'ainst those -ho hold royal honors and thereby have a three6month re!uirement for military service in the royal hoste, obviously the 'roup -hich constituted the backbone of $lfonsoCs e3peditionary capability. /HI1 The rei'n of #amon Beren'uer IV introduced a brief era of a Catalan ruler applyin' $ra'onese la- to his ne-ly ac!uired realm. The Count of Barcelona -as not likely to attempt dramatic chan'es in the municipal le'islation, comin' as he did from a rather different le'al and cultural back'round. The three charters containin' military la- -hich he 'ranted -ent to .aroca /::I<1, (an 2stebn de )uesia /::LI1 and Cetina /::L:6LP1. (an 2stebn 'ave a seven6year e3emption from hoste service to ne- settlers, -hile Cetina simply specified that the to-nsmen -ere re!uired to send mounted and unmounted -arriors and an animal contribution to the hoste -hen the nearby =rder of the %ospital -as called on for service. .aroca limited -13/ e8ercitus service to that done -ith the kin' present, specified kinds of booty on -hich the royal fifth -as o-ed, and had a more elaborate prisoner e3chan'e la- than had hitherto appeared. /HL1 :H

The re'ency of the future $lfonso II produced an increase in the number of semi6independent se.oros under po-erful noble families, especially alon' the Cordilleran frontier -ith Castile. =ne of these, Manri!ue de )ara, 'ave a "uero to Molina de $ra'&n /::L<6LH1 -hich contained a si'nificant amount of ne- military la-. /HH1 This "uero is problematic, since our oldest survivin' manuscript is a thirteenth6century copy and may have ac!uired additions based on the more ample codes from the end of the t-elfth century. $n analysis of MolinaCs military la-s indicates much material for -hich there -as precedent. )a-s 'ivin' ta3 e3emptions to caballeros -ho retained a house in the to-n -ith their families in residence for a portion of the year had already appeared in BarcRa6BalloCs DToledanD 'roup of charters, and la-s on the booty fifth and finin' for missin' the military obli'ation -ere -ell established in $ra'on. More dubious -as the la- -hich specified the turnin' over of a captured leader from the Muslim side to the kin'. Buadala5ara and .aroca had a similar la-, but the a-ardin' of a maintenance allo-ance for the captors of the important prisoner appeared no-here else before the end of the century. (imilar doubts must be entertained for la-s re'ardin' campai'n and -atchto-er duty, medical allo-ances for the healin' of -ounds, the use of conce/o standards /battle fla's1 and specified battle e!uipment for mounted and foot soldiers. Most si'nificantly, a certain level of -ealth re!uired the purchase of a horse and the obli'ations of service -hich -ent -ith it, a most unusual la- for the mid6t-elfth century. /HP1 It is possible that all of this la- -as included in the t-elfth6century version of the charter. If so, it -ould mark MolinaCs charter as an important milestone bet-een earlier Castilian and $ra'onese la- in the Cordillera and the e3tensive charters of Cuenca and Teruel 'ranted at the end of the century. If -e possessed an earlier copy of MolinaCs charter -hich -ould verify that contribution, -e -ould have ma5or indications of the 'ro-th of traditional la- in the Iberian Cordillera by the mid6t-elfth century. But -hile I am inclined to accept MolinaCs "uero as a faithful renderin' of its ori'inal contents, caution prevents tryin' to ar'ue such a case definitively. The one area of Christian Iberia not yet considered -ith re'ard to the evolution of to-n militia service is Catalonia. The dynastic marria'e of #amon Beren'uer IV and +etronilla -ould produce a common ruler for the 8in'dom of $ra'on and the County of -14/ Barcelona in $lfonso II /$lfons I1 -hile creatin' the ne- political entity kno-n as the Cro-n of $ra'on. The nature of the municipal military traditions of Catalonia offers an apparent contrast -ith the $ra'onese evolution. 9hile urbani ation -as, if anythin', more advanced in Catalonia than else-here in Iberia in the mid6t-elfth century, urban military service -as at best obscure and underdeveloped if it is to be measured by the survivin' records of military la-. 0rench6style feudalism -as rather better developed in Catalonia than the rest of the peninsula and frontier e3pansion here had not moved at a rate e!uivalent to that of Castile or $ra'on since the mid6eleventh century. The po-erful comital houses of Barcelona and "r'el had concentrated upon containin' each otherCs spheres of influence as -ell as that of the e3pandin' 8in'dom of $ra'on. Muslim 'eo'raphers noted the bellicosity of the D0ranksD of Catalonia in the eleventh and t-elfth centuries, and -e kno- of at least one occasion -hen D0rankishD troops /clearly in the conte3t Catalan mercenaries1 served in the forces of the 2mir of Branada. %o-ever, these descriptions of Christian valor -ere reserved for D0ranksD as a people. In contrast to the references -hich can be found for the to-ns of Navarre and )eon6Castile, the discussion of Barcelona and Tarra'ona -hich -e have from Muslim 'eo'raphers refers only to the D0ranksD in 'eneral or the dan'ers to be e3perienced in the particular area. The mid6t-elfth century Muslim 'eo'rapher al6IdrAsA noted the valor and bellicosity of the residents of 2stella, )eon, (e'ovia and >vila, in particular. ,et no to-n -as sin'led out in Catalonia for a description of the military pro-ess of its inhabitants. /HQ1 (urvivin' municipal charters add little to the picture. T-o eleventh6century documents for settlers near castles mention hoste and cavallcades service, but $lbana /:TIT1 limited it to milites /kni'hts1 and Castell& e3empted settlers from such obli'ations. In his donation of Tarra'ona to its bishop 5ust prior to the takin' of the to-n in :::Q, #amon Beren'uer III declared the ri'ht to control !uestions of -ar and peace in the lives of its settlers -ithout offerin' any specifics as to 5ust -hat this mi'ht mean -ith re'ard to military obli'ations. =nce $ra'on and Catalonia -ere combined in the rei'n of #amon Beren'uer IV, there -ere some si'ns of chan'e. In ::IP, the milites of $lmenar -ere re!uired to serve, perform castle 'uard, and make food contributions in time of -ar. More si'nificantly, Count #amon and Bishop Bernat of Tarra'ona re!uired e8ercitus etcavalcata in ::Ll from all citi ens of Tarra'ona, those -ith horses and those -ithout them. Compared to -hat -e have seen emer'in' in the other peninsular states, this is scant material, indeed, and (panish le'al historians such as BarcRa6Ballo have not considered the evolution of Catalan municipal -18/ la- to offer much interest until the thirteenth century. /HO1 =ne must allo- for the possibility that urban forces of some kind mi'ht have been called up as a type of feudal service under the Count of Barcelona. If so, -e have no clear indications of precisely ho- that service -as rendered. It is e!ually possible that the Count took care of his basic military needs -ith the conventional feudal levies of his kni'hts, and 'ave no thou'ht of dra-in' upon his commercial settlements for combat forces in this early period. I6 - Mid-Centur: ec+nnaissance The mid6t-elfth century presents a useful position from -hich to revie- the early chronolo'ical evolution of municipal military service in the +eninsula. 0irst, it is clear that at least t-o distinctly different kinds of :P

municipalities had emer'ed amon' the (panish 8in'doms by ::LP. The first -as primarily commercial, -as concentrated either in the northern portions of Navarre, Castile and )eon or alon' the coastal littoral of Catalonia, and -as primarily focused upon pil'rima'e6oriented or Mediterranean6oriented trade. These to-ns appear to have played a rather small role in the military endeavors of the #econ!uest. (econd, a uni!ue type of frontier cattle to-n appeared in the eleventh century /if not before1, focused on the raisin' of sheep and the control of cattle trails and 'ra in' lands, -hose development in the frontier ones of $ra'on, Navarre, )eon6 Castile and +ortu'al tended to place them in an e3tremely e3posed military position. In the century from :TLT to ::LP these frontier to-ns multiplied, lar'ely because the rulers perceived their si'nal value as a'encies of settlement and defense for the ne-ly -on lands in the Trans6.uero, the Ta5o #iver Valley, and the "pper 2bro #iver Valley. It is in this second kind of to-n that the military obli'ation comes to play such a vital part in royal frontier policy and in the daily lives of its citi ens. The charters of these municipalities display an increasin' variety of military la-s and policies, -hose evolution is most pronounced in three frontier areas? the Cordilleran one of Castile6Navarre6$ra'on, the central one dominated by Toledan la-, and the )eonese6+ortu'uese one. This developin' municipal capacity to make -ar by the time of $lfonso VII of )eon6Castile has been noted by both the earlier and more recent (panish urban and military historians. /PT1 My o-n findin's indicate that +ortu'al and the Navarrese6$ra'onese Cordillera also developed si'nificant pro'ress in military capability, althou'h more limited to defense. In )eon6Castile, ho-ever, the offensive capability -as more evident, even to the point of these to-ns initiatin' independent raidin' not al-ays -15/ convenient to the policy of the monarch or the stability of the relationships amon' the various frontier municipalities. $t the same time, this bellicosity on the part of the to-ns -ould prove an advanta'e in the decades to come. $s the $lmoravid principalities crumbled in the face of )eonese6Castilian, +ortu'uese and $ra'onese6Catalan pressure, peninsular Muslim history repeated itself once more. $ ne- reformist and puritanical North $frican movement, the $lmohads, 'athered its forces and invaded $lmoravid (pain in the last decade of $lfonso VIICs rule. By the death of $lfonso VII in ::LP, the $lmohads had secured the $lmoravid territories, and operatin' out of (eville and C&rdoba they substantially increased the Muslim threat to the Christian frontier -hile brin'in' heavy pressure to bear on the Ta5o #iver line. Compoundin' these difficulties, $lfonso VII chose to divide his kin'dom into its )eonese and Castilian components bet-een his sons 0ernando II and (ancho III, respectively. Thus, the Christian frontier appeared to be in the process of fra'mentation at the very time the $lmohads -ere brin'in' unity to Islamic (pain. By ::H<, all of the Christian kin'doms save +ortu'al had youn' and ine3perienced monarchs on their thrones in the face of an aroused Muslim south. In this a'e, the Christians -ould need all of the military frontier resources at their command. The to-ns -ould soon be challen'ed as never before. Notes for Chapter : :. 0or peninsular feudalism, the early 'round6breakin' -ork is, (nche 6$lborno , Los orgenes del "eudalismo. ; vols. More recent is the -ork of his student, %ilda Brassotti, Instituciones "eudo6vasallDticas, < vols., and Barbero and Vi'il, !ormacin del "eudalismo. 0or Catalonia, see )e-is, Development o" 'outhern !rench and Catalan 'ociet%, and Bonnassie, La Catalogne, < vols. <. 0or a useful overvie- of urban revival theories in )eon6Castile, see Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, P6OL. 0or Catalonia, 0ont #Rus, D=rR'enes del r4'imen municipal de CataluUa,D :H?;OP6I;L. ;. (nche Belda, D)a Mancha,D Q6O. 9hile (nche BeldaCs remarks concernin' the insouciance of the ecclesiastical chroniclers to the deeds of to-nsmen are directed to t-elfth6century Castile, they are valid as a 'enerali ation for most contemporary accounts of recon!uest history. I. Crnica de &l"onso III, Villada, ed., :<I6;:. DCr&nica de (ampiro,D +4re de "rbel, ed., ;TH, ;:;, ;<<. L. (acristan y MartRne , Municipalidades de Castilla % Len, :TL, :<<. H. HD0uero de Valpuesta,D ;?:O. D0ueros de BraUosera,D :P. D0uero de =viedo,D ;P?;<P. )ouis Barrau .ihi'o first !uestioned these early charters as late copies ori'inatin' in the eleventh or t-elfth century on the 'rounds of the terminolo'y utili ed in the documents, D#echerches sur lChistoire politi!ue,D L<?Q:. Claudio (nche $lborno defended the authenticity of BraUoseraCs terminolo'y for the ninth century in his revie- of Barrau .ihi'oCs -ork, &$DE /:O<L1, <?L;I. (ince then others have entered the debate. (ome accept the contents of BraUoseraCs "uero but move the date of that charter to QLI. +4re de "rbel, $istoria del Condado de Castilla, :?:;I6;L. M. 2. Bon le , D)a anubda,D ;O6IT?:I. %o-ever, $ntonio 0loriano CumbreUo has remained critical of the authenticity of BraUosera based on the charterCs anachronistic terms -hich he ar'ues belon' t-o centuries later in time, DiplomDtica espa.ola del periodo &stur, :?:TL6:<, :LO6HI. Catalonia also 'ives us a ninth6century document of Carolin'ian ori'ins re!uirin' military servicein Barcelona in QII, but this -as almost certainly a territorial document for the county rather than a specific municipal levy, DCapitular del rey Carlos el Calvo a los 'odos e hispanos de Barcelona,D :?H. P. 0or a fuller discussion of the scholarly debate on the ori'ins and meanin' of some of these terms, see? +o-ers, D=ri'ins and .evelopment of Municipal Military (ervice,D <H?O<6OP, and D0rontier Competition and :Q

)e'al Creativity,D L<?IHO6PL. M. 2. Bon le , D)a anubda,D L6I<. Many are also discussed in Chapter (i3 and briefly described in the Blossary. 0or the best early discussion and a useful list of variants for "ossatum and hostis, see +alome!ue Torres, DContribuci&n al estudio del e54rcito,D :L?<:L6<<. 0ernando I conceded charters to VillafrRa, =rbane5a and (an MartRn in :T;O and to the monastery of (anta 7uliana in :TIL in -hich e8peditio -as described as that -hich is called "ossato. D0ueros de VillafrRa, =rbane5a y (an MartRn,D ;PO, and D+riuile'io de fran!ue a, !ue conceden al monasterio de (anta 7uliana,D HIO. Q. "bieto $rteta, DValoraci&n de la recon!uista peninsular,D ;:?<:;6<T. )acarra, D23pediciones musulmanas contra (ancho Barc4s /OTL6O<L1,D :?I:6PT. O. O The best brief survey of frontier -arfare in the tenth century can be found in )oma3, he Recon9uest o" 'pain, I:6IQ. 0or the factors leadin' to tribal and clan consolidation in Muslim (pain, see Blick, Islamic and Christian 'pain, :;P6IH. :T. D0uero de )e&n, /:T<T1,D :L?IQP6O:. ::. The most substantial criticism of this charter has been offered by the eminent medieval Castilian le'al historian $lfonso BarcRa6Ballo, D2l fuero de )e&n,D ;O?L6:P:. $t no point does BarcRa6Ballo !uestion the military provisions, ho-ever. Claudio (nche 6$lborno has defended -ith intensity the authenticity of )eonCs charter and its la-s in, D2l fuero de )e&n,D <?::6HT. 9hile he passes rather too 'libly over the chancerial and lin'istic ar'uments BarcRa6Ballo has to make, (nche 6$lborno does base his case in part on contemporary e3amples of the military service la-s. 9hile -e cannot be absolutely certain, I am inclined to accept the military la-s as proper to )eon for the early eleventh century. It -ould seem unlikely that such military obli'ations -ould be interpolated later, as )eonCs distance from the frontier e3tended si'nificantly durin' the eleventh century, reducin' Muslim pressure on this to-n substantially. :<. DCarta de poblacci&n /sic1 de Villanueva de +ampaneto,D :QI. !Villa"ra, ;PO. D0uero de (anta Cristina,D <<<. DCanales de la (ierra,D LT?;:P6:Q. D0orais de (. 7oMo da +es!ueira, +enella, +aredes, )inhares, $nciMes, :TLL6HL,D :?;IH. D0uero de Cuevacardiel,D :<<6<;. The #io5a thus became early on an important area of le'al interaction bet-een )eon6Castile and Navarre, as the "ueros of Canales and Cuevacardiel -ould indicate. 0or a recent assessment of some of the #io5an "ueros, see MartRne .Re , D0ueros de la #io5a,D IO?;;:6HT. :;. )oma3, Recon9uest, L<6LI. :I. $ number of $lfonsoCs early "ueros dealt only -ith re!uirements of 'uard duty and the "onsadera ta3 payment or e3emption from these levies. D0ueros y privile'ios de las villas su5etas a la ciudad de Bur'os, :TP;,D <LP. D0ueros de +alen uela, :TPI,D <H. D0ueros de $lber'uerRa de Bur'os,D <?I::. D0uero concedido a (anta MarRa de .ueUas,D :H?H<P. D0uero de (aha'Nn, <L noviembre, :TQL,D <?;L6I:. The villa'es sub5ect to Bur'os had to render "onsadera and anubda, -hile +alen uela and $lber'uerRa -ere e3empt. +alen uela has much interestin' military la-, but the material is far too precocious for the late eleventh century in lan'ua'e and comple3ity. 9hile the e3emptions seem appropriate to the period, the remainder seems closer to the a'e of $lfonso W, in -hose :<H: confirmation of this charter our copy survives. (anta MarRa de .ueUas received e3emption from "onsado and anubda. (aha'NnCs "uero, survivin' in a late copy, specifies a three6day limit for the royal e8peditio for the male settlers, a first for Castile6)eon if valid, but possibly a reflection of the later $ra'onese re!uirement imposed durin' $lfonso el BatalladorCs control of the to-n. There are a number of problems -ith the datin' and internal inte'rity of the (aha'Nn charter, -hich may consist of sections from different periods reassembled in its later copy. (ee Barrero BarcRa, D)os fueros de (aha'Nn,D I<?;O;6IT:. :L. D0uero concedido a N5era,D <?PO6QL. D0uero latino de (epNlveda, :TPH,D IQ. D0uero concedido a 7aca por (ancho #amRre /c. :TPH1,D ;6I. Molho dates the charter of 7aca in :TH;, but )ynn Nelson, e3pandin' on the ar'ument advanced by $ntonio "bieto $rteta, redates it convincin'ly in the fall of :TPH or the sprin' of :TPP. Nelson, DThe 0oundation of 7aca /:TPH1,D L;?HOI6OL. The similarity of the basic military re!uirement in 7aca to that of N5era and (epNlveda -ould seem to stren'then his ar'ument. !AD/era, D+lebs de Na'eranon debent ire in fonssado, nisi una vice in anno ad litem campalem. DVillano !ui non fuerit in fonssado non debet nisi duos solidos et medium. (i inffancion de Na'era non fuerit in fonssado habet calupniam W solidos, et pro fuero pectavit e3inde medietatem.D !'ep>lveda 25E7, D2t ad fonsado de re'e si uoluerint ire non uadan nisi los caualleros, si non fuerit a cerca de re'e aut a lide campal, et ad isto uadan cauallero et pedones los ue inos.D !(aca 25E7, D...ut noneatis in hoste nisi cum pane dierum triumE et hoc sit per nomen de lite campale aud ubi e'o sim circumdatus, uel successoribus meis, ab inimicus nostris. 2t si domnus domus illuc non uolet ire mitat pro se uno pedone armato.D Concernin' the 7acan use of hoste, a usa'e more typical of 0rance, in lieu of "onsado in the more common previous usa'e, see +o-ers, D0rontier Competition,D IHO6P<. Nelson also discusses possible 0rench influence from contemporary urban unrest arrivin' via the pil'rima'e road to (antia'o, one branch of -hich passed throu'h 7aca. Nelson, D0oundation of 7aca,D PTI6TL. 0or a recent discussion re'ardin' the authenticity of the !uero de AD/era, see MartRne .Re , D0ueros de la #io5a,D ;IQ6L:. :H. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition,D IHO6QP. :P. The Chronicon Lusitanum dates the con!uest in :TPP. Terr&n $lbarrnCs study of the Coria campai'n su''ests :TPO, althou'h notin' that the evidence allo-s for debate. DChronicon )usitanum,D :I?ITL. Terr&n $lbarrn, El solar de los &"tDsidas,D :<<6;T. :O

:Q. 9e have e3tended chronicle accounts of (a'ra5as /Muslim Jala!a1 from both Muslim and Christian sources. $mbrosio %uici Miranda has provided useful e3tracts from them alon' -ith his analysis of (a'ra5as in +randes batallas, ;P6Q<. Terr&n $lbarrn, El solar, <<I6IO, offers an e3tended reassessment of the conflict -ith a criti!ue of %uici MirandaCs account, notin' the debate over the precise location of the battle. There is also the older account of Men4nde +idal, La Espa.a del Cid, :?;;:6;P, -hich tends to be less critical of the sources, especially the Muslim ones. :O. D0uero de )o'roUo,D ;;L. =n the overall si'nificance of )o'roUoCs charter, see )acarra, DNotas para la formaci&n,D :T?<<P6;<, and MartRne .Re , D0ueros de la #io5a,D ;L<6LQ. !uero de Miranda de Ebro, IP. This "uero has been traditionally dated in :TOL, but Cantera Bur'os su''ests :TOO as the more likely date. D0uero de Vallun!uera,D :H?H;T. +rivate charters by the count of )ara to $ndalu and by the abbot of (aha'Nn to Villavicencio in :TOl also e3empt military service as a re!uirement. D2l fuero de $ndalu , :TQO,D <:?:OP. D0ueros de Villavicencio, :TO:,D ::Q. (nche 6$lborno has su''ested a later date for Villavicencio, c. :::T. D0uero de )e&n,D I:. <T. 1C+, <?L<T. (acristn, Municipalidades, :;L. MartRne #ui , D)a investidura de armas en Castilla,D :6<?<TQ6 TO. +escador, ;;6;I?:IH6L<. +escador ar'ues that the Castilians -ere more advanced in 'ivin' this class le'al distinctiveness than -ere the )eonese, -ho resisted associatin' the popular cavalry in any -ay -ith the blood nobility. <:. D0uero de 0resnillo,D IH6IQ. DCarta de se'uridad concedida a los mo rabes de Toledo, ::T:,D IL?IHT. D0uero del Castillo de $ceca,D IH<. <<. BarcRa6Ballo, D0ueros de Toledo,D I:<. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana, OP6:T<. Mo3&, Repoblacin % sociedad, <T:6:H. <;. (mail, Crusading *ar"are F25GE622GHI, <TL6II. <I. Torres Balbs, et al., Resumen histrico del urbanismo, ;P6;O. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana, <T6;I, IO6 PQ. Valdeavellano, ;rRgenes de la burguesRa, QL6:<P, <:;6:P. 0or a comparison -ith the Crusader Near 2ast, see (mail, Crusading *ar"are, <TL6II. <L. #amos y )oscertales, D2l reino de $ra'&n,D :L?HP6PH. .avid, Jtudes histori9ues sur la +alice, ;P;6PH. 0or the role of Cluniac monasticism in the politics of the (panish kin'doms, see Bishko, D0ernando I y los orR'enes de la alian a castellano leonesa con Cluny,D IO6LT?PI6PQ. =n crusadin' influence enterin' (pain throu'h 0rench and papal inspiration at this time, see "bieto $rteta, DValoraci&n de la recon!uista,D <:;6<T. <H. La geogra"a de Espa.a del Edris, PO6QT. <P. )acarra, DNotas,D :T?<:;6:O. BarcRa6Ballo, D$portaci&n al estudio de los fueros,D <H?I;T6IT. !(aca, ;6I. BarcRa6Ballo takes a rather restrictive vie- of $ra'onese foral penetration into Castile. <Q. D0uero de $r'Kedas,D :T?<LL. "bieto $rteta, Coleccin diplomDtica de 1edro I, Q;. #amos y )oscertales, D#eino de $ra'&n,D QT6Q:. <O. "bieto $rteta, Coleccin de 1edro I, Q;6OH. .o y, Recherches sur l)histoire, <?<HH6HO. $bub4!uer de Tortosa, LDmpara de los prncipes, <?;:Q6:O, 'ives us our best contemporary description of the battle of $lcora , the victory -hich opened the door to besie'in' %uesca. None of these sources -ould indicate that to-n militias participated, but only that horse and foot soldiers -ere present, an observation sustained by a document of +edro I to a (ancho Crispo -hich re-arded him for his contribution of three hundred Dmilites et pedonesD to the battle of $lcora . D+edro I dona a (ancio Crispo,D :;<. ;T. DBalindo seUala los derechos de )ecina, :TQ;,D l?HL. D0ueros de Barbastro, ::TT,D ;;I. D+edro I concede carta de fueros de Caparroso,D ;P:. D+edro I concede los fueros de (antacara,D ;P;. D$lfonso I de $ra'&n concede a los pobladores de Jara'o a los fueros de los infan ones de $ra'&n, 2nero, :::O,D Q;6QI. D+edro I concede a (anta Cristina de (omport,D I<P. This last is a lost document kno-n only throu'h an ::TQ document of $lfonso I -hich refers to it. ;:. "bieto, Coleccin de 1edro I, ::<6:P, :<<. Bishko, D(panish and +ortu'uese #econ!uest,D ;?IT;. ;<. ;#eilly, ?ueen @rraca, ;L<6PT. ;;. C&I, PO6QT. Bautier6.alch4, DIslam et Chr4tient4 en 2spa'ne,D IP?:O:. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, <;T. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;QH6QP. #epresa #odrR'ue , D)a CtierraC medieval de (e'ovia,D <:?L6<<. (lau'hter, D)a batalla de "cl4s,D O?;O;6ITI. ;I. D0ueros de )e&n y Carri&n, :::I,D IQ6IO. ;L. D)as cr&nicas an&imas de (aha'Nn,D PH?;;O6LH. ;H. IIM, <?:II6IL. This is a thirteenth6century chronicle, but contains considerable information for the t-elfth century. ;P. D%istoria Compostelana,D <T?:;<6;;, :L<6L;, :HQ6HO. D0oral de BuimarMes, l?<. D0ueros de (antia'o, ::TL,D ;?H<. 0letcher, Episcopate in the ,ingdom o" Len, Q:6Q<. 0letcher, 'aint (ames)s Catapult, <IP6IQ. #eilly, ?ueen @rraca, <PL6PP. The BuimarMes charter is dated :TOL6OH, but is found in a confirmation of ::<Q by $fonso I %enri!ues. ;Q. D%istoria Compostelana,D <T?:;;6;I, ;:I6:H, ;<<, ;<I6<H, ;IH6LT, II;6IQ, L<T. 'aint (ames)s Catapult, <IP6IQ. <T

;O. DCapitulos del fuero de (obrarbe,D :;?;:6;L. )acarra, DNotas,D :T?<:Q6:;, sees this e3emption from hueste service for in"anzones as uni!ue to Tudela. =rcste'ui, DTudela durante los reinados,D :T?HH. $lfonso had freed the Muslims of Tudela from the defensive obli'ation to serve four years earlier in :::L, an e!ually unusual e3emption to 5ud'e by my o-n research. (ee? D+actos & capitulaciones !ue se otor'ron entre .. $lonso I de $ra'&n y los moros de Tudela, :::L,D <?LLQ6LO. The Mo arabs brou'ht back from $lfonsoCs Brenadine e3pedition and settled in Jara'o a -ere also 'ranted e3emption from hoste and cavalcata a'ainst either Christians or Muslims. )acarra, Doc., +rimera serie, IL. 0or a survey of all of $lfonsoCs activities in the period, see )acarra, Vida de &l"onso el #atallador, LO6:T;. IT. Men4nde +idal, Documentos lingKsticos de Espa.a, :T6::. D0uero de (oria /::<T1,D Q?LQH6QP. )oma3, Recon9uest, QI. I:. D0uero de Cseda,D IPL. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. D0uero de 2ncisa,D IP;. !uero de Calata%ud, ;P. 0or a discussion of the importance of municipal le'al development in this area, see +o-ers, D0rontier Competition and )e'al Creativity,D L<?IPL6QP. 9ith the e3ception ofthe undated "uero of MaraU&n -hich includes a one6third ratio for caballeros and royal booty specifications for mounted versus unmounted militiamen, the remainder of $lfonsoCs military la-s for to-nsmen at the end of his rei'n 'o to Jara'o a and the more northern and -estern to-ns in the kin'dom? Mall4n /::;<1, $sRn /::;<1, Tudela /undated1, Barbastro /undated1. These repeat earlier la-s re'ardin' hoste, lid campal and castle service -ith three days food supply, already -ell established principles in $ra'on and Navarre. The time frame of ::<:6<; has been su''ested for MaraU&n by #odrR'ue de )ama, D0uero de MaraU&n,D <?::O6<<. D0uero de los pobladores mo rabes de Mall4n,D LTI. D0uero de $sRn,D LTL. D0ueros de Tudela, Cervera y Balipie o,D I:Q. D+rivile'io de .. $lfonso I el Batallador confirmando los privile'ios de la ciudad de Barbastro,D ;LP. !Laragoza 222G6HM, IIO. #amiro II cited Jara'o ans for their military service in (eptember of ::;I -hile a-ardin' the to-n some land 'rants. (ee )acarra, Doc., Tercera serie, LLP. I<. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ITP. I;. DConfirmaci&n de los fueros de Bur'os, 5ulio :<, ::<Q,D :;<. C&I, :T6:<. "bieto $rteta, DNavarra6$ra'&n y la idea imperial,D H?LT. II. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. DConfirmaci&n del fuero de los francos de Toledo, ::;H,D IHP. D0uero del Castillo de =re5a, ::;O,D IL?IPT. IL. BarcRa6Ballo outlines his case for the precedents in military la- in his D0ueros de Toledo,D IL?IL:, n. <II, -hile comparin' the Toledan 'roup of charters -ith those cited by $lberto BarcRa "lecia for the Iberian Cordillera and northeastern Castile in the latterCs Los "actores de di"erenciacin, ;LL6IIQ. (ee also +o-ers, D0rontier Competition,D IHL6QP. IH. D/0oral de1 NumMo, ::;T,D :?;HQ6PT. The "oral of NumMo cites no derivative charter in its te3t. D0oral de Trancoso, ::LP6::HO,D :?;<L6<Q. +imenta, Idade6M:dia F1roblemas e solu<oensI, <L;. !Carcastillo, IPT6P:. !Mara.n,<?:<:. !Calata%ud, ;P. D0uero de )ara,D M., :I<. Three of these charters survive only in vernacular copies, but the coincidence of the la-s and the dates makes a persuasive case for their authenticity on this point. D0oral de Vvora,DDM1, :?;P:6P;. Blasco, D2l problema del fuero de Xvila,D HT?P6;<. Ver'ara y MartRn, Estudio histrico de Nvila, <L6<P. #icardo Blasco has compared some members of the Vvora 'roup of charters in order to make the case for a pre6e3istin' "uero of Xvila, and B. M. Ver'ara y MartRn has dated the missin' charter bet-een :TQT and ::;T. D0uero de Buadala5ara /::;P1,D :TQ6::. !Escalona, IHL. 0or a more complete analysis of this problem, see +o-ers, D+ortu'uese and )eonese Municipal Military )a-,D 'peculum, forthcomin'. (ee also Chapter <. IP. C1&, :Q6:O. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana, ;QH6QP. IQ. Martir #i o, $istoria de Cuenca, <P6<Q. Xlvare MartRne , $istoria general de Lamora, :LO. Ver'ara, Estudio, ;L6;P. IO. C&I, PI6QT, QH, O<6OL. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;QQ. IIM, A"a, :OT6O:. Ibn6cIdh@rA dates the (eville conflict in ::;T, but the details conform closely to that of the other t-o chronicles. 0letcher, 'aint (ames)s Catapult, <PT. LT. C&I, QQ, O:6O<, OL6OP. (nche Belda, D)a Mancha,D :I6:L. 0letcher, 'aint (ames)s Catapult, <PT. L:. C&I, ::T6:P, :<H6;<, :IH6IQ. 0ernnde .uro, Memorias histricas de Lamora, :?;<;. Bautier6.alch4, DIslam et Chr4tient4,D :OO6<TP. 9hile less clear in the presentation of municipal activity, $lfonso VIICs overall campai'nin' is surveyed by #ecuero $stray, &l"onso VII, :;P6QQ. L<. D0uero de (an Cebrin,D L<. D0uero de $les&n,D ;;?:;T. DCarta puebla de (an $ndr4s de $mbrosero,D ;;?:;L. D.onaci&n del 2mperador de los hombres del Bur'o,D :?;P:. !Cuevacardiel, :<<6<;. D0uero de =viedo, ::IL/Y1,D 0ernnde 6Buerra y =rbe, ed., El "uero de &vil:s, ::I, n. L. 0or the ar'ument in behalf of a post6:<<P date for the =viedo6$vil4s charter, see VR'il, &sturias monumental, :?<PP6Q<. D0uero de 0resno,D H?I;T. D0uero de $studillo, ::IP,D <I:. D0ueros de (alinas de $Uana, ::IQ,D :?<:P6:Q. D0uero dado a los bur'ueses de (aha'Nn, :Q diciembre, ::L<,D <?P:6PP. D0uero de VillaCelema,D :I?LH<. !uero de &llariz, I:. D$lfonso VII confirma una concordia ... de =caUa, ::LH,D :P?HLQ. D0uero de Villavicencio, ::LH,D :PH. D0uero de +a5ares de los =teros,D :?;PI. Claudio (nche 6$lborno has su''ested the year ::I; for this undated charter, D0uero de )e&n,D I:. =f the above charters, (an Cebrin /::<L1, $les&n /::;L1, (an $ndr4s /::;H1, Bur'o /::IT1, =viedo <:

/::IL1, 0resno /::IH1, (alinas /::IQ1, Villacelema /::L;1, $llari /c.::L;1, $vil4s /::LL1 and +a5ares e3empted payment of "onsadera. Villamundar /::I<1, =viedo, 0resno and Villacelema e3empted residents from "onsado, -hile Villamundar also offered the only contemporary e3emption from apellido. Curiously, in addition to sharin' $ra'onese characteristics, =viedo, $vil4s and (aha'Nn also shared the place6name of Valcarcer as the 'eo'raphic limit of the irrespective re!uirements of service. The only modern candidates for this place6name are )as Valcrceres /northeast of Bur'os1 and the Valcarce #iver, a tributary of the (il c. ;L kilometers -est of +onferrada. Both of these locations are -ell north of the contemporary Ta5o frontier, but the Valcarce #iver could su''est a need for service a'ainst the emer'in' 8in'dom of +ortu'al. L;. !+uadala/ara 22HE, :TQ. D0uero de los Balbases,D :IL6IP. !Lara, :I<. !&studillo, <I:6I;. D0ueros de Noceda,D <PT. Buadala5ara, )ara /::;L1 and Noceda /::IO1 re!uired "onsadera payment, -hile Balbs /::;L1 seems ambi'uous, su''estin' that some o-e it, -hile others, possibly ne- residents, are e3empt. LI. D+rivile'io de Madrid, ::<<,D <:I6:L. Carlos de )ecea y BarcRa, La communidad % tierra de 'egovia, ;:6;;. D+rivile'io del 2mperador don $lfonso VII, delimitando las tierras de los conce5os de Xvila y Talavera, ::L<,D :;6:L, L;6LI. !1, :LH. (acristn, Municipalidades, <O:. LL. !+uimar=es, :?<. The confirmation of this charter in ::<Q by $fonso I also includes an e3emption from the non6service "ossadeira ta3. D0oral outor'ado a Constantim de +an&ias, :TOH,D :?L. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de 0erreira6de6$ves,D :?IQ6IO. D/0oral de1 Cernancelhe, ::<I,D :?;HI. D0oral de (eia, ::;H,D :?:PP. DConfirmaZMo dos foros de $nsiMes,D :?:QQ. D.. $fonso %enri!ues d carta de foral aos habitantes de )eiria, ::I<,D :?<;I. DCarta de privil4'io de (anta Cru de Coimbra,D :?<HH. DCarta de foral concedida aos povoadores de MesMo60rio, ::L<,D :?<OT. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores do Banho,D :?<O;. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores de (intra, ::LI,D :?;T:. D0oral outor'ado aos povoadores de 0rei3o, ::LL6LP,D :?;::6 :<. LH. DCarta de foral concedida a $ urara da Beira, ::TO6:<,D :?:Q. DCarta de foral outor'ada aos moradores de (tMo, ::::,D :?;T. D0oral concedido aos povoadores de Tavares, :::<,D :?;L. !!erreira, :?IQ6IO. D0oral de Viseu, ::<;,D :?Q<. !Cernancelhe, :?;H;. !Leiria, :?<;I. DCarta a favor dos moradores de $rouce /)ou M1,D :?<QP. !'intra, :?;T:. The four "orais citin' the booty fifth are? D0oral concedido aos habitantes de Coimbra, ::::,D :?;<. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de (oure, ::::,D :?;;. !Aum=o, :?;HQ6HO. !'intra, :?;T:. LP. DChronica Bothorum,D <H6<P. LQ. !Aum=o, :?;HQ. DCarta a favor dos moradores de +enela, ::;P,D :?:O;. LO. D/0oral de1 Miranda da Beira, ::;H,D :?;P;6PI. !Lou=O, :?<QP. !'intra, :?;T:. HT. !'eia, :?:PP6PQ. !'intra, :?;T:. !!rei8o, :?;TO6:<. The only other +ortu'uese charter to su''est (eiaCs May assembly is 0onte6$rcada. D/0oral de1 0onte6$rcada, ::O;,D :?IQH. H:. D$nnales .. $lfonsi +ortu'allensium re'is,D :LP6LQ. This is the ne-est edition of that part of the Chronica +othorum -hich deals -ith the rei'n of $fonso I %enri!ues. The brief chronicle -hich describes the takin' of (antar4m also fails to mention any participation by militias from the to-ns in ::IP. D.e e3pu'natione (calabis,D O;6OL. (ee also $yres de Ma'alhMes (epNlveda, $istoria do e8:rcito portuguPz, I?HO6OQ. H<. )ourie, DThe 9ill of $lfonso I,D LT?H;L6Ll. H;. D0uero de +eralta,D LIH, LIO. D0uero de ,an'uas, ::IL,D I?Q;6QI. D0uero de =lite,D LP. HI. D)as fran!uicias de %uesca, ::;I,D :;L. D+rivile'io concedido los vecinos de "ncastillo,D I?LT. D+rivile'io del #ey de $ra'&n .. #amiro el Mon'e por el cual confirma y adiciona de los fueros de 7aca, /::;I6;P1,D :<O6 ;I. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n, ::;I,D O;6OI. HL. D2l fuero de (an 2stebn de )uesia,D LO:. D0uero de Cetina,D <I?LO:. D0uero de .aroca, ::I<,D ;H<6H;, ;HH6HP. )acarra, DNotas,D :T?<I:6IH. HH. El "uero de Molina de &ragn, HI6HL, P<, Q;6QL, Ol, :<Q. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana, ::O6<:. HP. !Molina, PP. +4re +rendes, D2l orR'en de los caballeros de cuantRa,D O?:I<6I;. HQ. ,usuf, son of (amuel Ibn6Na'rilla, account of :TI< campai'n a'ainst )orca by Na'rilla, and includin' D0rankishD Catalan mercenariesE Divan 'hemuel ha6nagid, ;O, No. :T. I am indebted to +rofessor Norman #oth of the "niversity of 9isconsin for the precedin' reference. $l6IdrAsA, +eogra"a, QT6Q;. )4vi6+rovenZal, 1:ninsule, :<Q, :L;6LI, <TO. HO. DConcesi&n del castillo de $lbiUana con sus t4rminos,D :?IT. DCarta de fran!uicias otor'ada a los habitantes de Castell&, :TQL,D :?HQ. D#amon Beren'uer III dona la ciudad y territorio de Tarra'ona al obispo de Barcelona, (an =le'arRo, para restaurarla y poblarla,D .oc. <. DCarta de poblaci&n concedida a los habitantes de $lmenar, ::IP,D :?:TH. DCarta donationis !uam fecit Bernardus, Tarraconensis archiepiscopus, venerabili #aimundo, comiti Barcinonensi, super civitate Tarraconae, ::L:,D :?<H<. BarcRa6Ballo, D$portaci&n,D II;6II. PT. (acristn, Municipalidades, <O:. $lmirante, #os9ue/o de la historia militar , :?:;I6;L. Bon le , Castilla en la :poca de &l"onso VIII, :?QQT. Bautier6.alch4, DIslam et Chr4tient4,D :O:6<TI. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana, <T6;I.

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THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -40/ 2 - I$%TIT&TI"$AL MAT& IT! A$0 MILITA ! %&CCE%%8 1128-1222

The three decades -hich follo-ed the death of $lfonso VII of )eon6Castile sa- a remarkable development in the evolution of peninsular municipal la-. This -as especially true in +ortu'al, Castile and upland $ra'on, -hose 'roups or families of charters carried the specifications of ri'hts and e3emptions to unprecedented elaboration of detail, 'ivin' us our first indications of the specifics of the everyday e3istence of these to-nsmen. By the end of the t-elfth century -ith the appearance of the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters, the "ueros in )eon and Castile had reached the level of a municipal code of la-s unmatched in its details any-here else in contemporary 2urope. (ome of this la- -as destined to create future difficulties for the lon'6term pro'rams of royal centrali ation, an instance -here present needs out-ei'hed future concerns. The cause of this outpourin' of municipal ri'hts and privile'es is not completely clear, but one of the most basic considerations -as a shorta'e of individuals to man the frontier. 9hile the Templars and %ospitallers of the Near 2ast had be'un to 'arrison fortresses in the +eninsula decades before, especially in $ra'on, their commitments else-here inhibited their ability to take up a ma5or role on the frontiers of the (panish kin'doms. These decades -itnessed the appearance and 'ro-th of the first domestic military orders in Iberia, startin' -ith the =rder of Calatrava in ::LQ./:1 The call for settlers from beyond the +yrenees -hich had made such a lar'e contribution to the settlement of to-ns further north seemed to be declinin' as -ell. The 0rench especially, -ith their commercial links already solidly established in the to-ns of Northern $ra'on, Navarre, Castile and )eon, and -ith the -41/ 'ro-in' distractions provided by the rapid internal development of 0rance and the e3ternal possibilities of the Crusader Near 2ast, seemed to sho- little interest in comin' to the -armer and drier districts -hich noconstituted the southern frontiers of the Iberian kin'doms. This -as doubtless influenced by the threat to daily life and possessions posed by the current e3pansiveness of the $lmohads. Moreover, the compressed population reserve created in $sturias and the Cantabrians by the ori'inal Muslim invasions had lon' since e3hausted itself in the resettlement of the Trans6.uero and the Ta5o Valley. To continue to attract settlers to hold -hat remained of the 'ains of $lfonso VIICs rei'n -hile attemptin' continued e3pansion into the Buadiana Basin, carefully specified ri'hts and liberties -ere necessary to dra- individuals from the comparatively secure north to the ha ards of frontier life. +robably better than any other factor, this e3plains the 'ro-th and elaboration of the municipal charters -e encounter in these three decades. I - Late T,el;th-Centur: *+rtugal and Le+n 0or +ortu'al, the decades -hich make up the mature and later years of $fonso ICs rule /::LP6QL1 -itness the most remarkable e3pansion of municipal military la- -hich -as to occur in the Central Middle $'es. %ere, the e3planation seems tied to the considerable threats $fonso faced, not only from the $lmohads but his felloChristian rulers in )eon and Castile. 0ernando II and (ancho III si'ned a treaty at (aha'Nn /<; May ::LQ1 -hich outlined the future e3pansion of their respective realms. 0ernandoCs )eon -as allotted much of the $lente5o and the $l'arve by this a'reement, leavin' +ortu'al no Muslim frontier to the south for the unconsulted $fonso I. /<1 0ernando II further e3panded his threat a'ainst +ortu'al by establishin' the to-n of Ciudad #odri'o in the early ::HTCs, close a'ainst the +ortu'uese frontier and controllin' the route from (alamanca into the Beira $lta. 9hile this -ould ultimately cause 0ernando more difficulty -ith (alamanca than 'ain a'ainst +ortu'al, $fonso I clearly sa- it as a direct challen'e to his eastern frontier./;1 This event probably e3plains the reappearance of the (alamanca6related "oral ori'inally 'iven to NumMo in ::;T, -hich -as a-arded to Trancoso and si3 other to-ns in the Beira $lta bet-een ::LP and ::HO. /I1 The re'ion faced a ma5or access -42/ route from the 8in'dom of )eon. The (alamanca6Trancoso charters, re!uired the kni'htly class to retain t-o6thirds of their force at home durin' e3peditions, providin' a substantial defensive buffer a'ainst an unanticipated assault from the )eonese kin' or even the territorial ambitions of a militarily6 active to-n such as (alamanca. Nonetheless, one6third of the kni'hts remained available for offensive e3peditions, as -ell. %is )eonese flank secured, $fonso then proceeded to move to-ard the northern $lente5o and even )eonese 23tremadura -ith complete disre'ard for the (aha'Nn treaty. .ra-in' on the assistance of the 'reat frontier fi'hter Beraldo sem 1avor /Berald the 0earless1, 8in' $fonso oversa- campai'ns -hich brou'ht 23tremaduran Cceres, Tru5illo and Montnche as -ell as Vvora and (erpa of the $lente5o into +ortu'uese hands from <;

Muslim control by ::HH. 9hen BeraldoCs stealth and surprise tactics allo-ed him to penetrate the ma5or to-n of Bada5o and besie'e its 'arrison -ithin the to-n citadel in ::HO, 0ernando II -as spurred into movement by the threatened loss of all )eonese 23tremadura to the +ortu'uese. 0ernando struck !uickly to parry the threat, and aided by the Muslims captured $fonso ICs relief e3pedition and promptly besie'ed the besie'ers. $s a result, Bada5o remained in Muslim hands, -hile Cceres, Tru5illo and Montnche returned to the )eonese orbit. /L1 9hile !uelled in his ambitions to-ard )eonese 23tremadura, $fonso I had made the (aha'Nn Treaty a dead letter, and had secured ma5or footholds in the central $lente5o for +ortu'al. This same period -itnessed the 'enesis of t-o ne- families of municipal charters, the prototypes 'iven to Vvora and (antar4m, respectively. )ike Trancoso, Vvora received a charter styled after a )eonese6Castilian model, in this case >vila. But at Vvora and the three other to-ns receivin' this charter by ::QL, a lar'er portion of horsemen serve in offensive e3peditions, -ith the resultant 'aps apparently ti'htened by assi'nin' defensive, and possibly offensive, service to foot soldiers. %orse indemnities emer'e in these "orais to alleviate the heavier horse casualties likely to result from the intensified offensive activity. These charters -ere destined especially for to-ns in the $lente5o, southern Beira and +ortu'uese 2stremadura. /H1 The second family is the most ori'inal of the +ortu'uese charters, a-arded primarily on the south-estern frontier in 2stremadura both north and south of the Te5o. It -as first 'iven in the month of May, ::PO to (antar4m, )isbon and Coimbra. $s -as the case -ith the Trancoso and Vvora families, it -ould be a-arded liberally throu'hout the ne3t four rei'ns. The (antar4m military service la-s provided the most e3tensive re!uirements to appear in the +ortu'uese municipalities in the Central -41/ Middle $'es. Moreover, this military la- reflects a second 'eneration of frontier e3perience -hich 'ives it a sophistication not found in Trancoso or Vvora. =lder la- concerned -ith defensive re!uirements, kni'htly archers and the status of a'ed kni'hts is here combined -ith ne- material, focused for the first time on the tactical details of campai'n and combat./P1 These -ere re'ulations -ell suited to the additional manpo-er $fonso -ould need for the penetration of the $lente5o, born of the e3perience derived from the first 'eneration of active frontier fi'htin'. $ll three families of "orais collectively stress an ur'ency heretofore absent from +ortu'uese municipal military la-? the need to undertake offensive campai'nin'. 9hile the +ortu'uese chronicles -ere silent re'ardin' any such activity on the part of to-n militias, the Muslim chroniclers, especially Ibn6cIdh@rA, -ere certainly a-are of their presence and spotli'hted some of the combat actions -hich may have been related to these le'al developments. The pressure e3erted by +ortu'al on the $lente5o and )eonese 23tremadura roused $lmohad concern. In ::PI (erpa and Be5a -ere retaken and repopulated by the $lmohads. 2mboldened by these successes, the Muslims of (eville, Be5a and (erpa attacked the one surroundin' $lcZer do (al. $ re'ional force sallied forth to meet them and a battle ensued. .urin' the course of combat the (antar4m militia arrived, catchin' the Islamic force off 'uard and turnin' the stru''le into a rout of the Muslim army. The resultant alarm from this battle so discoura'ed the ne- settlers of Be5a that they packed up and retreated to M4rtola -ithout a-aitin' a Christian assault. In ::QT the militias of Toledo and (antar4m /Ibn6cIdh@rA is unclear -hether they -ere teamed or merely raidin' separately1 struck the re'ion of the Buadal!uivir -hile al6MuCminin -as directin' a raid a'ainst )isbon. In the follo-in' year a Muslim e3pedition marched into the $lente5o and laid sie'e to Vvora, pinnin' the residents inside like Dho-lin' vi3ens.D The entire campai'n lasted from mid6May to late 7une, and Vvora held despite battle losses and prisoners taken /ITT men and :<T -omen1. ::Q<6Q; sa- the militias of (antar4m and )isbon -ith both infantry and cavalry forces counter -ith an assault of their o-n a'ainst (anlucar, launchin' algaras /raids1, sprin'in' ambushes, killin' Muslims and destroyin' crops before retreatin' -ith abundant booty. /Q1 T-o Muslim chroniclers rendered accounts of the Muslim assault on the prime troublemaker, (antar4m, in 7une and 7uly of ::QI. The Muslim 'overnor of (eville brou'ht his $ndalusian force to Bada5o , combinin' it -ith forces from 23tremadura there, and then moved on to (antar4m. The Muslim besie'ers devastated the area around (antar4m, destroyin' churches, crops and hamlets and routin' the initial apelido sent out to -44/ deal -ith the invaders. $ more serious battle took place on 7uly <, -ith the Muslims breakin' off combat after heavy losses. The Muslim commander Muhammad ibn Ibr@hAm, terminally ill, besou'ht $llah for the 'ift of (antar4m. $llahCs apparent response -as to take the commanderCs soul to heaven instead, and -hen one of the chief Muslim court officials defected to the Christian side, the besie'ers became very discoura'ed. 0inally autumn cold, rain and a s-ellin' Te5o #iver doomed the pro5ect, and the Muslims -ithdre- empty6handed. /O1 =ne last t-elfth6century raid involvin' (antar4m -as recounted from Muslim sources in ::OT. In the summer of that year the $lmohads moved out from (eville and C&rdoba -ith (antar4m as the initial tar'et. %avin' devastated the cereals crop in the re'ion, they then struck north some thirty kilometers across the Te5o to attack Torres Novas. 8in' (ancho I arrived at (antar4m -ith a relief force, and then turned north to pursue the invaders. Mean-hile, aided by the Templars the to-n of Torres Novas -ithstood a -eekCs sie'e, causin' the $lmohads to -ithdra-, laden -ith booty, to the safety of (eville before (ancho I could intercept them. /:T1 0rom the point of vie- of the Muslim -riters, at least, the ne-ly established and chartered +ortu'uese to-ns -ere be'innin' to perform outstandin' service on $fonso ICs southeast frontier. In nei'hborin' )eon durin' the appro3imately contemporary rei'n of 0ernando II /::LP6QQ1, the survivin' municipal record does not indicate a close parallel to the +ortu'uese model. The number of survivin' municipal <I

"ueros -ith military references is far fe-er than in +ortu'al for this period, matchin' the e!ually thin record for the municipal militias in the chronicles. In contrast to +ortu'al, the survivin' narrative references are Christian, and are centered on the foundin' of Ciudad #odri'o /c. ::HT1 and the reaction of (alamanca to that endeavor. (ince the days of $lfonso VII, (alamanca had been an active frontier a'ent of combat, usually in cooperation -ith the kin'. 2ven durin' the initial stru''le to populate the ne- to-n situated on the main road from (alamanca into +ortu'al to-ard Buarda, (alamancaCs militia alon' -ith that of Jamora had 5oined 0ernando IICs relief e3pedition to save Ciudad #odri'o, -hen the rebellious 0ernando #ui de Castro -ith a combined force of Christian and Muslim rene'ades suddenly laid sie'e to the populace in ::HT. By ::H<, the (alamancans had come to vie- the matter differently, and turned hostile to Ciudad #odri'o -hen 0ernando II be'an to build a fortress as a citadel for the to-n. 9hen it became clear that (alamancaCs -42/ militia, led by NuUo (errano, intended to march a'ainst Ciudad #odri'o to tear do-n its fortress, the kin' attacked -ith his o-n force. (alamancaCs army -as defeated at Valmu a /near modern (alvatierra del Tormes1, and NuUo -as beheaded for his mischief. The revolt !uelled, 0ernando soon reinstated (alamanca in his favor. In ::HH the to-nCs militia 5oined him on campai'n a'ainst the +ortu'uese at $r'aUn and assisted the kin' once more in the takin' of $lcntara in ::HP. /::1 9e have no evidence that militias took part in 0ernandoCs strike a'ainst Beraldo the 0earless at Bada5o in ::HO nor any indications of their contributions to the military frontier for the remainder of the monarchCs rule. The charters are e!ually thin both in numbers and military indications for 0ernando IICs rei'n. $mon' a 'roup of charters -hich tend to e3empt individuals from military service or non6service finin', Benavente obtained a "uero /variously dated from ::HI to ::Q;1 that indicated both old and ne- trends. By no- familiar e3emptions from military service -ere provided for the ill, for those -ho had lost -ives -ithin a year, and for those -ho -ere on pil'rima'e to #ome. =lder residents -ere no- permitted to send sons or nephe-s on campai'n in their stead. But BenaventeCs most interestin' precedent -ould have important implications for the future of the )eonese municipal military capability. =ffice holders or individuals -ho brou'ht specific e!uipment to military campai'ns could secure e3emptions from service for other residents /provided they -ere not caballeros1, presumably those -hom they mi'ht name./:<1 In addition to the political clout ac!uired by to-n officials for this type of inverse patrona'e, 'rantin' e3cuses from service in return for e!uipment implied a ne- set of priorities for the )eonese monarchy? namely, a smaller, better6e!uipped force from the to-n -as preferable to a more numerous but poorly6e!uipped militia contin'ent. Certainly there is little evidence to su''est in the comparative e3pansion rates of Castile versus )eon that $lfonso IW -ould have been correct in the assumption that this made for a more effective militia. But more problematically, this principle, once established, -ould appear repeatedly in the charters of the frontier 23tremaduran to-ns in the ne3t century. Therefore, one mi'ht advance an alternative e3planation, ar'uin' that royal concern over the capability of a to-n militia mi'ht dictate a curbin' of such potentially dan'erous municipal threats -ithin the realm. The same royal conservatism could also e3plain the comparative lack of frontier advance in the )eonese kin'dom even in the face of +ortu'uese, Castilian and $lmohad e3pansionism. -43/ II - Castile and Arag+n 2ast of )eon in Castile and $ra'on, events moved much more rapidly both in the contest for the frontier and in institutional development. 8in' $lfonso VIIICs Castile and the turncoat Muslim prince Ibn6MardanAsh of Murcia /kno-n to Christians as 8in' )obo1 seemed to rank as the $lmohad priority tar'ets, follo-ed by pressure on the Ta5o Valley to drive the Christian kin's back into the Trans6.uero. The Christian enclave at the Mediterranean port of $lmerRa soon fell alon' -ith Bae a, the advanced sta'in' point for Christian raids into $ndalusia. /:;1 .urin' the ne3t several decades, the main battle'round -ould be the lands south and east of Toledo? NeCastile and )a Mancha. In this one, everythin' pivoted upon the rulerCs makin' the time and findin' the ener'y to take and retake fortresses and to-ns, as -ell as his 'eneratin' the human resources to repopulate and defend -hat he had con!uered. In this re'ard, the to-ns of the frontier -ere to play a vital role. 9e can infer from the scattered references in the chronicles and in royal documents -hich have survived that their military and settlement activity -ere -idespread. /:I1 %o-ever, the to-n of >vila stands out especially, not only due to its active frontier status but because a chronicle of its deeds in this period, -ritten in the thirteenth century, has survived. 9hile the Crnicadelapoblacin de Cvila mi'ht serve to distort that to his place in the frontier history of the t-elfth century, many of the $bulense adventures contained there are substantiated in the Muslim chronicles, -here >vila also merits fre!uent reference both as victor and as van!uished. %ad all of our sources survived, >vilaCs true position in frontier -arfare could be assessed more evenly. $s matters stand, -e can assume at least that the $bulense e3perience is representative of that encountered by a number of the municipalities of the Trans6.uero and the Ta5o Valley. The $bulense militia possessed a leader -ho must have matched the 0earless Beraldo of +ortu'al in his pictures!ue aspect if not in his romantic one. %is name -as (ancho 7imeno, called %unchback / el +iboso1 by the Christians and the +acksaddler /&b>u#ardaca1 by some Muslims. 9ith his brother B&me , (ancho the %unchback -as credited -ith leadin' some <L raids a'ainst the Muslims from the ::ITCs until ::P;. (ancho -as <L

in many -ays the heir of Munio $lfonso, the 'reat combat leader of >vila in the ::;TCs and ::ITCs, and like him died heroically but tra'ically in combat. The Christian sources take note of (anchoCs command of the >vila militia for a raid a'ainst (eville in the latter part of $lfonso VIICs rei'n, as -ell as others he led a'ainst the same city in ::LQ and ::P:./:L1 The spectacular nature of his last e3pedition -ith the -44/ $bulense militia in ::P; dre- citation from four Muslim sources, one of -hich mentions the D0riarsD of a military order / i"rQr1 -ho may have accompanied the militia on campai'n. By one Muslim account, the %unchback and his $bulense raiders had already struck deep into the Muslim south at Tarifa and $l'eciras and returned home once that year. This second campai'n took the force into central $ndalusia, -here it crossed the Buadal!uivir at +alma del #Ro and laid -aste to the re'ion south-est of C&rdoba. If they brou'ht back even a substantial fraction of the LT,TTT sheep and <TTT head of cattle attributed to their booty6takin' by one Muslim source, they -ould have made a spectacular si'ht as they herded their animals and prisoners back across the Buadal!uivir. They 'ot no farther than the southern approach to the old fortress of Calatrava 5ust north of the Muradal +ass in the (ierra Morena. .oubtless slo-ed do-n by the pace of their four6le''ed booty, (ancho and his militia -ere overtaken at Caracuel by an $lmohad force mustered at (eville and reinforced at C&rdoba. "n-illin' to 'ive up the profits of combat, the Christians 'athered their herds and prisoners in a lar'e cluster and made a stand a'ainst the numerically superior $lmohads. .riven up the side of a mountain, the %unchback and his follo-ers fou'ht to the last man -hile a handful of the $bulense militiamen -ho still survived in other parts of the battlefield fled the hopeless contest. The Muslims recovered all of the stolen animals and their kindred taken prisoner. The head of (ancho the %unchback rode a spear back to (eville -ith an accompaniment of Muslim tambourines. Nonetheless, the Muslims paid (ancho the ultimate compliment by the 'reat value they placed on the victory and the termination of his career. /:H1 +ossibly the 'rimmest indication of all of the e3tent of the Christian losses -as the comparative silence of the Chronicle of >vila re'ardin' $bulense militia e3ploits for the ne3t t-o decades. Nor had the $lmohads been sittin' idly a-aitin' Christian raids durin' this period. "nder $bN ,ac!Nb ,Nsuf I, the Muslim caliph -ho had 5ust crossed over from North $frica, they led an assault on 8in' )oboCs Murcia in the sprin' of ::P<, and -ith the death of )obo accepted the surrender of Murcia. ,Nsuf then moved to retake the sections of northern )a Mancha -hich )obo had 'ranted to Castile, a drive -hich sa- the capturin' of the castles of Vilches and $lcara and -as clima3ed by the sie'e of the to-n of %uete. This -as not a seasonal booty6'atherin' raid but an assault desi'ned to capture critical strate'ic locations to anchor the Muslim frontier -ell north of $ndalusia. 9hether the Muslims -ould have simply destroyed %uete or attempted to resettle it, -e do -48/ not kno-. In either case they -ere to be frustrated. The youn' $lfonso VIII had 5ust reinforced %uete and its militia a fe- -eeks before, and the added numbers may e3plain -hy the Muslim force cau'ht the to-n shy of supplies, particularly -ater. The attendant cler'y of both sides besou'ht the heavens for relief or submission, respectively. 0orays and costly combats proved unavailin' to force the capture or break the sie'e, and surrender terms could not be a'reed upon. Then the arrival of an unusual summer rain front appeared on (unday, refillin' the cisterns of %uete and dampenin' the effectiveness of a Monday Muslim assault. $bN ,ac!Nb chided his troops for their lackluster fi'htin', -hich had persuaded $llah that they had not -anted victory keenly enou'h. The lar'e and famished Muslim army then -ithdre- to nei'hborin' Cuenca for resupply. "ltimately the Muslim force -as to campai'n in )a Mancha and Murcia, and even attack the Ta5o Valley near Toledo and Talavera before the year -as out. The campai'ns terminated as mere booty6'atherin' raids -ith no lastin' impact on the frontier settlement pattern. 2ven Be5a -as lost to the fearless Beraldo and +ortu'al that year. The $lmohad caliph accepted a seven6year truce -ith $lfonso VIII, -hich si'naled the conclusion of a period of Muslim e3pansive frontier momentum./:P1 (hortly thereafter in ::PP, the Castilian kin' violated this truce by assemblin' an e3pedition to lay sie'e to Muslim Cuenca, a to-n of 'reat strate'ic si'nificance since it functioned as a supply base for $ndalusian e3peditions in )a Mancha /as at %uete1 and controlled a crucial passa'e throu'h the Iberian Cordillera to $ra'on. The city, sittin' astride the 7Ncar and %u4car river 'or'es on an e3tended rid'e flanked by precipitous cliffs, -as thou'ht to be invulnerable by Ibn (@hib al6(al@ -ho mentioned its Dlofty citadel, uncon!uerable, -hose hei'ht reached heaven-ard to touch the clouds.D $pparently $lfonsoCs besie'in' forces -ere too lar'e to be attacked directly by the Islamic musters available, and the historian Ibn6cIdh@rA tells us instead the profitable raids that -ere launched that year a'ainst the Ta5o Valley at Toledo and Talavera, almost certainly as a diversion to dissuade $lfonso from his pro5ect. These sources also note the ::PP raids of Ciudad #odri'o and Talavera and the capture of a portion of the latterCs militia -hen these Christian to-ns launched a counter6strike at $rcos and 74re de la 0rontera. 9hat Ibn6cIdh@rA and the $nonymous Chronicler of Madrid and Copenha'en do not mention is the failure of all of this ::PP activity to accomplished its basic mission, the relief of Cuenca or the capture of any other Christian to-ns in compensation. -45/ #ather, Cuenca capitulated to $lfonso VIII on <: (eptember ::PP after a sie'e of several months. /:Q1 0or the $lmohads it -as a ma5or loss, and possession of the to-n substantially enhanced CastileCs 'rip on )a Mancha. $s -e have seen, (eville concentrated its campai'nin' efforts in the ne3t fe- years a'ainst the $lente5o in +ortu'al, althou'h the Muslim sources do note a raid of dubious success a'ainst Talavera in ::Q<, as -ell as a counter6strike by the militia of Toledo a'ainst C&rdoba in the same year. /:O1 Certainly the militias demonstrated that they could hold their o-n in raidin' and in the defense <H

of their re'ion. It is difficult to ima'ine ho- $lfonso VIII could have taken Cuenca -ithout bein' able to count on the municipalities to maintain the campai'nin' pressure throu'hout the remainder of his frontiers. =ne of the primary considerations -hich persuaded $lfonso VIII to move a'ainst Cuenca -as the potential threat constituted by his nei'hborin' Christian monarch to the east, 8in' $lfonso II of $ra'on6Catalonia /Count $lfons I of Catalonia1. The son of Count #amon Beren'uer IV and the 'randson of 8in' #amiro, $lfonso II -as the first person to rule these t-o hi'hly diverse realms in his o-n ri'ht. Concludin' his minority and receivin' the kin'6count position in ::H<, $lfonso soon ac!uired yet more territory -ith the ac!uisition of his uncleCs lands in +rovence in ::HH. ::HO sa- the con!uest of $lfambra, and by ::Pl the kin' had established a settlement in Teruel, soon to prove his most redoubtable frontier to-n in the south. /<T1 Teruel could have been seen as a 'ate-ay for $ra'on to take Cuenca and reopen the old claims of $lfonso I to Castilian lands and -hat -as left of 8in' )oboCs Murcian kin'dom. $ny possibilities for this development -ere stifled by $lfonso VIIICs successful sie'e of Cuenca, a sie'e durin' -hich $lfonso II rendered assistance in e3chan'e for the removal of the last vesti'es of CastileCs feudal su erainty over Jara'o a. In the ne3t t-o decades $lfonso II and $lfonso VIII made a number of a'reements -ith each other over the future ri'hts of con!uest of the Muslim south, Castile to receive Murcia and $ra'on Valencia. /<:1 .urin' the same period the t-o monarchs monitored each otherCs pro'ress alon' their mutual Iberian Cordilleran frontier -ith 'reat care. .urin' the course of the middle and later t-elfth century, the development of the municipalities in the Cordilleran one -here Castilian and $ra'onese competition -as concentrated produced a lar'e body of municipal la-. The primary catalyst behind this emer'ence lay in the needs of the monarchs to populate and hold this one and the bar'ainin' po-er this necessity 'ave to the ne- settlers. By the end of the century the $ra'onese to-n of Teruel and the Castilian to-n of Cuenca received charters -hich contained remarkably e3tended statements of the la-s heretofore unprecedented. 0urther, the codes of Teruel and Cuenca are e3ceedin'ly similar to each other, and must have been 'enerated -20/ from a base formulary upon -hich both chanceries could dra- as a model. That ori'inal formulary has lon' since been lost, and the relative input of Castilian versus $ra'onese la- into that collection is still much debated by institutional historians. These charters -ere destined to become the format for numerous subse!uent "ueros 'ranted both in Castile and $ra'on, spreadin' the la- of the Cordillera into the lo-er Meseta. 0urther, these e3tended "ueros seem to have had their impact in the 8in'dom of )eon, as -ell. (hortly after the issuin' of the Cuenca6Teruel charter, $lfonso IW appears to have 'ranted an e3tended charter to Ciudad #odri'o around ::OT or thereafter, not closely modeled after the eastern formulary but close enou'h to su''est influence from it into )eon. %ere a'ain a family of charters spa-ned from the )eonese formulary, of -hich versions survive for several to-ns in )eonese 23tremadura and the +ortu'uese $lente5o./<<1 III - The I(pact +; Alarc+s %o- does all of this le'al advance affect the combat capability of the militiasY If -e can assume that the earliest versions of Cuenca, Teruel and Ciudad #odri'o -ere in place by the end of the t-elfth century, then the first event -hich -e can tie to the ne-ly formali ed militia la-s is an unmiti'ated Christian military disaster, the battle of $larcos of ::OL. The $lmohad Caliph al6MansNr led an e3pedition across )a Mancha in 7uly of ::OL probably directed a'ainst Toledo and the Ta5o Valley. 8in' $lfonso VIII, un-illin' to a-ait reinforcement from his cousin $lfonso IW of )eon, moved south to $larcos near the Buadiana #iver, -here the $lmohads sou'ht to prevent a ne- fortress bein' constructed by the =rder of Calatrava. $lfonso VIIICs prompt arrival relieved that pressure at the cost of facin' a numerically lar'er enemy. In the subse!uent conflict, an attempt to break the Muslim center -as parried by al6MansNrCs reserve, follo-ed by the rapid deterioration of the Christian position. $lfonso VIII barely 'ot a-ay -ith his life in the ensuin' rout, at the price of very heavy losses. The de'ree to -hich the municipal militias participated in this critical battle remains very much in doubt, althou'h it is a commonplace amon' to-n historians to su''est that their particular Castilian municipality participated in the stru''le. The only contemporary evidence of municipal participation in this disaster is the account in the Chronicle of >vila citin' $bulense service in the battle, service -hich took the lives of t-o hundred of the to-nCs caballeros. Men of >vila seem also to have served as $lfonso VIIICs rear 'uard as he retreated to (otillo. /<;1 %o-ever, the fact that >vilaCs -21/ militia -as present at $larcos stron'ly su''ests a 'eneral muster of available military resources -hich probably included contin'ents from other municipalities, as -ell. Their identity and performance remain matters of con5ecture. $larcos may tell us all too little concernin' the level of municipal readiness for combat in the -ake of the le'al elaborations to-ard the end of the t-elfth century, but the Muslim e3peditions -hich follo-ed the $lmohad victory offer stron'er indications that institutionali in' the municipal military contribution bore si'nificant frontier dividends. The Muslims -isely follo-ed up their victory at $larcos -ith ma5or e3peditions in the summers of ::OH and ::OP. The first came up from (eville throu'h 23tremadura, capturin' the e3posed frontier settlements at Montnche , Tru5illo and the ne-ly6founded to-n of +lasencia as the defenders -ithdre- from the -alls into the keep of the citadel, only to capitulate. The Muslims then struck the Ta5o Valley to-ns, movin' <P

in turn a'ainst Talavera, 2scalona, Ma!ueda, and devastatin' the area around Toledo /includin' a Dpleasure residenceD of 8in' $lfonso VIII at Munia1. (ave a castle or t-o, this raidin' 'ained the $lmohads nothin' as the Christian to-ns -ithstood the assaults. The follo-in' year the $ndalusians returned to the central Ta5o district once more, this time testin' the defenses of Ma!ueda and Toledo, and then s-in'in' north into the Man anares and %enares valleys to harass Madrid, $lcal and Buadala5ara, finally tryin' the -alls and militias of the municipalities of upper )a Mancha at "cl4s, %uete, Cuenca, $lcara and $larc&n /these last in the process of receivin' or soon to receive copies of the !uerodeCuenca1. The &nales oledanos likened the t-o years to a visitation of the D-rath of Bod.D .oubtless the booty -as comparatively rich and the disruption of to-n life substantial, but the Muslims achieved nothin' of permanence save the fortresses of $larcos and Calatrava 'ained in the -ake of the 'reat battle and their subse!uent con!uests in 23tremadura early in ::OH. /<I1 The Ta5o Valley and )a Manchan to-ns, -ithout any assistance from $lfonsoCs depleted forces or the military orders, absorbed the shock of the post6$larcos assaults and sufficiently discoura'ed al6MansNr so as to persuade him to seek a truce -ith the 8in' of Castile. $ more classical e3ample of deep6based defense -ould be difficult to find. Moreover, the municipal military capability constituted a decisive factor in the Christian kin's bein' able to maintain their con!uered territories even in the aftermath of disasters like $larcos. To besie'e the to-ns one by one took time and resources, and these -ere never sufficiently available to the $lmohad caliphs, particularly -hen they had to consider -22/ -hat mischief the other Iberian kin'doms and their North $frican tributaries mi'ht be plottin'. There is a case to be made here that municipal military capacity and its le'al maturity -ere indeed developin' in close parallel. I6 - The Triu(ph +; Las $a9as de T+l+sa The chronicles 'ive no indications of military activity by the to-ns for the first decade of the thirteenth century, but this proved to be merely a pre6storm lull. By :<:T, $lfonso VIII -as a'ain prepared to rene- settlement pressure in )a Mancha by settlin' Moya and the Castilian ones of 23tremadura by settlin' B45ar. In May of :<:: $lfonso led a raidin' force made up of the militias of Madrid, Buadala5ara, %uete, Cuenca and "cl4s do-n the Valencia road to attack 7tiva and the Mediterranean coast. The $lmohads responded by assaultin' the castle of (alvatierra, the last Calatravan fortress deep in the south of )a Mancha. 9hile the kni'hts of Calatrava held out a'ainst the e3tended sie'e in the summer of :<::, $lfonso VIII pressed his municipalities for a second time in that year to 'ather a relief army. .espite the fact that $lfonso VIII -ould be able to 'ather the same municipal militias utili ed in the 7Ncar Valley castles later in =ctober, sufficient assistance in 7uly and $u'ust -as not forthcomin', and the kin' had to stand by helplessly as (alvatierra capitulated by the end of summer. /<L1 %o-ever, for Muhammad an6N@sir, the $lmohad caliph, (alvatierra -as a decidedly pyrrhic victory, since it both distracted him from further campai'nin' a'ainst a possibly vulnerable Castile for the remainder of that year, and because the fall of (alvatierra alarmed both the papacy and the Cistercian order, to -hose or'ani ation the Calatravans -ere attached. Innocent III promptly assisted $lfonso VIII in the summonin' of a 'reat crusade -hich brou'ht thousands of reinforcements across the +yrenees, as -ell as the troops and personal leadership of (ancho VII of Navarre and +edro II of $ra'on to $lfonsoCs side. The result -as a 'atherin' of the lar'est Christian army in (panish history in Toledo in 7une of :<:<, assemblin' -ith the ostensible purpose of re6takin' (alavatierra but -ith a far 'reater destiny to achieve as events unfolded. Included in the assembla'e -ere a number of municipal militias -hich -ould en5oy a share of that destiny. The hu'e e3peditionary force proceeded south to the Buadiana Valley. $fter the capture of the =ld Calatrava fortress, the 7uly heat persuaded the Trans6+yreneans, mostly 0renchmen, to return home -ell short of fulfillin' their crusadin' vo-s. But $lfonso VIII drove on-ard -ith his %ispanic allies into southern )a Mancha -hile receivin' his first indications -21/ that a massive Muslim army outnumberin' his o-n reduced forces -as 'atherin' on the far side of the (ierra Morena beyond the Muradal +ass. In consultation -ith the other Christian leaders, $lfonso determined to en'a'e in a decisive battle -ith the lar'e Muslim relief army. Bypassin' (alvatierra, $lfonso VIII made for the Muradal +ass, but discovered Muslim detachments had already arrived to occupy the vital passa'e-ay. The Christian army, stalled by this parry, encamped to consider returnin' to Toledo, but information provided by an old shepherd su''ested an alternative route around Muradal +ass. $lfonso crossed the (ierra Morena and descended into $ndalusia, arran'in' his forces for battle on the Navas /plains1 of Tolosa immediately to the south of the mountain ran'e. The sta'e -as set for the 'reatest battle in the annals of the #econ!uest. Both sides apparently resorted to a conventional arran'ement of their troops in three units alon' a line /a center and t-o -in's1 -ith a reserve held back. The Muslims also had an advance line of li'ht skirmishers, -hose provocative thrust at the Christian lines probably opened the battle. The number and disposition of the municipal militias at )as Navas, -hile the best described of any ma5or battle until then, have remained some-hat uncertain due to the ambi'uous survivin' narratives and the numerous claims made by assorted municipal historians concernin' their o-n to-nCs role. %ad all the municipal claimants produced their alle'ed forces alon' -ith the myriad of aristocratic families -ho claimed ancestors participatin' in the battle, the support column mi'ht -ell <Q

have e3tended back to (antander. This much seems clear by combinin' accounts? there -ere to-n forces in all three main battle lines, and specific reference is made to the militias of >vila, (e'ovia, Medina del Campo and Toledo and their placement in the Christian ri'ht -in' under the command of 8in' (ancho the (tron' of Navarre. (ince other militia forces -ere collectively alluded to in the other -in's of $lfonso VIIICs forces, other to-ns must have contributed their militias, as -ell. 9e -ill probably never possess the complete list or deduce the full numbers involved./<H1 The infantry detachments from the to-ns -ere mi3ed -ith cavalry forces in all -in's, a mi3ture subse!uently 5ustified by 8in' $lfonso in his letter to +ope Innocent III as needed to secure his flanks from envelopment. There may have been another reason in addition. The $rchbishop of Toledo #odri'o 7im4ne de #ada, 8in' $lfonsoCs companion throu'hout the battle, tells us that the kin' be'an to voice fears in the early phases of en'a'ement that his unsophisticated -24/ infantry forces mi'ht break under combat pressure and flee the battlefield./<P1 Biven the course of events -hich follo-ed, the archbishop appears to have used historianCs hindsi'ht to frame this prophetic remark. )as Navas be'an in earnest -hen the Christian forces be'an a full6scale advance a'ainst the Muslim skirmishin' line and scattered it -hile movin' to-ard the main Islamic lines. The t-o forces then en'a'ed and 'rappled in indecisive combat. In time Muhammad an6N@sir committed a portion of his reserve -ith the initial effect of bucklin' the Christian lines, causin' some of the Christians to flee. 9hile it -as not clear -ho -as involved in the fli'ht, to-nsmen, nobles, or military orders /all these had e3perience in battlefield fli'ht prior to )as Navas1, the threat -as sufficient for 8in' $lfonso to consider endin' his life in the center of the fray rather than survive another loss such as $larcos. But $rchbishop #odri'o, a'ain -ith the prophetic hindsi'ht of his post6battle history, re5oined that triumph, not disaster, -as CastileCs destiny that day. The archbishopCs portion of the reserve and the Toledan standard -ere committed to the conflict at that point, -hile the fleein' Christians -ere persuaded to return to the yet undecided battle. The lines stabili ed once more, and indeed be'an to bend in the opposite direction -hen the $ndalusian Muslims be'an to 'ive 'round and flee. The Muslim loss of momentum had unnerved Muhammad an6N@sir. 9hen a detachment of Christians approached his battlefield position and broke throu'h his line of chained Ne'ro body'uards, the Muslim caliph himself broke into headlon' fli'ht to-ard 7a4n. By no- the North $frican $lmohad and $rabic units -ere retreatin', a retreat -hich !uickly evolved into a disastrous rout -ith the Muslims takin' heavy losses of men and battle 'ear, durin' a pursuit -hich lasted into the evenin'. The Christian army then re6'rouped durin' the follo-in' day to assess the number of Muslim dead and the profits to be taken from the field. The booty taken by the Christians -as enormous, so much so that one observer insisted that t-o thousand asses -ere insufficient to carry it a-ay. 9hile assessments of the performance of the municipal militias at )as Navas vary, it is difficult to see ho- $lfonso VIII could have -on -ithout the troops mounted and unmounted that they provided. /<Q1 %e -as certainly impressed sufficiently -ith their contribution to use their forces for the remainder of that year and to call on them for the third year runnin' in :<:;. In the follo-6up campai'nin' for the remainder of the summer of :<:<, $lfonso VIII concentrated on the capturin' and 'arrisonin' of fortresses -hich -ould assure that the passa'e-ay forced into -22/ $ndalusia -ould remain secure. The upper $ndalusian to-ns of Bae a and [beda -ere captured, their -alls dismantled and fields devastated, and the population of the latter carried off into slavery. C&rdoba, 7a4n and Branada sent forces to attempt recapture of the fortresses of BaUos, Tolosa and 0erral, but the Muslims -ere stymied by the Christian municipal militias of Toledo, Madrid and %uete. /<O1 0inally, the pla'ue -hich ensued from the spreadin' death and destruction accomplished -hat the Muslims could not, and the 'ro-in' illness in the Christian ranks persuaded the Castilian kin' to return to the victorious celebration a-aitin' in Toledo. :<:; proved a busy year for the militias and $lfonso remained active on the frontier as -ell, despite the 'radual onset of the terminal illness -hich took his life in :<:I. The combination of disease, a hard -inter in :<:<6:; and a drou'ht in the sprin' and summer of :<:; made it difficult to even hold on to, to say nothin' of e3pand on, the 'ains of the previous year. Nonetheless, in 0ebruary of :<:; $lfonso VIII led a hueste -hich included the militias of Madrid, Buadala5ara, %uete, Cuenca and "cl4s to the capture of the 7Ncar fortresses of )as Cuevas and $lcal. 0rom March throu'h May the Castilian kin' besie'ed and captured the key crossroads to-n of $lcara -ith the aid of the militias of Toledo, Ma!ueda and 2scalona. By 7uly, the Talaveran militia -as off on its o-n e3pedition into $ndalusia, but -as badly beaten by a Muslim force under the 'overnor of (eville near $lcal de Buadaira, -ho took much of the Talaveran force prisoner. 0ollo-in' the reckless e3ample of Talavera, the son of the 'overnor of C&rdoba led a mi3ed force of $ndalusians and Berbers in a raid north of the Ta5o in (eptember. Initially the Muslims -ere !uite successful, but ac!uisition of booty slo-ed their pro'ress and they -ere overtaken by the reinforced Toledo militia. The C&rdoban force lost its booty and many of its members lost their lives. The victorious Toledans bore the lorigas /mail 5ackets1, horses and heads of the van!uished back to their to-n in triumph. /;T1 The death of $lfonso VIII in :<:I and the untimely death of his son 2nri!ue I in :<:P meant that no further advance -ould be made in the -ake of )as Navas de Tolosa in the immediate future. %o-ever, much that -ould be accomplished by $lfonsoCs 'randson 0ernando III in the ne3t thirty6five years had been made possible by the achievements of the military forces so adroitly harnessed in these <O

fe- critical years by the kin' of Castile. Clearly, the municipal militias had been a vital component of those frontier forces. The second decade of the thirteenth century -itnessed the passin' of a number of si'nificant milestones in the Iberian +eninsula. The kin's of +ortu'al /(ancho I1, Castile /$lfonso VIII and 2nri!ue I1 and $ra'on6Catalonia -23/ /+edro II6+ere I1 died, resultin' in a transition of po-er to youn'er hands in those realms. $lfonso IW and (ancho VII the (tron' continued their rule in )eon and Navarre, respectively, but -ere ever more hemmed in by the e3pansion of their nei'hbors. 0or (ancho of Navarre the containment -as virtually total, but $lfonso IW attempted to maintain his options on southern e3pansion -hile e3ertin' pressure a'ainst the east-ard e3pansion of Castile. The total absorption of )eon by Castile -as not yet inevitable. The 'reat enterprise at )as Navas in :<:< had borne fruit for all of the peninsular monarchs in rene-ed opportunities for e3pansion at the e3pense of the thorou'hly disrupted Islamic states, -hich -ere slippin' into a disunity even $lmohad determination could not arrest. Indeed, that determination became increasin'ly enervated by political and reli'ious uncertainty resultin' from al6MaCmunCs proclamation a'ainst the infallibility of Ibn6TNmart, the founder of the fierce orthodo3y of the $lmohad Berbers. $l6MaCmun, the former 'overnor of C&rdoba and (eville, thereby provoked -idespread disa'reement and self6doubt amon' the $lmohad leaders, 'ivin' one more e3ample of the hi'hly cultivated civili ation of Muslim %ispania providin' the shoals on -hich North $frican puritanism floundered. /;:1 The $lmohad succession crisis sparked -idespread revolt on the part of the (panish Muslims of al6$ndalus after :<<I. Thus, (panish Islam moved from stubborn resistance to factious disarray in the thirty6five years after )as Navas, -hile the Christian monarchs intensified their pressure and sou'ht to obtain 'reater unity of purpose. The result -as an a'e of spectacular military successes for +ortu'al, )eon, Castile and the federated Cro-n of $ra'on, a harvest of victories in -hich the urban militias of all four realms had a hand in the reapin'. The 8in'dom of Navarre had become moribund as a frontier state by :<:P, and 8in' (ancho the (tron' had rendered his last 'reat contribution to the #econ!uest -ith his outstandin' performance at )as Navas. (uch urban combat of -hich -e have record seems lar'ely to have taken place bet-een the 0rench and Bas!ue barrios of +amplona, -hich sa- 8in' (ancho and Bishop #amiro hard at -ork on pacification in :<<<. /;<1 The military precedents in Navarrese "ueros virtually disappear for the remainder of the century. 0or the other Christian kin'doms, ho-ever, the frontiers lay open and the opportunities beckoned. 6 - The End +; the Le+nese ec+n<uest 0or )eon, most of the to-n militia activity of the precedin' decades seems to have focused on the borders of their Christian nei'hbors, doubtless due to -24/ the e3pansive pressures comin' from +ortu'al in the -est and Castile in the east, countered by 8in' $lfonso IWCs tendency to remain at peace -ith the $lmohads. The 1rimera Crnica +eneral occasionally cites the combat a'ainst the Muslims of a particular to-nCs militia, such as +lasencia, durin' the earlier part of $lfonso IWCs rei'n. /;;1 %o-ever, this does not seem to have been typical of the )eonese to-n militias and +lasencia -as 'ranted a charter of the Cuencan type and mustered by the kin' of Castile. The role of Ciudad #odri'o as a stron' point a'ainst the +ortu'uese has already been noted, and the only other evidence -e have derives from >vilaCs to-n chronicle, -hich mentions border skirmishes of that Castilian to-nCs active militia -ith their old rivals, the )eonese militias of (alamanca and $lba de Tormes durin' the rei'n of 2nri!ue I. This activity seemed to have peaked -ith a ma5or raid of )eonese forces headed by $lfonso IWCs brother (ancho 0ernnde in :<:P, -hich included the militias of (alamanca, $lba de Tormes, Toro and (alvatierra de Tormes. The >vila militia apparently dispatched the entire force and sent them retreatin' into the 8in'dom of )eon./;I1 =nce 0ernando III -as solidly positioned on the throne of Castile, the $rchbishop of Toledo -ith papal backin' arran'ed peace bet-een the father and son monarchs of )eon and Castile, and the elder $lfonso IW took the Cross and turned his attention to the south. 9ith the assistance of the military orders of Calatrava, (antia'o and the =rder of $lcntara /recently placed in the custody of the =rder of (an 7ulin del +ereiro but kno-n by the former name hereafter1 and in all probability the militias of the more active )eonese to-ns, the kin' sou'ht to relieve pressure on the Ta5o Valley frontier -ith a ma5or thrust to-ard the Buadiana Valley. The central impediment to $lfonsoCs pro'ress alon' the old #oman (ilver #oad to the south -as the to-n of Cceres. Muslim Cceres -as besie'ed initially and unsuccessfully in :<:Q6:O, pressured a'ain by continuin' campai'ns durin' :<<T to :<<<, and besie'ed once more in :<<;, a'ain -ithout success. The $lmohad succession crisis of :<<I 'enerated ne- opportunities, and Cceres -as besie'ed a'ain in :<<P, this time successfully. /;L1 The ac!uisition of Cceres combined -ith a ma5or victory in the area over the rene'ade $lmohad Ibn6%Nd from Murcia at $lan'e served to pull out the linchpin of Muslim resistance in the entire lo-er Buadiana. By :<;T $lfonso IW -as positioned before M4rida. .espite the 'radual onset of his terminal illness, the kin' pressed the sie'e vi'orously, a'ain fendin' off a relief army under Ibn6%Nd. The militia of Jamora earned particular merit for itself durin' the sie'e by capturin' the #oman brid'e across the Buadiana, -28/ an action -hich opened M4rida for the takin'. In 'ratitude for this, $lfonso IW authori ed the addin' of a representation of the M4rida brid'e to its city shield. Moreover, a contemporary stone pla!ue commemoratin' Jamoran valor at M4rida -as ;T

installed on the +uerta de =livares in Jamora, the eroded remains of the inscription still visible. /;H1 The summer of :<;T sa- yet more strikin' 'ains -ith the )eonese capture of Montnche and finally Bada5o , the old Muslim principality -hich had traditionally mana'ed the defense of the entire lo-er Buadiana. $lfonso IW had si'naled the to-ns and military orders to be ready for campai'ns in the -inter of :<;T6;:, but his death in (eptember precluded further )eonese advances a'ainst the lo-er Buadiana for t-o decades. /;P1 $t that point -ith the aid of rapid diplomacy, 0ernando III of Castile, the only son of $lfonso IW, reunited the 8in'dom of )eon to that of Castile. %enceforth, Castilian territorial priorities prevailed. 6I - The C+llapse +; Andalusia be;+re Castile The youn' 0ernando III had spent his early years of rule consolidatin' his 'rip on his ne-ly6-on realm in the -ake of the sudden death of his cousin 2nri!ue I. Bet-een that time and the opportunity presented by the death of his father in :<;T, 0ernando -as active on his o-n frontiers. $'ain, the $lmohad succession crisis seemed to have provided the spark. In :<<I, 0ernando attacked and sacked Suesada in the upper Buadal!uivir Valley -ith the assistance of the militias of >vila and %uete. The kin' formed a more impressive e3pedition in :<<L tar'eted for upper $ndalusia and Branada. This e3pedition included the militias of >vila, (e'ovia, Cu4llar and (epNlveda, the veteran militias of the to-ns north of the Central (ierras. The army crossed throu'h the Muradel +ass and tested the defenses of 7a4n. 9hen that city resisted their sie'e, 0ernando struck south on the road to Branada, takin' +rie'o and )o5a en route. $ tribute from the thorou'hly6alarmed Branadans persuaded the Christian monarch to return to 7a4n, -here he dismissed his municipal contin'ents. /;Q1 In that same summer, operatin' independently in the southeastern one, $lfonso Telle and the bishop of Cuenca led the militias of Cuenca, %uete, Moya and $larc&n on a lon' foray a'ainst Valencia and Murcia. These to-n militias -ere all products of the more recent con!uests and resettlements of the eastern cordilleran frontier and recipients of the lon' Cuencan "uero. The culmination of this Valencian -25/ and Murcian e3pedition -as a ma5or conflict a'ainst the combined re'ional forces of Murcia and (eville at $spe near the to-n of Murcia. The Christians routed the defenders, due in the vie- of the Muslim source to the ine3perience of the (evillians and the co-ardice of their leader, c$lA Ibn6$arkA./;O1 9hatever the reason for the triumph, the municipal militias -ere demonstratin' a capability for a variety of re'ional musters, and providin' a resource able to apply pressure on different frontiers simultaneously. The >vila militia, possibly in the company of units from other to-ns, participated in the sie'e of 7a4n in :<;T. The $bulenses initially took heavy losses in a position e3posed to fire from the -all, until 0ernando repositioned them at a safer distance. They then launched a number of raids durin' the sie'e, but a'ain 7a4n held firm in the hands of the Muslim defenders. /IT1 $ny disappointment arisin' from this frustration for 8in' 0ernando -as soon for'otten, ho-ever. =n his return from 7a4n, the Castilian kin' learned of his father $lfonso IWCs death, and kne- that the 8in'dom of )eon -ith all of its recent con!uests, resources and its militias -ere soon to be his to utili e in future frontier efforts. =nce the 8in'dom of )eon -as successfully reunited to 0ernando IIICs 8in'dom of Castile, the kin' -as not slo- to test the ne- municipal militias no- at his disposal. #ene-in' his pressure on "pper $ndalusia in :<;;, 0ernando besie'ed [beda and called up the )eonese militias of Toro, Jamora, (alamanca and )edesma /all situated -ell to the north-est in the Trans6.uero south of the .uero #iver1 to assist him in this undertakin'. Their service term e3pired prior to the end of the sie'e, but [beda succumbed to the kin'Cs forces after their departure./I:1 Nonetheless, 0ernando may have learned an important lesson here in the use of the to-n militias in the maintenance of a sie'e. "nlike a full6scale battle in the field, -here the ma3imum force is needed for a vi'orous effort at one point in time, sie'es re!uired a concerted effort of fe-er effectives over an e3tended period. (ince time limitations on military service -ere -ritten into the municipal "ueros and -ere thus a reality -ith -hich the kin' had to deal, sie'es re!uired a manipulation of the urban resource if they -ere to be effective for the numerous assaults on the $ndalusian to-ns -hich the monarch envisioned in the decades ahead. In :<;L, some unspecified municipal conce/os sent forth contin'ents to assist $lvar +4re and the kin' in their assault on Ibn6%Nd in $ndalusia./I<1 %o-ever, a far richer pri e soon beckoned. $n isolated 'roup of -arriors secured a suburb of the old "maiyad capital of C&rdoba in 7anuary of :<;H, and called for help -hen they -ere -30/ besie'ed by the other residents of the city. 0ernando braved -inter roads and s-ollen rivers to make his -ay to the city, and a full6scale sie'e of C&rdoba soon developed. +ossibly dra-in' on the e3perience at [beda three years earlier, the Castilian monarch appears to have rotated the service terms of his militias for the first time so that the first arrivin' detachments from some to-ns -ould have their places taken once their terms had e3pired by those conce/os -hich came later. The Castilian contin'ents from Cuenca and Bae a had 'otten to C&rdoba by 0ebruary. The )eonese to-ns of (alamanca, Jamora and Toro had arrived by early $pril, to be follo-ed by forces from Madrid and other unspecified municipal militias from Castile, )eon and Balicia in the same month. By 7une, the service terms of even the later arrivals had be'un to run out, but 0ernando avoided the kind of frustration -hich had do''ed him in the sie'es of 7a4n by threatenin' to 'ive C&rdoba to Ibn al6$hmar, a former ruler of the city -hom the citi ens had e3iled, ;:

unless C&rdoba surrendered promptly. This ploy succeeded, and Ibn6%Nd 'ave the city up on 7une ;T. 2ven so, the militia of (e'ovia appeared in the -ake of the surrender -ith relief supplies. $s events unfolded, the (e'ovians helped supervise the occupation of the city in lieu of besie'in' it. /I;1 The principle of a sta'ed muster of the militias to man an e3tended sie'e had -orked -ell, indeed, in the capture of the ancient Muslim capital. 9ithin a decade, the militias -ere mustered once more for a sie'e, this time of the stubborn bastion of 7a4n. The campai'n opened in :<II -ith an raid led a'ainst the supply line from Branada to 7a4n by $lfonso de Molina, an assault force made up of the recently6founded militias of Bae a, [beda, 7&dar and Suesada. By this time the entire eastern flank of this one had been lost to Islam by +rince $lfonsoCs con!uest of the 8in'dom of Murcia, so that 7a4n -as e3posed to Christian attack as never before. By :<IH, 0ernando III besie'ed 7a4n itself, aided by a number of municipal militias, some of -hich assisted in the use of a batterin' ram. >vilaCs militia en'a'ed in much of the combat, includin' an assault on the 0onsario 'ate, and suffered heavy losses. By early sprin' 7a4n had capitulated, and the ceremony of formal entry and occupation -ith its attendant pomp sta'ed ten years earlier at C&rdoba -as repeated here at 7a4n, a'ain -ith the standards of the militias in prominent vie-. /II1 0ernando and council then considered the course of future campai'ns, Branada bein' eliminated by the )eonese6 Castilian kin'Cs alliance -ith the 8in' of Branada as a part of the surrender a'reement at 7a4n. The Christians resolved to be'in the drive do-n the valley of the Buadal!uivir to-ard the last 'reat pri e in that direction, (eville. By late summer of :<IH a raidin' force struck at (eville, an e3pedition -hich included the recently6formed militia of C&rdoba and LTT mounted troops from 0ernandoCs Branadan ally. By :<IP, -e have the first indications of the use of the )eonese 23tremaduran militias -31/ in the lo-er $ndalusian campai'ns, as Coria, Branadilla, Cceres, Montnche and MedellRn assisted in the takin' of Carmona, a fortified to-n 5ust to the east of (eville -hich -as crucial in its re'ional defense. /IL1 2arly in :<IQ, #am&n Bonifa commenced to assemble a blockadin' fleet, dra-n from the Cantabrian to-ns and the real be'innin' of the Castilian navy, in the Buadal!uivir -est of (eville to sever a ma5or source of potential Muslim relief comin' from North $frica. 9hen the (evillans responded by attackin' the ships from the banks of the Buadal!uivir, 0ernando III sent a relief contin'ent to reinforce Bonifa -hich included conce/o militias. =nce (eville -as placed under sie'e, the Christian monarch probably utili ed his municipal militias in much the same fashion that he had developed a'ainst C&rdoba t-elve years earlier in the system of a sta'ed muster. %o-ever, the accounts in the various chronicles are less clear on this sub5ect in the sie'e of (eville. C&rdobaCs militia had arrived by 7une and there is reference to the presence of MadridCs militia as -ell, alon' -ith that of the 23tremaduran militias -hich served a'ainst Carmona./IH1 Beyond that, one can only surmise the full e3tent of the participation of the municipalities in this 'reatest of 8in' 0ernandoCs con!uests. (eville capitulated in .ecember of :<IQ, and 0ernando promptly set about the lar'e task of distributin' the city and its territories amon' the victors. 0ernando IIICs death in :<L< concluded a spectacular a'e -hich had seen the Muslim heartland of $ndalusia absorbed completely into )eonese6Castilian control, an a'e in -hich the municipal militias had contributed a full measure of their capabilities to this cause. 6II - The Arag+nese-Catalan C+n<uest +; 6alencia The achievement -as not less spectacular to the 2ast in $ra'on6Catalonia. %ere 8in' 7aime I /Count 7aume I of Barcelona1 -ould earn the title DCon!uerorD as his sobri!uet in response to a career -hich fully merited that accolade. To'ether he and 0ernando constituted the t-in en'ines -hich po-ered the #econ!uest throu'h its most decisive phase. %o-ever, prior to launchin' any of his historic campai'ns, 7aime had to brin' stability to the realm so lon' hampered by his e3tended minority and its attendant re'ency. 7aca played a lar'e role in this -ork -ithin its o-n re'ion, as evidenced by pacts of peace made by the conce/o of that city from :<:L to :<:P and the 'ratitude e3tended to them for this by 7aime. /IP1 Moreover, the royal Corts of :<:Q at Villafranca, Tortosa in :<<L and Barcelona in :<<Q all placed to-nsmen specifically under the protection of the royal peace. /IQ1 The to-ns of the "pper 2bro, possessin' -32/ their o-n armies and able to act on their o-n behalf, on occasion took independent action to halt the disorder and la-lessness -hich still bedeviled 7aimeCs early years. +uttin' one in mind of a typical Castilian hermandad or to-n alliance, %uesca, 7aca and Jara'o a combined to deal -ith such problems in a pact of :<<H. 7aime apparently considered this kind of bandin' to'ether as much a threat as the la-lessness -hich provoked it, and he chastised the three to-ns for takin' this step in :<<P. /IO1 $s late as :<;Q the municipal 'overnment of 7aca -as still attemptin' to ease the disruptions by passin' arms control ordinances -ithin the city./LT1 =nce 7aime freed himself of such early encumbrances and -as able to launch his first ma5or campai'n of e3pansion a'ainst the island and to-n of Mallorca, he could dra- little upon this interior $ra'onese military tradition. %e utili ed instead his Catalan feudal retinues and such military forces as the to-ns could 'rant him from the Catalan coast. In addition to )leida on the (e're, 7aume seems to have dra-n forces from Tarra'ona, Birona and Barcelona, or at least the episcopal cler'y, deacons and sacristans of those to-ns offered substantial forces./L:1 %o- much of this consisted of feudal forces under clerical control as a'ainst any available municipal ;<

militiamen remains difficult to say, but the substantial number of infantrymen offered increased the likelihood that to-nsmen -ere involved. 9e kno- that in addition to these forces the Catalan to-ns offered naval assistance to ease the normal royal problem of 'oin' to the north Italian to-ns to obtain that type of aid. =nce the sie'e of Mallorca had been undertaken, -e hear of )leidans en'a'ed in fillin' the cityCs moat and of the dramatic assault of some Barcelonan footsoldiers -ho sei ed key sections of the -alls as an immediate prelude to MallorcaCs capture./L<1 Mallorca -ould have offered a readily attractive ob5ective for the Catalan to-ns, especially Barcelona. %o-ever, the ne3t thrust for 7aime -as tar'eted for a lar'e and conti'uous territorial state? Valencia. The Catalan resources, still committed to the absorption and settlement of the Balearic pri e, -ould be insufficient for the ne- enterprise. 0or this phase of $ra'onese e3pansion 7aime dre- heavily on the municipal militias of the upland interior. The Corts of Mon &n in :<;H indicated some division of opinion re'ardin' the advisability of the Valencian campai'n on the part of )leida, Tortosa, Jara'o a, Teruel, .aroca, Calatayud, Tara ona, %uesca and Barbastro -hich sent representations. /L;1 The to-ns of Teruel, .aroca and Jara'o a -ere nonetheless destined to make ma5or military contributions to the undertakin'. In truth, they -31/ already had done so. TeruelCs militia had been present for the assault on $res and Morella in :<;;, and forces from Teruel and .aroca -ere a part of the royal host -hich besie'ed and captured Burriana in the same year, -ith forces from Jara'o a, Calatayud, )leida and Tortosa arrivin' after the con!uest./LI1 9hen 7aime moved a'ainst the key fortress overlookin' the approaches to Valencia at +ui' de (anta Maria in :<;H, the militias of Teruel, Jara'o a and .aroca volunteered for e3tra duty in reconstructin' the -alls of that citadel after its capture. 9hen the 'arrison suffered severe losses to the Muslim relief army -hich tried to retake +ui', seventy to ei'hty li'ht cavalrymen from Teruel rode !uickly to the site on their o-n volition to ease the impact of this attrition. /LL1 In addition to the militias of Teruel, .aroca and Jara'o a available at Valencia, 7aime received assistance from the to-ns of $lcaUi and Castellote, located on the Buadalope #iver northeast of Teruel to the north of the (ierra of BNdar. =n occasion municipal enthusiasm created un-anted complications in the campai'n a'ainst Valencia itself, as -ith the instance of 7aimeCs re!uest that some to-nsmen 'ive over an advanced spearhead they had taken and -ere ea'erly sub6 dividin' amon' themselves. /LH1 7aime had a far more systematic partition of Valencia and her lands in mind. The contemporary chronicles made it clear that 7aime -as able to harvest the fruit of the Cordilleran $ra'onese municipal militias -hich had been planted by $lfonso el #atallador and nurtured to maturity by $lfonso II /$lfons I1 at Teruel. Thus, ValenciaCs submission in :<;Q and the ac!uisition of that cityCs material and territorial -ealth by the kin'6 count -as very much the product of a combined effort on the part of all of the $ra'onese6Catalan military resources, municipalities included. The differin' natures of these t-o municipal traditions, the upland $ra'onese kin'dom and the coastal Catalan county, are elaborated in $ppendi3 B. The survivin' charters and chronicles tell us far more about the contribution of the former than the latter. ,et, the 'enerous allotments for settlement in Valencia 'ranted to Barcelona, Tortosa, Tarra'ona, and even the trans6+yrenean to-n of Montpellier su''est re-ards for substantial military service rendered durin' the con!uest of the city. Nevertheless, the forms of military service -hich such to-ns could have utili ed to muster for Valencian duty remain hidden from us. Thus, 7aime possessed t-o forms of municipal military components for the drive on Valencia? one 'roup -ith clearly delineated la-s and traditions -hich commands a si'nificant portion of his Chronicle by its e3ploits, and another -hose le'al foundation and particular deeds have been left lar'ely unrecorded, save for isolated indications of their role in the con!uest of Mallorca. 6III - *+rtugal against the Alente=+ and the Algar9e =n the other side of the +eninsula in +ortu'al, territorial e3pansion advanced -ith a speed e!ual to that of )eon6 Castile and $ra'on in the period, but our narrative evidence is virtually non6e3istent. The -34/ survivin' Christian chronicles are late and offer little information on to-n militias. The Muslim chronicles make a substantial contribution to fillin' this information 'ap in the later t-elfth century, but maintain less interest in the +ortu'uese frontier durin' the thirteenth. Thus -e are left -ith the pattern of to-n charter 'rants and rene-als durin' the t-o very troubled rei'ns of $fonso II /:<::6<;1 and his son (ancho II /:<<;6IL, died :<IQ1 to offer some indication of the rate of pro'ress in e3pansion. =f the narrative e3ploits of to-n militias, -e have none. ,et they must have been active, since both in rene-als and in ne- charters the military obli'ation for to-nsmen continues to be as predominant as in the days of $fonso I and (ancho I. To-ns continued to receive a-ards of the three ma5or families of charters /Trancoso, Vvora and (antar4m1, althou'h increasin'ly these -ere 'ranted by persons other than the kin'./LP1 $s -ith the other peninsular Christian monarchs, internal difficulties prevented $fonso II from sei in' prompt initiative in frontier e3pansion after the battle of )as Navas. By :<:P, ho-ever, aided by a lar'e force of #henish and .utch crusaders on their -ay to 2'ypt for the 0ifth Crusade, $fonso -as able to besie'e and retake $lcZer do (al, aided in part by the fine performance of the militia of +almela. Throu'h the ac!uisition of this key port and Muslim base bet-een the -estern #ibate5o and $lente5o, the kin' allied -ith the military orders -as able to ;;

resume pressure on the $lente5o and reestablish municipal military bases beyond the Te5o #iver frontier once more./LQ1 The advance has traditionally thou'ht to have been !uite modest, but should be moderately reassessed in the li'ht of $fonsoCs reconfirmations of "orais, -hich indicate the e3tension of his territorial 'rip. The old salient at Vvora had held all throu'h the years of $lmohad recon!uest, and -as no- for the first time substantially reinforced. In :<:O the frontier advanced further -ith the reac!uisition of Marmelar LL kilometers southeast of Vvora near the Buadiana #iver and the reconfirmation of its "oral./LO1 If $fonso II -as not leadin' the armies -hich retook these to-ns in person, he certainly took a prompt interest in establishin' his la- and his militias in these re'ions. $lso, -hile the military orders -ere be'innin' to lay claim to the -aste and 'ra in' lands of the $lente5o, the kin' maintained an interest in the charters of the frontier to-ns. The monarchCs reconfirmations may -ell have had as a part of their motivation the restatement of the military obli'ations for the older to-ns further back from the frontier, possibly sou'ht as a means to balance his resources a'ainst those of the military orders on the frontier. The rei'n of (ancho II /:<<;6IL1 proved both lon'er and no less troubled. %is relationship -ith the +ortu'uese church e3ceeded even the unhappy level -32/ established by his father, and -as ultimately clima3ed by his deposition throu'h an alliance of the bishops, the papacy, some rebellious nobles and his youn'er brother $fonso. "nlike his father, (ancho -as active on the frontier particularly alon' the emer'in' boundary -ith )eon6Castile. +ossibly sensin' a threat to his Buadiana frontier durin' $lfonso IWCs last years 'iven the )eonese kin'Cs lack of male heirs, (ancho II a-arded charters to the frontier to-ns north of the Te5o /MarvMo, (ortelha, Idanha6a6Velha and (alvaterra1 bet-een :<<H and :<;T and clima3ed his efforts by 'arrisonin' 2lvas near the Buadiana in :<;T in the -ake of the fall of Bada5o to )eon. /HT1 (ancho then struck across the Buadiana to take Moura and (erpa in :<;<, thereafter turned his attention to the lo-er $lente5o and the eastern $l'arve at the mouth of the Buadiana, takin' the coastal to-ns of Cacela and Tavira in :<;O. The monarchCs conflict -ith the church overtook events at this 5uncture, and he -as unable to pursue his plans for the con!uest of the -estern $l'arve, a task left for his brother $fonso III. Much of the actual -ork of con!uest -as in the hands of the military orders, a fact evidenced not only by their considerable ac!uisitions in the $lente5o but also by their increasin' use of the Vvora6>vila model charter -hich they 'ranted to the 'ro-in' number of municipalities under their control./H:1 But contemporaries -itnessed the loss of royal initiative in the +ortu'uese #econ!uest. #oyal absence from the con!uests caused these events to be so poorly chronicled. (imilarly, royal distractions permitted the military orders to become the dominant property holders and the controllers of the e3pansion pro'ram in the south. The )eonese6Castilian e3pansion e3perienced some of these same forces at -ork, althou'h -ith a different blendin' of po-er blocs. I> - The #r+ntier in the Mid-Thirteenth Centur: The panorama of municipal militia evolution and achievement at the mid6thirteenth century could be characteri ed essentially as a spread of older forms into ne-ly recon!uered areas, a 'enerali ation -hich applies in +ortu'al, the Cro-n of $ra'on and )eon6Castile. The success of the Christian offensive -as in lar'e part a testimony to the effective functionin' of the municipal institutions and the to-nsmen -ho 'ave them life, specifically cited for their achievements in the chronicles of )eon6Castile and $ra'on, and almost certainly makin' an additional unrecorded -33/ but nonetheless si'nificant contribution in +ortu'al. The era also marked a closer relationship bet-een the frontier military orders and the to-ns to -hom they increasin'ly 'ranted "ueros in lieu of the kin', especially in +ortu'al and )eon6Castile. $s the result of the con!uest, the 'reat re'ional systems of municipal la-, those of Cuenca6Teruel, Toledo, Coria Cima6Coa, Vvora6>vila and (antar4m, -ould have the opportunity to spread their influence into the ne-ly con!uered lands, althou'h -ith une!ual impact. The use of such diverse forces on the frontier bred its o-n risks. The to-ns often utili ed their bar'ainin' position as frontier maintainers to obtain as many 'rants, privile'es and immunities as they could from their lord, and the Castilian monarchy -ould come to see a charter format such as Cuenca as potentially threatenin' to royal prero'atives and effective centrali ation of rule. Certainly the municipal possession of a military force and the authori ation to use it presented risks of independent activity that could be a problem even in a period of stron' kin'ship. The a''ressiveness of old combat to-ns like >vila and (e'ovia did not al-ays diminish in periods of peace, 'iven the temptation to e3pand the one of oneCs 'ra in' lands and the si e of one flocks. +lasencia e3pended substantial concern re'ardin' the pressures felt from her nei'hbors at the -estern end of the Bredos Mountains, -orkin' out her conflicts -ith 2scalona in a charter of c. :<TT, formin' a hermandad /brotherhood, alliance1 -ith Talavera a'ainst >vila in :<IQ, and even refusin' to permit any $bulense to settle in the lands of +lasencia. (e'oviaCs e3pansive tendencies caused temporary loss of lands even to Toledo and her differences -ith Madrid re!uired 0ernandoCs personal intervention to secure the military contin'ents from the t-o militias for the attack on (eville in :<IQ./H<1 Nor -as Castile the only kin'dom to e3perience municipal a''ressiveness and mutual alliance efforts. Jara'o a, %uesca and 7aca had formed a mutual aid pact in :<<H to defend their collective interests, an initiative countered by 8in' 7aime in the follo-in' year. (alamancaCs "uero notes salaries for ;I

medianeros /ad5usters, ne'otiators1 -ho 'o to attend /untas -ith the to-ns of their vicinity in )eon. 2ven in +ortu'al, the !uestion of common 'ra in' ri'hts led to conflict bet-een (antar4m and Vvora. /H;1 This municipal independence -as lar'ely the result of the militari ation and frontier a''ressiveness of these to-ns, part of the price to be paid for creatin' such enterprises to aid in the #econ!uest. (o visible had been their contribution that a contemporary Muslim 'eo'rapherCs description of Christian (pain paid little heed to the -34/ nature of the political kin'doms and a 'reat deal of attention to the to-ns and their environs. 0or him it seemed the natural -ay for a Muslim to perceive Christian %ispania. /HI1 It -as, therefore, the effective absorption of these con!uests and the tamin' of these frontier to-ns that -ould concern the latter part of 7aime ICs rei'n, and the ne- kin's of +ortu'al and Castile, $fonso III and $lfonso W, in the decades to come. Notes for Chapter < :. 0or biblio'raphical surveys of the foundation of the military orders, see? Bishko, D(panish and +ortu'uese #econ!uest,D I:Q. $lso, )oma3, he Recon9uest o" 'pain, :Q<. <. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D I:I6:L. ;. 1C+, <?HPI. No'ales6.elicado, $istoria de Ciudad Rodrigo, I;6LQ. I. D0oral de Trancoso,D :?;<H6<P. D0oral de Marialva,D :?;<Q6;T. D0oral de $'uiar6da6Beira,D :?;;:6;;. D0oral de Celorico da Beira,D :?;;I, ;;H. D0oral de Moreira,D :?;;P. DCarta de foral concedida aos habitantes de M&s,D :?;H;, ;HL. DCarta de foral outor'ada aos povoadores de )inhares,D :?;QL6QP. =f the above si3 "orais, $'uiar6 da6Beira, Celorico and Moreira cite their derivation from (alamanca in the te3t of their charters, as Trancoso. Marialva cites its derivation from Trancoso, -hile M&s and )inhares list no derivative. (ee 7ames 0. +o-ers, DThe Creative Interaction of +ortu'uese and )eonese Military )a-, :TLL6:<PO,D 'peculum, forthcomin'. L. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D I:I6:H. )oma3, Recon9uest, ::;6:L. $MC, ;6H, 'ives us a Muslim account, althou'h omittin' Beraldo. H. D0oral de Vvora,D :?;P:. D0oral outor'ado aos moradores de $brantes,D :?IL:. DCarta pela !ual se concede aos povoadores de Coruche,D :?IHH6HP. D0oral de +almela, ::QL,D :?IQ:. The ori'inal charter of >vila has not survived in ori'inal or copied form. Its potential ori'ins are discussed in Chapter =ne /pp. 6 1. There -as no precursor such as NumMo, and Vvora -as the earliest kno-n copy. $brantes, Coruche and +almela all cite their derivation from Vvora in the te3t of their charters. (ee +o-ers, +ortu'uese and )eonese Municipal Military )a-,D forthcomin', and Bama Barros, $istria da administra<=o p>blica, ;?H:6H;. P. D0oral de (antar4m,D ::PO,D :?I;Q6;O. D0oral de )isboa, ::PO,D :?II;6II. D0oral de Coimbra, ::PO,D :?IIP6 IO. D/0oral de1 Miranda da Beira,D :?;P;6PI. DCarta a favor dos moradores de $rouce /)ou M1,D :?<QP6QQ. DCarta foral concedida aos moradores de (intra,D :?;TT6T;. (intra lacks the kni'ht archer la-. Bama Barros, $istria, ;?HL6HP. +o-ers, D+ortu'uese and )eonese Municipal Military )a-,D forthcomin'. Q. IIM, <?<:, ;Q6I:. $MC, O6:T. O. IIM, <?PT6P;. $M9M, I?<:T6::. $MC, ;<6;L. :T. D#elation dCun raid dC$b\ ,\suf ,ac!\b au +ortu'al,D <Q?HI6HL. ::. 1C+, <?HPI. No'ales, Ciudad Rodrigo, I;6II. %ernnde Ve'as, Ciudad Rodrigo, :L6:H. Villar y MacRas, $istoria de 'alamanca, :?:T<6TI. Bon le , Regesta de !ernando II, LT6L<. :<. D0uero de Benavente, ::HI6Q;,D <?H<H. The remainder of the sources discuss only the need to pay or be e3empt from the "onsadera e3emption payment. D+rivile'io de 0ernando II a (alamanca, ::HP,D :?<;I6;L. D0uero dado a los moradores de #abanal del Camino, ::HO,D <?::L6:O. D0uero de )a CoruUa,D :I;. D0uero de Jofra'a,D :I?LHL. :;. D#elation de la prise dC$lm4ria, de Bae a et dC[beda et de la mort du roi chr4tien $lphonse VII,D <Q?IT. :I. )ayna (errano, $istoria de &tienza, LI6LL, Q:6Q;, QO6OI, indicates considerable activity for that to-n in this period, althou'h -ithout documentin' much of this activity. (ee also his, D)a hist&rica cofradRa,D <?LT;6<T. #epresa #odrR'ue , D)a CTierraC medieval de (e'ovia,D <:?L6:P. The t-elfth6century re-ards for (e'oviaCs militia service -ere sometimes returned to the prior holders of territory in the thirteenth century. D+rivile'ium super restitutione aldearum de termino de $lcal,D Q?<IT. :L. C1&, <;6<I, <H. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;OT. It is not clear in the conte3t, but the &nales seems to be recountin' the same ::LQ e3pedition as described in the $bulense Crnica. >vilaCs reputation -as such that the ne-ly founded =rder of (antia'o recruited actively amon' the cityCs caballeros in ::P<. (ee Ver'ara y MartRn, Estudio histrico de Cvila, H<6H;. :H. IIM, <?I6H. It is he -ho su''ests the earlier raid and offers livestock estimates, -hile complementin' the $bulense specifically for their 'reat valor and offensive spirit. D#elation dCun raid des Chr4tiens dC$vila dans la r4'ion de Cordoue,D <Q?L<6L;. This $lmohad letter 'ives us our fullest account of the $bulense disaster. $MC, :6;, also renders an e3tended account, includin' the same cattle estimates as IIM. I((, <<P6;<. Ibn (@hib su''ests that >vila initiated its raid as the result of a prior Muslim raid on the Ta5o Valley. $M9M, I?:H<, a source -hich stran'ely passes over this 'reat Muslim triumph, but one of those -hich a-ards (ancho his packsaddle nickname. (nche Belda, D)a Mancha,D P6<H.

;L

:P. I((, <TI6:P. $M9M, I?<T;6TI. .erek )oma3 'ives the most thorou'h account of the %uete campai'n in 2n'lish, apparently based on Ibn (@hib. (ee, Recon9uest, ::I6:L. :Q. I((, ::H6:O. This is our richest account of Muslim Cuenca. IIM, <?<Q6;T. $MC, :;6:I, -hich adds the account of the Ciudad #odri'o militia. )&pe , Memorias histricas de Cuenca, :?LI6LL. Bon le , Castilla en la :poca de &l"onso VIII, :?O<I6<L. :O. IIM, <?I:, IO6L:. $MC, <<6<I, contains a very similar account. <T. $rco, D#eferencias a acaecimientos hist&ricos,D ;?;L:, .oc. :TL. Caruana B&me , DItinerario de $lfonso II,D P?OI, :TL6TH. #afael 2stebn $bad has ar'ued that the militias of the $ra'onese to-ns, includin' .aroca, took part in this con!uest of Teruel, an assertion -hich 'oes unsupported by JuritaCs late medieval chronicle or any other collaboratin' source. (ee his, Estudio de Daroca, LL. Jurita makes no mention of to-n militias in the con!uest of either $lbarracRn or Teruel. (ee 7er&nimo Jurita &nales de la Corona de &ragn, I?<HT6H:, <HH. <:. Ventura, &l"ons )el Cast), :PO6Q;. Caruana, DItinerario de $lfonso II,D OL6OQ. Caruana B&me $istoria de la provincia de eruel, II6IL. Liber !eudorum Maior, :?IH. )acarra, D2l rey )obo de Murcia,D ;?L<T6<;. <<. 0or a full discussion of the relationship of the t-o 'reat formularies and their respective net-orks of charters, see $ppendi3 B. <;. Colmeiro y +enido, De la constitucin % el gobierno , <?:IO6LT. 7os4 MarRa MartRne Val places the to-n militias in the ri'ht -in' a'ainst the Buadiana #iver in one article, but frankly admits -e have no specific sources on their placement. D)a batalla de $larcos, y la =rden de Calatrava,D PO, and D)a batalla de $larcos,D :<?::L6<<. $mbrosio %uici Miranda su''ests in an early study that the conce/os performed poorly at $larcos, affectin' $lfonso VIIICs placement of them seventeen years later at )as Navas, Estudio sobre la campa.a de Las Aavas, IP, but he makes no reference to municipal militias -hatsoever in his more recent account of $larcos itself, +randes batallas, :HT6H;. .erek )oma3 makes a similar assertion re'ardin' the militias at $larcos in his account of )as Navas, a'ain -ithout mentionin' this in his account of $larcos proper and -ithout supportin' references, possibly derived from %uici Miranda, )oma3, Recon9uest, :<H6<P. $lonso 0ernnde -ithout ade!uate supportin' references places +lasenciaCs ne-ly formed militia at $larcos, $istoria % anales de 1lasencia, L<. Berardo Morale5a +inella dutifully puts Medina del Campo at the battle, also -ithout satisfactory evidence, $istoria de Medina del Campo , I<6I;. C1&, ;<. Three Muslim sources recount the conflict, but make no reference to Christian militias. Ibn6$bA6Jarc, RaBd al69irtRs, <?IIT6IL. )4vi6+rovenZal, 1:ninsule, :Q6:O. $MC, PH6Q<. <I. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;O;. 1C+, <?HQ<. )4vi6+rovenZal, 1:ninsule, :Q6:O. D#elation de lCe3p4dition,D )4vi6+rovenZal, D#ecueil,D <Q?HH6HP. $MC, Q;6QL, QH6QO, the only source -hich adds Buadala5ara to the list of to-ns attacked. <L. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;OI6OL. CLRC, IT. $MC, ::O6<:. Jurita, &nales, :?;;;. Bon le , &l"onso VIII, :?OQH6OI. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, ;O:. <H. 1+C, <?PTT. C1&, ;;. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus %ispaniae,D :QL. Ibn6$bA6Jarc and the $nonyous of Madrid and Copenha'en have len'thy descriptions of the battle, but no specific citation of any Christian municipal militias, RaBd al69irtRs, <?IIT6IL, and $MC, :<<6<I. %uici Miranda, Estudio sobre las Aavas, OT6O:. %uici Miranda, +randes batallas, <L;6P:. %uici Miranda estimates :TT6:LT,TTT troops on the Muslim side as a'ainst PT6QT,TTT Christians. $naya #ui , D)a cru ada de las Navas,D <L?<O. =f the many to-n historians -ho add their to-n to the )as Navas participation list, 0ernnde de CaUete at least ar'ues the presence of $larc&n on the basis of documents in that to-nCs archive, citin' mercedes 'iven to the caballeros of $larc&n for their participation, &puntos histricos, <T6<<. Most interestin' is the very reliable 7ulio Bon le , -ho lists the presence of the militias of Talavera, Madrid, %uete, Cuenca, $larc&n, (oria, (epNlveda, Cu4llar, $tien a, Bur'os, Carri&n Dand othersD -ithout benefit of a source citation to support this list, &l"onso VIII, :?:T::. To be sure, the chronicles -ould indicate that many of these militias had been active in this period, but none specifically place them at )as Navas. <P. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus,D :Q;. $lfonso attempted to counter this threat, as he later -rote to +ope Innocent III, by mi3in' cavalry in -ith his infantry -ith particular re'ard for the avoidance of flank envelopment, DCarta de $lfonso VIII al +apa Inocencio III,D :HQ. <Q. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus,D :QH6QP. DCarta de $rnaldo $malarico,D :P;6PI. The best accounts of the battle in (panish can be found in Bon le , &l"onso VIII, :?:T;:6LL, and in %uici Miranda, +randes batallas, <L;6QO. Briefer but very useful 2n'lish lan'ua'e narratives are available in Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I<;6<I, and )oma3, Recon9uest, :<I6<Q. <O. D$nales Toledanos I,D E', <;?;OP. ;T. Ibid., <;?;OP6OQ. ;:. $MC, :;H6IQ. %uici Miranda, $istoria poltica del imperio &lmohade, <?IPH6PP. )oma3, Recon9uest, :IT. ;<. Marichalar, ed., Coleccin diplomDtica del Re% 'ancho VIII, :Q:6QL. ;;. 1C+, <?HQT. ;I. C1&, ;;6;H. Bon le , &l"onso IX, :?:PH6PP. ;H

;L. )umbreras Valiente, La recon9uista de CDceres, LQ6LO. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I<L. .uarte InsNa, $istoria de &lbur9uer9ue, L<. ;H. $MC, :P?:I;. Bon le , &l"onso IX, :?<TO. The inscription on the +uerta de =livares in Jamora is discussed in several sources. B&me Moreno, CatDlogo monumental, :?QL6QH, :II. >lvare MartRne , $istoria general de Lamora, :QI. 0ernnde .uro, Memorias histricas de Lamora, :?;QH6OT. #e'retably, M. C. .Ra y .Ra does not discuss the inscription in his Inde8 scriptorum latinorum medii aevi $ispanorum /(alamanca, :OLQ1. The survivin' inscription can be seen in +lates L and H. B&me MorenoCs transcription /-ith restored se'ments in parentheses1 is as follo-s? /2ra millesima ducentesima se3a'esima octava $lfonsus re3 )e'ionis cepit Caceres et Montanches et1 Merita/m et1 Badalo et vicit $be/mfuit1 re'em maurorum !ui tenebat 33 mi/lia1 e!uitum et l3 miliu peditum et Jamo/ren1 ses fuerunt uictores in prima acie /et1 eo anno ipse re3 vii kl octobris obiit /et 3lii1 annis re'navit et eo anno factum fuit hoc port/ale1. $n =livares Bate is listed as far back as ::P<. (ee? $. Matilla Tasc&n, +ua6inventario de los archivos de Lamora % su provincia /Madrid, :OHI1, :H<. The only remainin' depiction of a brid'e -ith any specific connection to Jamora is a city seal from :<P;, -hich sho-s a vista of the city seen from across the .uero -ith t-o brid'es indicated. (ince Jamora, as M4rida, has a #oman brid'e, and since the seal is pictorial rather than heraldic, it is difficult to ar'ue that -e have a clear reference to the performance of the Jamoran militia at M4rida. The thirteenth6century !uero of )edesma indicates that )edesmaCs militia also rendered 'ood service at M4rida. D0uero de )edesma,D 0ederico de =nRs, ed., !ueros Leoneses de Lamora, 'alamanca, Ledesma % &lba de ormes /Madrid, :O:H1, <PO. ;P. Bon le , &l"onso IX, :?<TP. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I<L6<H )oma3, Recon9uest, :I<. ;Q. C1&, I:6I<. CLRC, QL6QH. Bon le , Reinado % diplomas de !ernando III, :?<OP6;TT. )oma3, Recon9uest, :;Q. ;O. CLRC, QP. )4vi6+rovenZal, 1:ninsule, :H;. There is some dispute amon' historians on the datin' of this Murcian raid, but I have accepted Bon le Cs chronolo'y here. IT. C1&, I<. 7im4ne de #ada notes a 'eneral presence of urban forces, but lists no particular to-ns. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus,D <T<6T;. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;:L. I:. CLRC, :TP. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;:O. I<. CLRC, ::T. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;<:. I;. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus,D <TL. 1C+, <?P<H6;;. CLRC, ::H6<;. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;<;6<Q. $MC, :P?:H<6H;. MadridCs militia -as present at the sie'e as -ell, althou'h not mentioned in the chronicles. (ee? DCarta de 0ernando III en !ue se confirma el privile'io de (e'ovia,D :?:. The same source verifies the presence of MadridCs militia at the takin' of (eville in :<IQ. II. 1C+, <?PI;6IH. C1&, II6IH. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;LP6HT. Mo as Mesa, La con9uista de (a:n, <:6<<. IL. 1C+, :?PIQ6IO. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;HQ6P:. IH. 1C+, <?PIH6HT. $MC, :P?:OT6O:. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;P;6Q:. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, :?<T;. D=rden de 0ernando III, :<IQ,D <:P6:O. (ee also note I<. IP. D7aca hace una carta de pa con los hombres del Valle de 2cho /:<:L1,D <LP6H<. D7aca hace una carta de pa y convenio con )ope de $rresella /:<:P1,D <H;6HL. D7aca hace una carta de pa con )ope $rresella y sus compaUeros /:<:P1,D <HP6P;. D7aime I da a conce5o de 7aca salud y confian a,D ;TO6:T. IQ. D7aime I, rey de $ra'&n, preside Cortes en Villafranca, <I 5unio :<:Q.D D7aime I, rey de $ra'&n, reune Cortes en Tortosa, <Q abril :<<L.D D7aime I, rey de $ra'&n, reune Cortes en Barcelona, <: diciembre :<<Q,D :?;L6;O, :;O6II, <TH6TP. IO. D)os 5urados de Jara'o a, %uesca y 7aca pactan.D D7aime I de $ra'&n reprueba las confederaciones, : abril :<<P,D :IO6L:, :LI6LH. LT. D)os conce5eros y los prohombres de 7aca, /:<;QY1,D ;;I6;H. This must be balanced a'ainst the e3peditionary and mounted service re!uired by 7aime in the upper 2bro at Miranda de 2bro in :<;H and at 7aca in :<IO. D7aime I concede fran!uicias a Miranda de 2bro /:H March :<;H1,D :?<IH6IP, and DCarta de 7aime I a 7aca /:<IO1,D ;HP. Military needs could not be totally overriden by concerns for pacification. L:. .esclot, DCr]nica de Bernat .esclot,D Ch. :L6<T. .uran i (anpere, D.efensa de la ciutat,D ;:<6:;. L<. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. P;. .esclot, Cr0nica, Ch. IP. Testifyin' to )leidan participation are the :OQ shares received by the citi ens of that to-n in the Repartiment of Mallorca and the t-o )leidans -ho served on the repartiment council for Mallorca. )ladonosa i +u5ol, L:rida medieval, :?L:6L;. L;. "bieto $rteta, D.os actitudes ante la recon!uista,D ;?;6<<. "bieto notes that -hile the other to-ns -ere active sooner, Barcelona and Tortosa -ere dra-n into the Valencian campai'n after Mon &n lar'ely by their ;P

interest in the papal crusade rather than their interest in territorial e3pansion. Catalan historians have been resistin' the notion that $ra'onese settlement -as the more e3tensive and deeper in its historical continuity than Catalan, as -ith 7osep )C2scriv^, Els repobladors de ValSncia, /Valencia, :OPO1, OO6:IL. The to-n conce/os may have been active as far back in 7aimeCs rei'n as the retakin' of $lbarracRn in :<<T. The chronicle of 7er&nimo Jurita places the militas of Jara'o a, )leida, Calatayud, .aroca and Teruel at the recon!uest of the to-n. &nales de la Corona de &ragn, $n'el Canellas )&pe , ed. /Jara'o a, :OHP1, :?;Q<. 9hile JuritaCs si3teenth6century account is not supplemented by any survivin' contemporary evidence, 8in' 7aumeCs chronicle has these same militias active in the con!uest of Valencia only a fe- years later. There is, therefore, 'ood reason to accept JuritaCs version. LI. Llibre dels "eits, Ch. :LP, :PT6P:. LL. Llibre dels "eits, Ch. <::, <:Q. LH. Llibre dels "eits, Ch. <:T, <QQ. LP. (even are in the Vvora 'roup? (ar edas /:<:<1, Castelo Branco /:<:;1, +roenZa Velha /:<:Q1, (obreira 0ormosa /:<<<1 and )ardo a /:<<;1 bein' 'iven by a 'rantor other than the kin', and $lcZer do (al /:<:Q1 and $vis /:<:Q1 by $fonso II. Three are from the (antar4m 'roup? Montemor6Velho /:<:<1, $len!uer /:<:<1 and )isbon /:<:P1, only the last 'ranted from $fonso II. There are t-o in the Trancoso pattern at ValenZa /:<:P1 and Touro /:<<T1, the first bein' from $fonso II. (ee M1$6LC, :?LLL6H:, LHH6HP, LHO6P<, LPP6Q<, LQH6OI. DConfirmaZMo do foral alfonsino de )isboa, :<:P,D :?;6H. LQ. +o-ell, &natom% o" a Crusade, :<L6<H. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I<L. )oma3, Recon9uest, :;<. LO. D0oral de Vvora,D :?;P:6P;. DCarta pela !ual se concede aos povoadores de Coruche,D :?IHH6HO. D0oral de +almela,D :?IQ:6Q;. D/0oral de1 Marmelar, ::OI,D :?IQO6OT. D/0oral de1 Benavente, :<TT,D :?L:<6:I. D/0oral de1 Cesimbra, :<T:,D :?L:L6:P. D/0oral de1 Monte6M&r o Novo, :<T;,D L<L6<P. HT. D/0oral de1 MarvMo, :<<H,D :?HTH6TP. D/0oral de1 (ortelha, :<<Q6<O,D :?HTQ6:T. D/0oral de1 Idanha Velha, :<<O,D :?H:;6:H. D/0oral de1 (alvaterra,D :<<O,D :?H:H6:Q. D/0oral de1 2lvas, :<<O,D :?H:O6<T. (ortelha, Idanha Velha and (alvaterra have ne- forms of the Vvora pattern -ith considerable additions in le'al material. %o-ever, none of this added material has military implications. H:. Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I;:6;<. )oma3, Recon9uest, :I<6II. $fter :<<O, there are only ten municipal "orais issued until the death of (ancho II. =nly one of these at M&s -as 'iven by the kin', and it contains no military material. $ 'roup of military la-s appears in the charter 'iven to (ancta Cru in :<<L, includin' possible influence of the defensive service la- from the Coria6Cima Coa family, but there is no other e3ample in (anchoCs rei'n. D/0oral de1 (ancta Cru , :<<L,D :?HT:6TI. $lso, t-o interestin' charters 'iven to Cidad_lhe in :<<I and to $li5& in :<<H si'nal the be'innin' of a small re'ional family of charters -ith military la- in the northeast of +ortu'al, but these develop primarily in the subse!uent rei'n of $fonso III. D/0oral de1 Cidad_lhe,D :?LOO6HTT. D/0oral de1 $li5&,D HTL6TH. (ancho II 'ave real indication of fosterin' military and municipal developments in the early part of his tenure, but this start -as bli'hted competely after :<;T. (ee also +o-ers, D+ortu'uese and )eonese Municipal Military )a-,D forthcomin'. H<. DCarta de hermandad entre +lasencia y 2scalona,D ;?LTH6TP. DCarta de hermandad entre los Conce5os de +lasencia y Talavera,D LP6LQ. !1, :LH. D+rivile'ium super restitutione aldearum de t4rmino de $lcal,D Q?<IT. D=rden de 0ernando III a Madrid, :<IQ,D <:P6:Q. #epresa #odrR'ue , D(e'ovia,D <:?L6:P. H;. 0or the $ra'onese municipal pact, see note :O. D0uero de (alamanca,D :HL, :Q:6Q<. =liveira Mar!ues, $istor% o" 1ortugal, Q:6Q<. HI. $M9M, I?;TT6T<.

;Q

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -38/ 1 - THE E$0 "# A$ E A8 1222-1284 I - The C+ns+lidati+n +; #r+ntiers $t the close of his rei'n, 0ernando III had ac!uired a vast array of territories, includin' )eon and )eonese 23tremadura, southern )a Mancha, the southern e3tremities of Ne- Castile, and lar'e portions of the heartland of $l6$ndalus, includin' its 'reat cities of C&rdoba, 7a4n and (eville. The kin'doms of Murcia, Niebla and Branada lay under tribute to Castile. The 1rimera Crnica +eneral relates the death bed scene of 0ernando III, -hen this Castilian Cyrus, -hose imminent demise -ould end his hopes of e3tendin' his victories to North $frica, counseled his son $lfonso to preserve those thin's he had -on, and if possible, to e3tend them. (hould the heir apparent lose any of this 'reat store of lands and vassals, 0ernando char'ed his son, then Dyou -ill be a lesser kin' than I.D/:1 +rince $lfonso came to the throne personally e3perienced in the matter of combat and con!uest in his o-n ri'ht. $ctive in the armies of his father since the sie'e of C&rdoba, he had been the commander in char'e durin' the reduction of much of Murcia to its tributary status. If holdin' onto the lands of his father and addin' some territories to that amal'amation -ere the only standards necessary to meet (an 0ernandoCs criteria of D'reater kin'shipD, $lfonso W met that test. %o-ever, the reality -as far more comple3 and demandin' than the one the royal chronicle depicts. The historical situation demanded that $lfonso W play the .arius to 0ernandoCs Cyrus, that he pull to'ether and synthesi e the spra-lin' kin'dom of Castile. $s kin' of Castile, Toledo, )eon, Balicia, (eville, C&rdoba, Murcia, 7a4n and Bada5o /many of -35/ these the titles of former Muslim princedoms in the +eninsula1, 0ernando had assembled a state from areas -ith stron' re'ional identities, some -ith Muslim population ma5orities. The real task he be!ueathed to $lfonso -as the structurin' of this diverse realm into a solid thirteenth6century state. %is 'reat cultural attainments not-ithstandin', historians have tended to measure $lfonso WCs achievement -ith much debate and disa'reement, based on the e3tent to -hich he consolidated Castile and built for its future./<1 $lfonso WCs nei'hborin' rulers in $ra'on and +ortu'al -ere not -ithout their tasks to complete. 9hile consolidatin' his ne-ly ac!uired Valencian lands, 7aime had to be a-are of the uncertain stability of the Muslim vassal state of Murcia to his south-est. Then, follo-in' the con!uest of Murcia by his nei'hbor $lfonso W, 8in' 7aime had to consider his future e3pansion as increasin'ly circumscribed -ithin the +eninsula, unless he -ished to make -ar on Castile. The Murcian revolt and the continuin' sea contact bet-een $l6$ndalus and North $frica indicated that threats and opportunities from this direction remained. But for the time bein', the $ra'onese recon!uest -as dra-in' to a close, and the kin' had to consider the policies of consolidation of the federated kin'doms -hich he had vastly e3panded and enriched by his con!uests, especially Valencia. )ike $lfonso, 7aime -ould develop an interest in e3ploitin' the possibilities of #oman la- to unify his realm and -ould found a university to undertake the trainin' of a 'overnmental elite. 9hile $fonso III did not yet take up #oman la- or university creation, he did have the task of completin' the con!uest of the $l'arve and then securin' unrestrained title to it from $lfonso W. The uncertain status of Niebla and Cdi permitted a possible push of the +ortu'uese frontier beyond the Buadiana. $lthou'h it may not have been completely clear to these three contemporary monarchs, the shape of their frontiers -as rapidly hardenin' into final position. 0or +ortu'al and $ra'on, this meant internal consolidation remained the primary task. 0or Castile, the consolidation of a lar'e and diverse kin'dom had to be accomplished in the face of a continuin' threat of Muslim -arfare. Indeed, all three states -ere decades from the completion of the most basic 'oals of internal unity. $ll three monarchies had particularly to consider the status of the institutions created to facilitate the e3pansion of the frontier. In such an a'e of transition, the municipalities and the policies of the peninsular monarchs to-ard them offer indications of the kinds of stress and chan'e bein' encountered by the to-ns and their militias. II - Castile In many -ays Castile had reached a critical point in its municipal military evolution. Both the reunitin' of Castile and )eon under 0ernando III in :<;T and the headlon' rush from the central Meseta into $ndalusia -ith the con!uest of C&rdoba, 7a4n, Murcia and (eville had -40/ burdened the kin'dom -ith an incredible period of 'ro-th. $lfonso inherited a southern frontier that reached from the mouth of the Buadiana in the -est to the port of $licante in the east. The entire Muslim frontier -as no- encompassed -ithin the Castilian state. (ince 0ernando III had ac!uired his con!uests piecemeal and had devoted the bulk of his ener'ies to further e3pansion rather than the internal or'ani ation, $lfonso had to contend -ith the dual challen'es of internal consolidation and frontier momentum. =ne method of dealin' -ith these 'oals -as to attempt the creation of a body of la- by ;O

-hich his entire realm mi'ht be 'overned. This involved the creation of several different le'al compilations includin' the Esp:culo, the !uero real, possibly the !uero sobre el"echo de las cabalgadas, and finally culminatin' in Las siete partidas./;1 9hile this attempt at unifyin' all the la- of Castile in an or'ani ed body infused -ith the principles of #oman la- did brin' into Castilian le'al tradition a ne- direction destined to have 'reat impact in the )ater Middle $'es, the resistance of $lfonsoCs countrymen meant that these e3periments -ere likely to be little more than Dconstitutions under 'lassD for the ne3t century. Mean-hile, a far more basic and confusin'ly diverse type of resource -ould have to be utili ed in dealin' -ith the to-ns, the assorted re'ional "ueros of his kin'dom. Clearly the kin' did not re'ard the combats -ith the Muslims as a thin' of the past, and 'ranted "ueros -ith military service re!uirements throu'hout his state. 0or municipal la- of a more 'eneral nature, there -ere at least three "uero traditions to -hich $lfonso W could have turned? Coria Cima6Coa, Cuenca6Teruel and Toledo6 C&rdoba. $lfonso made no use of the "uero pattern -hich had appeared at the end of the t-elfth century -ith the Coria Cima6Coa formulary in )eonese 23tremadura of -hich -e are a-are. Instead, the kin' intended 23tremadura as one of the ones into -hich he -ould implant his ne- initiative in municipal le'islation and military re!uirements. %e mi'ht also have opted for the most e3tensive statement of military re!uirements made prior to his rei'n, that appearin' in the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters -hich multiplied to-ard the end of the t-elfth century in the rei'n of el 'abioCs 'reat6uncle, $lfonso VIII. This set of municipal la-s had subse!uently spread south and -est of the Iberian Cordillera across eastern Castile, )a Mancha and upper $ndalusia, -ith t-o e3ceptional -estern outposts at +lasencia and later at B45ar. 9hile it appears that $lfonso W 'ave copies of this "uero to Villa #eal in :<LL, to #e!uena in :<LP, and to $lmansa in :<HL, in none of these cases does the te3t survive. $lfonsoCs Crnica discusses the military e3pedition -hich led to the foundin' of Villa #eal /modern Ciudad #eal1. The kin' assembled his -41/ force -hich included municipal militias to deal -ith the rebellious kin' of Murcia. $lfonso sa- Villa #eal as a convenient base in )a Mancha for operations in upper $ndalusia, and settled the ne- to-n -ith residents of $lcara . (ince $lcara already possessed a Cuencan "uero, Villa #eal lo'ically received the same body of la-. /I1 %o-ever, $lfonso does not seem to have been favorably disposed to-ard the Cuenca pattern, and even attempted to supplant the :<;H version 'iven by 0ernando III to Bae a before reversin' himself in :<P; by restorin' it there. /L1 Beyond this there is no record of his assi'nin' the Cuenca model any-here, althou'h it reappeared subse!uent to his rei'n. #ather, $lfonso turned his attention to the model -hich 0ernando III had ori'inated at C&rdoba in :<I:. (ome of this la- had its ori'ins in a body of municipal precedents tied to the assorted "ueros of Toledo 'oin' back to the early t-elfth century, a developin' system of la- -hich BarcRa6Ballo has ar'ued -as intended as a royalist alternative to the more liberal pattern of Cuenca6Teruel. This C&rdoban charter, as noted earlier, included military la- dra-n from the earlier Toledan pattern. %o-ever, of this 'roup of charters, the first at C&rdoba and the last at Carmona -ere the most e3tensive, particularly in the added provisions concernin' military la-. The more e3tensive C&rdoba6Carmona version, apparently created for the $ndalusian frontier, did find some favor -ith $lfonso W, -ho 'ave it to the port city of $licante, -hich anchored his then Murcian frontier -ith the Cro-n of $ra'on, in =ctober of :<L<. It reappeared in :<P:, -hen $lfonso a-arded it to )orca, the fortress to-n astride the main road from Branada into Murcia./H1 9hat does it tell us of 0ernando and $lfonsoCs municipal policy on the military frontierY 0irst, that the social fluidity of municipal -arfare should be retained, inasmuch as peones had the ri'ht to ac!uire the urban aristocratic rankin' of caballero -ith the purchase of the proper horse, arms and land holdin's / heredades1. The ability to move from the pen to the caballero class throu'h the ac!uisition of a horse and a -illin'ness to fi'ht on its back had been an on'oin' feature of peninsular -arfare durin' the 2arly Middle $'es, and it is interestin' to see the process still potentially at -ork in the $ndalusian and Murcian frontier. %o-ever, this must be -ei'hed a'ainst the contemporary effort to create an upper aristocracy in the to-ns, the caballeros delina/e, above the re'ular caballero class./P1 (econd, some traditional la- -as dra-n into the formula. 0or e3ample, familiar restrictions -ere also included a'ainst takin' arms and horses into Moorish territory, and a notable concern for the protection -42/ of the royal and municipal standards durin' defensive apellidos and cabalgadas /mounted raidin' forays1. This derives from the hi'h symbolic value placed on royal and to-n standards -hich -ere a natural tar'et in combat on -hich bounties -ere often placed. Indeed, the standards, alon' -ith the keys to the 'ates of the to-n and the to-n seal -ere to remain in the possession of the /uez /the chief administrative official of the to-n1 -ho -as instructed to be -ell6armed on such occasions, even includin' horse mail. $ll castles -on by the municipal militia -ere to be handed over to the kin', althou'h at Carmona and )orca /both 'iven late in the rei'ns of their respective monarchs1 such castles could be re6a-arded to the takers after the death of the ruler. /Q1 Third, The C&rdoba 'roup of charters reflect the frontier instability that must have been much on the mind of ruler and sub5ect alike -hen it considered the unhappy possibility that the Muslims mi'ht retake the lands -renched from them. $ la- thus insured that residents losin' heredades to Moorish counter6con!uest could e3pect to have their holdin's restored, once the land had been retaken. /O1 The C&rdoban bloc dealt -ith matters IT

re'ardin' the caballero class and its le'al standin' -hich had emer'ed earlier in the Toledan pattern and -ould be echoed repeatedly in $lfonsoCs charters. To receive the ta3 e3emptions -hich -ent -ith municipal kni'htly status, a married caballero -as re!uired to reside in the to-n and specifically in a house in the villa -ith his -ife and children. 9hen a caballero died, his horse and arms, the prime !ualifications for his class position in the to-n as -ell as his military value to the kin', -ere to pass to his sons /or his parents if he had no male children1. %is -ife -as to maintain her caballero rank durin' her -ido-hood, and his sons -ould also receive the benefits of that class until they -ere old enou'h to serve in their o-n ri'ht. /:T1 9hile much of this derives from the older municipal la-, the repeated stress on this maintenance of status and arms indicates $lfonsoCs continuin' concern re'ardin' the combat readiness of his municipal li'ht cavalry. Moreover, the task left by his father to or'ani e and synthesi e the -idely6spread territories of his kin'dom soon imposed itself upon $lfonsoCs le'al creativity. .oubtless contemplatin' -ith his le'ists the compilation of the vast #omani ations of Castilian la- in the Esp:culo and the subse!uent 'iete partidas, the years :<LL6LH sahim open a dramatic ne- initiative in la- -ith the -idespread imposition of a unified municipal code. The editors of the nineteenth6century documents collection, the Memorial histrico espa.ol, -ho first identified the relationship of these "ueros, referred to the pattern bein' a-arded as the !uero real, a ambi'uous term since $lfonso also promul'ated the code kno-n by that name. I -ill refer to the "ueros based on this formulary as the ;rdenamientode -41/ 2347 charters. BarcRa6Ballo has ar'ued that the early unification of la- called the Esp:culo is present in these charters, but the military content does not by itself bear this thesis out. /::1 +rimarily, -e have here some more detailed statements re'ardin' the kni'htly obli'ation to retain arms, s-eetened by some e3emptions to soften the demand. By :<LH, versions of this ne- pattern -ere 'iven in a broad stroke to the Meseta to-ns of Central Castile, includin' Bur'os and Buitra'o in the far northeast, $r4valo, >vila, Cu4llar and +eUafiel north of the Central (ierras, at $tien a east of Madrid, and at Tru5illo in 23tremadura. $n amplification of these la-s appeared at 2scalona in :<H:, at Madrid in :<H<, and at >vila and Cu4llar in :<HI. $ further and very interestin' amplification -as 'iven also to Madrid in :<HI, discussed belo-. This ;rdenamientode 2347 pattern represented the direction of $lfonsoCs municipal thinkin', -hich -as the unification of the diverse re'ional traditions of to-n la- that had emer'ed durin' the precedin' centuries of the #econ!uest. 0or a monarch bent on consolidatin' the loose6knit institutional state -hich -as the result of t-o centuries of e3pansion, these re'ional diversities -ere intolerable, particularly 'iven the ine!uity of the la-s from to-n to to-n. In addition, there -as a problem in attemptin' to build a system of la- -ith the established "ueros such as Cuenca -hen no sin'le body of tradition, no matter ho- -ell -ritten, could easily be applied outside of the area -here it had 'erminated. $s a solution to the problem of diversity, $lfonsoCs prototype encountered mi3ed results at best. Valladolid received the amplified "uero in :<HL, and there -ere aspects of its military re!uirements to be found in the "uero received by Murcia after its restoration in :<HH and at #e!uena in :<HQ. By this time, ho-ever, $lfonso had ac!uired a si'nificant number of distractions, and there is little indication that he pursued the imposition of the ;rdenamientode 2347 format on his to-ns after :<HQ. In fact, he even removed this type of charter from Bae a, restorin' the older Cuenca6format in :<P;./:<1 The "ueros of the ;rdenamientode 2347 pattern reveal a blend of old and ne- la-. To secure their normal ri'hts, the caballeros had to reside in the to-n from ei'ht days before Christmas until ei'ht days after the (unday before )ent, maintainin' a house in -hich their -ives and children d-elled in the to-n durin' that period. /:;1 #e!uirin' residence -as not a ne- conceptE specifyin' the time period -as, and had only appeared once before at $lfaiates -here duration but not the particular point in the year -as indicated. /:I1 The specification of caballero battle 'ear, althou'h not ne- as a concept -as more detailed than any -hich had appeared before. The -44/ horse had to have a value of at least thirty maravedis, and the properly e!uipped mounted -arrior re!uired a shield, a lance, a metal helmet, a s-ord, a mail body 5acket / loriga1 -ith a padded 5acket beneath /perpunte1 alon' -ith arm and thi'h protectors / bra"oneras1./:L1 The list indicates a familiarity -ith combat ha ards, especially in the re!uired use of the padded 5acket beneath the mail coat both to ease the pressure of the metal on the body and to insulate the flesh from the rapid temperature chan'es of the mail. 7ust as si'nificant, the len'th and detail of the list su''ests one, that the urban kni'htly class had been comin' to battle in recent decades ill6e!uipped and ill6prepared to fi'ht, and t-o, that a reason for such a concern about the battle safety of the caballeros lay in the possibility that there simply -erenCt enou'h of them to meet the military pressures and needs that $lfonso envisioned for the remainder of his rule. The ;rdenamiento de 2347 charters assured the continuance of kni'htly status for -ido-s and their sons as -ell until they matured. /:H1 This reflects the intensifyin' efforts on the part of that class to make permanent its social and economic prero'atives. To make service in the royal hueste more attractive, the to-n -as freed of the census ta3 kno-n as the marzadga in the years that the conce/o took its municipal contin'ent on campai'n -ith the kin'. /:P1 The status of cavallero"i/odalgo -as also 'ranted to men -ho had the proper horse and arms in $licante and in Carta'ena in :<LP, and to archers and ship captains as -ell, but here that -hich constituted DproperD e!uipment -as not specified in either 'rant./:Q1 I:

In :<H: the to-n of 2scalona -est of Madrid received the first in a ne- 'roup of charters related to the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern. It contained all of the military references typical of the 'rants of :<LL6LH, as did the "uero 'ranted to Madrid one year later. There -ere some interestin' chan'es in emphasis, ho-ever. 0irst, the period of residence -as e3tended to the feast day of 7ohn the Baptist /7une <I1, makin' the caballero total stay in the to-n appro3imately a half6year. (econd, there -as a notable s-in' to-ard increasin' the e3emptions a caballero mi'ht claim. In Bur'os, Buitra'o and +eUafiel caballeros 'ained ta3 e3empt status for their bread suppliers, millers, 'ardeners, those -ho took care of their children and assorted livestock tenders. To this list, 2scalona and Madrid added beekeepers and household mana'ers. Then the caballeros -ere to have a certain amount of random e3cuses ac!uired throu'h military service and the provision of e!uipment, to be 'iven to those -hom they chose. T-o e3cuses -ere 'ained for service and the provision of e!uipment, t-o e3cuses for service in the royal hueste, three more could be 'ained for the provision of a field tent, and five could be 'ained for brin'in' a -42/ horseCs mail coat /(ee Chapter 0ive for a fuller discussion of the advanta'es of e!uipment provision1. $ supplementary charter to 2scalona re!uired that the -eapons and e!uipment should be displayed at the alarde /troop and -eapons muster1 on the first of each March. /:O1 This stress upon e3emptions is reminiscent of a trend in the t-elfth and thirteenth6century )eonese la- -hich no- appears to be mi'ratin' into Castile. /<T1 In :<HI >vila, -hich had already received a version of the royal "uero, -as 'ranted a supplementary charter -hich offered curious additions in caballero obli'ations re'ardin' military service. The to-n could no- e3tend the kni'htly class random ta3 e3emptions to bread suppliers as -ell as to minor brothers and nephe-s -hich -ere valid until these male relatives -ere old enou'h to serve in their o-n ri'ht. /<:1 In $pril, :<HI $lfonso 'ranted a territorial a-ard of the ;rdenamiento de2347 pattern to all of the to-ns of 23tremadura, -hich added the ri'ht of 5ustifiably e3cused caballeros to maintain their class status and thereby to be free of the "onsadera penalty fee for failin' to serve in the hueste. The 23tremaduran and $bulense 'rants 'ive no indication of the e!uipment e3cuses seen at 2scalona and Madrid, but a ne- element does turn up in both "ueros in an e3tended la- discussin' the inheritance of the horse and the kni'htCs arms. 0rom the mid6t-elfth century on-ard, both the horse and the arms -hich rendered the caballero capable of 'ivin' military service and of maintainin' his status -ere to be inherited by the eldest son, thus enablin' the emer'ence of a hereditary class. /<<1 This concern -ith the municipal vecino and his arms reached its fullest development -ith a charter 'iven to Madrid in $u'ust of :<HI, -here the persons involved -ere not referred to as caballeros or as peones, but simply as pecheros /ta3payers1. +robably both classes -ere bein' dealt -ith to'ether, since the re!uired -eapons list /typical of the ;rdenamiento de 2347 listin' for caballeros1 included the ri'ht to substitute a crossbo- /ballesta1 for the lance and a cuchiello serranil /literally a mountain6d-ellerCs knife1 for the s-ord. (ince the lance and s-ord -ere !uintessential kni'htly -eapons -hile the crossbo- and the lon' knife -ere considered -eapons of infantrymen, the t-o 'roups -ere almost certainly 'athered here under the name of pecheros. To make the crossbo- substitution, $lfonso stipulated that the archer be able to pull the bo- -ell. The impartible inheritance of -eapons by the eldest son reappears here -ith the added stipulation that if the eldest son already had the necessary -eapons, the deceasedCs armament should be inherited en bloc by the ne3t eldest son. 9hile this revived interest in the peones -as note-orthy, the process by -hich the citi enCs possession -43/ of the proper -eapons found verification proves even more revealin'. No person -as to borro- armaments from another for verification, nor become indebted throu'h a pled'e to ac!uire them. Money could not be acceptably substituted for -eapons. To assure that all these conditions -ere bein' met, the pechero had to brin' his re!uired arsenal to the pla a of the to-n for display biannually /in mid6March and on Michaelmas in late (eptember, a kind of before and after check for the campai'n season1 so that the -eapons mi'ht be inspected. $t least one other city be'an such e3aminations at about this time, for (eville utili ed the nearby Campo de Tablada as its inspection site./<;1 The thrust of $lfonsoCs la-s in the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern seems undeniable. %e evidences concern about the number of available militiamen, especially caballeros, that he could muster from the to-ns, especially those -ell back from the $ndalusian frontier. $lfonso -ants his militias properly armed for their o-n preservation and for their military effectiveness. %e had reached the point of insistin' that the to-n residents possessed the -eapons re!uired of them, and deemed it necessary that the re!uired -eapons be kept to'ether from 'eneration to 'eneration. The to-ns -hich received the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern are in most cases the old Castilian standbys of the .uero and Ta5o river valleys -hich had a stron' record of providin' militias that had served El 'abioCs predecessors. =ne conclusion is evident? based on his e3pectations derived from former municipal capabilities, the kin' believes his to-ns are in the early sta'es of atrophy in their military capability. =ne can only con5ecture the source of the kin'Cs concern -hich prompted the military preparedness re'ulations inserted into the $pril, :<HI "ueros, -hether the backlash of the abortive campai'n a'ainst (al4 in North $frica in :<HT or the pressures e3erted durin' the con!uest of Niebla in :<H<. The municipal militias had indeed 5oined $lfonso at Niebla. The conce/o musters also accompanied the kin' on an e3pedition a'ainst Branada in :<H;. No indication of poor performance by the to-ns in any of these military endeavors appears in the royal chronicle. /<I1 But the ne-eapons inspection re!uired at Madrid in $u'ust had a much more direct cause? Nasrid insti'ation of ma5or I<

Muslim revolts in $ndalusia and Murcia in 7une of :<HI. This event 'enerated the threat of a ma5or destabili ation of the southern frontier. 0or a brief time $lfonso must have thou'ht himself back in the days of his 'reat6uncle -ith a ne- $larcos or )as Navas in prospect. In many respects, he had reached the 'reat turnin' point of his rei'n. -44/ The $ndalusian and Murcian revolts -ere turned back -ith a fortuitously small loss of to-ns and castles bet-een :<HI and :<HH. Credit for avertin' a far -orse military disaster has traditionally and deservedly been a-arded to the vital assistance 'iven by 8in' 7aime, and to the military orders -ith their vast holdin's in the area. It should also be mentioned that $lfonso W noted in his o-n documents the contributions of the conce/o of =rihuela and the caballeros of Cceres and (eville, the Ccerans havin' especially been sin'led out for 5oinin' a successful e3pedition of the Infante 0ernando a'ainst Branada durin' the revolt. /<L1 9hile independent municipalities in the ne-ly6con!uered realms in the south -ere fe-, the ones that -ere there played a role in stabili in' the situation. The trust placed in )orca as revealed by its contemporary documents 'ives us one e3ample of such a to-n. %o-ever, the real impact of the Murcian revolts upon $lfonsoCs policy of municipal military preparedness did not lie in the e3chan'e of some frontier territories in the south. The ener'ies burnt up in resolvin' the Muslim crisis, combined -ith the distraction of the pursuit of the imperial title and the financial maneuverin' entailed by that pro5ect, seem to drain a-ay $lfonsoCs enthusiasm for a unified municipal la- and its attendant inte'ration of a more effective military structure. $t the least, these seem to offer the most plausible e3planation for -hat happened to the ;rdenamiento de2347 pro'ram in $lfonsoCs later years. Valladolid did receive a "uero in this pattern in $u'ust of :<HL in -hich one finds a re'ulation for the caballeroCs horse and arms as -ell as other military status la-s -hich derive from the ori'inal :<LL6LH charters and their later amplifications. %o-ever, ValladolidCs charter lacked a specific time period for to-n residence, a impartible la- of -eapons inheritance, and reference to the -eapons inspection re!uired a year earlier in Madrid./<H1 This is the first su''estion of a drift to-ard a lack of specificity and it stands in contrast to the pre6 :<HL policies. $nother important opportunity -as passed by -hen $lfonso settled Murcia in May of :<HH and 'ranted the former Muslim vassal city a royal charter. The outline of the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern -as there, -ith its re!uirement of a to-n house inhabited by the caballeroCs or penCs family and stipulation that the same t-o classes have appropriate -eapons, but a'ain no time frame -as noted and no- the mandated -eapons -ere not listed. $lfonso sou'ht the implantation of municipal conce/os in the recon!uered areas of the Murcian kin'dom, and at 2lche he 'ranted a similarly unspecified set of re!uirements to the kni'hts and infantrymen in :<HP./<P1-48/ By :<HQ, all of #e!uenaCs residents received to-n residence e3emptions if they performed fortification maintenance on the to-n -alls and re'ional fortifications, and caballeros -ith an inhabited house /a'ain -ithout a cited time period1 did not need to perform even that chore. The royal chronicle cited a ta3 for the caballeros "i/osdalgos of Bur'os in response to their failures in -all maintenance. 2scalona received a supplement to its charters in :<HO -hich seemed a step back-ard from its earlier ;rdenamiento de 2347 re'ulations of :<H:. The len'th of residence re!uirements and the -eapons list -ere omitted, althou'h possibly the former specifications -ere still assumed./<Q1 $fter this point, the "ueros and their content thin out considerably. The to-ns -ere 'ainin' levera'e throu'h the kin'Cs determination to pursue the Berman imperial cro-n, and his need to make concessions in order to obtain the ta3 resources to fund that endeavor. This is indicated by the set of la-s -hich appear in :<P; 5ust prior to $lfonsoCs departure to meet -ith Bre'ory W in hope of achievin' his 'oal. $lfonso balanced the fiscal e3actions -rested from the Cortes -ith concessions 'ranted in the military and le'al sectors. The caballeros of Cceres -ere to receive their ta3 e3emptions -ithout havin' the appropriate horse and arms in e3chan'e for their past service a'ainst Branada. The caballeros of (eville and C&rdoba /in :<P; and :<QT, respectively1 received the very considerable e3emption from the royal moneda"orera ta3 for simply retainin' their horses and arms in the city. $lso, it -as at this point that Bae a had its Cuenca6model "uero restored./<O1 9hile this restored "uero for Bae a had the very ample body of militia la-s contained -ithin the Cuenca formulary, it nonetheless represented a defeat for $lfonso since it probably replaced an ;rdenamiento de 2347 model he had imposed earlier and recorded instead of another victory of territorial over national la-. The last su''estion of any residual determination on the part of the kin' to pursue the former policy could be seen at $'uilar de Campo in :<PH, -here any money 'ained throu'h military service by the caballeros had to be returned if the kni'ht had served -ithout proper e!uipment, and paid in double amount if he resisted the penalty. Those -ho failed to sho- up for the troop and -eapons muster /alarde1 properly e!uipped received similar penalties./;T1 There -ere, nonetheless, continuin' indications of militia service on the frontier in the :<PTCs. The Dconce5os de las 23tremadurasD -ere mustered for an e3pedition to Branada in :<P:. 9hen 8in' $lfonso re!uested that the municipal conce/os serve -ith +rince 0ernando in :<P;, many of them informed the prince that they had already rendered their -45/ re!uired e3peditionary commitment for that period. In that same year, $lfonso 'athered a force to accompany him for a meetin' -ith 8in' 7aime of $ra'on at Cuenca, and called up some unspecified militia contin'ents to enhance the si e of his entoura'e. :<PL6PH sa- another ma5or Muslim uprisin' in the south insti'ated by Branada, and a'ain the urban militias appeared at the scene. The conce/os of Toledo, Talavera, I;

Buadala5ara and Madrid, militias -ell blooded in the annals of frontier -arfare, rallied to the aid of $rchbishop (ancho of Toledo /the son of 8in' 7aime of $ra'on1 at 7a4n, -here this force suffered severe losses and the death of its archiepiscopal commander. +rince 0ernando moved promptly to the frontier, summonin' a ne- levy of the to-n militias to 5oin his e3pedition at Villa #eal. 9hen the heir apparent died there suddenly in :<PL, his brother +rince (ancho arrived at the city to take up command of the force, -hich no- included militias from all over Castile. The e3pedition !uelled the revolts in $ndalusia, made its -ay to C&rdoba to re'roup, returnin' then to Toledo -here 8in' $lfonso met the victorious (ancho and his army. The militias of "ceda, Buadala5ara, %ita, $tien a, Medinaceli and %ari a -ere rousted in the unsuccessful attempt of $lfonso W to prevent his !ueen, dau'hter6in6la- and the late +rince 0ernandoCs children from fleein' to $ra'on. $ 'eneral muster of the municipal militias served in the royal sie'e of $l'eciras durin' :<PP6PQ, and a'ain in :<QT in a campai'n force 8in' $lfonso 'athered at C&rdoba to assault Branada. 9hen $lfonso became ill, +rince (ancho a'ain took command and led -hat became a costly and casualty6ridden campai'n into the south. In :<PO, the Bur'os militia served -ith the prince in a small e3pedition -hich s!uelched a rebellion of some nobles in the Cuenca re'ion. /;:1 9ithin and -ithout the kin'dom, then, to-nsmen -ere performin' a variety of military tasks in a troubled decade. By the end of his rei'n, ho-ever, $lfonsoCs endeavors on all fronts -ere in the process of disinte'ration in the face of the aristocratic revolts in behalf of his son +rince (ancho. The kin' -as soon forced to call on Islamic support in tryin' to put do-n the incipient insurrection in his reinos, a step -hich certainly obviated any further development in a unified military policy for his to-ns. The 'iete partidas offered some indications of his pro'ram in its ample sections on military la-, but the lack of an opportunity to promul'ate the code left all of this in the realm of theory. The to-ns -ere already 'oin' their o-n -ay. 9ith the decline of a centrali in' initiative from the kin' after :<HL, the independent municipal activity typical of the earlier #econ!uest reappeared, -80/ indeed even -ith a certain amount of royal encoura'ement. 9hile the to-ns of the Meseta pressed to li'hten their military obli'ations and solidify the aristocratic urban class -hich developed durin' the frontier -ars, the municipalities on the ne- frontier represented -hat -as left of the municipal forces at the ready to undertake combat burdens and en5oy its profits. )orca, especially, -as able to consolidate its position durin' and after the Muslim revolts. The to-n conce/o ac!uired the castles of +uentes and 0elR and secured an e3emption from the one6fifth royal booty ta3 in :<HL durin' the hei'ht of the Murcian revolt, received the C&rdoba pattern "uero of :<P: -ith its ri'ht, on the death of the monarch, to re6occupy any castles 'iven to $lfonso at the time of their capture. )orca also ac!uired the castle of Cella from the kin' in :<PP./;<1 =nce Murcia -as taken, it too be'an to develop a substantial base for independent action, receivin' its rather inspecific ;rdenamiento de2347 model charter in :<HH. In :<HP Murcia 'ained the ri'ht to control the roads in its vicinity and to have the villa'es of Mula and Molina (eca serve in the hueste under its standard./;;1 $llo-in' such to-ns to 'ain this measure of autonomy certainly made them more independent militarily but it au'ured badly for the future of royal control in the area. =nce $rcos de la 0rontera -as restored to Christian control in :<HQ, the to-n -as allo-ed to limit its hueste service south of the Buadal!uivir #iver, a problem -hen $lfonso re!uired their assistance in the central kin'dom./;I1 Mean-hile, the to-ns responded collectively to the 'ro-in' disorders in the realm. The $ndalusian cities of C&rdoba, 7a4n, Bae a, [beda, $ndN5ar, (an 2steban, I natoraf, Suesada and Ca orla formed a hermandad /brotherhood1 for mutual defense a'ainst the Muslims in :<HL, includin' efforts to settle local internal disputes. There -ere some harsh fines for those -ho provoked disorder, -ished to pass throu'h their respective territories ille'ally, or refused to cooperate in 5oint military endeavors. This kind of 5oint alliance reappeared amon' the same $ndalusian frontier to-ns in :<Q<, -hen the to-ns prepared to defend themselves a'ainst either $lfonso or his rebellious son (ancho. In all likelihood it -as the militias of the $ndalusian hermandad, includin' that of C&rdoba under its commander 0ernn MuUi , -hich sparred at this time -ith an army led by the rene'ade noble 0ernn +4re +once, resultin' in heavy municipal casualties and the death of the C&rdoban commander. The municipalities of Castile, )eon, Balicia, 23tremadura and $ndalusia 5oined members of the cler'y and nobility in a hermandad supportin' +rince (ancho in :<Q< at Valladolid. :<Q< also sa- a hermandad -81/ formed bet-een (alamanca and Cuenca, and by :<QI a 'roup of inter6re'ional hermandades involvin' the conce/os of Castile, )eon, Balicia, 23tremadura, Toledo and $ndalusia appeared. /;L1 These -ere not the first such brotherhoods or si'ns of municipal turbulence amon' the frontier to-ns in the Castilian #econ!uest and they -ere not destined to be the last. $lfonsoCs failure had meant the revisitation of the past upon himself and his successors. III - The Cr+,n +; Arag+n In the Cro-n of $ra'on, 8in' 7aime I /7aume I1 had arrived at a crossroads in the use of municipal institutions, as -ell. =nce Murcia had become tributary to Castile and it -as mutually a'reed that this Muslim principality belon'ed -ithin the Castilian future sphere of con!uest, 7aimeCs future peninsular e3pansion seemed closed. The southern areas of the Valencian Regne still re!uired absorption and stabili ation and the need for military resources clearly remained, 'iven that 7aime still looked out upon potentially threatenin' nei'hbors, includin' II

Muslims, the 0rench and even Castile. 9ithin his realm an occasionally rebellious nobility led him to threaten his aristocrats -ith the use of the municipal militias a'ainst them at Jara'o a in :<HI, and subse!uently to advise $lfonso W to keep the to-ns and the church allied -ith the cro-n since combined municipal and ecclesiastical po-er -as sufficient to defeat the nobility/;H1 %e -ould still find a use for urban militias, as the last decades of his rei'n 'ive ample evidence. The Cordilleran militias and the rich le'al tradition that is our best evidence of their operation had rendered e3cellent service in the Valencian con!uest. The "ueros of Teruel and $lbarracRn even 'ave early evidence of the ta3 e3emption for residin' in the to-n and maintainin' a horse and e!uipment, a re!uirement -hich loomed so lar'e in the Castilian Toledan tradition, interestin' in that these la-s appear in sections of the Teruel6$lbarracRn charters that are not paralleled in the Cuencan versions on the other side of the Cordillera./;P1 $s the Teruel branch of the Teruel6Cuenca family of charters ceased its e3pansion beyond $lbarracRn, the most elaborate statements of military la- continued, nonetheless, to be assi'ned to the upland to-ns, startin' -ith the consolidation of the Consuetudines of )leida in :<<Q, a city on the frontier bet-een the $ra'onese Reino and the Catalan principality of Barcelona. The statutes of )leida limited full residential privile'es to persons -ho had a horse, maintained their -ives and families in the city, and served in the royal e8ercitus /another -ord for host service1./;Q1 =nce -e reach the -82/ post6Valencian con!uest era in 7aimeCs rei'n, the survivin' e3tended statements of military la- in the period concentrate on three -ell6established militia to-ns? .aroca, Jara'o a and 7aca. .aroca -as reminded of the fines to be paid by kni'hts and infantry for missin' the defensive assembly kno-n as apellido in :<LH, and had its militia re!uirement of militia service restated in :<PT. Jara'o a -as freed of musterin' its militia or providin' provisions for 7aimeCs campai'n a'ainst the Catalan revolts, but -as obli'ated to provide support for the kin'Cs -ars to put do-n the Murcian uprisin's, althou'h assured that the e3actions -ere temporary. 7aca had its obli'ations to serve in the royal e8ercitus and the mounted raidin' force /caualcatis1 reiterated in :<IO and :<HO./;O1 Maintainin' the tradition of upland $ra'onese and Cordilleran military activism -ould not be easy once $ra'on had conceded the occupation of Murcia to Castile and honored that commitment by breakin' the back of the Murcian resistance in :<HL6HH, -hile returnin' the bulk of the con!uests to Castile. $s the Catalans increased their resettlement activity in the 8in'dom of Valencia and even penetrated mar'inally into Murcia, the southern ed'e of potential Cordilleran e3pansion -as closed off, endin' the t-o6century role these frontier to-ns had played in the $ra'onese #econ!uest. 9hile -e cannot be certain of the causes, either the $ra'onese to-ns had no e3cess population available to claim the substantial barrios and households in Valencia a-arded to them by 7aime in the Repartimiento of that city, or the to-nsmen of the Cordillera simply did not -ant to come. Jara'o a and Tara ona mana'ed to utili e only about forty percent of the households allotted to them, .aroca under thirty6five percent and Calatayud less than t-enty. Teruel -as the only to-n, Catalan or $ra'onese, to attain fifty6five percent residency, -hile a small district borderin' bet-een the allotments of Teruel and .aroca reached only t-o percent. The fi'ures improve only sli'htly -hen ad5usted to account for settlement by these to-nsmen in parts of the city not ori'inally allotted to them. In truth, the Catalan rates -ere no better, but the Catalans continued to be available for settlement in some numbers south of Valencia city and into Murcia, a capability apparently not e!ualed by the $ra'onese to-nsmen. /IT1 Time and circumstances dictated that the $ra'onese militias drifted increasin'ly into the position of a reserve force -ithout an active part in combat or settlement. There are indications that 7aime and the other individuals in the Cro-n of $ra'on capable of callin' forth military contin'ents did attempt somethin' of a militari ation of the Catalan municipalities. Bual CamarenaCs study of patterns of municipal codes in the 8in'dom of Valencia and the possible movement of upland traditions such as those of )leida, Jara'o a and the !uero de &ragn on to the coastal plain includes fe- to-ns -ith military service obli'ations, so that his data and mine fail to mesh effectively. /I:1 I base my o-n assumptions -81/ of an attempt to increase the number of military effectives livin' in the to-ns and villa'es upon a moderately increasin' number of citations of military obli'ations imposed in the charters of the Catalan and Valencian municipalities durin' 7aimeCs rei'n. 9hile only fifteen such references appear in the <;H documents 'athered by 0ont #Rus prior to the Con!uerorCs rei'n, the O: documents in the same collection dated durin' 7aimeCs period sho- << such references, fifteen of -hich re!uire service and seven of -hich 'ive e3emption from such service. The other documentary source collections corroborate this mild increase, su''estin' that 7aime -as pressin' all possible resources to sustain his pro'ram for southern con!uest. "nlike the e3tended descriptions of military service and its re'ulations -hich typify the Cordilleran tradition and culminate at Teruel, the coastal to-ns and villa'es rarely incur more than a simple obli'ation to 'ive the royal e3peditionary service of host or e8ercitus and the mounted raidin' contin'ents for the cavalcata, or e3emption from these same services. Before :<LT, ei'hteen of these sites re!uired such services and nine -ere 'iven e3emption from them./I<1 $fter :<L:, there -as a dramatic shift in favor of e3emption from service, -ith t-o places re!uired to serve, t-o -ith a re!uirement -hich they -ere permitted to buy off, and nine 'iven e3emptions from such services./I;1 The closin' of the Cro-n of $ra'onCs southern frontier -ith the cedin' of Murcia to Castile mi'ht -ell e3plain this tendency, althou'h complacency -as to prove ill65ustified. There IL

remained periodic internal revolts and disturbances to !uell, the Murcian uprisin' -ith -hich to contend, and threats of further lar'e6scale rebellions by the Muslims supported by North $frica such as that -hich darkened 7aimeCs last years. These crises 'enerated emer'ency efforts by 7aime to dra- upon the older resources, resultin' in an ambi'uous policy re'ardin' the pacification of his kin'dom and the defusin' of the military potential of his municipalities. The first event to impose this dilemma on 7aime -as the uprisin' in the kin'dom of Murcia. The revolt -hich had such a dramatic impact on $lfonso W in Castile found 7aime in a cooperative frame of mind to assist his kindred monarch. .urin' the assault on Murcia, 7aime a'ain e3acted support and retinues from his municipal constituents, especially the %uescan upland to-ns of Tamarit and Mon &n noted in the kin'Cs Cr0nica. The royal forces e3perienced considerable difficulties in keepin' some of their locally recruited -arriors to'ether for such an e3tended campai'n, markin' a rather decided contrast to the voluntarism so in evidence durin' the assault on Valencia, and this despite the considerable booty bein' ac!uired -hich enriched various members of the victorious host./II1 There -as yet another si'n of slippa'e from the upland to-ns in :<PI, -hen 7aime -as 'atherin' his forces to subdue -84/ the revolts of a number of Catalan nobles, and called upon that pillar of the Valencian assault, the conce/o of Jara'o a, to send a contin'ent -ith three months supplies to round out his e3peditionary force. This re!uest -as dated on 7uly :L, and the response must have been disappointin'. =n 7uly <; 7aime resubmitted his re!uest, offerin' to permit the Jara'o ans to pay a fee of three thousand 7acan solidos in lieu of service. 7aime -as back on (eptember Q to demand the fee, as the citi ens of Jara'o a had rendered neither its militia nor the re!uired money. /IL1 0ar more impressive for assessin' the impact of the $ra'o6Catalan municipal capability are the massive musterin's of Catalan to-ns in :<PL? first some t-enty6five to-ns for three6month service on March <OE then t-enty6seven for the same term on $pril QE finally t-enty6five for a t-o6month term on 7une :;. /IH1 9hen a neand ma5or uprisin' of the Muslims emer'ed in :<PH, the terminally6ill 7aime ordered some seventy6three Catalan to-ns to remain apart from the conflict of the Count of $mpurias and 7aimeCs son +rince +ere on $pril <:, possibly to maintain readiness for duty in Valencia. %e specifically summoned $ra'onese .aroca to assemble its militia -ith t-o months -orth of supplies and march to Teruel 5oinin' a lar'er force assemblin' to deal -ith these Valencian revolts./IP1 The revolt -as ultimately !uelled by +edro III /+ere II1, to -hom the peninsular $ra'onese and Catalan Reinos had no- passed. The lar'er to-ns on the Catalan coast, especially Barcelona and Valencia, displayed a 'ro-in' capability to render military service especially on those occasions -hen the realm -as attacked, as indicated in the t-elfth century by the D+rinceps nam!ueD section of the @satges of Catalonia. Barcelona assembled its host /called the (a'ramental1 at 7aimeCs order in :<LP, a muster of the to-n and nei'hborin' re'ions -hich included archers and soldiers providin' their o-n lances and s-ords. /IQ1 9hile the !urs of Valencia provided little in the -ay of military information, 7aime 'rants of ta3 e3emptions to those -ho maintained a horse and arms in the city, a concession rene-ed by his son +edro III, su''ests a continuin' interest in municipal li'ht cavalry. 7aime also e3pected the citi ens of Valencia to maintain its -alls in 'ood defensive order. In the same year that BarcelonaCs (a'ramental -as mustered /:<LP1, the 'overnor of Valencia under royal command brou'ht a military force from the re'ion to 5oin the royal army at $lmud4bar north of Jara'o a. $pparently any slack that developed amon' the $ra'onese upland -82/ to-ns -as bein' taken up by the Catalan to-ns and the Valencian levies, as the -ork of #obert Burns indicates./IO1 I6 - $a9arre and *+rtugal NavarreCs contribution to municipal military evolution had become moribund by the middle of the thirteenth century. Navarrese raidin' continued to be a consideration on the $ra'onese frontier, borne out by the promise of military service from the to-n of (bada to 7aime I in e3chan'e for royal assistance a'ainst Denemi'os nuestros !ue sean de frontera de Navarra,D but ho- much of this concern -as directed to-ard the activity of Navarrese municipal militias is dubious./LT1 9ith the death of (ancho VII in :<;I and the failure of either $ra'on or Castile to absorb the kin'dom, Navarre passed into the control of the Champa'ne dynasty of Thibault I /:<;I6 L;1 and Thibault II /:<L;6PT1. Its Muslim frontier had for some time been blocked by the e3pansion of Castile and $ra'on, and the ne- dynasty -ould be more interested in crusadin' outside the +eninsula than -ithin. The handful of charters -hich deal -ith any kind of municipal military re!uirement datin' from the rei'ns of the t-o Thibaults sho- the retention of hueste and cabalgada at "rro and Ta5onar, and the e3emption from these services at Baritoain and Ballipien o. Torralba and Viana near the Castilian frontier received e3emption from the "onsadera military ta3, the latter because of the devastation -rou'ht by +rince 0ernandoCs Castilian raidin' forays on the Navarrese frontier in :<PI6PL. /L:1 Cut off from the stresses -hich e3panded the reach of the municipal forces based in Castile, $ra'on and +ortu'al, -e can assume that the municipalities of Navarre had retained only the capability for purely short6ran'e operations by the mid6thirteenth century. The #econ!uest had lon' since ceased to -ork its influence on their development. IH

By the a'e of $fonso III /:<IQ6:<PO1 +ortu'al had completed its basic frontiers. $s -ith the precedin' +ortu'uese rei'n, there are no chronicle references relatin' militia activity. The ma5or endeavor, con!uest of the -estern $l'arve, -as completed early in $fonsoCs rule, leavin' him to consider only those military needs re!uired to pursue the ri'hts of the cro-n in internal affairs and to shore up his frontiers a'ainst Castile. $ 'reat deal of municipal le'islation appears in the rei'n, both in a rich number of survivin' "orais and in the ne-er collections of municipal costumes -ith their fuller statement of municipal la-. The to-ns even send their first formal representation to the royal council in the Cortes of )eiria in -83/ :<LI. .espite all of this survivin' material -ith its considerable 'ro-th of municipal precedents, virtually no ne- military material emer'es. There -as the continued a-ardin' of "orais in the established Vvora, Trancoso and (antar4m families as -ell as the e3pansion of a ne- re'ional 'roup in the north, and from the 'eo'raphic pattern of their distribution and the identity of their 'rantors it is possible to establish the basic thrust of $fonsoCs municipal military policy. 9hile the kin' -ould not completely avoid the conflict -ith the church that had created such difficulties for his father and brother, the real breach came very late in his rei'n. Thus the flo- of his municipal la- remains relatively constant, enablin' one to analy e the role played by the conclusion of the +ortu'uese #econ!uest upon his policies. Note-orthy chan'es appear in the distribution of the older families of charters? for e3ample, a substantial shift of the Vvora 'roup into the hands of non6royal 'rantors, primarily the military ordersE the increasin' use of royal 'rants of the (antar4m format for to-ns in the central and eastern $lente5o, a one formerly dominated by the Vvora patternE and the issuin' of the Trancoso format in the north of +ortu'al, far outside its older 'eo'raphic concentration in the Beira $lta. $ ne-er family, developin' from the precedents established at Cidad_lhe in :<<I and $li5& in :<<H, multiplied in 'rants from $fonso III bet-een :<LI and :<LP in the same 'eneral area -here the initial charters -ere 'iven. The Cidad_lhe 'roup sou'ht short6ran'ed re'ional obli'ations limited in fre!uency to once a year and in 'eo'raphy to the .ouro6)ima6Minho river valleys. Moreover, (etNbal /:<IO1 presents the first reference to an e8ercitus or caualgada at sea, almost e3actly contemporary to a similar reference on the opposite side of the +eninsula at Carta'ena in :<IH. /L<1 Both the +ortu'uese and Castilian frontiers -ere no- close enou'h to the North $frican coast to consider the possibility of offensive and defensive marine action. The overall intent of $fonsoCs strate'y pointed to-ard an outer rin' of Trancoso6type militias -ith their one6 third cavalry muster in the north and east, backed by a defense in depth based on the Cidad_lhe militias of the .ouro, )ima and Minho. To the east and southeast, the Vvora system spread, offerin' its 'reater participation of the municipal cavalieros /t-o6thirds1. This re'ion received additional reinforcement from the kni'htly levies of the to-ns 'ranted the (antar4m "orais, bufferin' the re'ion a'ainst any dan'er of Castilian e3pansion from (eville or Niebla. In the southern $lente5o and the $l'arve, urban settlement -as -84/ thinner, and a deep defense -as unlikely, save by the military orders -ho controlled much of this land. Numerous other "orais outside these family patterns e3isted, but they offer only scattered brief references to military re!uirements thus 'ivin' fe- insi'hts into any royal system of militia usa'e. The emer'ence of len'thy municipal customs collections occurred in +ortu'al at this time, as in Catalonia. 9hile similar in the diversity of their la- to the earlier Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa collections, there is little military la- in these +ortu'uese or Catalan compilations. The most interestin' la-s in this 'roup appeared at $lccer, -here -eapons re!uirements, althou'h little detailed, bear some comparison to the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern in Castile./L;1 These collections of customs speak much more to le'al diversification, #oman le'al influences and the rise of commercial activity /especially in Catalonia1 than they do to a sophisticated military establishment. Moreover, they su''est a variety of interests in 'eneral not found in the contemporary Castilian municipality, one possible effect of the continuin' e3istence of an active Muslim frontier. 6 - Legacies Thus, for three of the four Christian kin'doms the #econ!uest had in effect terminated. By :<QI, the era of common purpose a'ainst the shared Muslim foe, althou'h honored as often in the breach as in the fulfillment, dre- to a close. The a'e of continued territorial a''randi ement amon' Christian nei'hbors -ithout a si'nificant Islamic distraction had be'un for all but Castile, the only kin'dom facin' Branada and the other three Christian states. The municipalities of the +eninsula offer penetratin' insi'hts into the impact of these later thirteenth6 century forces on the ma5or kin'doms and their attempts to cope -ith the read5usted realities. In +ortu'al, the first priority -ith re'ard to the municipal militias became defense a'ainst Castile. The need for lar'e e3peditionary forces to capture and occupy territory -as no- lar'ely a thin' of the past. The 'ro-th of the established foral families came to an end, left in the developmental sta'e that $fonso I had established at the be'innin' of the +ortu'uese #econ!uestE thus the to-ns maintained basically a defensive capability -ith a limited capacity for offensive e3peditionary service. Their relationship to the cro-n 'ave the kin' the stron'est foothold he possessed in the $lente5o and the $l'arve, but he -ould not have -anted their military establishment enhanced beyond its thirteenth6century level, -88/ since armed to-ns defendin' their ri'hts IP

present a serious obstacle to the royal consolidation of the realm. The 8in'dom of Navarre presents a model !uite similar to that of +ortu'al -ith municipal militias yet less developed and more tied to defensive operations. The Cro-n of $ra'on in the a'e of 7aime I and +edro III presents a more comple3 picture than is true for +ortu'al and Navarre. 8in' 7aime had effectively mana'ed the capabilities of his varied municipal military resources durin' his lon' rule, ad5ustin' adroitly to the succession of dramatic chan'es -rou'ht by his successful campai'ns. %e -as able to e3ploit his militias -hen he needed them for the con!uests that 'ave him his formidable reputation. %is emphasis shifted from e3tension to e3emption once Valencia and its surroundin's had been con!uered, possibly because he considered un-ise the continued encoura'ement of a -idespread municipal military capability in a realm -hich had found its appropriate frontiers. Thereafter, such to-ns could constitute a threat to royal authority as they -ere to prove in Castile. Not-ithstandin' these considerations, the kin'6count intended that the lar'er Catalan to-ns maintain forces available for military service. The record clearly indicates this for Barcelona and Valencia, and the lar'e allotment of households in the division of Valencia to the citi ens of to-ns like Barcelona, Tortosa, Tarra'ona, Montblanch, )leida and even Montpellier su''est that they all contributed militias to the Valencian sie'e, unless 7aime merely assumed them to possess the best potential pools of populators. The lar'e muster of Catalan militias in :<PL6PH indicate a continuation of this capability. =n the other hand, durin' the brief period that 7aime controlled lar'e portions of Murcia after the revolts there, he chose the route of aristocratically controlled se.oros as the vehicles for the settlement pattern rather than the use of municipal conce/os /the device $lfonso el (abio employed in Murcia1 to achieve the same end./LI1 Biven the ready use of small to-n settlements by 7aime in the Balearics and in Valencia, the chan'e in policy for Murcia is interestin'. It is possible that the uncertain situation he had in Murcia precluded the use of permanent colonists from northern to-ns there. (ince aristocratic se.oros employed as a settlement device in the Cordillera by his predecessors had proved -orkable in the t-elfth century, 7aime may have simply been repeatin' that policy in Murcia. In each case, the creation of a buffer one a'ainst Castile could be achieved despite a limited supply of municipal colonists. 7aime prudently backed a-ay from the stron' temptation of e3ploitin' the Murcian revolts to reopen his frontier -ith Branada, thus avoidin' a share of CastileCs future problems. Moreover, the slackenin' caused by the atrophy of the -85/ Cordilleran municipal military contribution and the s-in' to an emphasis on e3emption in e3chan'e for money in the ne-er Catalan 'rants does not seem to have harmed the military posture of $ra'on and Catalonia. 7aimeCs musters of :<PL6PH su''est a continuin' and -idespread municipal capability. +edro III -as able to enlist municipal support from Valencia and the other to-ns of the Regne for the successful sie'e of Montesa in :<PP, -hile summonin' his o-n vast musters involvin' some <LT to-ns to deal -ith the 0rench invasion of :<QL. The Muslim sub5ects offered their o-n contribution to the defense to the Cro-n of $ra'on durin' that 0rench invasion -hich closed 8in' +edroCs rei'n./LL1 0or those such as the almogTvers -ho found unbearable the loss of military opportunities resultin' from the end of the $ra'onese #econ!uest, the cro-n soon provided a ne-er theater of action across the Mediterranean. $lfonso W be!ueathed a less defined and rather more disappointin' le'acy to Castile. CastileCs frontier situation -as e3tremely comple3 and dan'erously open. 9hile the physical si e of the kin'dom and its 'reater population made it the ostensibly dominant peninsular monarchy, this situation -as more apparent than real. Breat numbers of unassimilated Muslims in $ndalusia and Murcia both possessed and had actuali ed a serious potential for revolt. The ne-ly6con!uered areas in Ne- Castile and $ndalusia, as -as the case in +ortu'al, had been handed over primarily to the military orders north of the (ierra Morena and the po-erful nobility in the $ndalusian south, leavin' such frontier to-ns as there -ere in isolated pockets, cut off from their brethren on the Meseta. The devastation associated -ith the con!uest of $ndalusia combined -ith 'reat numbers of resident natives -ith their propensity to revolt caused 'eneral settlement to follo- very slo-ly after con!uest. (ome settlers -ho had ac!uired land shares in and around (eville returned north -ithin a fe- years, and the military orders favored lar'e6scale stockraisin' over the implantation of ne- municipalities. /LH1 Thus the 'ro-th of frontier settlement and military preparedness in the to-ns had been disrupted. The northern to-ns of Castile -ere increasin'ly concerned -ith usin' their military e3perience to defend their prero'atives individually and in collective hermandades, a development -hich -orked a'ainst the development of effective royal po-er. $lfonsoCs efforts to universali e the military re!uirements throu'h the Toledan ;rdenamientode 2347 models and the military la-s of the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas -ere frustrated and delayed by the resistance of his sub5ects, the Murcian outbreaks and the distractions of his later -50/ rei'n. 2l (abio had not only attempted to meet but e3ceed the deathbed assessment of 'reater kin'ship offered by his father. The outcome -as an insoluble array of problems and challen'es -hich the kin' could not fully 'rasp, to say nothin' of resolve. %is municipal militias, -ith their hi'hly developed military capabilities, remained ineffectively restrained by royal policy. ,et their former access to the south, its combat and its opportunities for booty had become difficult, leavin' their capacity for -arfare unvented in the traditional fashion. $lfonso mi'ht not have been able to avert this -ith the application of the most enli'htened insi'hts of the a'e, but there is no indications that he foresa- the problem at all or took even minimal steps to deal -ith it. $s a result, the municipal ener'ies turned themselves in-ard, addin' immeasurably to the turbulence the later medieval Castilian monarchy -ould e3perience. IQ

%avin' surveyed the ori'ins and development of municipal militias durin' the Central Middle $'es in Iberia, it is no- important to comprehend ho- that evolution affected the life, the municipal institutions, the economy and the la- of the various kinds of to-ns to be found in Iberia. In turn, the to-nsmenCs municipal or'ani ation, their delimitin' of their military obli'ations, their conduct on campai'n, the social and economic implications of their -arfare, and the influence of this militari ed life style on their sense of 5ustice -ill be considered and assessed. In this -ay one can come to a fuller understandin' of the -ei'ht of these three centuries of frontier e3perience on their daily activities, their institutions and their e3pectations. Notes for Chapter ; :. 1C+, <?PP<6P;. <. The most important bio'raphy of $lfonso W is Ballesteros y Beretta, &l"onso X el 'abio, LI6QH. Bood brief modern assessments in 2n'lish are available in )oma3, he Recon9uest o" 'pain, :HT6HI, and Bishko, D(panish and +ortu'uese #econ!uest,D ;?I;;6;L. 0or a more len'thy analysis, see =CCalla'han, & $istor% o" Medieval 'pain, ;LH6Q:. (ome of the material in this chapter has appeared in an earlier version in +o-ers, D9arrior68in's and Militias,D OL6:<O. ;. 0or the most recent revie- of this comple3 and some-hat obscure process, see BarcRa6Ballo, DNuevas observaciones,D IH?HTO6PT. #e'ardin' the possible $lfonsine ori'ins of the !uero sobre el "echo de las cabalgadas, a curious collection of military customs preserved in a fifteenth6century manuscript, see +o-ers, D=ri'ins and .evelopment of Municipal Military (ervice,D <H?:TH6TQ. The Esp:culo -as promul'ated in the sprin' of :<LL, and -as the la- until the Cortes of :<P< re!uired the kin' to back a-ay from this code as the enforced la- of the land. The !uero real, probably 'ranted to the to-ns -ith their ne- municipal la-s, -as also modified but not abandoned in :<P<. I. 23cmo $yuntamiento de Ciudad #eal, La "undacin de Villa6Real, P6:I. Torres 0ontes, ed.,Coleccin de documentos del Reino de Murcia, ;?Q;6QL. Bon le , Reinado % diplomas de !ernando III , :?I:;. DCr&nica del #ey .on $lfonso .4cimo,D HH?O. The chronicle is notoriously poor in its chronolo'y, and dates this event in :<H<. The foundin' of Villa #eal is -ell established in other sources as occurrin' in :<LL. L. !#a, <T6<L. H. D0uero de $licante,D I:6IQ. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D PH6QL. Charters similar to it -ere 'iven to Mula, Carta'ena and Carmona in 0ernando IIICs lifetime. BarcRa6Ballo also notes that certain other to-ns in the $lfonsine period received the "uero of C&rdoba, namely $rcos de la 0rontera in :<LH, Niebla in :<H;, =rihuela in :<HL and Murcia in :<HH. %o-ever, in these instances abbreviated te3ts survive -hich offer no basis for comparison of individual la-s such as those military la-s -hich appear in C&rdoba, Carmona, $licante and )orca. 0urther, Ballesteros, &l"onso X, :TOL, indicates that 7&dar also received the )orca charter, but an e3amination of that document, e3istin' in a ei'hteenth6copy, reveals only an ackno-led'ment of the 'rant -ith no indications as to the content. see 1rivilegio con"irmando los de sus predecesores hasta &l"onso XU sobre libertades % "ran9uicias de la villa de (dar , )ibro ::LP6B, M(( OHO, ff. Hr6Qv. $lfonso had consistently sho-n an interest in or'ani in' frontier policy, demonstrated by his creation of a ne- official in char'e of 'eneral military responsibility for the Branadan frontier, the &delantado Ma%or in :<L;. +4re 6Bustamante, El gobierno % la administracin, :?:PT6P<. P. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. D0uero de Carmona, /Q May :<L<1,D I. !&licante, I;. !Lorca, PQ. The effort to develop the caballero delina/e 'roup intensified in the rei'n of 0ernando III and continued into the rei'n of $lfonso W. Ma3imums -ere set on their number in several to-ns? (eville, <TTE )ebri5a, :HE 74re , ITE $rcos,;TE Bae a, ;;E [beda, ;<E #e!uena, ;T. (ee, Bon le , !ernando III, :?ITP. Q. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, H6P. !&licante, II, IH. !Lorca, QT6Q<. O. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, L. !&licante, I;. !Lorca, PO. :T. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, I, H. !&licante, I<6II. !Lorca, PH, PQ. ::. M$E, :?QO6OT, O;6OI, OP6OQ, :PQ6QT. BarcRa6Ballo, DNuevas observaciones,D IH?H<T6<O. !uero real del don &lonso el 'abio, I?:O?:6L. $n early version of this code -as translated into +ortu'uese in the thirteenth century, and no- represents the oldest survivin' version? !uero real de &"onso XU o 'Dbio ? Vers=o portuguesa, :LH6LP. D2l 2sp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D :?Q:6:<H. The only specific military item in the Especulo relatin' to to-ns -as a concern for the protection of municipal standards and emblems in combat, already si'naled in the C&rdoba, Carmona and $licante charters. My o-n vie- is that the Especulo dra-s much of the 'eneral orderin' of its military la- from municipal charters, especially Cuenca, rather than the other -ay around. The reference to the Libro del "uero mentioned in the :<LH charters is more likely the !uero real, probably emphasi in' that it had been 'iven to the to-ns in the previous year -hen the Esp:culo -as published. :<. Beyond this remarkable attempt in the ;rdenamiento de 2347 pattern to find some kind of universal formula for municipal la-, the period from :<LH to :<H: -as marked only by a handful of royal "ueros -hich offered some military service e3emptions here and additional re!uirements there, all of -hich represented a scattered application of older municipal la- -hich 'ave little hint of this ma5or pro'ram on -hich $lfonso had embarked. Not until the :<H:6HL period do -e see the outlines of a rene-ed effort in this direction -ith the approachin' IO

shado- of the Murcian revolts. El "uero de #rihuega, :<<, :HT, :P;, :QQ. D$lfonso W concede tierras y e3enciones en #e!uena,D :HP. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, dando a la ciudad de C&rdoba, L febrero :<LQ,D :?:<P6<Q. D0uero de =rense, : febrero :<LO,D <I6<H. B&me de la Torre, Corogra"a de la provincia de oro, :TL. D$lfonso W confirma el privile'io de $lfonso VIII, e3pedido en $yll&n,D IT6I<. :;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la ciudad de Bur'os,D :?OP6OQ. D0uero de los escusados o fran!uicias de $r4valo, :<LH,D :?<HH. D0uero de >vila de ;T de =ctubre de :<LH,D :?IO:. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo al conce5o de Buitra'o el fuero real, :<LH,D :?O;6OI. D$lfonso W el (abio confirma los fueros e3tensos de Cu4llar,D I;. D+rivile'io de #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la villa de +eUafiel, :<LH,D :?QO6OT. !uero de ru/illo, M(( I;T, f. LTr. D2l fuero de $tien a,D HQ?<HP. The term cin9uesma as the determinant for the closin' period of residence is open to an alternative interpretation, namely bein' fifty6ei'ht days after the pre6Christmas date. %o-ever, 'iven the fre!uent use of holy days as le'al dates and the use of one to set the be'innin' of the period, I believe the (unday before )ent is the more likely meanin'. :I. D0uero de )edesma,D <;H. !C;, ;T. !C#, ;<. !&, <:. !CM, IP. !CR,:?<P. !C&, ;:. !@, ;<. $lfaiates sou'ht residence for Dt-o partsof the year.D BarcRa6Ballo, D)os fueros de Toledo,D IL?;IH6IT:. :L. !#urgos, :?OP6OQ. !&r:valo, :?<HH. !Cvila 2347, :?IO:. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !Cu:llar, I;. !1e.a"iel,:?QO6 OT. ! ru/illo, f. LTr. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. >vila permits a horse of t-enty meravedis or more to be utili ed. Buitra'o does not include a s-ord or a loriga, but substitutes a peto /chest strap for a horse1 and an adarga /another type of shield1. $ second shield and a piece of horse harness seem illo'ical here -hen repeated no-here else, causin' one to suspect a copistCs error. :H. !#urgos, :?OQ. !&r:valo, :?<HQ. !#uitrago, :?OI. !Cu:llar, I;. !1e.a"iel, :?OT. ! ru/illo, f. LTr. Neither >vila nor $tien a have this provision. $ll of the rest specify -ido-s maintainin' their status, but $r4valo and Cu4llar note that this -as valid until the eldest child reached ei'hteen. The chronicle of the rei'n of $lfonso W also notes the concern for the shorta'e of horses and horseman in its account of the year :<H;. DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?:T. :P. !#urgos, :?OO. !#uitrago, :?OL. !Cu:llar, II. !1e.a"iel, :?O:. Valdeavellano, $istoria de las instituciones, <L:. $r4valo, >vila, Tru5illo and $tien a lack this provision. :Q. DConcesi&n a bur'ueses, marineros y ballesteros alicantinos,D L<6L;. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W a Carta'ena,D ;?LI. :O. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W de 2scalona, L mar o :<H:,D :?:PQ6QT. D+rivile'io del #ey $lfonso W, reformando, a petici&n del conce5o de 2scalona, <; 5unio :<H:,D :?:QP. DVarias e3enciones a los caballeros de Madrid,D:HO6PT. !#urgos, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel, :?QO6OT. The "uero of $r4valo included a four6month period in -hich a caballero mi'ht replace a horse -hich had died -hile still retainin' his status, -hich no- appears at 2scalona and Madrid, as -ell. $r4valo also included the provision of e3cuses for hueste service /four1, the contribution of a tent /five1 and a loriga de cavallo /si31. In many -ays it seems to be the precursor in :<LH of this later 'roup. It should be noted that (t. 7ohn the BaptistCs nativity -as celebrated on 7une <I, but his beheadin' -as celebrated on $u'ust <O. The earlier date -as the more fre!uently celebrated one in the thirteenth century and I think the 7une date is the more likely one here. !&r:valo, :?<HP6HQ. <T. The to-n of (anabria in north-estern )eon borderin' on Balicia received a "uero in :<H; -hich, -hile it bore no other connection to the ;rdenamiento de 2347 'roup, indicated the continued survival of the liberal )eonese tradition of random e3cuses for military service. D2l fuero de (anabria,D :;?<QH. $lso, an interestin' la- 'ivin' four e3cuses to caballeros -ith a horse and family d-ellin' in a house -ithin the to-n appears in three of the later Cuenca family charters at Bae a, I natoraf and the to-n -hich received the Biblioth*!ue dC$rsenal version. !#a, O:H. !I, QQL. M'VHH2, PHO. <:. D+rivile'io otor'ado por .. $lfonso W a >vila, << abril :<HI,D <?IO<. <<. This addition -as similarly 'ranted to +eUafiel and Cu4llar, from the archives of -hich the 'rant to 23tremadura survives in t-o e3amples. D=rdenamiento de leyes para el #eyno de 23tremadura, en (evilla, :<HI, DM(( O6<:6P, IT;<, no. I, ff. Hr, Pr, Or /the +eUafiel version1. D$lfonso W de Castilla, a petici&n de los habitantes de la villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D H:6HI. There -as one indication in an undated document pertainin' to his rei'n that $lfonso tried to make this a 'eneral rule for all of the caballeros "i/osdalgos in his realm. ;rdenamiento 9ue "izo el Re% DW &lonso en el Corte de Len E Este es el !uero de los "i/osdalgo, M(( :.;TQ:, ff. <HP6HQ. In its simplist form, this la- 'oes back to the t-elfth century in +ortu'uese and Toledan "ueros /see Chapter T-o1. 0or an e3tensive e3amination of the development of the urban caballero class, see +escador, ;;6;I?:T:6<;Q, ;L6;H?LH6<T:, ;P6;Q?QQ6:OQ,;O6IT?:HO6<HT. <;. D+rovisi&n del #ey .. $lfonso W a Madrid, (evilla, <P a'osto :<HI,D :?LO6HL. )adero Suesada, $istoria de 'evilla, :I;6IP. Concern for lack of e!uipment and reluctant conce/o service is also revealed for this period in $lfonsoCs Chronicle. DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?:T,IT6I:. <I. DCr nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?H,O. $MC, :P?:OP6<TT. 0or modern accounts of the (al4 and Niebla campai'ns in 2n'lish, see? Bishko, D#econ!uest,D ;?I;IE )oma3, Recon9uest, :HT6H:E and =CCalla'han, $istor% o" Medieval 'pain, ;HI. LT

<L. DConcesi&n al conce5o de =rihuela, :<HL,D <Q. Carta a CDceres por &l"onso X, 23 "ebrero 23EH, M(( I;T, f. LH. 0loriano CumbreUo, ed., Documentacin histrica del &rchivo Municipal de CDceres, <:. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, e3imiendo a los caballeros fi5osdal'o de (evilla y a los ciudadanos de ella !ue tuvieren caballo y armas, del servicio de moneda,D :?<O;. This does not seem to have prevented the -eapons inspections in the Campo de Tablada cited by )adero Suesada, $istoria, :I;6IP. The Bur'os militia -as also mustered? D$l conce5o de Bur'os, :<HH,D .oc LOL, :TQQ. <H. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a Valladolid,D :?<<L6<P. The editor 'ives this a date of :<OL, but :<HL is almost certainly the date, 'iven the place of this document in the chronolo'ical order of the documents in the collection -ith $lfonso W as the 'rantor. <P. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W a los pobladores de Murcia, (evilla, :I mayo :<HH,D :?:O6<T. Torres 0ontes, D7aime I y $lfonso W, dos criterios,D <?;<O6IT. DInfante don Manual confirma a 2lche sus privile'ios,D <?;<. <Q. D$lfonso W concede tierras y e3enciones en #e!uena,D :HH6HP. DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?<:. The chronicle dates this in :<P<. DCarta del #ey .. $lonso W e3ortando a la pa al conce5o de 2scalona, :<HO,D :?<LI. <O. The Crtes held at 74re in :<HQ did consider the price of arms in the kin'dom, but of such an elaborate and e3pensive kind that this could have had but little implication for the avera'e municipal militiaman. DC&rtes de 74re de :<HQ,D :?PT6P:. Carta a CDceresU 23EH, f. LH. D+rivile'io de (evilla, H 7une :<P;,D :?<O;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, e3imiendo a los de C&rdoba de la moneda forera,D <?<P. !#a, <T6<L. There seems no limit in time on the (eville 'rant, but C&rdobaCs is limited to seven years. 0or a survey of $lfonsoCs pursuit of the imperial cro-n and its impact on his domestic policies, see =CCalla'han, $istor% o" Medieval 'pain, ;H<6PL. ;T. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, en !ue condonando a la villa de $'uilar de Campo,D :?;:I6:L. This particular document is dated =ctober ;T, :<PH. ;:. DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?<;, IT6I:, I;, LT6L:, L;6LI, LP6LQ. DCarta del infante don (ancho, hi5o de $lfonso W, al conce5o de Bur'os,D :::P, .oc. ::PO. ;<. DCesi&n de los castillos de +uentes y 0elR a )orca, :<HL,D :PQE also reprinted in Torres 0ontes, Repartimiento de Lorca, LP6HT. D+rivile'io de $lfonso W al conce5o de )orca, e3imi4ndoles del !uinto de las cabal'adas, :<HL,D HQ. D$lfonso W al conce5o de )orca, concesi&n del castello de Cella,D ;I. Torres 0ontes also produces a 'rant of the castles of +uentes and 0elR to )orca dated <; mar o :<LP in his Coleccin de documentos de Murcia, ;?I:6I;, -hich su''ests that the :<HL 'rant may have been a re6'rant or confirmation. ;;. D+rivile'io de Murcia, :I mayo :<HH,D :?:O6<T. D$lfonso W a los conce5os de Mula y Molina (eca,D :?;O. D=rdenamiento de $lfonso W al conce5o de Murcia, :L mayo :<HP,D :?I<6I;. 0or an analysis of the defensive system in Murcia, see the comments of Torres 0ontes, Coleccin de documentos de Murcia, :?HL6QI. ;I. D+rivile'io del #ey $lfonso W, concediendo a los caballeros de lina'e !ue fueren a $rcos de la 0rontera,D :?<IT. ;L. DCarta de la hermandad celebrada entre los conce5os de C&rdoba, 7a4n, Bae a, ..., <H abril :<HL,D :?<<<6<;. DCarta de la hermandad celebrada entre los conce5os de C&rdoba, 7a4n, Bae a, ..., :T mayo :<Q<,D :?P<6PI. DCarta de la hermandad de los conce5os de C&rdoba, 7a4n, Bae a, ..., :T mayo :<Q<,D :?PI6PL. BarcRa6Ballo, Manual de historia del derecho espa.ol , <?O;H. D2l cabildo de (alamanca otor'a carta de hermandad con el conce5o de Cuenca,D IQP6QQ. DCarta de los hermandades de Castilla, )e&n, Balicia, 23tremadura, Toledo y $ndalucRa reunidas en Medina del Campo,D IOI6OH. +uyol y $lonso, Las hermandades de Castilla % Len , P6<<. 0or a more recent overvie- of the hermandades, see (ure 0ernnde , D2voluci&n hist&rica de las hermandades castellanas,D :L6:H?L6PQ. Both the chronicle of $lfonso W and the Crnica o" Loa%sa recount the C&rdoban incident. (ee? DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?H;, and 7ofr4 de )oaysa, Crnica de los re%es de Castilla , :TH6TP. ;H. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D ;OP, IOQ. ;P. ! L, Q, :T. ! R, H, Q. !&lbR, H6P. The re!uirement is for a saddle horse, shield and lance, and the romance version of Teruel adds a metal helmet. 0or a 'ood overvie- of the interaction of the various kinds of municipal la- in the Cro-n of $ra'on, see? 0ont #Rus, D2l desarollo 'eneral del derecho,D P?<QO6;<H. ;Q. Costumbres de L:rida, IQ. ;O. D+rivile'io en !ue el rey /7aime I1 sanciona los estatutos de .aroca, :<LH,D ;L6;H. 1rivilegios % ordenanzas otorgados a los aldeanos de Daroca , M(( 76III6<:, ff. :IT6IIv. D7aime I de $ra'&n absuelve al conce5o de Jara'o a de su petici&n, ; diciembre :<LP,D :OT. D7aime I de $ra'&n concede al conce5o de Jara'o a, :H mayo :<HH,D <:Q. DCarta de 7aime I de 7aca, :<IO,D ;HP, and DCarta de 7aime I a 7aca, :<HO,D ;Q;. IT. Llibre del Repartiment de Valencia , :P6P<, ;<;6I;L. .esamparados Cabanes +ecourt, D2l C#epartimentC,D <?:Q6<:. The trans6+yrenees to-n of Montpellier also received lands, but attained occupation rates similar to those of the Catalan to-ns. I:. Bual Camarena, D2studio de la territorialidad,D ;?<H<6QO. I<. 0ont #Rus, Cartas, :?;;Q6;O, :?I:I /this a five6year e3emption, follo-ed by military service thereafter1, :?I:L. %uici Miranda and .esamparados Cabanes +ecourt, eds., Documentos de (aime I, :?<HO, ;PQ. %uici L:

Miranda, ed., Coleccin diplomDtica de (aime I, :OP, I;L, Q<P6<O. $lart, :Q:6Q<. The precedin' are the documentary references to :<L: -hich 'rant e3emptions from military service. The follo-in' documentary citations prior to :<L< -hich re!uire it. 0ont #Rus, Cartas, :?;I;, ;IL, ;IO, ;LI6LL, ;PL, ;PQ, ;QI, IT;, ITL, ITO, I<H, I<Q. %uici6.esamparados, Documentos de (aime I, :?;LH, <?:<<6<;, ;;;. $lart, :LL6LH, :PL. Notice should also be taken of one remarkable e3ception in the restriction of Cordilleran la- from the Catalan plain, -hen the !uero de 'ep>lveda -as a-arded to Morella, presumably -ith its military re!uirement intact. DCarta6 puebla de Morella de .on Blasco de $la'&n, <H abril :<;;,D ;?L:P6:Q. I;. 0ont #Rus, Cartas, :?I;P, I;O, IIP, IIO, ILT, IHO, IQQ. $lart, <:L, <H:. Bofarull, Coleccin, Q?:;L. $ra'& and Costa, eds., 1rivilegios reales, H. 0o'uet and 0o'uet Marsal, eds., Cdigo de las costumbres escritas de ortosa, I?:?L. II. D)libre dels feits,D Ch. IT:, IT;, II;, ILQ. Mutaner, DCr]nica de #amon Muntaner,D Ch. :;. IL. D7aime I de $ra'&n, comunica al conce5o de Jara'o a, :L 5ulio :<PI,D <;O6IT. D7aime I comunica al conce5o de Jara'o a, <; 5ulio :<PI,D <IT6I:. D7aime I solicita de la ciudad de Jara'o a, Q (eptiembre :<PI,D <I:6I<. IH. D7aime I mand& e3ercitum civitatibus,D ::LT. D=rden del #ey 7aime por carta a las ciudades,D ::L<. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 7acobus hominibus villarum,D ::LQ. IP. D2l rei 7aume I mana als homes de los viles i ciutats,D ;?IPH. ;rden a los o"iciales de als aldeas de Daroca , (anuar%, 23E7, #'. ;O, f. :;;v. IQ. D+edro I concede carta C+rinceps nam!ueC,D QQ6QO. .uran i (anpere,D.efensa de la ciutat,D ;:<6:;. The or'ani ation for defense -as elaborated rather more clearly over a century later. (ee? Mars, ed., ;nomDstica #arcelonesa del siglo XIV, ;6<:<. IO. DSuod tenentes continue e!uum certi pretii seu valoris, /May :<HH1,D :Q;6QI. D.e confirmatione fran!uitatis concesse tenentibus e!uos et armes, /.ecember, :<Q;1,D :QP. DConcessio facta ciuitati de muris barbacanis vallis et planis eiusdem, /=ctober, :<LO1,D :QI6QL. D7aime I manda al 'ubernador de Valencia presentarse con sus tropas en $lmud4var, /: (eptember :<LP1,D :QH6QP. Burns, Islam @nder the Crusaders, ;TT6<<. Burns, Medieval Colonialism, :;Q6IL. LT. D%omena5e prestado a .. 7aime por los vecinos de (adava,D Q?:;;6;P. L:. DTeobaldo I concede fueros a los vecinos de Baritoain, :<;H,D :P:. DTeobaldo I confirma a los colla os escancianos de "rro , :<;P,D :QH6QP. DTeobaldo I e3ime a los labradores de BalipenZu /Ballipien o1,D :QQ6QO. DTeobaldo I da a tributo a los de Ta3onar /Ta5onar1,D <<:. DTeobaldo II concede a los pobladores de Torralba,D <I<. D+erdone al conce5o y moradores de Viana, I enero :<PL,D :?<T;6TI. L<. The to-ns receivin' the Vvora charter are? (etNbal /:<IO1, $l5ustrel /:<L<1, M4rtola /:<LI1, $roche /:<LL1, +ene'arcia /:<LH1, $lcZovas /:<LQ1, Terena /:<H<1, Tolosa /:<H<1, +ortel /:<H<1, BravMo /:<HP1, (eda /:<P:1 and the Muslim residents of Vvora in :<P;. =f these, (etNbal, +ene'arcia and the Vvoran Muslims received hi'hly abbreviated versions -ith the military la- missin' or untypically e3pressed. M1$6LC, :?H;I, H;H, HIL6 IH, HL:6L<, HHP, HQO6OT, HOQ6PTL, PTQ6TO, P<T6<:, P<O6;T. The to-ns receivin' the (antar4m charter are? Torres Vedras /:<LT1, Be5a /:<LI1, =demira /:<LH1, Monforte /:<LP1, 2stremo /:<LQ1, (ilves /:<HH1, $'uiar /:<HO1, Vila ViZosa /:<PT1, Vvora Monte /:<P:1 and Castro Marim /:<PP1. M1$6LC, :?H;I6;L, HIT6I:, HHI6HH, HPT6 P<, HPO6Q;, PTH6TQ, P:<6:L, P:P6:O, P<:6<;, P;I6;H. The to-ns receivin' the Trancoso pattern are? Mel'aZo /:<LQ1, $'uiar da Beira /:<LQ1, Viana /:<LQ6HT1, +rado /:<H:1, MonZMo /:<H:1 and +ena da #ainha /:<HQ1. M1$6LC, :?HQI6OQ, P:T6:<. !'et>bal, :?H;I. D0uero de Carta'ena,D <;6<I. 0or the 'eneral outlines of the population resettlement in +ortu'al, see? Mo3&, Repoblacin % sociedad, <Q;6OH. 0or the Cidad_lhe pattern in the period, see $ppendi3 $. L;. !ori &nti9ui Valentiae, (errano, ed., ;?:6I, :;;?:6<P. The more recent and scholarly edition, !urs de ValSncia, Colon and Barcia, eds., has not reached the military sections in its pro'ress at this time. Costumbres escrtas de ortosa, :Q6:O. DCostumes e foros da Barda,D<?I, Q6O. DCostumes e foros de (antar4m,D <?;:. DCostumes de (antar4m communicados a Villa Nova dC$lvito,D <?IQ, LT. DCostumes e foros de Be5a,D <?H:, HH, HO6PT. DCostumes de BarvMo communicados dC$lccer,D <?QT6Q:. =riolla, Vvora /-hich presented t-o sets of customs as -ell as its earlier charter -ith its lon'6standin' military obli'ations1 and Torres Novas had no military content in their Costumes. LI. Repartiment de Valencia, :P6<;, ;<6P<, ;<;6<P, ;<O6;I, ;IT6IH, ;P<6Q<, ITL6TP, I::6:<, I:I6:L, I<I6<H, I;I6;L. Torres 0ontes, D7aime I y $lfonso W,D ;<O6IT. .espite this, some Catalan settlement in Murcia did take place. DCr&nica del rey $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?::. LL. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 +etrus hominibus villis, /:H6:P 0ebrary :<QL1,D #e'. I;, ff. :THr6:TQv, ::Qr6 ::Qv. I am indebted to 0r. #obert I. Burns for these particular archival references. DCr]nica de #amon Mutaner,D Ch. :T. DCarta de +edro III de $ra'&n a los alamines y al5amas de (arracenos del reino de Valencia,D :QQ6QO. Burns, Medieval Colonialism, :II. LH. Bishko, DThe Castilian as +lainsman,D L;ff. %ill'arth, he 'panish ,ingdoms, :?<:6<H. Mo3&, Repoblacin, ;IO6Q<.

L<

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -51-52/ *A T II THE " 7A$I?ATI"$ #" @A A$0 IT% %"CIAL A$0 EC"$"MIC I$#L&E$CE% -51/ 4 - THE %!MBI"%I% "# & BA$ A$0 MILITA ! " 7A$I?ATI"$ The 'overnmental or'ani ation of the municipalities in medieval Iberia offers a diverse and evolvin' field of study. The Central Middle $'es -itnessed the ori'ins and 'ro-th of to-ns -hose individual histories reveal a labyrinth of developmental paths affected by such variables as century of emer'ence, 'eo'raphical location, economic opportunity and military need. 0or e3ample, the availability of a coastline for commercial development dramatically influenced the evolution of many $sturian, Balician, +ortu'uese and Catalan to-nsE the lack of sea access similarly had its restrictive impact on )eon6Castile. (imilarly, the concentration of #oman cultural influences in the south and east of the +eninsula affects the municipal history of that area. $s if 'eo'raphical and cultural differences -erenCt sufficient to create ample comple3ities for the investi'ator, the relative paucity of source materials for much of the +eninsula prior to the t-elfth century limits our patterns of understandin'. This last is especially true for )eon6Castile, -here the municipal documents for the eleventh and early t-elfth centuries have a poor survival rate, and many charters e3ist only in copies made a century or t-o later. This has not prevented a number of historians from attemptin' theoretical models of early municipal 'overnmental 'ro-th. (acristn pioneered such an e3amination in the later nineteenth century, and Carmen Carl4 and Bautier .alch4 in the last fifteen years have offered more recent e3plorations of the topic limited to )eon6Castile. 0ont #Rus has 'iven us the best -orks in the Catalan field. Bernard #eilly, a scholar lar'ely critical of the sources, provides in a chapter from his book on Sueen "rraca an e3cellent brief -54/ overvie- of the limited state of municipal 'overnmental 'ro-th do-n throu'h the first !uarter of the t-elfth century. /:1 The to-ns themselves present a variety of ori'in, 'ro-th and elaboration patterns -ith commerce, cattle, the church and fortification all makin' important contributions to the eventual municipal mana'ement and landscape. The basic task lay in settlin' land con!uered from its former Muslim rulers in order to maintain control over its use. To achieve this end, methods appropriate to each situation -ere employed. The chief sources of to-ns -ere the a''lomeration of church parishes / aldeas1 -hich became more densely settled and dre- to'ether for protection -hile constructin' an e3tensive -all around themselves /e3amples bein' (alamanca, >vila, (e'ovia, Bur'os, Valladolid and (oria1, and the sitin' of a castle or other fortified area in an area, from -hich settlers -ould be'in to radiate in a settlement pattern, if 'iven the necessary encoura'ement. /<1 This process became rather more complicated -hen lar'er Muslim to-ns -hich had been ma5or Islamic administration centers be'an to fall under Christian control. =ur sources su''est a comparatively restricted development of the machinery of 'overnment in the to-ns prior to the mid6t-elfth century. 9hile one has to be a-are of distinctions to be made amon' such dissimilar re'ions as Catalonia, the (antia'o pil'rima'e to-ns of northern (pain, and the plains of the Trans6.uero and the Ta5o Valley, the fundamental pattern sho-s the to-ns under the control of a po-erful kin' or count, or a re'ional merino, se.or or churchman /archbishop, bishop and even an occasional abbot as at (aha'Nn1. 2ven thou'h some of these to-ns have comple3 sub6structures, based on the variety of peoples settled -ithin them /such as the Mud45ars and 0rench settlers in Toledo1, the ruler often chose to deal -ith these separate 'roups independently rather than as a sin'le unit. In these instances, se'ments of the Mo arab and Mud45ar population /Christians -ho had been livin' under Muslim rule, and Muslims -ho chose to live under non6Muslim rule, respectively1 remained in already -ell developed urban concentrations /Toledo in the eleventh century, Jara'o a and )isbon in the t-elfth century, Valencia, C&rdoba and (evilla in the thirteenth1. 9hile one finds occasional reference to a 'roup of residents called a conce/o in the documents, at best this seems to have been an advisory body to the bishop, se.or, castellan or the kin' himself, possessin' no 'enuine authority to act independently. $t least this is ho- matters appeared until the central t-elfth century. The 'ro-in' independence and increasin' articulation of municipal 'overnment became the ma5or development of the later period from the mid6t-elfth throu'h the later thirteenth century. By the time of the 'reat -52/ Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa "ueros to-ard the end of the t-elfth century, the conce/o has evolved as a -ell6developed or'an -hich elected officials formerly appointed by outside authority, such as the /uez /a combination of chief e3ecutive and 5ud'e1 and the alcalde /a former Muslim official -ith po-ers similar to that of the /uez, but associated -ith a particular district of the to-n and under the authority of the /uezI. The e3pansion of the frontier south of the Ta5o6Te5o and the deeper penetration of the Iberian Cordillera to the southeast provided the theater in -hich the developments took place. (ince Carl4 and Bautier .alch4 offer a 'ood 'eneral vie- of the process, the present -ork -ill focus on the military la- bein' 'enerated by the L;

situation, and -hat can be discerned from that re'ardin' the ma5or causative factors behind the 'ro-th of more independent urban 'overnmental forms. %ere the ans-er probably lies in the t-elfth6century emer'ence of competin' Christian states to )eon6Castile in +ortu'al in the -est and the state of $ra'on in the east, especially after the latter -as linked by a dynastic marria'e to the County of Barcelona. The invasion of the Muslim $lmohads in the middle of the century also made an important contribution that most scholars have assumed played the dominant role in the emer'ence of Christian municipal institutions. ,et, it is most interestin' to observe that the most rapid development of municipal la- 'enerates not alon' that frontier -ith the $lmohads, but rather alon' the $ra'onese6Castilian frontier from -here the Cuenca6Teruel la-s ori'inate and the +ortu'uese6)eonese frontier -here the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup sprin's forth. Thus, Christian competition in the -ake of territorial e3pansion appears the drivin' force, -ith the Muslims functionin' more as a catalyst than as a creator. /;1 Nonetheless, as -e -ill see, many of the military terms for officials, tactics and the like have $rabic ori'ins, leadin' one to be cautious in do-nplayin' Muslim influence. Indeed, the interplay of determined and e3pansive Christian monarchs, latent custom, Muslim culture and rapid territorial absorption is still not fully understood by scholars. 9hatever else mi'ht be ventured re'ardin' the ori'ins and 'ro-th of municipal 'overnment, it is clear that the penetration of the Ta5o6Te5o, the Cordillera and the 2bro placed heavy military demands on the settlers in the ne-ly6con!uered or created to-ns. These a'ents of territorial e3pansion, -hether backed by cro-n, church or noble, re!uired the ability to assemble a military force for both offensive and defensive missions to be an effective /and more than temporary1 factor on the frontier. Indeed, the military or'ani ation of the to-n -as crucial to its very e3istence. -53/ 9ithout it the municipality could not hope to assemble its militia, retain its territories /al"oz1, or make its -ei'ht felt effectively on the frontier in -hich it -as situated. The to-ns mustered their militias for combat in the follo-in' -ay. =nce the call had been sounded throu'hout the municipality and its territories, and the vecinos and aldeanos -ere collected in the center of to-n, the officials -ho -ere in char'e of the urban force readied their forces for departure. The direction of the militia by the end of the t-elfth century lay in the hands of the /uez and alcaldes, administrators of the to-n and its collaciones, respectively. The /uez, formerly an appointee of the kin' or his se.or, but elected in the Cordilleran to-ns by the end of the t-elfth century, -as in command. The alcaldes ranked belo- the /uez, but could make command decisions in the absence of the /uez, and -ere often consulted re'ardin' matters particular to their o-n collacin. If the collaciones maintained their inte'rity as separate units -hen the militia left the to-n, the alcaldes probably remained -ith their respective district residents on the march. Their part in the militia -as lar'ely administrative since battle commanders took char'e -hen the threat of combat loomed near. /I1 (couts, both mounted and unmounted, -ere selected at the outset by the /uez and the alcaldes of each collacin alon' -ith 'uards and animal tenders. /L1 In addition to these, clerks accompanied the e3pedition, makin' re'ular inventories of the stock and provisions and assistin' -ith the records for spoils division. Chaplains took care of spiritual needs -hile sur'eons /as contemporary Iberia understood that term1 tended the body. /H1 9hen the entire force -as mobili ed, -e can assume that some prearran'ed order of march -as established for the collaciones so that the militia could move across the countryside in orderly fashion. Marchin' at the front -ith the standards in the command position could be one of several di'nitaries in char'e of the force? the kin'Cs se.or of the territory, the /uez or alcalde from the to-n, a bishop or archbishop, a master of a military order or a royal merino./P1 If the militia had mustered for defense or its o-n a''ressive pro5ect, these leaders mi'ht remain in command until the force returned to base. 0re!uently, ho-ever, they merely took the place of the kin' or led the militia to the location -here it -ould 5oin the royal army -ith the kin' in personal char'e. The military or'ani ation -hich formed and directed the militia evolved throu'h the Central Middle $'es in close parallel -ith the 'overnment of the municipality, the structures of -hich 'ave it its shape. Municipal military service be'an -ith a 'eneral summons to the vecinos to serve as a body, usually -ith the kin', for short ran'e defensive or offensive -54/ operations. $ll persons -ho o-ned a house in the to-n came under the cate'ory of vecino, unless some other 'rant to the to-n 'ave them special standin'. &pellido denoted service called under the duress of invasion or other local emer'ency, -hile "onsatum, e8ercitus and hueste indicated service initiated by a Christian offensive. $s the to-ns 're- durin' the t-elfth century, occupied more strate'ically e3posed terrain, and developed a more comple3 or'ani ation, their militias became more sophisticated -hile the ran'e and len'th of service of these forces increased. $s the to-nsC military capability e3panded, an or'ani ational system -as for'ed to meet the challen'es and deal -ith the ne- problems. By the end of the t-elfth century, the lon'er collections of municipal la- indicate the emer'ence of a militia composed of various units desi'ned for battlefield fle3ibility, one best defined in the cattle to-ns of the Castilian6 $ra'onese Cordillera and in )eonese 23tremadura and +ortu'uese Beira Bai3a and $lente5o -here our evidence is the richest. This a'e of increasin' ri'hts and privile'es for to-nsmen carried -ith it the concurrent 'ro-th of military responsibilities, not unlike a similar process at -ork in the early days of the 0rench #evolution -ith its lev:e en masse. #ather than postulatin' prematurely a nation6at6arms concept for Iberia in the Central Middle $'es, some limitations should be underlined. 0or one, -e are only discussin' municipal settlements here, not the populace as LI

a -hole -here the incidence of military service -ould be lo-er. (econdly, not all to-ns -ere re!uired to render service. Many smaller and less strate'ic places -ere 'iven e3emption from service, and even amon' those -hich did render service, their capability especially for offensive campai'nin' varied from one re'ion to the ne3t. 0inally, there is the !uestion -hether all classes served -ithin a 'iven municipality. =ccasionally one encounters the assumption that combat in the #econ!uest -as essentially a cavalry affair -ith the footsoldier / pen1 either e3cluded from the battlefield or rele'ated to relatively minor defensive operations. /Q1 ,et numerous "ueros, "orais and cartas pueblas from the a'e cate'orically re!uire service from all vecinos -ithout re'ard to class. /O1 =thers specify service for the peones, in particular,/:T1 althou'h some re!uire only a portion of the class to serve in a 'iven instance./::1 The 'reat Castilian codes of $lfonso W, the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas, clearly anticipate the participation of peones, and the latter describes the characteristics of 'ood footsoldiers and the men -ho command them./:<1 $s lon' as one defines a person -ho fou'ht on horseback as a caballero and one -ho fou'ht on foot as a pen, both classes served in the municipal militias. Indeed, it -as this inter-eavin' of the military function and the social status -hich creates much of the confusion re'ardin' this issue, -hile at the same time it is our clearest indication of the mutual interdependence of military and social structures in these to-ns. -58/ $ ma5or complication in the cavalry6infantry !uestion emer'es from the military, social and le'al roles of the nobility and the manner in -hich these roles overlapped one another in their municipal conte3t. The t-o lo-est levels of the nobility, in"anzn and caballero, often lived in the territory controlled by the to-n and rendered military service in con5unction -ith the urban militia. /:;1 $ number of to-ns demanded that those -ho possessed heredades /land holdin's1 in the al"oz /territory over -hich to-ns claimed authority1 should do their military service -ith the to-n and not -ith another 'roup or place. /:I1 In addition, there -as a special class directly associated -ith the to-ns -hich stood in the penumbra bet-een noble and non6noble, the caballero villano, the sub5ect of an e3tensive study by Carmela +escador. +arallel studies do not e3ist for Navarre, +ortu'al and Catalonia, althou'h much similarity e3ists bet-een the caballeros villanos of "pper $ra'on and Castile. The class remained at the non6noble level throu'hout much of the )eonese #econ!uest, despite liberali in' efforts of monarchs like $lfonso VI. $s late as the rei'n of $lfonso IW, the Cortes of )eon issued an ordenamiento preventin' any villano from attainin' the rank of caballero if he had not been born into that class./:L1 The t-elfth6century $ra'onese Cordillera and the +ortu'uese $lente5o had already embarked on a different course. =n these frontiers those individuals -ho had reached a certain level of -ealth -ere obli'ated to take up the responsibilities of the caballero class throu'h the ac!uisition of its most vital symbol, the horse. $t Molina de $ra'&n, a yoke of o3en and a hundred sheep or land holdin's valued at one thousand man-ales constituted the property re!uirement demandin' a horse purchase, -hile in the Vvora family a yoke of o3en, ten /later forty1 sheep and t-o beds sufficed to compel the same step. By the end of the century, the )eonese6+ortu'uese family of Coria Cima6Coa charters revealed a similar la-, despite the Cortes ordenamiento, -here a monetary level of three hundred maraveds /less the value of his -ifeCs clothin'1 re!uired the purchase of a horse. 0ernando III set the level at four hundred for Toro in :<;<. By the later thirteenth century $lfonso W compelled 23tremadurans to take the step at the five hundred sueldo level, and +ortu'uese Be5a established a si3 hundred libras floor. This constitutes the real be'innin' of the class kno-n in the )ater Middle $'es as the caballeros de premia, a 'roup -hose status -as primarily dependent on economic -ealth rather than military service. /:H1 The horse -as central to the status of the urban kni'ht, both in his social position and in his value to the kin' in the frontier -ars. The caballero -as e3pected to brin' the animal -ith him -hen he came to -55/ settle in the territory of the to-n, and to retain possession of the horse if he -ished to be entitled to the rank. The ri'ors of combat and, failin' that, the natural death of the horse invariably led to the need for its replacement, and the caballero had to provide a ne- one often -ithin a specified time period. In +ortu'al, the time allo-ed -as one to three years, -hile in )eon6Castile and Navarre one year -as more common. 0ernando III had, ho-ever, 'iven the kni'hts of Toro one month to replace after sellin' the horse, t-o months if the animal had died. The frontier pressures of $lfonso WCs rei'n led him to specify four months for the kni'hts of $r4valo, 2scalona and Madrid. /:P1 $t the same time 0ernando III and $lfonso W pursued an urban policy leadin' to a multi6layerin' of the municipal aristocracy, allo-in' on one hand those of the pen class -ho -ished to attain caballero status to do so by the ac!uisition of a horse and the heredades of a caballero, -hile on the other hand identifyin' a top level of this 'roup, the caballeros "idalgos, to favor the 'ro-th of a closed upper urban aristocratic class. This -as doubtless supported by the potential members of that class -ho sou'ht to consolidate their 'ains from the frontier -ars./:Q1 The status of caballero -as occasionally besto-ed on those -ith skills in archery, especially in +ortu'al. 9hile the same proviso made an early appearance in Castile at 2scalona in ::;T, by the thirteenth century $ra'on, Castile and )eon accepted both caballero and pen archers. The e3istence of pen archers manifestly demonstrates that the skill is no lon'er a 'ate-ay to hi'her status by and of itself. /:O1 $nother re!uirement appeared durin' the t-elfth century for obtainin' caballero status, the possession of and residence in a house in the to-n itself. %ere, ho-ever, inducement replaced obli'ation as the emphasis. %ouse o-nership apparently functioned as a device to persuade kni'hts to locate themselves in the to-ns throu'h the lure of ta3 e3emptions 'ranted to the class of urban caballeros. It -as 'enerally understood that the kni'hts LL

-ould brin' their -ives and children to reside in such a house, and in 2scalona and Toledo it -as further stipulated that should a caballero depart for a time he -ould leave another kni'ht behind in residence. /<T1 By the end of the t-elfth century, this obli'ation had become -idespread, penetratin' the 'reat charter families of Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa. In the Cuenca family /as distinct from the Teruel branch1, the ta3 e3emption did not include -all, to-er and fortification levies, unless the kni'ht had a horse valued at fifty mencales./<:1 In time residence came to be re'arded as livin' in the to-n durin' the late autumn, -inter and early sprin', presumably based on the reasonin' that if the caballero -ere based in the frontier to-n for those portions of the year, he -ould be there for the campai'n -100/ season of late sprin', summer and early fall, as -ell. /<<1 The levy for military service -as taken on the basis of one man from each household. Thus, the household functioned as the fundamental unit in the or'ani ation of the militia. 0or the kni'hts to be a part of this militia, their residence in the to-n -as vital./<;1 There are clear indications that urban kni'htly status rested on combat performance, -hich raised serious !uestions concernin' their status once they -ere too old to fi'ht and on the status of their -ives and children if the caballeros died -ith their sons immature. If they could send a son from their household, the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa charters permit substitution to take care of the 'eriatric problem. (ome of the +ortu'uese charters permit kni'hts to retain their status -hen too old to do military service until their male heirs mature sufficiently to send as substitutes, and this -as probably the 'eneral solution. 9ido-s are fre!uently e3empted from military ta3es, and the ::TO "uero of )eon 'iven by Sueen "rraca be'ins the precedent for their retention of the caballero status if their husbands should flee to Muslim lands. The same +ortu'uese "orais -hich deal -ith a'in' kni'hts also permitted their -ido-s to retain their status until they died or their sons matured sufficiently to do military service. (everal of the ;rdenamiento de 2347 charters of $lfonso W also permit this, but the :<LH charter to Cu4llar and the :<H< charter to Madrid underlined a principle -hich -as doubtless -idespread? if a kni'htCs -ido- remarried, she took the status of her ne- husband. /<I1 Numerous la-s pertainin' to the inheritance of horses and arms, discussed in Chapter 0ive, also deal -ith the preservation of caballero status amon' -ido-s and children. The peones, despite the lesser emphasis placed on them in the charters, -ere the numerically dominant class. 9e hear less of them in the municipal sources because these documents are lar'ely statements of privile'es of -hich the caballero possessed the lar'er share. The peones -ere non6noble and -ere primarily peasant land -orkers and herdsmen, supplemented by craftsmen and merchants. The proportions of these occupations -ould vary dependin' on location, si e of to-n and its economic comple3ity, e.'. merchants -ere important in the (antia'o pil'rima'e to-ns of the north and the lar'er to-ns of the interior /Toledo, C&rdoba, (eville1 and of the coast /)isbon, Barcelona, Valencia1. )ike the caballeros, the peones -ere obli'ated in many to-ns to establish residence in a house -ithin the villa, and failure to do so led to loss of privile'es, althou'h their lack of a horse and proper military e!uipment meant they received less in the -ay of ta3 e3emptions as a result. /<L1 9hile the 'eneral name for the lands under the control of the to-n -as al"oz, individuals -ere customarily referred to as d-ellin' in the aldeas, -hich -101/ -ere villa'es or concentrations of population usually -ithout their o-n -alls or defenses, le'ally and militarily attached to the to-n, and by the later t-elfth century dependent on its municipal council /conce/o1./<H1 $s demonstrated above, the peones class not only met residence re!uirements and maintained a le'al e3istence in the municipalities, but they also shouldered a military service obli'ation as -ell. They constituted the infantry forces the militias could brin' to the field. .urin' the Central Middle $'es in Iberia social fluidity appears constant. Thus, the pen -ho desired to raise his le'al position to that of a caballero usually had the capability to do so. If he -ere militarily adept and the kin' had sufficient need of cavalry in a particular area, the footsoldier could ac!uire the re!uisite horse and arms from the kin'. %e could also -in these thin's in combat by a happy combination of pro-ess and 'ood fortune. If the pen throu'h his craft or business skills built a proper monetary or property base, he could be compelled by the kin' to purchase a horse and take up the obli'ations of a caballero. If he d-elt in an area -hich did not permit such elevatin' of status, he could move to a to-n closer to the frontier -here the liberties did 'uarantee such mobility. 0or the pen, caballero status meant better land holdin's, better pastura'e, better opportunities for booty in -arfare, and a special sense of pride, a pride -hich -ould become the particular characteristic of the Castilian Meseta and $ndalusia./<P1 Not everyone necessarily sou'ht this reclassification, as for e3ample the ne-ly prosperous merchant or craftsmen -ho had no stomach for the military burdens of the mounted class. This mi'ht indeed e3plain -hy the Coria Cima6Coa charters permitted the individual -ho had reached the -ealth status of a caballero to buy a mule /possibly used on the municipal e3peditions as pack animals1 instead of a horse and fore'o the privile'es of the kni'htly class./<Q1 The documents indicate that the military or'ani ation of the to-n imitated its urban administrative pattern. By the later t-elfth century the len'thy charters of Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa dra- their military units and their march order from the municipal unit called the collacio or collacin, a residence !uarter or section of the to-n. The term, derivin' from the )atin conlatio and meanin' a combination, 'atherin' or monetary levy, appears in to-n charters -idely dispersed across the +eninsula from the tenth century on-ard, -ith density of references be'innin' to occur in the t-elfth century. Many of the charters -hich use collacio6collacin survive LH

only in later copies, so an e3act trackin' of the mi'ration of the term in its municipal conte3t can only be tentative./<O1 By the time of the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa charters at the end of the t-elfth century, collacin had not only -102/ become a standard term in municipal usa'e, but its first association -ith the militia had also become apparent. Individuals had to be re'istered on the padrn /census list1 of the collacin to be officially resident in the to-n. The district elected its o-n officer and 5ud'e, the alcalde, and -as responsible for its o-n security in times of dan'er./;T1 9hile there is no 'eneral a'reement as to the ori'ins of the term, the ecclesiastical parish seems to offer the best e3planation of this 'roupin' of residents. Collacin -as a predominantly urban term, but other -ords for areas -ithin and -ithout the boundaries of the -alls also appear. ?uarto /!uarter1 -as one, and may have been a synonym for collacin. $nother common term -as se8mo /si3th1, apparently utili ed to deal -ith rural areas ad5oinin' the to-n. In :<<<, 8in' 0ernando III employed all three terms in each of the three charters he 'ave to >vila, "ceda, +eUafiel and Madrid, usin' them as the basis for collectin' ta3es in those to-ns. /;:1 The only other si'nificant possibility su''ested as a basis for militia or'ani ation -as the 'uild. This -as the system in use in fourteenth6century Valencia, -here it may have been a later structural development. There is no indication of the use of 'uilds in the +eninsula -est of $ra'on in the Central Middle $'es, save for a brief reference to a colegio de artistas possessin' a collective e3emption from the military service fee of "onsadera 'iven by Bishop BelmRre to (antia'o de Compostela in :::;, probably to attract the artisans -ho -ere to -ork on the remarkable #omanes!ue cathedral then under construction. 2ven this does not su''est that such a 'uild served as an or'ani ation unit for battle. Moreover, the Castilian monarchy in particular stron'ly opposed the formation of 'uilds./;<1 The evidence is !uite clear, ho-ever, that the to-n district -as also a substructure for municipal combat forces. There seems to have been nothin' so elaborate as standard military units of cavalry, infantry and archers. #ather, detachments of military forces -ere obtained throu'h levies on the various districts of the to-n and its territories. The various collaciones, se8mos, barrios and parro9uias then mustered forces in response to a call for battle. The municipal charters and codes did not elaborate re'ardin' the procedures employed in each section of to-n and countryside to assemble the force, and it may be assumed that the basic or'ani ation -as !uite rudimentary, the only classes of troops clearly distin'uished bein' caballeros and peones. 9here the individual -as assi'ned in the structure of his militia depended primarily upon t-o considerations? the part of the to-n or its al"oz in -hich he resided and -hether -101/ he fou'ht on horseback or on foot. Thus, he d-elt in a collacin /or its e!uivalent1 and fou'ht alon'side his nei'hbors in time of -ar. If he rode a horse on the battlefield, he fou'ht -ith his fello- caballeros in the collacin. If he -ent to -ar on foot, he -as 'rouped -ith the other peones of his district. The military or'ani ation of the municipalities clearly rested on these distinctions in )eon and Castile. 9hile -e lack complete evidence for the other kin'doms, in all likelihood a similar situation -as operative in +ortu'al, $ra'on, Navarre and Catalonia as -ell. No document states that men of the urban militias arran'ed themselves by collaciones before 'oin' on an e3pedition or musterin' for defense, but there is no other real possibility. 0rom the time they first appear in the municipal charters, the collaciones emer'e as indispensable a'encies for the keepin' of records, ta3 collection, electoral units in to-n 'overnment, the appointment of military functionaries and for apportionment of booty. The system is best delineated in the Cuenca6Teruel charters. 9hen the call for military service circulated in the boundaries of a municipal district, the forces of the to-n 'athered in the pla a to assemble for departure. $t that time, the men of each collacin -ere still assembled as a 'roup, because scouts -ere dra-n from their midst by their alcalde in cooperation -ith the /uez of the to-n, after they 'athered in the pla a but before they departed from the to-n./;;1 =nce on the march the men of a collacin must have remained to'ether, because they had to send a 9uadrillero, an officer -ith responsibility for spoils division, on such occasions -hen combat could be anticipated./;I1 (hould any cattle captured by the e3peditionary force be converted into provisions durin' the campai'n, the 9uadrilleros sa- to the proper distribution of the meat amon' the collaciones./;L1 9hen the troops returned from the field, the 9uadrilleros divided the booty amon' the collaciones, -hose residents then returned to their homes. =nly the Cuenca6Teruel family of "ueros presents this much detail concernin' militia or'ani ation, and there is obvious risk in assumin' a total application of these principles far from the Iberian Cordillera -here that 'roup of charters initiated. ,et no other system is described in the documents, and the Cuenca6Teruel charters, -hich -ent basically to small and medium6si ed to-ns, contain the most elaborate accounts of militia re'ulations that -e possess. +ossibly, -here there -as no use of the collacin or its e!uivalent by a municipal militia in the field, the to-nsmen served as -104/ one lar'e mass under the banner of the to-n, a procedure inherited from the early #econ!uest, -hen to-ns -ere smaller, less autonomous, and less sophisticated in or'ani ation. The system of or'ani ation for combat revealed in the Cordilleran charters emer'ed from several decades of e3pansion. "n!uestionably the product of e3pediency and e3perimentation, its evolution probably be'an to accelerate -ith the penetration of the Trans6.uero, ac!uirin' modification and some sophistication as the frontier reached into and beyond the 2bro and Ta5o6Te5o Valleys. 9hile the ori'ins of the or'ani ational system remain for debate amon' ecclesiastical, military, social and economic historians, a ne- development has LP

appeared by the later t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. The municipal structure be'an to impose itself on nesettlements as it pressed south-ard to-ard the Ve'a of Valencia, $ndalusia and the $lente5o. $s more and more established Muslim to-ns fell under the control of the Christian kin's, increasin'ly the members of the victorious army received options on the lands inside and outside of the to-n they had 'ained. To be sure, in many of the $ndalusian municipalities the Muslim population remained, and the Christians contented themselves -ith holdin' the citadel and the other si'nificant fortifications. In others, the Muslim population abandoned the to-n, and a s-ift land division amon' the con!uerors follo-ed. /;H1 (uch a land division came to be kno-n as a repartimiento, and the evidence stron'ly su''ests that the Christian municipal or'ani ation of the con!uerin' forces provided the pattern to be laid do-n upon the captured Muslim to-n, especially in the case of small and middle6si ed settlements. =nce a to-n -as captured and its administrative or'ani ation put into operation, the monarch e3pected the vecinos to be'in fulfillin' their military role. The municipalities had to maintain their o-n militia for the purposes of both local needs and the royal service obli'ation. The royal army in all of the peninsular kin'doms -as never lar'e in the Central Middle $'es, and it could not be e3pected to provide sufficient protection for the frontier to-ns. It -as therefore to the to-nCs advanta'e to lay the foundations of its military system as soon as possible, 'iven the ever6present reality of frontier -arfare in its various forms. Thus, a replication in the ne- to-n of the system -hich had proved -orkable in the old -as a natural development in the circumstances. 9e possess the records of a number of repartimientos of lar'er to-ns by the thirteenth century, especially for Valencia, Murcia and (eville. 0or smaller to-ns there is less in the -ay of evidence. $lfonso II /$lfons I1 of $ra'on demonstrated his e3perience on the Cordilleran and Catalan frontiers to the northeast in #oussillon and Cerda'ne -hen he transferred the population of %i3, located on an indefensible -102/ plain, to +ui'cerd^ in ::PQ, -hile attemptin' in vain to secure the movement of some settlers from +erpi'nan to +ui' des )4preu3. 9hen $fonso III of +ortu'al 'ave Mel'aZo a "oral of the NumMo6Trancoso pattern in :<LQ, the number of settlers is 'iven /a very rare instance1 as ;LT. /;P1 %o-ever, neither of these unusual e3planatory or statistical references tell us anythin' about the actual settlement itself. The 1rimera Crnica +eneral offers a description of the repartimiento of Jamora in the QPTCs -hich is probably far more appropriate to the contemporary thirteenth century in -hich it -as -ritten. %ere the kin' climbs a hill ad5acent to the to-n, names the site, selects the location of the primary church, delimits the lands belon'in' to the cro-n, and divides the remainder amon' those -ho had served him -ell on the campai'n. /;Q1 The techni!ues of mana'in' the land division process and their relationship to the collacin have not been studied in any detail until !uite recently, and then only for to-ns con!uered in the thirteenth century. The chief fi'ure connected -ith the parcelin' of landed allotments -as the 9uadrillero, first seen in the Cuenca6Teruel "ueros. %e had 5urisdiction over any disputes concernin' the o-nership of a heredad. The basic principle involved in his decision centered on -ho had first -orked the land after con!uest./;O1 (ince the 9uadrillero -as also associated -ith the division of booty in each collacin servin' in the militia, he -as the critical link bet-een to-n con!uest, land division and the militia. 9hile no document clearly states this, the 9uadrillero must have held office from the outset of the campai'n of con!uest, and retained his position for a year or t-o in order to monitor settlement should a land division follo- that con!uest. $n interestin' e3ample of land division occurs follo-in' the con!uest of Cceres in $pril :<<P. Cceres represented a royal foothold in the hi'hlands bet-een the Ta5o and the Buadiana #ivers in )eonese 23tremadura. The to-n had been a vital Muslim obstacle in the path of the Christian con!uest of Bada5o and M4rida. To a considerable e3tent, the army that -on the city -as the source from -hich Cceres received its Christian population. There -ere not enou'h men in the con!uerin' hueste to populate Cceres and its e3tensive territories, but the soldiers -ho chose to stay and settle received the first 'rants of land. It -as $lfonso IWCs custom to take -hat land he -anted for his o-n use at the outset, leavin' the remainder for the to-n council to divide./IT1 But prior to any a-ards by the ne- conce/o, the first blocks of land -ere distributed in the form of an heredad de 9uadriella, an allotment 'ranted to an individual as his permanent possession, divided by the 9uadrilleros of the con!uerin' army. The partition of these 9uadriellas became the first form of private property in the no- Christian Cceres. The ne- landholdersC ri'hts -ere rather complete, for the property -as transmissible and alienable, e3cept to -103/ reli'ious and military orders. The soldiers -ho -ished to settle ac!uired a ne- status in addition to their military standin', that of vecinos of Cceres. The remainder of CceresC undistributed land -as offered to attract ne- settlers from other re'ions in a second set of 'rants called particiones de conce/o./I:1 T-o important connections bet-een land division and military or'ani ation can be noted at this point? first, the priority in a-ardin' the heredades to the -arriors of the army that captured the to-n, -hich in the case of Cceres included municipal forcesE second, the function of the 9uadrillero. This fi'ure has already been seen in the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters in the conte3t both of land dispute settler and an administrative aide supervisin' the men of his collacin especially as re'ards the division of booty. $s land divider he also appears in the lon' charter of Cceres and at t-o other to-ns in the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup, Castello6Bom and "sa're. In all three of these to-ns, the 9uadrillero remained in control for a period of one year of those heredades de 9uadriella -hich -ere not distributed at the outset. $pparently these allotments remained separate from the LQ

CouncilCs particiones. 9hile it is not clear in the conte3t -hy this -as done, in all probability it allo-ed the members of the army a year to consider settlin' in the to-n, and the holdin's -ere blended into the particiones de conce/o after that time period./I<1 In the al"oz surroundin' Cceres, the rural areas or se8mos -ere placed under the 5urisdiction of the se8mero for division, and the unit referred to as 9ui.n or booty. (ubse!uently, the se8mero himself -as replaced by the aportellado, the official in char'e of the se8mo in municipal 'overnment. In much the same -ay, the citi en -as the descendant of the soldier of the con!uerin' hueste, -ith his land allotment takin' the place of a share of booty. /I;1 ,et the same "uero that transformed the men of Cceres from soldiers to settlers also provided for the reversal of the process, for as residents of the to-n and its t:rminos, they -ere obli'ated to perform military service -hen needed. Claudio (nche 6$lborno has summed up this kind of cycle -ell? D.ifferent men, different re'imes, different attainments, but al-ays, al-ays, century after century, follo-in' battle, coloni ation, and after coloni ation, battle.D/II1 9ithin a decade on the other side of the +eninsula, a far more comple3 repartimiento than that of Cceres -as undertaken at Valencia. 8in' 7aime deliberately forestalled any prior divisions of the re'ion around the city, some of -hich -ere attempted by the municipal militias durin' the first assaults. The Con!ueror -ished to undertake a systematic division after the con!uest./IL1 =nce in occupation of this 'reat city and its territories, 7aime did indeed authori e a thorou'h -104/ and systematic redivision of the city -hich allo-ed for continued residence by those Muslims -ho -ished to remain behind as -ell as lands and houses for members of the con!uerin' army. Benerous allotments -ere set aside for residents from both $ra'onese and Catalan to-ns and even from those north of the +yrenees, such as Montpellier. The councils of the to-n militias involved created barrios or districts in Valencia made up of settlers from particular to-ns. /IH1 9hether those barrios -ere further subdivided into collaciones such as e3isted in Teruel and other Cordilleran to-ns, -e do not kno-. Certainly the creation of nei'hborhoods -hich -ould have assembled settlers from the army -ere themselves possible former nei'hbors from to-ns that had mustered the militias. %ere, ho-ever, the comple3ity of a city like Valencia re!uired ma5or ad5ustments in the pattern not needed in smaller Cceres. Moreover, any duplication of patterns from the to-ns already taken by Christian $ra'on -ould have been further disrupted by 7aimeCs inability to fill the Valencian allotments completely -ith settlers from the particular to-ns. The same problem may have persuaded the $ra'onese monarch to resort to the creation of aristocratic se.oros in lieu of ne- municipal conce/os in establishin' settlement on his Murcian frontier after :<HH./IP1 $ resettlement and redivision challen'e similar to Valencia occurred -ith the 'reatest urban con!uest and occupation of the thirteenth century for Castile, 0ernando IIICs capture of (eville in :<IO. The e3cellent mono'raph on the con!uest and division of the city by 7ulio Bon le e3amines many of the areas noted previously for Cceres. In the case of (eville, several monthsC time intervened bet-een capture and settlement of the victors, in order to permit the Muslims to evacuate. $ lar'e part of the Islamic population elected to depart from (eville to d-ell in the principality of Branada or in North $frica rather than live under Christian domination. =nce land division commenced, 0ernando established a /unta superior de partidores to supervise the process of creatin' and apportionin' the cityCs t-enty6four ne- collaciones. $ssistin' in the distribution -ere a number of smaller /untas de collaciones established at the local level. The 9uadrillero a'ain made his appearance as the individual responsible for land division -ithin his particular collacin. %e -as e3pected to s-ear an oath to the kin' that he -ould partition honestly the heredamientos placed in his hands. The 9uadrillero -as re-arded for this service -ith a land holdin' in the olive 'roves and another in the 'rain fields, each -ith a value of t-o cavalleras /probably booty shares1. The heredamiento in (eville 'ave t-ice as much -108/ land to the caballero as to the pen, but either holdin' -as complete -ith a house and a share in both the cereal and olive heredades./IQ1 The repartimiento of (eville -as obviously the product of a system of land division -hich had matured considerably durin' the course of the #econ!uest, as -as that of Valencia, a system eliminatin' problems in advance -hich had had to be resolved on the site in the con!uest of to-ns durin' the precedin' decades. The partition of (eville constituted a particularly 'ood demonstration of the need to put the ne-ly con!uered to-n promptly on a sound military footin'. .espite the nearly complete con!uest of $ndalusia, the lar'e Muslim population base -hich remained re!uired that (eville establish its or'ani ational structure as soon as possible after con!uest. This or'ani ation -hich 'overned the to-n also assembled its militia, and the sooner that militia could be put in the field, the better. (ince soldiers had often received the first d-ellin' places in the to-n, part of the problem -as resolved at the start. The partidores of (eville -ent beyond this point, ho-ever. 0re!uently ori'inal infantry units of the con!uerin' army -ere 'athered to'ether on heredamientos alon' -ith their commanders both in the city and in its surroundin' territories. /IO1 Moreover, these 'roupin' of allotments -ere located at points strate'ic to the defense of the city, such as the pueblos of the cillero real at Te5ada, $lcal del #io and $lcal de Buadaira. It -ould be valuable to kno- ho- perfectly the military units of the occupyin' force -ere retained in the settlement of (eville, but the evidence is insufficient to establish a complete picture. In contrast -ith the con!uest of Valencia, -here 7aime I assi'ned various lots to the municipal conce/os of his army, the militias settlin' into (eville lost their unity of ori'in and -ere spread at random in the various districts of the city and countryside. .espite the e3istence, ho-ever, of much available information on the municipal LO

settlers /-ho -ere the lar'est sin'le component of 0ernando IIICs army at (eville1 and -here they came from, the precise locations to -hich they -ere assi'ned remain obscure. /LT1 Biven -hat -e kno- concernin' the partitions at Cceres, Valencia and (eville, the repartimiento process in Murcia bet-een :<LP and :<P; does not alter our picture to any 'reat de'ree. 0ive separate partitions -ere needed, due to the complications en'endered by the Murcian revolt and the alternate sub5ection of the city and its territories to Castilian, then $ra'onese, and finally Castilian overlordship. The ultimate division established three different classes /ma%or, mediano, menor1 of caballero and of pen, and kept the heredades small so as to avoid any emer'ence of vast lati"undia, -hich despite such efforts -ould one day -105/ multiply in $ndalusia. Moreover, Muslim land books -ere employed to assist the partitionin'. The ubi!uitous 9uadrilleros appear once more, named by the ne- settlers, the collacin mana'ers -ho divided the subsectors of Murcia and -ho sometimes used the dra-in' of lots to determine the land holders -hen the men of their district a'reed. /L:1 The number of partitions over so lon' a period seems to have prevented any simple allocation of settlers out of the assorted armies that took and retook Murcia. $s a result -e kno- little concernin' their places of ori'in or of any pattern of ori'inal residence -hich could have imposed itself upon the repartimiento, if indeed any did. The repartimiento records at 74re de la 0rontera and at )orca are even less informative. /L<1 The only other indications -e can obtain are sporadic and occasional, such as the Dbarrio de $tien aD settled by the residents of that to-n -ho assisted in the con!uest and settlement of Cuenca in ::PP, the cluster of )4ridan surnames in the settlement of CatR near Morella in :<;O on the Valencian frontier, and an aldea in )eonese )edesma entitled DSuadreleros.D =ne mi'ht also note the Dun-elcome matD laid do-n in the !uero de 1lasencia a'ainst acceptin' any settlers from >vila./L;1 The association of the military con!uest of a to-n -ith the subse!uent system of land holdin's and their or'ani ation in that municipality is close in )eon, Castile and $ra'on by the thirteenth century. 9hile -e have no clear evidence in this area for +ortu'al, there is no reason to believe that the +ortu'uese -ere proceedin' differently. %o-ever, since much of the documented development does not appear until the later t-elfth century, the termination of Navarrese 'ro-th by that time makes presumptions re'ardin' the kin'dom of Navarre less certain. (eville sa- some units transplanted intact from the victorious hueste to the lands of the city, and the same may have been true at Cceres and Valencia. The 9uadrillero played an important part in the transition from soldier to citi en, but outside his position as heredad divider in the Cuenca6Teruel charters, Cceres, Castello6Bom, "sa're, (eville and 2l 2spinar, -e do not kno- as much about him as -e -ould like. These to-ns could hardly have been uni!ue in their procedures, yet other documents make little or no mention of the division of lands at the foundation or con!uest of the site. =n the other hand, it is unlikely that the patterns depicted above -ere created -ithout precedent at the time of capture or settlement. 9e kno- that the territory of con!uered to-ns -as often divided up shortly after occupation. (ince booty -as apportioned at the level of the collacin by the 9uadrillero in many places, it seems probable that land -ould be apportioned in the same manner, especially considerin' the number of concrete instances already cited. -110/ Biven the normal linka'e of military and municipal or'ani ation, it can be inferred that by the later t-elfth century, at least, this relationship must have influenced the layout of captured to-ns, the distribution of land, and the type of military force -hich the (panish Christian to-nsmen put into battle. )ands -ere not al-ays 'ained permanently by the ChristiansE sometimes the heredades -ere lost throu'h subse!uent Muslim con!uest. By the thirteenth century some "ueros raise the !uestion of losin' oneCs lands in this manner. The charters -hich raised this issue resolved it in the simplest manner possible. C&rdoba, Carmona, $licante and )orca 'ave to former o-ners the ultimate ri'ht to any heredades lost to the Muslims and then retaken. (ince lapse of time could blunt memories and e3pand claims, the 9uadrilleros could be very useful in resolvin' such problems, especially if they had been involved in the ori'inal division. /LI1 $ some-hat ambi'uous la- added to the end of a number of Cuenca /but not Teruel1 family of codes seems to deal -ith this issue, rulin' that any holdin's reoccupied in the -ake of the con!uests of a victorious e8peditio or hueste are retained -ithout obli'ation until the militia returns. This presumes some kind of reassessment of the land title at that point. /LL1 No account seems to be taken of those -ho mi'ht lose lands permanently by such misfortune. +ossibly by the mid6 thirteenth century, Islam no lon'er seemed to present that kind of threat. The documents thus su''est that the to-ns had anticipated most of the or'ani ational problems -hich mi'ht arise either on an e3pedition or in a local skirmish -hich re!uired the assembly of the militia. Moreover, the balance struck bet-een central control and small6unit administration fitted the needs of the municipal army and provided a -orkable or'ani ation to maintain direction on the battlefield. It mi'ht be ar'ued that a fundamental error lay in carryin' civil or'ani ation into military operations and that companies -ould have been more efficient based upon authentic military divisions rather than municipal districts. But, as lon' as the to-n militias faced nothin' more formidable than the forces of another Christian to-n or a small or medium6si ed Muslim raidin' force, they could usually be e!ual to the occasion. Trouble came -hen the to-ns encountered the lar'e e3peditionary armies of the $lmoravids or $lmohadsE ho-ever, such ma5or invasion forces in the day6to6day e3perience of the to-ns -ere the e3ception, not the rule. Moreover, the small municipal armies, fle3ible and pra'matic creations of the frontier, represented by their or'ani ation a key in'redient in the formula of success HT

for the Christian #econ!uest. Their creative re'roupin' of settlers and -111/ institutions to develop both e3pansive and defensive capabilities stand in marked contrast to Islamic (pain, -here the to-n -as not seen as a cohesive unit or institutional corporation. In Muslim lands, rather, the tribe and the clan -ith their attendant structures played the dominant role and institutional structures -ere difficult to impose on the part of the state. /LH1 To succeed in their drive into the central latitudes of Iberia, the Christian kin'doms needed to develop institutions and methodolo'ies -hich could break free of the bases in the County of Barcelona, 7acan $ra'on, Navarre, =ld Castile, $sturias6)eon and Balicia. The ne- commercial centers -hich be'an to appear in the later eleventh and t-elfth centuries in Catalonia and alon' the (antia'o pil'rima'e route -ere insufficient for the task by and of themselves. Ne- structures had to be for'ed. The frontier to-ns -ere the product of the social, administrative and military forces thus released as -ell as the interaction of these forces. $ civil and military symbiosis emer'ed as a natural result of this interaction, producin' a hybrid form of municipality particularly -ell suited for frontier -arfare. The ori'ins and development of the or'ani ational frame-ork of the municipal militias have been described here in their simplest form. If every militia assembled -ith every citi en armed and e!uipped to fi'ht -ith each call to battle or military opportunity, -ithout substantial re'ional variations, -e -ould need to 'o no further. %o-ever, the service obli'ation -as by no means this simple. There -ere many variations in the obli'ations of the militiamen in different areas, affectin' fre!uency of service, the portion of to-nsmen -ho had to attend, the len'th of the campai'n and the distance from home the militia could be taken. There -ere lar'e classes of e3emptions both from service and from ta3 payment if they served. Connected -ith both of these matters -as the !uestion of arms and armament. 9eapons and e!uipment -ere a part of the military obli'ation in some areas, 'ained e3emption from service in others, and had an inte'ral part in municipal -arfare. 9e move ne3t to consider these matters. Notes for Chapter I :. (acristn y MartRne , Municipalidades de Castilla % Len, passim. Carl4, Del conce/o medieval Castellano6 Leones, <<O6LL. Bautier .alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, I:6IQ, ;I;6QI. 0ont #Rus, D=rR'enes del r4'imen municipal de CataluUa,D passim. #eilly, ?ueen @rraca, ;:I6L:. <. Torres Balbs, D)a 2dad Media,D OP6:TI, :;H6I:. 0ont #Rus, ;rigenes, OT6O:. Bautier .alch4, $istoria urbana, <OO6;I<. 0or the role of both the church and the fortified enclosure as a focus of to-ns in 2urope in this period, see 2nnen, D)es diff4rents types de formation,D H<?;OP6I::. ;. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition and )e'al Creativity,D L<?IHL6QP. I. !C"s, :H?;6I. !Cmsp, :H?:6H. ! L, LQ,H:6H<. !&lbL, I:Q. !Ccv, <?H?:. ! R, LQ6H<. !&lbR, <;6<I. !1, :HP. !&lz, H?:6H. !&ln, ;H;6HL. !$, ff. IOr6IOv. !L, ;;T. !#a, ITT. !I, ;OQ. !&lr, ff. HTv6H:v. !@b, ;I2. M'VHH2, ;H<. !#e, LT:6T<. !V$, <OP6OO. 'iete partidas, <?<;?I. Valdeavellano, $istoria de Espa.a a la ba/a Edad Media, :?IQ<6Q;. L. !C"s, ;T?P, <H6<Q. !Cmsp, ;T?P, <;6<L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH6QQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?L, :P. ! R, LPH, LQH. !&lbR, :Q:, :QQ. !1, IOQ, LTI. !&lz, :T?P, <H6<Q. !&ln, LOO, H:H. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:L, H;;6;I. !#a, HPL, HO<6O;. !I, HIH, HH;6HI. !&lr, ff. OHr, OQr. !@b, LIB, LIV, LIW. M'VHH2, HOH, PTQ. !#e, OTT, O<:6<<. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. H. D0uero de Benavente, ::HI6Q;,D <?H<H. !C"s, ;T?:<, <L, L:. !Cmsp, ;T?::, <;, IQ. ! L, I<H,III. !&lbL, IQH, IQQ, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?Q, :H, ;:. ! R, LQT, LQL, HTH. !&lbR, :Q<, :QI, :QO. !1, LT:, LTP, L<<. !&lz, :T?:<, <L, L:. !&ln, HTI, H:L, H;<. !$, ff. Q;r, QLv. !L, H:O, H;<, HLH. !#a, HPO, HO:, P:<. !I, HL:, HH<, HQ;. !&lr, ff. OHv, OQr, :TTr. !@b, LI8, LIV, LITC. M'VHH2, HOO, PTH6TP, P<I. !#e, OTH, O<T, OIH. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QI. D2l fuero de (anabria,D :;?<QH. D0uero de )edesma,D <QT. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;I. P. (inu4s #ui , El merino, pp. :O:6<:;. Q. The advocates of such a position have usually been limited by a hi'hly selective use of the evidence. Mayer, $istoria de las instituciones sociales , :?<PH6PP. "bieto, D)a 'uerra en la 2dad Media,D :H?:TL. The case on behalf of the active participation of the peones -hich 'oes -ith the -ei'ht of the evidence has been made since the mid6nineteenth century. (ee +o-ers, DTo-nsmen and (oldiers,D IH?HI:6I;. This is the initial study on -hich the present chapter is based, althou'h this article deals e3clusively -ith Castile. $ number of charters do indeed specify that the peones need not come. D0uero de 0resnillo, ::TI,D IH6IQ. The NumMo6Trancoso family in +ortu'al /startin' in ::;T1 e3empts the class /see $ppendi3 $1. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D <?L:Q. (everal members of the Vvora family, -hile notin' that peones must attend defensive musters under penalty of fine, points out that the portion of the caballarii that does not serve in a 'iven offensive "ossadum stays back in the to-n -ith the peones, -ho presumably do not have a "ossadum obli'ation. These to-ns are CovilhM /::QO1, (Mo Vicente da Beira /::OL1, Belmonte /::OO1, Teiseiras /:<TH1, +enamacor /:<TO1 and (ar edas /:<:<1 /see $ppendi3 $1. O. D0uero de )e&n, /:T<T1, :L?IQP. D0uero concedido a 7aca por (ancho #amRre /c. :TPH1,D ;6I. D0uero de $r'Kedas, :TO<,D :T?LP. D0ueros de Barbastro, ::TT,D ;;I. D+edro concede carta de fueros a Caparroso, ::T<,D ;P:. D+edro I concede los fueros a (antacara,D ;P;. D0ueros de Tudela, Cervera y Balipie o,D I:Q. D+rivile'io de .. $lfonso I el Batallador confirmando los privile'ios de la ciudad de Barbastro,D ;LP. D)os fueros de 7aca H:

/::;I6;P1,D :<O6;:. D0uero de poblaci&n de la villa de )os $rcos, ::PH,D :?L::. D/0oral de1 $tou'uia,D :?ILT6 L:. D7aime I concede fran!uicias a Miranda de 2bro, /:<;H1,D <IH6IP. DCarta de 7aime I a 7aca, :<IO,D ;HP. :T. D0uero latino de (epNlveda, :TPH,D IQ. D0uero concedido a N5era,D <?PO6QL. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. D0uero de 2stella,D QP. D0uero de Villavaru de #Roseco, ::Q:,D Q;. !C"s, ;T?;. !Cmsp, ;T?;. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?<. ! R, LP;. !&lbR, :QT. !1, IOI. !&lz, :T?;. !&ln, LO;. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H::. !#a, HP<. !I, HI:. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LIC. M'VHH2, HO;. !#e, QOL. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PH6PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PQ6PO. D/0oral de1 Morta'ua, ::O<,D :?IQ<. D/0oral de1 +enacova, ::O<,D :?IQ;. ::. DCarta6puebla de +eUafiel, OI<,D HH?;P;. D0uero de $studillo, ::IP,D <I:6I;. D0uero de Vi'uera y Val de 0unes,D :<. D0uero de Castro5eri , :<;I,D ;Q. :<. D2l esp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D ;?P?:I. Las siete partidas, <?<<?:, L, P, <H, and <?<H?<Q. $ number of the contemporary chronicles mention the participation of footsoldiers in #econ!uest battles. C&I, O<6 O;, OQ6OO. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;OP. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. :;<. .esclot, DCr]nica de Bernat .esclot,D Ch. IP. C1&, IP. :;. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n,D :?O<6OI. D2l fuero de =lite,D :?LH6LP. !C;, ;QQ. !C#, ITT. D2l #ey .on (ancho reba5a la pecha de Mendi'orrRa, :<TQ,D QP. :I. The entire NumMo6Trancoso family of charters re!uires this, save the to-ns of NumMo, Moreira and Villafranca. El "uero de #rihuega, :<<. D(entencia del #ey .. $lfonso W, ordenando !ue el =bispo de Jamora no reciba por vasallos a los moradores del t4rmino de la villa de Toro, :<H<,D :?<T:. D$cuerdo del conce5o de la ciudad de Toro, :<QT,D <?:O6<T. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W al conce5o de Murcia, :T a'osto :<HH,D :?;L. :L. These distinctions be'an to be applied to the Mo arab Christians of Toledo in ::T:, thus inte'ratin' them into the emer'in' social structure of the Castilian #econ!uest to-n. DCarta de se'uridad concedida a los mo rabes de Toledo, ::T:,D IL?IHT. +escador, ;;6;I?:IH6IP, :L:6L<. MartRne #ui , D)a investidura de armas en Castilla,D :6<?<TQ6TO. DTe3to castellano del ordenamiento de unas cortes de )e&n,D ::O. (ee also Bama Barros, $istria da administra<=o p>blica, ;?IH6HT. :H. !uero de Molina de &ragn, PP. The Vvora family produces a ten6sheep fi'ure in the four earliest charters /Vvora, $brantes, Coruche and +almela1, but thereafter the fi'ure is forty /see $ppendi3 $1. +4re +rendes considers the creation of caballeros throu'h property and -ealth to be a )eonese concept, and rationali es its appearance at Molina as a later addition to the survivin' thirteenth6century manuscript of that "uero. D2l orR'en de los caballeros de cuantRa,D O?:I<6I;. Its appearance in contemporary +ortu'al mediates a'ainst his caution, and -ould have provided him a stron'er case, 'iven the tie of the Vvora charter to that of >vila. !&, :HO, :Q;, :QP6QO. !C;, :H;, :PL, :PO. !CR, P?Q, Q?L;, Q?LH. !CM, <PI, ;L:, ;LI. !C&, :HL, :PQ, :Q<. !C#, :HP, :QT, :QI. !@, :HP, :QT, :QI6QL. $ll seven Coria Cima6Coa charters permit the individual to purchase a mule to meet the same re!uirement, but 'ive no caballero class advanta'es for a mule, possibly denotin' a non6combatant -ealthy class. Coria, Cceres, Castello Bom and "sa're also eliminate the use of a pack horse for fulfillin' the re!uirement. D0ernando III concede al conce5o de Toro facultad para hacer caballeros de IT /sic1 maravedRs, :<;<, noviembre ;,D <?LHH6HP. The contents of the charter clearly indicate four hundred. D$lfonso W de Castiella, a petici&n de los habitantes de la villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D HI. DCostumes e foros de Be5a,D <?PT. The Coria Cima6Coa 'roup offers some contemporary measure of the fee, in that horses killed in defensive action are compensated at thirty maraveds each /ten at $lfaiates1, indicatin' that a man of caballero rank could be -orth as much as ten horses in )eonese 23tremadura. 0or a brief discussion of the class in later medieval C&rdoba, see 2d-ards, Christian Crdoba, I<6I;, :II6IH. :P. D0uero del Castillo de $ceca, ::T<,D IL?IH<. DCarta de foral concedida a $ urara da Beira,D :?:Q. Carta de foral outor'ada aos moradores de (tMo, ::::,D :?;T. D0oral concedido aos povoadores de Tavares,D :?;L. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de 0erreira6de6$ves,D :?IQ6IO. D0oral de Viseu, ::<;,D :?Q<. D/0oral de1 Cernancelhe,D :?;H;. D.. $fonso %enri!ues d carta de foral aos habitantes de )eiria,D :?<;I. DCarta a favor dos moradores de $rouce /)ou M1,D :?<QP. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores de (intra,D :?;T:. D/0oral de1 Castello de +ena6#uiva,D :?LL:. D/0oral de1 Viseu, ::QP,D :?IHT. D/0oral de1 +edro'am,D :?L;:. D0uero de ,an'uas, ::QQ,D I?QQ. $mon' the +ortu'uese to-ns, $ urara, (tMo, Tavares, 0erreira and Cernancelhe allo-ed three years for replacement, )eiria, )ousM and +edro'am t-o and Viseu /::<;1 one year, e3tended to t-o years in Viseu /::QP1. (intra allo-ed an e3ceptional five years for replacement. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche ed., <QL. !&, :OT. !C;, :QT. !C&, :Q<. !C#, :QL. !@, :QL. D0ernando III confirma y traslada el fuero de Toro dado por $lfonso IW, y concede uno relativo a los caballeros, : noviembre :<;<,D <?LHI6HL. D0uero de los escusados o fran!uicias de $r4valo, :<LH,D :?<HQ. D+rivile'io del #ey $lfonso W de 2scalona, L de mar o de :<H:,D :?:QT. D)ibro del fuero real y fran!ue as de Madrid, :<H<,D O?LL. :Q. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. D0uero de Carmona,D I. D0uero de $licante,D I;. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D PQ. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :QQ6QO. Bon le , !ernando III :?ITP. Carl4, DBoni homines y hombres buenos,D /:OHI1, ;O6IT?:;;6HQ. DCostumes de BarvMo communicados dC$lccer,D <?QT6Q:. :O. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. In +ortu'al the la- appears first at Miranda da Beira in ::;H, at )ou M in ::L:, then is picked up by the (antar4m family of charters in ::PO, and appears outside of that family only at +edro'am in :<TH and at (abadelhe in :<<T. D/0oral de1 Miranda da Beira,D :?;P;. !Louz=, :?<QP. !1edrogam, H<

:?L;:. D/0oral de1 (abadelhe,D :?LQI. 0or the (antar4m family, see $ppendi3 $. The Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa families indicated the e3istence of both classes of archers, as is also true of $licante and Murcia in the later thirteenth century. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL6OH. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HII. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. DConcesi&n a alicantinos, :<LP,D L<6 L;. D+rivile'io a Murcia, :I May :<HH,D :?:O6<T. It -ould be interestin' to kno- if this indicated some special +ortu'uese respect for battlefield firepo-er, or a special shorta'e of archers in -estern +ortu'al. <T. !Escalona 22H5, IL?IHL. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n,D :?O;. !Molina, HI. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo, /hacia ::HH1,D IL?IPL. DCarta de fueros otor'ada al conce5o de Jorita por el rey .on $lfonso VIII, ::QT,D !L, I<;. The ne-er edition of this :<:Q 'rant su''ests that the residence re!uirement may have been a part of the later confirmation of 0ernando III rather than a part of $lfonso VIIICs ori'inal 'rant. D0ernando III confirma el fuero de Jorita, :<:Q,D <?;Q. <:. !C"s, :?H. !Cmsp, :?P. ! L, Q. !Ccv, :?:?H. ! R, H. !&lbR, H. !1, <. !&lz, :?P6Q. !&ln, H. !$, f. Ir. !L, P. !#a, P. !I, I. !&lr, f. Hv. !@b, <$. M'VHH2, P. !#e, Q6O. !V$, P. %uete and Jorita set the horse value at t-enty mencales for the fortification e3emption, +lasencia at ten. !&, <:. !C;, ;T. !CR, <?<P. !CM, IP. !C&, ;:. !C#, ;<. !@, ;<. !uero de alamanca, 233H, Mss :;TOI, f. IOv. 2l fuero de "cl4s, c. :<<P,D :I?;<<. D$lfonso W el (abio confirma los fueros e3tensos de Cu4llar, :<LH,D I;. DConcesi&n a bur'ueses, marineros y ballesteros alicantinos,D L<6L;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a Valladolid,D :?<<L. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W a los pobladores de Murcia, :I mayo :<HH,D :?:O6<T. D$lfonso W concede tierras y e3enciones en #e!uena, :<LP,D :HH6HP. DCarta del #ey .. $lonso W e3ortando a la pa al conce5o de 2scalona, mercedes, :<HO,D :?<LI. <<. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo, c. ::HH,D IL?IHL. !&lcalD, <QL. D2l fuero de $tien a,D HQ?<HP. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la ciudad de Bur'os, :<LH,D :?OP6OQ. D0uero de >vila, :<LH,D <?IO:. D0uero de los escusados o fran!uicias de $r4valo, :<LH,D :?<HH. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo al conce5o de Buitra'o el fuero real, :<LH,D :?O;6OI. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la villa de +eUafiel, :<LH,D :?QO6OT. !uero de ru/illo, Mss I;T, ff.LTr6LTv. 1rivilegio de Escalona 4Mar2372, :?:PQ. D+rivile'io del #ey $lfonso W, reformando, a petici&n del conce5o de 2scalona, <; de 5unio de :<H:,D :?:QP. !ran9uezas de MadridU 33Mar2373, O?L;. DInfante don Manuel confirma a 2lche sus privile'ios,D <?;<. The most commonly cited period is ei'ht days before Christmas until the approach of )ent, in the ;rdenamiento de 2347 charters of $lfonso W. 2lche permits a leave of absence from the to-n at any time, as lon' as it does not e3ceed three months. The ;rdenamiento de 2347 'roup also stressed that substantial houses /ma%ores casas1 -ere re!uired, su''estin' that some -ere abusin' this re!uirement. <;. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. !&, <QI. !C;, <Q<. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LL. !C&, <Q:. !C#, <Q:. !@, <QO. D(ancho el (abio, rey de Navarra, concede fueros a $rta5ona, ::O;,D <IO. D0uero dado a la villa de )rra'a, ::O;,D :?LTQ. DConfirmaci&n de los fueros de Mendi'orrRa, ::OI,D <Q6<O. D0uero de Milmanda, ::OO,D <?:Q:. D0uero concedido a Miranda de $r'a,D :T?<PT. Los "ueros de la Aovenera, Tilander, ed., QP. D0)edesma,D <HI6HL. D2l fuero de )lanes,D :?::P. D0$lcal de %enares,D <QP. <I. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. !&, <QI. !C;, <Q<. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LL. !C&, <Q:. !C#, <Q:. !@, <QO. 0or the a'ed kni'ht in +ortu'ual, !LouzM, :?<QP, !1edrogam, :?L;: and the (antar4m family /$ppendi3 $1. 0or -ido-s, D0ueros de )e&n y Carri&n, :::I,D IQ6IO. $ll of the +ortu'uese citations in this note also cover -ido-s, and !'intra, :?;TT6;T; and !1enacova, :?IQ; deal only -ith -ido-s, not a'in' kni'hts. !Cu:llar 2347 and !Cu:llar 237M, I;, H;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP6HQ. !Escalona 4Mar2372, :?:PO. !Madrid 2373, O?LI. ;rdenamiento para Reino de E8tremadura, &l"onso X, 237M, Mss O6<:6P, IT;<, NNm. I, f. P. <L. D0uero de (oria, ::<T,D Q?LQP. D0uero de los Balbases, ::;L,D :IL6IP. D02stellaD, :?:TP. D$lfonso VIII e3ime de tributos, salvo de la obli'aci&n de ir en fonsado, a los !ue vivieren todo el aUo con casa poblada dentro de los muros de (epNlveda, :<T:,D :<6:;. Costumbres de L:rida, IQ. !Viguera % Val de !unes, ;O6IT. Libro de los "ueros de Castilla, :L;. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<<. !Carmona, H. !&licante, II. !Elche, ;<. !Lorca, PH. D0uero romanceado de (epNlveda, :;TT,D H;. 2stella, Vi'uera and the Libro de los "ueros all re!uire residence for a year and a day /a familiar phrase outside the +eninsula1 of residence to earn the privile'es of vecino status. <H. !Molina, HI6HL. The Vvora family in +ortu'al also makes these distinctions /see $ppendi3 $1. !C"s, :?H, ;:?;. !Cmsp, :?P, ;:?;. ! L, Q. !Ccv, :?:?H, ;?:L?<. ! R, H. !&lbR, H. !1, <, L;T. !&lz, :?P6Q, :T?HO. !&ln, H, HIP. !$, ff. Ir, QPv. !L, P, HP;. !#a, P, P<P. !I, I, HOP. !&lr, ff. Hv, :T:v. !@b, <$, LLC. M'VHH2, P, P;L. !#e, Q6O, OPT. !V$, P, LI;. !&, <:. !C;, ;T. !CR, <?<P. !CM, IP. !C&, ;:. !C#, ;<. !@, ;<. !uero de +uadala/ara F232GI, 8eniston, ed., :P. D0uero de (alamanca,D :IT. D0)edesma,D <;H. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, :?;OL. Clerical and ma'nate lands -ithin the municipal al"oz maintained e3emptions for their peones from such municipal 5urisdiction. H;

<P. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :QQ6QO. (nche 6$lborno , DThe 0rontier and Castilian )iberties,D <P6IH. <Q. !&, :HO, :Q;, :QP6QO. !C;, :H;, :PL, :PO. !CR, P?Q, Q?L;, Q?LH. !CM, <PI, ;L:, ;LI. !C&, :HL, :PQ, :Q<. !C#, :HP, :QT, :QI. !@, :HP, :QT, :QI6QL. $ recent ar'ument has been advanced that this class avidly sou'ht the kni'htly rank, an ar'ument -hich seriously errs in overlookin' the military burden carried by the class. (ee $rria a, DCastilian Bour'eoisie and Caballeros Villanos,D H;?L:P6;H. <O. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition,D L<?IPH6PQ. D0ilauria y otros ocho, en representaci&n de toda la CcollacioC de Mel'ar,D PQ6PO. DCarta de poblaci&n y fran!uicias de Bell6lloch,D :?<T. D0ueros de +alen uela, :TPI,D <P. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IP. D0uero de MaraU&n,D <?:<:. !uero de Calata%ud, ;P. !#albDs, :IL6IP. D0uero de .aroca, ::I<,D ;HO. !Molina, P<, O:. DMartRn 0ranco y su hermana Melina donan al Cabildo de (alamanca la mitad de toda su heredad, ::LH,D :TL. (tartin' in ::LH, the Vvora family in +ortu'al contains the term /see $ppendi3 $1. !uero de &l"ambra, <;. D.eclaraci&n real resolviendo al'unas cuestiones de Jara'o a, ::QT,D Q?HH. D0ueros dados por #aimundo II, obispo de +alencia,D :QQ. ;T. !C"s, :;?<T, :H?;6I, ;T?:. !Cmsp, :;?<<, :H?:6H, ;T?:. ! L, LQ, HT6H:, I<:, I<H. !&lbL, I:Q, IPQ, IQI. !Ccv, <?;?<T, <?H?:, ;?:I?:. ! R, LQ6H<, L;I, LHO. !&lbR, <;6<I, :P<, :PO. !1, :HP, IO<. !&lz, I?:TP, L?:6H, :T?:. !&ln, ;:I, ;H;6HL, LO<. !$, ff. IOr6IOv, Q:v. !L, ;<L, ;;T, HTO. !#a, ;;:, ITT, HPT. !I, ;;I, ;OQ, H;O. !&lr, ff. L:r, HTv6H:v, OLr. !@b, ;:?<0, ;I2, LI$. M'VHH2, ;<L, ;H<, HO<. !#e, I:P, LT:6T<, QO;. !V$, ;:T, ;HH6HP. !C;, ;PQ. !CR, L?<;. !CM, :QO. !C&, ;PO. !C#, ;OT. !@, ;QQ. ;:. )&pe 0erreiro, $istoria de 'antiago % su tierra , :?:IO. Mayer, $istoria <?<IQ6L;. #au, 'esmarias medievais portuguesas, <P6I<. %ernande +acheco, El solar en la historia hispana, <;Q6;O. )acarra, D)es villes6 fronti*res,D HO?<:Q6:O. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de >vila un fuero, :<<<,D <?<T<. D0ernando III concede al conce5o de "ceda un fuero,D <?<TI. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de +eUafiel el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TH. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de Madrid el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TQ. ;<. Suerol y #oso, Las milicias valencianas, LT. In fourteenth6century Barcelona the city district functioned as the basis of or'ani in' the defense, althou'h -e lack any clear evidence on the development of that system prior to that time. Mars, ed., ;nomDstica #arcelonesa del siglo XIV, ;6<:<. D0uero de (antia'o de Compostela, :::;,D :?:;Q6IP. ;;. !C"s, ;T?P. !Cmsp, ;T?P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?L. ! R, LPH. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOQ. !&lz, :T?P. !&ln, LOO. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:L. !#a, HPL. !I, HIH. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LIB. M'VHH2, HOH. !#e, OTT. ;I. !C"s, ;T?:H. !Cmsp, ;T?:I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T. ! R, LQ:. !&lbR, :Q<. !1, LT;. !&lz, :T?:H. !&ln, HTH. !$, f. Q;v. !L, H<;. !#a, HQ<. !I, HLI. !&lr, f. OPr. !@b, LIN. M'VHH2, PT:. !#e, O:T. !V$, L::. The "ueros of Cceres and "sa're, the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas also char'e the 9uadrillero -ith responsibility for booty division. !C&, :PP. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?P?:;. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<. ;L. !C"s, ;T?;L. !Cmsp, ;T?;<. ! L, I;:. !&lbL, IQO. !Ccv, ;?:I?<;. ! R, LOT. !&lbR, :QL6QH. !1, L:<. !&lz, :T?;L. !&ln, H<<. !$, f. QIv. !L, HI:. !#a, HOO. !I, HPT. !&lr, ff. OQv6OOr. !@b, LI2C. M'VHH2, P:;. !#e, O<O. !V$, L<I. ;H. Bon le , D#econ!uista y repoblaci&n,D :OL6OP. Mo3&, Repoblacin % sociedad, ILQ6PQ. ;P. DConcession accord4e ^ lC4v_!ue dC"r'ell ^ la suite du transfert de la villa dC%i3 ^ Mont Cerda, ::PQ,D H<6H;. D/0oral de1 Mel'aZo,D :?HQI. ;Q. 1C+, <?;PO. ;O. !C"s, <?H, O6:T. !Cmsp, <?H, O6:T. ! L, <OQ. !Ccv, :?<?I, H. ! R, ;QI6QL. !&lbR, :<H6<P. !1, HTP, HTO. !&lz, <?H, O. !&ln, ;T, ;;. !$, ff. Hv6Pr. !L, <:, <I. !#a, ;<, ;L. !I, <H, <O. !&lr, ff. :Tv6::r. !@b, Q?:I6:7. M'VHH2, <Q. !#e, ;Q, I:. !V$, ;:, ;I6;L. Teruel and $lbarracRn add to this the ri'ht of the individual land disputant to challen'e -hether the 9uadrillero decidin' the issue -as the same 9uadrillero at the time of con!uest. M'VHH2 lacks the la- on the first to -ork the land. =ne e3ception to this -as the 'rant to any commander of a force -hich captured a to-n. That leader then selected any house -hich he chose, its furnishin's and its land, a clear invitation for such a capable person to settle on the frontier. !C"s, ;:?:L. !Cmsp, ;:?:: ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?:T. ! R, H<<. !&lbR, :O<6O;. !1, L;Q. !&lz, :T?QT. !&ln, HLL. !$, f. QQv. !L, HQ<. !#a, P;O. !I, PTO. !&lr, ff. :T<v6:T;r. !@b, LL8. M'VHH2, PII. !#e, OQ<6Q;. !V$, LIO. IT. 0loriano CumbreUo, DCceres ante la historia,D L?;6<O. Bon le , D#epoblaci&n de la 23tremadura espaUola,D ;?<IL6IP. I:. D0uero latino de Cceres,D iv. 0loriano, DCceres ante la historia,D H6Q. I<. !C&, QO. !C#, Q:. !@, O:. The 9uadrillero also played a role in dividin' up the lands of 2l 2spinar in :<OP. DCartas de poblaci&n de 2l 2spinar,D ::?<IO, <QP6OT. Both +uyol and Bl !ue 'rappled -ith the military versus civilian ori'ins of the 9uadrillero at the turn of the century, -ithout a 'reat deal of success. +uyol, DCartas de poblaci&n de 2l 2spinar,D ::?<QP6OT. Bl !ue y .ela'ado, $istoria de la administracin militar, H;6HL. I;. 0loriano, DCceres ante la historia,D :T. %ernnde 6+acheco, El solar, <;Q6;O. II. (nche 6$lborno , Espa.a, un enigma histrico, <?I<. IL. D)libre dels feits,D Ch. <QQ. HI

IH. Llibre del Repartiment de Valencia , :P6P<, ;<;6I;L. .esamparados Cabanes +ecourt, D2l C#epartimentC,D <?::6<:. The to-ns 'iven areas of settlement -ere Barcelona, Calatayud, .aroca, )a #pida, )4rida, Montpellier, Tarassona, Tarra'ona, Tara ona, Teruel, Tortosa, Villafranca and Jara'o a. 0or an e3amination of the problems of resolvin' land claims in and around Valencia after con!uest, see Burns, 'ociet% and Documentation, <::6:I. IP. Torres 0ontes, D7aime I y $lfonso W, dos criterios,D <?;<O6IT. IQ. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, :?<:6;:, <I:, <QH, <?:<T6<<. IO. Ibid., <?:<<6<H, <PI6QT, <QL6QP. LT. Ibid., :?<;P, <QL. L:. Torres 0ontes, Repartimiento de la huerta % campo de Murcia, :OI6OO. L<. (opranis, $istoria de (:rez, I;6LI. Torres 0ontes, Repartimiento de Lorca, :6L;. L;. )ayna (errano, $istoria de &tienza, Q:6Q;. +ui', $istoria breve % documentada de Cat, ;<. MartRn MartRn, Documentos, :PL6PP, HQT. !1, PT;. LI. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, L. !&licante, I;. !Lorca, PO. LL. !C"s, I;?<. !Cmsp, I;?:Q. !&ln, Q:O. !#a, O:I. !I, QQI. !@b, OL. M'VHH2, PP<. LH. Buichard, &l6&ndalus, HT6HL, :;I6;Q, <;:6LP, ;;Q6LLH. 0or a useful summation of the theories contrasted and compared for both Christian and Muslim social and ethnic development, see? Blick, Islamic and Christian 'pain, :;L6HI.

HL

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers

-112/ 2 - THE C"$0ITI"$% "# %E 6ICE A$0 THE @A

I" %A A M%

The proclamation of an e3pedition did not mean that all to-n militias in a particular kin'dom -ould automatically hasten to the kin'Cs side to render service. The si e of such an army -ould have been !uite lar'e and its mana'ement un-ieldy. Normally the kin' sent the notification of his undertakin' to the municipalities near his line of march or in the 'eneral area he planned to campai'n. This both reduced to a minimum the amount of time any 'iven to-n -ould be re!uired to keep its militia in the field and decreased the royal campai'n costs. (ince militias came 'reat distances to render service, -hile others limited themselves to activity -ithin their o-n territory, and yet others received e3tra pay for 'oin' beyond predetermined limits, royal plannin' had to take into account the obli'ations and e3emptions of the many possible municipal armies -hich the kin' mi'ht dra- upon for any 'iven campai'n. Moreover, the to-ns contended -ith their o-n military problems at the local level. 9ere they 'oin' to muster the entire militia for every type of combat, lar'e or small, distant or nearY 9hen it came to royal or noble e3peditions, the hueste6"onsado involved the possibility of profit and loss. +ositive aspects of royal service included the opportunity to ac!uire spoils, the chance to van!uish a to-nCs o-n troublesome enemy, and the possibility for the caballero class to demonstrate their pro-ess on the battlefield. =n the ne'ative side, military service disrupted civil and economic life -hile forcin' the municipality to assume e3traordinary precautions for its o-n defense. 0or those to-nsmen not -ell versed in the art of -ar, military service could be a most unpleasant task. $s the #econ!uest -111/ pro'ressed, therefore, limitations on and e3emptions from royal military service -ere increasin'ly sou'ht and obtained. 9hile the northern monarchies mi'ht seem to have been pursuin' a contradictory policy of recruitin' settlers for hostile frontiers only to e3empt them from service upon arrival at their strate'ic locations, the contradiction -as more apparent than real. 23emptions and limitations applied more to offensive -arfare than to defensive endeavors, -hich mandated a response from the to-ns and failures to serve -ere vi'orously fined. Thus the to-ns -anted to avoid bein' victimi ed by overly e3pansive policies for -hich they -ould have to provide much of the manpo-er by limitin' their service re!uirements in offensive -arfare./:1 The kin's, ho-ever, hoped for offensive military service, and so the e3emptions and limitations often proved temporary in nature, and re!uired royal acceptance of the type of restriction bein' sou'ht. $ddin' to this consideration -as the pro'ressive depletion durin' the t-elfth century of the $sturo6Cantabrian and +yrenean population bases -hich supplied the resettlement of the .uero6.ouro, Ta5o6Te5o and upper 2bro Valleys in the north. 9hile this scarcity could occasionally be replenished by intermittent infusions of colonists and crusaders from beyond the +yrenees, the royal desire for continued frontier e3pansion -ould necessitate increasin' efforts to make life in these to-ns more attractive by li'htenin' their military obli'ations. Thus in the "ueros of the later #econ!uest limitations and e3emptions multiplied. The ri'ht of e3emption from service -as an important element insulatin' the to-nsmen from the burdens of -ar. ,et the kin's had to be concerned, lest the e3emptions and limitations so debilitate their potential forces as to ne'ate the possibility of municipal participation entirely./<1 In this -ay, the monarchy maintained a delicate balance bet-een the e3emptions and limitations -hich made life on the military frontier more attractive and endurable, and the need for sufficient numbers -hich made the to-ns viable military assets. Many to-ns received freedom from both the obli'ation to render military service and the ta3 levied in lieu of service. /;1 In addition, as the lon'er "ueros of the later #econ!uest make their appearance, both limitations and e3emptions multiply in variety and become increasin'ly involved -ith the provision of -eapons and e!uipment. This chapter -ill separate these elements of limitation, e3emption and the contribution of arms, to observe their development and to calculate their effects on the evolution of the municipal militias. I - Li(itati+ns +n @ar;are )imitations, unlike e3emptions -hich free individuals from service, deal -ith the residents of a to-n and its territories as a -hole. -114/ They prescribe conditions 'overnin' military service in such areas as fre!uency and duration of campai'ns, territorial boundaries of municipal e3peditions, restrictions concernin' the identification of the commander under -hich the militia -ill serve, and the si e of the levy to be e3pected from the to-n. )imitations -ere directed at assurin' that no one to-n -ould be overta3ed in its military duties. There -as -ide variation in the types and e3tent of limitations. $lthou'h in some situations the mere placement of a population HH

in a strate'ic one -as sufficient to attain the royal ob5ectives, more often to-nsmen had to render military aid in some form in order to be of any use to the kin' or local noble. The balance struck amon' these factors varied from period to period and place to place. $ccordin'ly, if the charter 'rantor badly needed to populate a key to-n on a vital sector of the frontier, the limitations on service could be very liberal, even total. If the 'rantor had any levera'e in the situation, he -ould strive for a more ri'orous militia re!uirement. The most fre!uently cited limitation re!uired service only -hen the kin' himself -as present to lead the campai'n. This proviso first appeared in the last half of the eleventh century in a variety of charters from Balicia to $ra'on./I1 By the end of the t-elfth century charters re!uirin' the presence of the kin' prior to the activation of the militia -ere a-arded in all of the Christian kin'doms. Interestin'ly enou'h, no such stipulations -ere laid do-n durin' the rei'n of Sueen "rraca of )eon6Castile, at least in her name. /L1 .urin' the thirteenth century, +ortu'al maintained the limitation of servin' -ith the kin' only -ith 'reatest fre!uency, su''estin' that the kin' and the to-ns had a mutual interest in delimitin' service once the +ortu'uese frontier -ith Islam had closed. /H1 (cattered but numerically si'nificant references also e3ist in the municipal charters of thirteenth6century Castile, as -ell as in the !uero real and in the Esp:culo. The Esp:culo further su''ests that individuals mi'ht have been interpretin' the need of the kin'Cs presence over6 ealously, ar'uin' that the kin' in a 'iven instance mi'ht be old, sick, badly -ounded, or en'a'ed on too many fronts to be present personall% at all military assembla'es under his sponsorship. =n these occasions, the militiamen ou'ht to render service. /P1 $ number of charter desi'nate officials -ho could substitute for the monarch such as a count, castellan, merino, se.or, alcalde, bishop or master of a military order. /Q1 (ometimes the kin' -as not mentioned at all and only his a'ent, usually the se.or, -as noted as the leader for the military service muster. /O1 Not-ithstandin' the presence of the kin', one finds a stron' indication in the Cordilleran "ueros of eastern Castile, Navarre and $ra'on that actual combat / lid campal1 is also to be anticipated, not some kind of informal muster -ithout a specific military ob5ective. /:T1 -112/ The reli'ious or political identification of the enemy as a specification in the obli'ation to do military service appears -ith comparative rarity in the charters, su''estin' a pressin' local or re'ional matter -hen it is in evidence. Nonetheless, it could be a factor. In Balicia a principle emer'ed in the rei'n of 0ernando I by :THL that musters dealin' -ith Muslim forces /Mauros, 1aganos1 did not have the same time limitations on their service obli'ations as -as the case -ith Christians, a la- -hich reappears in the +ortu'uese "orais of $nciMes /::;P6;O1 and (intra /::LI1. $t +ortu'uese Covellinas /::OL1, $ra'onese (arn4s /::OP1, Navarrese BuipN coa /:<TT1 and Castilian =caUa /:<:T1 the attack of the 'arraceni provided the onl% 5ustification for callin' up the militia. $ forei'n /but not necessarily Muslim1 invader -as specified in the +ortu'uese to-ns of Banho /::L<1, $tou'uia /::QL6:<::1 and Marmelar /::OI1, -hile (ancta Cru /:<<L1 noted the opponent had to be Dmouros aut malos christianos.D The Navarrese to-ns of $rta5ona /::O;1, )rra'a /::O;1, Mendi'orrRa /::OI1 and Miranda de $r'a /:<TQ1 suspended the normal one man per household levy for defensive e3peditions and re!uired everyone to make a ma3imum effort. The +ortu'uese to-n of (abadelhe insisted on service solely a'ainst its o-n enemies. #oyal endeavors -ere directed a'ainst such limitations, and the !uero real in its Castilian and +ortu'uese versions sou'ht to make e!uivalent service a'ainst both Muslims and a'ainst non6 Muslims./::1 The fre!uency of musterin' the militia and the duration of its service attracted more -idespread concern. In some to-ns, especially those of Navarre and $ra'on, settlers en5oyed e3emption from military service for a period after settlement -hich varied from one to seven years. /:<1 In +ortu'al, the !uestion of fre!uency of service surfaces repeatedly. =n occasion fre!uency -as dependent on the presence of the kin', the state of the emer'ency or the identity of the enemy. 9here a fre!uency limitation appears a once6a6year clause is the customary proviso./:;1 The charters in 8in' 0ernando IIICs rei'n offer some interestin' thirteenth6century e3amples of fre!uency of limitation. (eekin' to bolster his forces for the assault on $ndalusia, 0ernando imposed in :<<< a stron' demand for service upon >vila, "ceda, +eUafiel and Madrid, four to-ns then rather -ell behind the frontier to assure that their militias -ould remain in a state of readinessE their charters re!uired them to serve on royal "onsados outside the kin'dom /i.e. a'ainst the Muslim south1 once a yearE inside the kin'dom they -ere liable at any time the kin' -ished service. In the 'rants of 0ernando III and his son $lfonso W to the to-ns closer to the frontier, the time limitation receives mention only in its more familiar conte3t of once a year for all campai'n service./:I1 -113/ The charters also address the interestin' !uestion of the duration of the militiaCs military service. %ere a'ain, some limitation in time of military service must have been implicitly understood in all to-ns, althou'h often not stated e3plicitly in the charter. 9here the duration of service is specified, there are indications of re'ionali ation in the evolution of the len'th of service, especially durin' the t-elfth century. The earliest and most fre!uently cited time limitation for military service is one day, the militiamen departin' from their homes and returnin' to them on the same day. This la- occurs e3clusively in Balicia and +ortu'al. /:L1 Indeed, the one6day limit -as the only one ever cited in +ortu'al, save at Cernancelhe in ::<I and (abadelhe in :<<T, -here a three6day limit -as set. This -ould e3plain the difficulty e3perienced by Bishop .ie'o BelmRre in musterin' the (antia'o militia HP

for the ::<T campai'ns a'ainst +ortu'al, -here he apparently had to pay them to secure the additional service time necessary. /:H1 The 8in'doms of Navarre and $ra'on also produced a fre!uently6cited service time limit of three days, -hich -as often e3pressed by re!uirin' the militiamen to brin' bread for three days /i.e. carry supplies sufficient to feed themselves for that period1. +ossibly the kin's of $ra'on and Navarre fed their recruits beyond that time, but more likely that -as the understood limit for campai'nin' in the field. 0our )eonese6Castilian to-ns /(aha'Nn, Bur'os, =viedo and $vil4s1 also note a three6day limit in their charters bet-een :TQI and ::LL, but the statements of the obli'ation made no note of supplies. /:P1 .urin' the central t-elfth century a press to-ards len'thenin' this re!uirement emer'es, especially in )eon and Castile. The chronicles of $lfonso VII and of >vila, for e3ample, discuss lon' e3peditions undertaken by the to-ns of the Trans6.uero and the Ta5o Valley /see Chapters =ne and T-o1 in -hich both mounted and foot soldiers participated -hich -ould have been impossible if a three6day limit -ere in force. $lfonso VII did establish a distinction bet-een three6day local defense and castle service as a'ainst a three6month e3peditionary re!uirement, but this -as done for special nobles both honored and supplied by the kin' /D...illos seniores !ui tenent illas honores re'ales....D1. $lfonso I of $ra'on had 'ranted many of these same privile'es to the settlers of the ne-ly captured Jara'o a in :::O, but distin'uished bet-een the re'al nobility -ho had the e3peditionary obli'ation and the remainder of the settlers -ho had only the three6day re!uirement. /:Q1 The chronicles su''est that the militia in 'eneral ac!uired a lon'er e3peditionary obli'ation durin' his rei'n, at least in such -ell6 traveled militias as >vila, -114/ (e'ovia, (alamanca, Toledo and Talavera. The "ueros unfortunately do not enli'hten us very far re'ardin' the precise timin' of this evolution. =ne early development occurs in ::HH -hen $lfonso VIII 'ranted =lmos Castle to (e'ovia in e3chan'e for t-o monthsC military service performed by the Conce/o at his pleasure. /:O1 By the thirteenth century the lon'er re!uirement had become -idespread, listed at one month at Cceres, "sa're and Carta'ena, t-o to three months at (an 7usto, Brihue'a and Talamanca, and three months at +lasencia, Torre de Tiedar, (eville and (epNlveda. 9e even 'et our first indication that the re!uirement has become e3tended in $ra'on and Catalonia. 7aime I called on Jara'o an assistance to put do-n some rebellious Catalan nobles in :<PI, and re!uired them to brin' Dbread for three months.D $ series of 'eneral musters on a far lar'er scale issued by 7aime and his son +edro II /+ere I1 for many Catalan to-ns in :<PL6PH and :<QL re!uire the militias to come e!uipped and -ith bread for t-o, three and even four months, indicatin' that Castilian and $ra'on6Catalan practice had remained parallel do-n to the later thirteenth century. /<T1 9hile 7aume did offer salaries and supplies for three months to the thousand kni'hts and five thousand infantry -ho -ere to accompany his son +rince +edro in a campai'n to assist $lfonso W of Castile a'ainst the Muslims in November of :<PL, no specific citation of municipal forces are listed for this e3pedition and all of my e3amples in $ra'on6Catalonia -here supplies are mentioned re!uire to-nsmen to supply themselves./<:1 The to-ns took these limitations seriouslyE for e3ample, in 0ernando IIICs sie'e of [beda in :<;;, the militias of Toro, Jamora, (alamanca and )edesma departed before the city fell because their service terms had e3pired. Thus, 0ernando took care to rotate the summonin' of his militias over time for the sie'e of C&rdoba three years later. $lfonso WCs Esp:culo also adopts a three6month obli'ation for the municipal militias. The monarch and the to-ns are supposed to -ork out the !uestion of the mutual cost of supplies, as a'ainst the relative shares of booty, and the term is supposedly calculated from the arrival time of the militia at the place -here the ruler has his assembly. 2arly departure constituted the e!uivalent violation to no service at all. =ne -onders hoacceptable these concepts e3pressed in the Esp:culo -ere to the militias, and ho- effective they ever became./<<1 #elated to time of service is the !uestion of distance from home -hich a militia could be asked to serve. 9hen royal pressure increased on the to-ns for e3tended terms of service, they sou'ht a counter6limitation -118/ by securin' a 'eo'raphical restriction to the vicinity of their to-n or their "rontera for the performance of service. /<;1 $ number of municipalities attempted to describe the territorial limits of their service obli'ation by listin' the 'eo'raphic boundaries beyond -hich they could not be compelled to 'o. The "orais of (. Martha e Beduido and (outo specify service on their side of the .ouro #iver /<T to IT kilometers1, and a lar'e ma5ority of the Cidad_lhe family add the Minho #iver to the .ouro as the re'ion of operations /a one appro3imately :TT by :LT kilometers1. In the case of $rcos de la 0rontera in :<HQ, the Buadal!uivir #iver constituted the northern limit of military service /LT to QT kilometers1. /<I1 Indeed, the 'ro-th of this tendency in the later t-elfth century may have prompted 0ernando III to specify one e3pedition outside the kin'dom in the "ueros -hich he 'ave to >vila, "ceda, +eUafiel and Madrid in :<<<. The re'ular use of the municipal militias in the thirteenth6century $ndalusian campai'ns indicates that such a rule -as applied -ith some consistency by the monarchy. /<L1 The only specific scale of distance offered on the national level occurs in Castile, in that part of the Esp:culo -hich deals -ith the proper response to an enemy invasion. %ere $lfonso WCs 5urists ar'ue that anyone /includin' municipal militias1 -ithin a radius of one hundred migeros /c. :QT kilometers1 of an incursion site ou'ht to respond spontaneously to the needs of the kin'dom. $lthou'h -e cannot kno- to -hat e3tent this theory -as based upon actual e3perience and e3pectation, certainly it offers a reasonable estimate of the potential of a militia ran'e if not an operational certainty. /<H1 =n the other hand, a number of to-ns specified political and human 'eo'raphy to demarcate their hori on of liability. /<P1 HQ

The last cate'ory of limitation is the partial muster, in -hich a predetermined fraction of the vecinos could be summoned to render military service, preventin' the load from descendin' too often on the same individuals -hile assurin' that a reserve force of combatants -ould be available if an enemy approached the to-n in the absence of the militia. The first reference to this practice occurs at +eUafiel in OI<, but the reference to keepin' a third part of the foot soldiers in the to-n should the DMaurisD approach is of !uestionable authenticity in a charter survivin' only in a late copy. The ::TI !uero de!resnillo, also e3tant in a late copy, be'ins a lively t-elfth century tradition for this la-, -hen it demands that one6third of the caballeros 5oin the royal "onsado -hen called, and char'in' members of that third a fee if they do not attend. /<Q1 The emer'ence of this la- may be tied to the no- lost !uero de 'alamanca /see -115/ Chapter =ne1. Bet-een ::<: and ::;L the one6third levy appeared in the charters of a number of to-ns in Navarre, $ra'on, Castile and +ortu'al, then in t-o later Castilian citations at "cl4s /::PO1 and Jorita de los Canes /::QT1. The NumMo6Trancoso family in +ortu'al maintains the provision throu'hout the later t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. /<O1 In a virtually contemporary development, a similar ratio la- -hich specified that t-o6thirds of the kni'hts should serve and one6third remain in the to-n could be found in the ::;P "uero 'iven by $lfonso VII to Buadala5ara, possibly derived from a no lon'er e3tant charter 'iven to >vila /see Chapter =ne1. )ater in the century the +ortu'uese family of Vvora borro-ed the >vila format, causin' versions of this provision to appear in some forty charters across the later t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. Campomayor in )eonese 23tremadura, also possibly a derivative of >vila, has the provision included in :<HT. In the early thirteenth6century version of the "uero of Vi'uera and Val de 0unes, ratios of t-o6thirds of the kni'hts and one6third of the footsoldiers servin' are listed. =nly Vi'uera tells us that those -ho serve in the partial muster -ere selected by dra-in' lots. $ resident -ho -as not dra-n and -ho -ished to serve could petition his fello- residents for permission 5oin the e3pedition. +robably this -as the system employed every-here./;T1 In addition to demonstratin' ho- rapidly a la- could spread across the frontier kin'doms in Iberia, the emer'ence of a partial muster la- across so -ide a front -ithin a decade su''ests that the kin's of $ra'on and )eon6Castile and the Count of +ortu'al had 5ust be'un to put heavy pressure on their municipalities for e3peditionary military service. The load this placed on the to-nsmen doubtless helped create la-s -hich distributed the service tasks. $nother concern to be met -as the comparative defenselessness of to-ns -hich had 'iven their militias up for a royal e3pedition. (ince Muslim forces similarly raided the to-ns and countryside, especially to discoura'e a ma5or Christian e3pedition bent upon a particular campai'n or sie'e, the to-ns -ere hi'hly vulnerable -ith their militias a-ay in the field. Maintainin' in each to-n a reserve at least capable of the defense of its -alls and the harassin' of un-anted visitors must have been a felt need. The Chronicle o" Cvila offers t-o interestin' situations -hich pertain to this problem. =ne appears in the very early and near le'endary portion of the Chronicle and relates an incident -here the militia -as a-ay on a raid /cabalgada1 -hen the to-n -as attacked by the Muslims. (ome of the rural kni'hts combined -ith a residual force from the to-n to overtake the Moorish raiders and defeat them. The second e3ample describes an assault by the nei'hborin' Christian -120/ militias of (alamanca and $lba de Tormes -hile the main $bulense militia -as en'a'ed in the )as Navas campai'n in :<:<. The $bulense reserve drove off the (alamancans and their allies, a'ain demonstratin' the value of a partial muster. /;:1 =ne finds other ratios of muster such as one6half, t-o6 thirds, one6!uarter, three6ei'hths and nine6tenths, but these are more scattered and unsystematic in their distribution. +resumably each locale -orked out for itself the best it could re'ardin' service ratios. /;<1 T-o other la-s eased the burden of the entire community to serve. =ne -as the obli'ation that only one person per household rendered military service on any 'iven occasion. This rule -as established indirectly by the substitution concept in the Cuenca6Teruel, Coria Cima6Coa and (antar4m families of charters, and by direct statement in several Navarrese "ueros by the later t-elfth century. /;;1 $nother method re!uired a simple numerical levy of the to-n -hich -as dra-n from the kni'htly class. "nfortunately, numerical levies rarely appear in the charters, hinderin' our ability to estimate the forces the avera'e militia could field. In the families of charters, the (antar4m 'roup initiated in ::PO in +ortu'al does present numerical levies of si3ty kni'hts for the mounted foray called caualgada, -hile on the other side of the peninsula $lfonso II of $ra'on established numerical levies for the cavalcada in his southern 0rench dominions near Nice in ::PH. The Catalan carta puebla of +inell in ::OQ also levies ten kni'hts for the cavalcadas e8ercitus. In connection -ith the (antar4m levy of si3ty militum, The Chronicle of $fonso I of +ortu'al mentions the outstandin' performance of si3ty kni'hts from (antar4m -hich he levied for a battle at $lccer in ::IP. /;I1 The evidence is insufficient for any kind of valid sample of militia si e, and is e!ually uncertain as an effective delimiter of service -ithout any indication of the si e of the to-ns in !uestion. 2ven in the t-enty6t-o members of the (antar4m family, the individual to-ns must have varied considerably in si e despite the almost constant levy of si3ty. The effectiveness of these limitations in lessenin' military encumbrances upon the to-nsmen is difficult to assess since no limitation appears in all charters of any kin'dom. #ather, -e are left -ith the impression that each form of limitation served as a locali ed point of ne'otiation bet-een ruler and municipality instead of any principle of national policy universally applied in the #econ!uest. The closest any ruler came to attemptin' such unification of policy arose in the pattern of charters issued by $lfonso W, and even his pursuit of the 'oal of HO

uniformity proved inconsistent. "ltimately, the to-n sou'ht the best packa'e of limitations it could from a kin', framed -121/ -ithin the restraints of their strate'ic position and the kin'Cs political, military and economic re!uirements. II - E.e(pti+ns ;r+( %er9ice 23emptions 'ave to the individual -hat limitations 'ave collectively to the to-n, an opportunity to be free of military service under certain conditions. In 'eneral, they played a much lar'er role than limitations in alleviatin' the burden of -arfare on the citi en. 23emptions e3ist in a variety of forms datin' from the early #econ!uest. This -idespread incidence made them more important in the freein' of men from service than the to-nCs corporate limitations. The earliest and most basic form of e3emption consisted in payin' money in lieu of service, a stipend customarily called "ossateria in )atin and "onsadera in the vernacular. It could be ar'ued to have been a ta3 or e!ually a fine. In any case the lar'e ma5ority of the charters appear to leave the option of service or payment to the individual, althou'h there are occasional indications that the kin's -ished to have some control over -hich type of service an individual rendered. In some campai'ns funds to finance the kin'Cs forces -ere more important than additional troops, even to the e3tent of finin' militias -hich attempted to 5oin his forces unbidden./;L1 In all probability, no sin'le form of e3emption freed more individuals from military service in all of the peninsular Christian kin'doms than this fee. $s fine or punishment the "onsadera -ill be e3amined more e3tensively in Chapter 2i'ht. (ome secured e3emption on the basis of their occupations. There -ere lar'e cate'orical 'rants of e3emption, for e3ample, the footsoldier class -as freed from offensive e3peditions in the NumMo and Vvora families. More speciali ed e3emptions -ent to the cathedral -orkers in (antia'o in ::;:, the 0rench merchants of Toledo in ::;H, the -ine makers and bakers of Jara'o a in ::;P, the tenant farmers and the smiths -ho make at least fifteen plo-shares in the Coria Cima6Coa charters, the 'rain and 'rapevine 'uards in thirteenth6century +ar'a, =viedo and $vil4s, the vineyard -orkers in Navarrese "rro in :<;P, and the armorers, 'ilders and bridle makers of Toro in :<HT./;H1 In the occupational cate'ory, the cler'y held a special place. $t the national level, at least in )eon6Castile, a stron' sense e3isted that bishops and archbishops ou'ht to render military service at royal command, not-ithstandin' considerable episcopal resistance to the concept. /;P1 $t the municipal level, -122/ cler'y often possessed e3emption from military service and the fee in lieu of service. $lfonso VII defended this type of e3emption on the 'rounds that they rendered a special spiritual service throu'h ordination -hich paralleled military service and thus obviated it. The charter of Molina de $ra'&n demurred on the payment e3emption should the cleric have a son or nephe- in his household -ho -as capable of military service, a curious statement a century after the reform papacy had launched its assault on clerical celibacy. =n the other hand, (anabriaCs cler'y -as obli'ed to send t-o of its number to act as chaplains durin' the "onsado campai'n, a practice probably fre!uently used amon' the municipalities./;Q1 9omen often possessed e3plicit e3emption from military service. 9here no such statement appears in charters, -e can assume that these e3emptions operated, for no references to females servin' in municipal -arfare e3ist, and the societal structure of the #econ!uest to-ns -ould certainly not have encoura'ed that service. /;O1 %o-ever, once a -oman married and became a part of a ta3able household, problems arose if she became -ido-ed since the military levy -as usually taken on the basis of the household and -omen did not serve in the militia. Many to-n councils resolved the dilemma by formally e3emptin' -ido-s from either ta3es or service. /IT1 $ number of to-ns insisted that -ido-s -ere liable for the "onsadera ta3 if they had a son in their household of military service a'e, unless he served -ith the militia. +resumably, at such time as a male child came of a'e, his obli'ation to serve -ould be balanced by his ac!uisition of his full inheritance and his status as nehouseholder./I:1 $'e -as similarly a ma5or consideration in the obli'ation to serve. The concept of e3emptin' the youn' and the elderly from military service be'ins to appear in the charters in the early t-elfth century, possibly as a response to the increase in pressures on the to-ns 'enerated by the ac!uisition of the Ta5o Valley. The elderly received the most fre!uent mention at the outset, and 'ained e3emption from military service as a matter of course in many to-ns. This e3emption -as sometimes !ualified if a son or nephe- in the same household could be sent as a substitute. The fe- documents that cite a particular a'e one had to attain to 'ain the e3emption 'ive seventy as the fi'ure, as in the 'iete partidas, for e3ample, -hich took care to recommend that elderly men be brou'ht alon' on campai'ns to take advanta'e of their e3perience and sa'e advice. Infirmity and substitution doubtless freed far more older men from service that this advanced a'e limitation. /I<1 ,oun' males receive formal e3emption as early as :::I in the charters 'iven to the -121/ to-ns of )eon and Carri&n, and more re'ularly after the middle of the t-elfth century. No universal a'reement e3isted re'ardin' the a'e of maturity, and citations any-here from thirteen to t-enty years can be found./I;1 There is a lar'e cate'ory of e3emptions from military service based on personal reasons of a temporary nature. 0irst, a vecino mi'ht not be in the to-n or its environs -hen the call for service -ent out. 9hen this occurred the individual -as usually freed from any fine for non6service, althou'h Benavente, Milmanda and )lanes cite only a pil'rima'e to #ome as meritin' an e3emption. (hould absent citi ens return in the -ake of a muster, they -ere PT

e3pected to attempt to overtake the militia and 5oin it. /II1 The la-makers considered the possibility that one mi'ht be in the lands of the to-n but fail to hear the summons to the militia, or to hear of it too late to 5oin the force at the customary meetin' place. If this occurred, the matter -as 5ud'ed and validated. The time 'ranted for 'ettin' to the assembly point varied, Vi'uera allo-in' a day and the Coria Cima6Coa charters a half6day. /IL1 The charters list illness at time of militia assembly as an e3cuse from service from ::HI /2stella1 on-ard, but temporary physical incapacity to perform military duties must have constituted an un-ritten e3cuse from the ori'ins of militia service./IH1 0amily problems could create e3emption situations. The charters of )eon and Carri&n 'iven by "rraca in :::I 'ranted an e3emption rarely seen in the "ueros, a one6year e3cuse from service or fine to those kni'hts -ho had 5ust been married, ironic in the li'ht of the !ueenCs recent and very troubled marria'e. /IP1 23cuses involvin' family illness -ere more common. In the Navarrese to-ns of 2stella and Vi'uera individuals could i'nore the royal summons to military service if their -ives -ere in labor or their parents -ere near death. More often the -ife -as the sole family member -hose poor health mi'ht be cause for an e3emption. (ome of the Coria Cima6 Coa to-ns freed men from service and fines if their -ives -ere seriously ill, to remain home until their spouses recovered or passed a-ay. Three fello- residents -ere to testify to the -ifeCs condition, ho-ever. /IQ1 $ number of )eonese "ueros indicated a concern for the -ido-er, 'rantin' him e3emption from service and fees. Benavente and )lanes presented the bereaved -arrior a yearCs leave, -hile the Coria Cima6Coa family offered a token pause of fifteen days, even then -ithdra-in' the privile'e if there -ere children of inheritable a'e available to look after affairs at home. /IO1 Caballeros -hose horses -ere sick or unavailable -ere e3cused from service and fees in both the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa charters, and the Cuenca 'roup added horses -124/ -hich -ere attached to the 'uardin' of nearby fortifications to the e3cusable situations. (hould the kni'ht -ish to serve despite his temporary lack of a mount, there -ere la-s 'overnin' the borro-in' of a horse for campai'ns, presumin' the payment of a proper fee and the securin' of the o-nerCs permission./LT1 $side from payment in place of service, the most important e3emption classification -as the substitution of one individualCs service for another. The occasional su''estion appears that one can simply hire a substitute, such as those individuals declared caballeros by means of meetin' a certain standard of -ealth in Cceres and "sa're -ho can send another in their stead. %o-ever, la-s dealin' -ith this type of hirelin' pro3y for combat service appeared so infre!uently that it is difficult to establish ho- common a practice it may have been. %o-ever, the Cuenca6Teruel charters specifically prohibited a hired substitute. /L:1 0ar more important -ere e3cuses of substitution 'ained -hen a householder sent a member of his family to serve in his place in the militia. $lthou'h not substitution per se, -ido-s fre!uently had the ri'ht to send a son to military service to avoid the fee as far back as the charter of N5era in :TPH, and by ::LH Molina in $ra'on 'ave this ri'ht to the cler'y -ho could also send a nephe- as -ell as a son. The standard family substitution -as that of the elderly householder -ho possessed the ri'ht to send a son or nephe- -ho -as a part of the uncleCs household to serve in his place. /L<1 In some charters the householder did not need to be elderly in order to send a relative as a substitute, but the "ueros cited restrictions. %ouseholders could send nephe-s to the militia, -ith the approval of the to-n conce/o, -ithout reference to their sons in the Coria Cima6Coa charters, providin' that the nephe- lived in their house for at least si3 month of the year, -as t-enty years old, and totally supported by the uncle. (ons and nephe-s could be sent in lieu of the householder if they -ere the heirs to his estate in $lcal de %enares and )edesma, the latter addin' the sendin' of anyone as substitute -ho lived -ith the o-ner, shared his table and derived the bulk of his support from him./L;1 These la-s offer clear insi'hts not only into the substitution process but also the means by -hich the household replaced the person -ho -ould be offerin' military service in the future. Thus, the e3chan'e of responsibility bet-een 'enerations is underscored in the process. The final cate'ory of military service e3emptions constituted those e3emptions 'ranted in e3chan'e for the contribution of -eapons, e!uipment and supplies to the militia. The individual -ho possessed -eapons, armament, animals and e!uipment and made some of these available to -122/ his militia received one of the follo-in' re-ards? e3cuses from military service, ta3 e3emptions or booty shares /on booty shares, see Chapter (even1. (ervice e3cuses and ta3 e3emptions are often difficult to differentiate, since the verb escusar -as used in both cases. The ultimate intent -as the same? the ample e!uippin' and armin' of a basic militia fi'htin' force. Ta3 e3emptions reduced the royal income to secure the materials, -hile e3cuses from service reduced the si e of the militia forces. It is often ambi'uous -hich option the monarchy is choosin' to e3ercise. My o-n tendency is to assume that the e3empted item -as ta3ation unless reasonably clear indications point to service, instead. The service e3cuse throu'h the contribution of e!uipment appears to ori'inate in the !uero de 'ep>lveda of :TPH. %ere the offerin' of a mail 5acket and a helmet to a kni'ht freed the contributor. Note-orthy also is the dual -orkin' of the principle in this la-, as the service of one caballero or four peones frees the obli'ation of someone to contribute an ass to the militia, a proviso -hich also appears in the thirteenth century at Buadala5ara -here a kni'htCs e3peditionary service e3cused an animal contribution and at $lcal de %enares -here the /uez can e3cuse three contributions of animals to the e3pedition. /LI1 The ne3t e3ample appeared in +ortu'al at (eia in ::;H, -here 'ivin' a yoked pair of animals secured an individual e3cuse from the "ossato. Beyond a fe- isolated e3amples, the principle became best established in the 8in'dom of )eon in the last half of the t-elfth century, P:

continuin' into the thirteenth century even after the reunification -ith Castile in :<;T. Nine )eonese to-ns received charters from the later t-elfth throu'h the mid6thirteenth century -hich have the principle of e3emption from "onsado clearly stated or stron'ly implied, five of -hich have virtually identical lists of e3cuses to be ac!uired by the position held or the item contributed. /LL1 The Coria Cima6Coa 'roup of seven charters in )eon and +ortu'al also discussed e3emptions a-arded for the contribution of e!uipment. The Benavente6Milmanda 'roup contemporary -ith Coria Cima6Coa and the 'reat concern over enumeratin' kni'htly as a'ainst infantry e3cuses in the Coria family stron'ly su''ests that here as -ell it is service e3cuses rather than ta3 e3emptions that absorb the attention of the redactors of the "ueros. Coria differs from the Benavente 'roup in specifyin' more cate'ories of e!uipment to be contributed to the campai'n, but other-ise they are similar. /LH1 It is evident that the e3cuses are specific to a particular campai'n, and cannot be accumulated by individuals for a series of e3emptions. The presumed advanta'e to the individual -ould be the ac!uisition of a 'roup of persons dependent upon him for this relief of the obli'ation. The nature of the linka'e is not clear, -hether as family dependents, or as -123/ members of a private entoura'e, or as possessors of a kind of economic connection to the individual -ho secured the e3cuses. None of these possibilities is clarified in the conte3t./LP1 The Castilian evidence indicates considerable ambi'uity re'ardin' e3cuses for e!uipment, since the normal tendency is to offer shares of booty in e3chan'e for e!uipment contribution. 9hen one encounters such e3cuses, it is natural to assume that it is the )eonese concept of e3emption from service that rather than the Castilian tradition -hich presents itself, althou'h the Castilian :<:O !uero de +uadala/ara appears to 'rant both ta3 e3emption and service e3cuse simultaneously. /LQ1 9hile some of this ambi'uity reappears in the unified Toledo pattern of charters under $lfonso W -ith the charter 'ranted to $r4valo in :<LH, a number of the other charters in that pattern clarify the point that it is ta3es from -hich the caballero 'ains e3cuse, not service. /LO1 It could therefore be ar'ued that the tendency to 'rant multiple e3cuses to fully e!uipped kni'hts in some of these same charters in this pattern also indicates that those e3cuses related to ta3es, not service, althou'h this is not absolutely clear in the conte3t./HT1 In many of these $lfonsine charters, kni'hts obtain the ri'ht to e3empt persons tied to particular occupations. (ince some of these individuals are -omen, ta3es and not service constitute the item bein' e3empted. The nature of their tasks varies, and includes bread suppliers, plo-men, millers, 'ardeners, shepherds, beekeepers, butlers and male and female child custodians. /H:1 $ll of this su''ests an emer'in' -ealthy class of kni'hts in the to-ns -ho not only 'ain ta3 e3emptions for themselves by their military service -ith proper e!uipment, but also make ta3 e3empt a lar'e class of personal retainers and household staff members. $lfonso W must have felt the need to maintain a -ell6e!uipped mounted -arrior class very keenly to have sacrificed this much revenue. )imitations and e3emptions thus had a substantial impact on leavenin' the drain on municipal and personal resources that could be occur in frontier -arfare. (ince -eapons and e!uipment constituted the source of many of these personal e3emptions, at least in )eon, and because the arms, armor and various kinds of military 'ear offered their o-n kind of insulation from the impact of -ar, these merit e3amination in our study of the conditions of service. III - The C+ntributi+n +; Ar(s and E<uip(ent The provision of -ar materials evolved as a topic of interest in the "ueros from the eleventh century on-ard. 9hile (panish urban and military historians have often noted the importance of arms and e!uipment, -124/ the most thorou'h e3aminations of armor and -eapons evolution are comparatively recent and none of them focus e3clusively on the (panish kin'doms in the Central Middle $'es. /H<1 To-ns -ere liable to supply re!uisition for the royal e3peditions even in the Visi'othic era, but 'ave little else to the armies of kin's and nobles. The lack of 'ood records obscures the slo- evolution of the municipalities from supply depots to producers of militias until the later eleventh century, -hen (epNlveda and N5era refer to the use of armor and -eaponry by their residents in :TPH./H;1 0rom this point a century of 'radually increasin' armament contribution either for oneCs self or for others develops, culminatin' in the Cordilleran charters in the late t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. Much of this le'islation simply re!uires the residents to be sufficiently armed -ithout describin' the items re!uired. /HI1 =ther to-ns re!uire -eapons of -ood and of metal, a'ain -ithout any supplementary description. /HL1 By the later thirteenth century the list of arms and armament to be provided by the to-nsmen had become !uite elaborate, indicative of the fully developed comple3ity of frontier -arfare in its maturity. %o- did the residents of to-ns come to ac!uire this 'ro-in' array of battle 'earY (ome to-nsmen secured arms and armor from the kin' or their se.or in e3chan'e for battle service. /HH1 0or a 'reat e3pedition such as that mounted for the campai'n of )as Navas, e!uipment -as pooled and sold to those -ho lacked it. /HP1 Booty provided another common source, as noted in Chapter (even. =nce ac!uired, families carefully maintained their cache of -eapons and e!uipment for the maintenance of their status and their possible economic 'ain throu'h -arfare. That a household maintained sufficient !uantity to meet the foral re!uirements is revealed by a 'ro-in' interest in the inheritance of arms and armor in the charters by the t-elfth century. The sources reveal a particular concern that the horse, armor and basic battle 'ear of the kni'ht be retained to'ether as an inheritance for a survivin' male heir, usually his eldest son. The Toledo6related charters establish this tendency especially -ell./HQ1 (ome charters make it very clear that the horse, arms and armor are an impartible unit -ith re'ard to P<

inheritance. /HO1 The ordinances for Cu4llar, 23tremadura and Madrid allo- for the possibility of the deceased kni'ht possessin' more than the re!uired e!uipment. If such is the case, the additional arms are to be formed into the re!uired kni'htly ordinance and 'iven to other male heirs, but they are not to be divided amon' non6 combatants. The charters offer little information re'ardin' the disposition of the arms and the horse should the caballero die -ithout heirs. $t Berrueco +ardo, they -ere -128/ to be 'iven to the Count of "r'el. The Coria Cima6Coa 'roup of "ueros re!uire that they be offered in behalf of the deceased kni'htCs soul, a euphemism -hich customarily means that they 'o to the Church. +resumably the to-n council arran'ed for their redistribution./PT1 The most fundamental method for assurin' the provision of sufficient e!uipment in the case of caballeros lay in re!uirin' the use of such materials as a part of securin' kni'htly ta3 e3empt status. (ince the kni'hts of the to-ns -ere not a hereditary nobility in the Central Middle $'es, they had to maintain their horse and their proper military re'alia to continue to !ualify for the social and economic advanta'es of the class. By the later t-elfth century, the arms re!uired of the kni'ht -ere specified in detail. $lfambra /::PI6PH1 offered the first specific list, includin' the horse, t-o saddles, padded 5acket, helmet, lance and shield. The nearly contemporary population charter of Teruel included this same list -ithout the saddles and the 5acket. The Navarrese charters of $rta5ona /::O;1 and Mendi'orrRa /:<TQ1 listed shield and helmet as basic, -hile the early thirteenth6century version of "cl4s added the s-ord for the first time and omitted the helmet. /P:1 The unified foral pattern derived from the Toledo 'roup -hich $lfonso W pressed on Castile in the later thirteenth century 'ave an e3tended list, includin' lance, s-ord, shield, helmet and addin' a linked male 5acket over the !uilted 5acket -ith supplementary thi'h and arm protection./P<1 $ survey of the charters of the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries yields a revealin' story of the e3pansion in the variety of -eapons and e!uipment to'ether -ith an interestin' pattern of social distinctions and re'ionalisms connected -ith the paraphernalia of battle. 0or instance, body armor, even the shield, appears most often in association -ith the caballero in the documents. Counterin' this impression are duelin' la-s such as those -hich appear in the Cuenca6Teruel "ueros -hich indicate the use of armor and shields by peones and numerous artistic e3amples of unmounted armored fi'ures bearin' shields. /P;1 $r'uably both kni'hts and footsoldiers employed an increasin' variety of armor in the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries, but the mounted -arrior -as the most consistently and the most elaborately vested in armor. 0rom the eleventh century on-ard, the loriga, a lon' leather 5acket -ith sleeves covered -ith rin's or scales of metal, -as the basic piece of body armament. /PI1 Variations of this hauberk6style li'ht6armored 5acket e3isted -ith sleeves to the elbo- or sleeveless in desi'n, variously called a lorign, loricula or loriguella. The Esp:culo amon' contemporary documents -125/ offered the -idest variety of descriptions./PL1 (imilar materials made up the alm"ar, a hood to protect the head and neck, constructed as one piece -ith the loriga or attached to it. More elaborate alm"ares e3tended under the 5a- and covered the mouth. The soldier customarily donned a coif /co"a1 beneath the alm"ar to protect the skin and hair from abrasion. /(ee +lates Q, O, :T, :<, :;, :I, :L, <H1. /PH1 Beneath the loriga the body -as protected by a lon' sleeved !uilted 5acket called the perpunt./PP1 $s the #econ!uest pushed into )eonese 23tremadura and $ndalusia in the later t-elfth and thirteenth centuries, additional types of armor, most of it pertainin' to the kni'htly class, are listed, first in the )eonese "ueros and then in those of Castile. The bro"unera -as the most commonly encountered piece of supplementary armor, desi'ned to reinforce and protect the -arriorCs upper arms or thi'hs. /PQ1 The Esp:culo and 'iete partidas offer a listin' of kni'htly armor -hich added some ne-er styles of mail 5ackets, such as the camisote /-here the sleeves e3tend over the -rist in contrast to a loriga -here the sleeves reach only to the elbo-1, the guardacores /a sleeveless variety1, and a "o/a /scaled 5acket1. $rmor makers appear for the first time in a number of the municipal charters of the thirteenth century, be'innin' -ith C&rdoba in :<I:. 'iete partidas recommended that armor be li'ht for mobility, stron' for effectiveness, and -ell finished in order to strike fear into the enemy. /PO1 The helmet, called a galea or capillo, -as also a ma5or piece of e!uipment for the militiamen, -hich could be -orn by itself or over a mail coif dependin' on its si e and the amount of protection it offered to the neck. 2volvin' from an earlier version made from leather, stout cloth or even palm leaves, by the eleventh century helmets consisted primarily of metal. In the medieval 9est the eleventh and early t-elfth centuries favored a pointed conical cap reinforced by metal bands, but a more round6topped type emer'ed by the mid6t-elfth century. $ metal nose 'uard -as occasionally attached e3tendin' from the headband. The thirteenth century -itnessed the appearance of a pot6helmet -hich covered the entire head, -ith a small visor slot for vision. /(ee +lates ;, Q, :T, :<, :L, <H1. /QT1 In $lfambra and the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters the possession of either the mail coif or the helmet -as sufficient to meet kni'htly re!uirements, althou'h the #omance version of Teruel re!uired both. %o-ever, in t-o of the later Cuenca charters 'iven to Bae a and B45ar and in all of the Toledo family 'iven by $lfonso W only the helmet -as mentioned./Q:1 (hields completed the defensive armament of the militiaman. 9ood -110/ and leather constituted the primary materials of construction, althou'h metal seems increasin'ly to have been used by the later thirteenth century. The municipal charters specified the possession of a shield for kni'htly status more fre!uently than any other piece of defensive armament. Its use by footsoldiers is clear from the survivin' artistic evidence, althou'h P;

infre!uently mentioned in the "ueros, save in the duelin' la-s. /(ee +lates :, <, ;, I, :T, :<, :I, :L, :H, :P1. /Q<1 The earliest and most common of the three primary types -as circular and came in a variety of si es. #epresentations of the shield in the visual arts sho- more of the variation in si e, -hile in actuality it probably reached more often from the knees to the shoulders and -as desi'ned to protect the trunk of the body from missile and bladed -eapons. =ne sees it both in Christian and Muslim hands althou'h it is customarily thou'ht to be Muslim in ori'in. $ second type of Muslim shield, heart6shaped in form, appears in the thirteenth century. This type is depicted fre!uently in the 2scorial Cantigas manuscript /T.I.:1 and there -ere no indications of Christian use. The third style consisted of the familiar kite6shaped shield, introduced in all probability from 0rance durin' the eleventh century. This shape -as not unkno-n in the Muslim -orld, and like the circular shield is represented in a variety of si es. Bruhn de %offmeyer ar'ues that cavalry employed the kite6shaped shield -hile infantry used the circular one, but the pictorial evidence does not bear this con5ecture out. /Q;1 =ffensive combat -eaponry -as not as differentiated as defensive armor bet-een kni'htly and infantry arms, not-ithstandin' a tendency of the charters to distin'uish bet-een them. The lance e3emplified this dual role rather -ell. It provided a basic piece of offensive e!uipment and consisted of a metal point attached to a lon', stout -ooden shaft standin' taller than a man. 9hen employed by a caballero it -as often couched under the arm and used as a shock or contact -eapon. /QI1 Military historians often re'ard it as an e3clusively kni'htly -eapon, but the municipal charters and the 'iete partidas list it in the arsenal of infantrymen, as -ell. Contemporary manuscript illustrations and sculpture support infantry usa'e, -here the pen utili ed the lance as a rudimentary pike, possibly bracin' the shaft end a'ainst the 'round to -ithstand an opponentCs char'e. /(ee +lates ;, I, P, :I, :L, :O, <P1./QL1 The 5avelin, styled the dardo, provided an important variant on the lance, since it could be hurled at the enemy. In a number of the Cuenca /but not the Teruel1 family of charters, as -ell as in the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas, it -as defined as an infantry -eapon. ,et caballeros can be seen in a number of manuscripts -111/ 'raspin' a lon' pointed shaft -ith their arms cocked ready to hurl. /(ee +late ;1. 2ither this device -as some type of dardo or it may have been a special form of thro-in' lance. (uch a -eapon provided the combination of the firepo-er of the arro- -ith the -ei'ht of the lance, useful in li'ht6armored combat. /QH1 The other most fre!uently cited kni'htly -eapon in the municipal charters -as the s-ord, -hich consisted of a t-o6ed'ed blade e3tendin' from the hip to the ankle in len'th. The blade did not narro- appreciably until it approached its point. 9hile the point did permit its occasional use as a thrustin' device, in the Central Middle $'es kni'hts used the s-ord primarily as a choppin' -eapon. The chronicles comment on its effect a'ainst mail, citin' instances -here a s-ord blade sliced throu'h a mail coif and its under paddin' to crack the skull underneath./QP1 9hile contemporary artistic e3amples offer numerous instances of unmounted -arriors -ieldin' a s-ord, the municipal charters and the $lfonsine codes tie it e3clusively to the kni'ht. /(ee +lates <, Q, :T, :<, :;, :Q, :O, <T, <:1./QQ1 There -as also a class of miscellaneous small arms, lar'ely associated -ith the footsoldier. The charters noted a variety of da''ers, knives and machete6type short s-ords / cuchiellos, siculi, al"anges, bullones1 -hich constituted the prime contact -eaponry of infantry after e3pendin' their lances and 5avelins. /(ee +lates :O, <<1. 9hile rarely depicted in combat usa'e, contemporary art illustrated their use in other situations /the (acrifice of Isaac, for e3ample1. Iberia had been, indeed, the contributor of the lon' knife for thrustin' called the gladius to the #oman arsenal. (everal "ueros also mentioned the porra, a club or mace. This could be formed entirely of -ood or by a -ooden handle 5oined to a metal head. =nly Cuenca amon' the charters mentioned an iron mace, and the porra in other charters and the 'iete partidas is described as a footsoldierCs -eapon./QO1 The last cate'ory of offensive -eapons, bo-s and crossbo-s, provided the basic firepo-er of the municipal militias. In contrast to 0rance and the other 9estern 2uropean principalities, archery in the Iberian +eninsula -as not the e3clusive prero'ative of the footsoldier. /OT1 9hile there e3isted some tendency to assi'n the -eapon to the pen in the 'iete partidas, numerous municipal charters refer to kni'htly archers, -ho receive t-ice the foot archerCs booty shares from military service provided they maintained the skill and the minimum re!uirement of bo- cords and arro-s. /(ee +lates :, <, ;, :<, <;, <I, <L, <P1. /O:1 Indeed, in a number of to-ns archers constituted a special le'al class. By ::;H they came to en5oy the -112/ ri'hts of kni'hts in some of the +ortu'uese municipalities, especially those receivin' "orais of the (antar4m 'roup. This same a-ardin' of caballero status appears occasionally in the Toledo family of Castilian charters be'innin' -ith those portions of the !uero de Escalona -hich date from the later t-elfth century. /O<1 #e'ardin' the !uestion -hether the caballero archers of $ra'on, Castile and +ortu'al fired their bo-s and crossbo-s from the mounted position, the evidence is ambi'uous. The numerous depictions of mounted archers in the visual arts could be reflectin' an icono'raphic tradition rather than illustratin' reality, and the chronicles offer no instances of the Christian use of mounted archers. 2ven on the Muslim side, there -ere no sure indications that the native %ispano6Muslims of $l6$ndalus possessed mounted archers. Ca'i'as believes that a 'roup of Turkish archers called the agzRz had come to the Iberian +eninsula by the later t-elfth century to fi'ht at $larcos and )as Navas, althou'h it is unclear -hether these archers -ere mounted. 7im4ne de #ada has also left us the splendidly eni'matic description of the +arthian6like archers /similis 1arthis sagittarum1 -ho fou'ht for the Muslims at )as Navas. In sum, the evidence that either side utili ed mounted archers is inconclusive. /O;1 PI

(ome of the combat 'ear -as in the e3clusive dominion of the caballero, since the horse re!uired a certain amount of ridin' e!uipment. The saddle -as emphasi ed, and the charters of Coria, Cceres, Castello6Bom and "sa're in )eonese 23tremadura and "cl4s, $lcal de %enares and (epNlveda in Castile made a particular point of mandatin' that the horse provided should not have been used in the past -ith an albarda /packsaddle1 or an ataharrado /croup strap1, since these items -ere used by pack animals and -ere not proper for kni'ht combat service. =ther to-ns simply pressed for a horse bearin' a saddle. /OI1 $ number of the Castilian "ueros as -ell as the $lfonsine codes mention the usefulness of a mail coverin' for the horse / loriga de cavallo or brunia1 and 'rant booty shares for its provision in combat. /(ee +lates ::, :<1. 8in' 7aime found such armored horses valuable a'ainst the li'hter Muslim cavalry, often savin' them for a second assault after leadin' -ith unarmored horses./OL1 +rotectin' the horse constituted a 'ood investment for both ruler and kni'htE the kin' -ished to maintain an ample supply of municipal cavalry and the caballeroCs very status depended on the animal./OH1 The style of ridin' evolved si'nificantly in the Central Middle $'es. Contemporary illustrations indicate that Christian kni'hts rode in -111/ the manner of the Berbers, styled a la /ineta, a method -hich stressed the close bond of the rider and li'ht fast horse, primarily the North $frican barb. The saddle -as hi'h seated -ith a lar'e pommel and short le'6straps -hich kept the riderCs knees bent, 'ivin' him ma3imum control of the horse. The saddle and straps provided sprin' to the le's to 'ain added momentum for hurlin' -eapons. This ridin' style continued in use amon' the Muslims and many Christians throu'hout the central and later medieval periods. %o-ever, the later eleventh and early t-elfth centuries -itnessed the 'radual penetration of a ne-er ridin' style -hich -as popular in 0rance and appeared in %ispania as a part of the 'eneral -ave of 0rench influence 5ust prior to ::TT. This method, called a la brida, developed in con5unction -ith the increased use of body armor and a stockier, more po-erful horse. The saddle tended to be lo-er -ith a smaller pommel and lon'er le'6straps, allo-in' the rider to keep his le's strai'ht. 9hile losin' some control of the horse and yieldin' maneuverability to the Muslim method, the brida method set the kni'ht more firmly on the back of his horse. This posture aided the rider in resistin' the onslau'ht of the enemy attack and in turn enabled him to drive home his lance from a firmer base. This permitted the possibility of the massed char'e already a part the feudal 9est -hich the crusaders -ould soon brin' to the Near 2ast./OP1 The 'ro-in' t-elfth and thirteenth6century emphasis on armor in the municipal charters -as no doubt affected by this chan'e, althou'h manuscript illustrations -ould indicate that both styles continued in use by Christian -arriors to the end of the Middle $'es, and in e!uestrian circles both have been maintained to the present day. =ther campai'nin' e!uipment occasionally appears in the charters. N5era obtained ta3 e3emptions for those -ho contributed vehicles for transportin' combat material. In many to-ns those -ho provided a field tent, especially if they themselves served, received e3cuses from military service -hich they could 'rant to others. This tienda redonda or round tent consisted of stout cloth, attached to a center pole by lines and staked at its bottom ed'e. /(ee +late <H1. T-o poles could be placed to'ether to form an elliptical tent. $ number of illustrations of field tents e3ist, especially in 8in' $lfonsoCs Cantigas de 'anta Mara manuscript in the 2scorial. /OQ1 0inally, a chain receives mention in many charters. (uch a chain usually included t-elve attached collars used for containin' prisoners on the return march from a campai'n. /OO1 $ curious piece of re'ionalism appeared in connection -ith the field tent and the prisoner -114/ chain. +rior to the mid6thirteenth century the tent references appeared e3clusively in the )eonese charters and al-ays secured e3cuses from military service for the supplier, -hile the prisoner chain received citation only in the Castilian charters and 'ained a share of spoils for the provider. To be certain, the tent and its attached e3emptions find their -ay to Castile in the a'e of $lfonso W. +rior to this, ho-ever, the ar'ument from silence mi'ht seem to imply that Castile produced a hardy breed of militiamen -ho slept in the open on campai'n, -hile the ruthless )eonese militias took no prisoners. $ better e3planation centers on the re'ional nature of militia obli'ations and the reasonable assumption that in each case the kin' or other authority provided the campai'n needs -hich the militiamen did not. I6 - C+nclusi+ns Thus, the to-n militias -ere summoned and their numbers determined by established re'ulations and a'reed to by ruler and to-nsmen. $ delicate balance of limitations, e3emptions and the provision of e!uipment e3isted in each municipality aimed at avoidin' undue hardship on the individual -hile maintainin' the militia at serviceable stren'th. =ur evidence is richer for )eon, Castile and $ra'on than it is for +ortu'al, Navarre and Catalonia, and one can more safely 'enerali e upon the practices of the Central Meseta than on those of the latter three areas. In the Meseta -e find that the balance of limitations, e3emptions and e!uipment contribution is especially developed in the 8in'dom of )eon, -here e3emptions -ere more numerous, the kni'htly class emphasi ed, and the militias probably smaller. Castilian policy, on the other hand, utili ed limitations and e3emptions -ith more restraint. 2!uipment -as amassed by 'rantin' shares of booty, not the e3emptions -hich thinned the numbers on the battlefield, a policy -hich paid si'nificant dividends for the Castilian kin's. Their to-ns could be counted upon to produce lar'er levies, more footsoldiers and a more reliable combat force. The more rapid e3pansion of the Castilian frontier in its drive to-ard $ndalusia must have o-ed at least some debt to this monarchical approach to to-n la-. To the e3tent that $lfonso II and 7aime I used their $ra'onese and Catalan to-n militias in the con!uest of the Cordillera and of the +rincipality of Valencia, a similar benefit could PL

be said to have accrued to $ra'on. $nd if this is true, then the increasin' appearance of )eonese municipal le'al tendencies in Castile durin' the rei'n of $lfonso W su''ests potential problems. In particular -ith re'ard to the kinds of service e3emptions heretofore absent in the eastern Meseta kin'dom alon' -ith a 'ro-in' focus on kni'htly privile'es, one is lookin' at policies -hich apparently inhibited the )eonese militias as an effective -112/ military force. To see these same tendencies emer'e in $lfonsine Castile may serve partially to e3plain the sta'nation -hich overtook $lfonso WCs e3pansion efforts -hen he chose to dra- on )eonese traditions rather than those of Castile in formulatin' his municipal military policy. Notes for Chapter L :. (ome of the introductory material for this chapter -as first published in my D0rontier Military (ervice and 23emption,D IL?PL6PQ. <. <+escador, ;;6;I?:QL. ;. D$lfonso el Batallador otor'a privile'ios a los mo rabes traRdos de Branada, ::<H,D :?IL. D0uero de los pobladores mo rabes de Mall4n,D LTI. In each of the t-o precedin' cases $lfonso indicated a sensitivity to-ard the politically and reli'iously e3posed individuals he had brou'ht back from the e3pedition a'ainst Branada, keepin' them out of combat -ith either Muslims or Christians. The remainin' e3amples offer no e3planation for the e3emption in the conte3t of the charter. D0uero de Torrecilla de Cameros, ::OP,D ;;?:;;. D0uero de la tierra de 0rieyra,D :I?LHH. D23cusa de tributaci&n a los moradores de $lc ar, :<TQ,D ;?III. This -as soon supplanted by the lon'er "uero in the Cuenca6Teruel format -ith an e3tensive body of military la-. !&lr, ff. OLr6:T:r. D/0oral de1 Campo, :<:;,D :?LHH. D23cusa de tributaci&n al conce5o de Carrascosa,D ;?P;;. D$lfonso W concede tierras y e3enciones en #e!uena,D :HP. DCarta otro'ada por 7aime I para la poblaci&n de (arreal,D :?IIP. D2l conce5o de >vila concede a Velasco Vel !ue , :<Q;,D IH:. This is merely a re'ional samplin' of these e3emptions. I. D0orais de (. 7oMo da +es!ueira, +enella, +aredes, )inares et $nciMes, :TLL6HL,D :?;I;6IQ. %ere as -ith a number of the +ortu'uese citations, it is the emer'ency service, appelitum, -hich is bein' referred to. D0uero condedido a N5era,D <?PO6QL. D0uero latino de (epNlveda, :TPH,D IQ. D0uero concedido a 7aca /c. :TPH1,D ;6I. The same specification appears in the rene-al of the 7acan charter by #amiro I /::;I6;P1. D)os fueros de 7aca, /::;I6;P1,D :<O6;I. (imilarly, $nsiMes retains this provision -hen its "oral is rene-ed by $fonso I. DConfirmaZMo dos foros de $nsiMes,D :?:QQ. L. D+rivile'io del rey don $lfonso VII otor'ado en el aUo de ::<I de Bur'os,D <HH. $ stron' case for datin' this Bur'os "uero after ::<P has been advanced. (ee #eilly, ?ueen @rraca, :QO6OT. D+rivile'io de .. $lfonso I el Batallador confirmando los privile'ios de la ciudad de Barbastro,D ;LP. D0ueros de Tudela, Cervera y Balipie o,D I:Q. D0ueros y usa'es de los infan ones de $ra'&n concedidos despu4s a los vecinos de Jara'o a, ::;I,D O;6OI. D0uero de .aroca, ::I<,D ;H<. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores de (intra,D :?;T:. D0uero de =viedo /::ILY1,D ::I. (ee Chapter =ne, note L< for the thirteenth century ori'ins of this version. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. D0uero de 2stella,D QP. D0uero de $lh&ndi'a,D PH6PP. D0uero de poblaci&n de la villa de )os $rcos,D :?L::. The restriction also appears in << members of the (antar4m family from ::PO to :<PP, -here appelitum is the term. D0uero de Villavaru de #Roseco,D Q;. DCarta de fran!uicias otor'ada por $lfonso I, rey, a los habitantes de +ui'cerd, ::Q<,D :?<;I. D0ueros de (antander dados en ::QP,D I?;TP. ! L, P. ! R, L. =nly Teruel of all the charters in the Cuenca6Teruel family specifies the kin' alone. D0uero de "rro , ::OL,D <?LO. D/0oral de1 (outo, ::OH,D :?LTI. D$lfonso VIII confirma los fueros de BuipN coa,D ;?<<L. H. In addition to those charters of the (antar4m family a-arded in the thirteenth century -hich had this stipulation, there are a number of other +ortu'uese to-ns -hich cite it. D/0oral de1 Vala im,D :?L:O. D/0oral de1 (. Martha e Beduido,D :?L<;. D/0oral de1 (outo, :<TP,D :?L;L. D/0oral de1 0erreiros, 0ontemanha e Valdavy,D :?LIH. D/0oral de1 0avaios,D :?LLL. D/0oral de1 $tou'uia,D :?ILT6L:. D/0oral de1 Castello de +ena6#uiva,D :?LL:. D/0oral de1 Montem&r Velho,D :?LLP. D/0oral de1 Canedo,D :?LH<. D/0oral de1 Ceides,D :?LP;. D/0oral de1 Villa6 Chan,D :?LPL. D/0oral de1 (abadelhe, :<<T,D :?LQI. D/0oral de1 Bar!ueiros,D :?LOP. D/0oral de1 (an!uinhedo,D :?LOQ. The Cidad_lhe family /see $ppendi3 $1 all have this provision, e3cept Condado, Capeludos, Villa6Mean, Builhado, BouviMes and Nu edo. D/0oral de1 $ntela,D :?HIQ. D/0oral de1 Villa6Nova de Baia,D :?HH;. D/0oral de1 CodeZaes,D :?HPH. D/0oral de1 0erreiros, :<LQ,D :?HPQ. D/0oral de1 MurZa e Noura,D :?P:T. D/0oral de1 Monforte de #io )ivre,D :?P;T. P. D$lfonso VIII confirma una concordia entre la =rden de (antia'o y el Conce5o de =caUa, :<:T,D :P?HHT, and DNoticia, sin fecha, sobre la concordia entre la =rden de (antia'o y el Conce5o de =caUa,D :P?HH<. D0ernando III concede a 0rRas el fuero, :<:P,D <?:H. D2l fuero de la villa de (an 2meterio,D PH?<;O. D0ernando III confirma el convenio de $r4valo, :<:O,D <?HP. +rivile'ium de los fueros de Brio'a /Brihue'a1, /c. :<<;1,D Q?I<T. !uero de 'an (usto, 233H, M(( :;.TOI, f. L:v. D+acto foral de Talamanca,D Q?I:Q. DCarta6puebla de Morella de .on Blasco de $la'&n, :<;;,D ;?L:P6:Q. Morella -as 'iven the !uero de 'ep>lveda -hich contained this provision. D0uero de la +uente de .eustamben,D I::. D)os fueros de Villadie'o,D :;P6;Q. D0uero dado a la villa de (aha'Nn por $lfonso W, <L april :<LL,D <?<;T. D2l =bispo de )e&n y el Conce5o de Mansilla lle'an a un acuerdo, :<LP,D <T?PIT. D2l =bispo de )e&n y el Conce5o de Castroverde establecen acuerdo,D <T?PII. D0uero romanceado de PH

(epNlveda, :;TT,D O<. !uero real del don &lonso el 'abio, I?:O?:6L. !uero real de &"onso XU o 'Dbio? Vers=o portuguesa, :LH6LP. D2l 2sp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D ;?L?:T. The !uero real also fines militias -ho arrive unsummoned. Q. D0uero de )e&n, :T<T,D :L?IQP. D0uero de (aha'Nn, :TQL,D <?;P. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. !uero de &l"ambra, <L. !C"s, :?:L6:H. !Cmsp, :?:P6:Q. !Ccv, :?:?::. !1, P6Q. !&lz, :?:Q6:O. !&ln, :L6:H. !$, f. Iv. !#a, :H6:P. !I, :;. !&lr, f. Pv. !@b, I$, IB. M'VHH2, :<. !#e, <:. !V$, :P. !C&, IO:. !@, I:P. D/0oral de1 #enalde,D :?L;P. DCa5&n I, documento L, $rchivo municipal de Tarra'ona, :<::,D :?LIH. !uero de orre de iedar, 23ME, M(( :;TQT, f. PPv. O. D0uero de +alen uela, :TPI,D <PH. The NumaMo6Trancoso family in +ortu'al /see $ppendi3 $1 states the obli'ation this -ay, save for ValenZa /:<:P1, -hich omits mention of the se.or. D0ueros de #ibas de (il, :<<L,D <?LPT. D0uero de Castro5eri , :<;I,D ;Q. El "uero de #rihuega, :<<. D0uero de 0uentes de la $lcarria,D :Q?;H;. :T. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IQ. !(aca 25E7, ;6I. !(aca 22HE, :<O6;:. !#urgos 223M, <HH. !Laragoza 22HM, O;6OI. !Estella 227M, :?QP. D0ueros de (an Vicente de la (osierra,D I?<TQ. D0uero de Vitoria,D :?<<H. ! L, P. ! R, L. These are the only t-o charters in the Cuenca6Teruel family to have this provision. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a la nueva puebla de $r'an &n, ::O:,D ;?OP. D0uero de In ura,D LH6HT. D0ueros de )a'uardia, :<TQ,D Q:. D0uero de la Burunda,D QL6QH. D0uero de Viana, :<:O,D ;L?I:P. CpMorella 23HH, ;?L:P6:Q. =ne +ortu'uese reference, -hile not employin' the term lid campal, insists that the militia should not be mustered unless there -as si'nificant -ork to be done /D...!uando forte opus fueritD1. D/0oral de1 (etNbal,D :?H;I. ::. !'. (oa=o da 1es9ueira, 1enella, 1aredes, Linhares ` &nci=es, :?;IH. !&nsi=es 22HE6HG, :?:QQ. !'intra, :?;T:. DCarta de poblaci&n de la villa de (arn4s,D <?LTP6TQ. !+uip>zcoa, ;?<<L. BuipN coa, recently taken from the Navarrese by $lfonso VIII, also specified a military obli'ation a'ainst Navarre, as -ell. !;ca.a 2325, HHT. D/0oral de1 Covellinas,D :?IOI. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores do Banho,D :?<O;. !&touguia, :?ILT6L:. D/0oral de1 Marmelar, ::OI,D :?IQO. D/0oral de1 (ancta Cru , :<<L,D :?HT:. D(ancho el (abio, rey de Navarra, concede fueros a $rta5ona,D <IO. D0uero dado a la villa de )rra'a,D :?LTQ. DConfirmaci&n de los fueros de Mendi'orrRa, ::OI,D <Q6<O. D0uero concedido a Miranda de $r'a,D :T?P<. !'abadelhe, :?LQI. !uero real, I?:O?:6L. !uero real, vers=o portuguesa, :LH6LP. :<. DCapitulos del fuero de (obrarbe,D :;?;:6;L. D0uero de Cseda,D IPL. D0uero de $sRn,D LTL. D0uero de MaraU&n,D <?:<:. D2l fuero de (an 2stebn de )uesia,D LO:. !C;, <QT. !C&, <PO. !C#, <PO. !@, <QP. !Marmelar, :?IQO. !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes , IO6LT. DCarta de poblaci&n de Cabanes,D :?ITO. DCarta de fran!uicias de +rats de Moll&,D :?I:I. DCarta de poblaci&n de Beniay3& y Tahalfa ar,D :?I<H. :;. DCarta de poblaci&n de )on'ares,D <LT. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. !'intra, :?;T:. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo, /hacia ::HH1,D IL?IPI6PL. )&pe 0erreiro, ed., !ueros municipales de 'antiago, :?;H6;Q. The NumMo6Trancoso family contains this la-, e3cept for ValenZa -hich omits itE the Vvora family also contains the limitation /see $ppendi3 $1. D/0oral de1 Bra'anZa,D :?IH;. D$lfonso VIII e3cusa al conce5o de $ceca de tributos, ::QQ,D <?QQ<. D/0oral de1 +enacova, ::O<,D :?IQ;. !1ena6Ruiva, :?LL:. The Cidad_lhe family in +ortu'al similarly contains the limitation /see $ppendi3 $1. D0uero de Campomayor,D IOO6 LTT. :I. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de >vila un fuero, :<<<,D <?<T<. D0ernando III concede al conce5o de "ceda un fuero, :<<<,D <?<TI. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de +eUafiel el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TH. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de Madrid el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TQ. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. D0uero de Carta'ena,D <;6<I. D0uero de Carmona, /Q May :<L<1,D I. D0uero de $licante,D I<. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D PQ. :L. !'W (o=o, !1enella, !1aredes, !Linhares, !&nci=es, :?;IH. D0oral de BuimarMes, :TOL6OH,D :?<. D0oral outor'ado a Constantim de +an&ias,D :?L. D0ueros de (antia'o, ::TL,D ;?H<. !&nsiDes 22HE6HG, :?:LP. DCarta de foral concedida aos povoadores de MesMo60rio,D :?<OT. !'intra, :?;T:. DCarta de foral de Celeir&s,D :?;L;. D/0oral de1 Covas,D :?;QQ. D0oral concedido aos moradores de "rros,D :?IH;. D/0oral de1 Morta'ua,D :?IQ<. !1enacova, :?IQ;. D/0oral de1 (overosa, ::OH,D :?LT:. D/0oral de1 $baZas,D :?L:I. D/0oral de1 BuiMes,D :?L<T. D/0oral de1 #ebordMos,D :?L;Q. !Ribas de 'il, <?LPT. D/0orais de1 Traseira, +aradela, Bouvinhas, =rdonho e $'rocovo, :<LH,D :?HHH. D/0oral de1 (. Mamede de #iba6Tua,D :?PTT. D/0oral de1 +adornelos,D :?PTL. :H. D/0oral de1 Cernancelhe,D :?;HI. !'abadelhe, :?LQI. $istoria Compostellana, <T?;<I6<L. #eilly, ?ueen @rraca, :IL. :P. !(aca 25E7, ;6I. !'ahag>n, <?;P. D0uero de $r'Kedas,D :T?<LL. D0ueros de Barbastro, ::TT,D ;;I. D+edro I concede carta de fueros de Caparroso,D ;P:. D+edro I concede los fueros de (antacara,D ;P;. D$lfonso I de $ra'&n concede a los pobladores de Jara'o a los fueros de los infan ones de $ra'&n, :::O,D Q;. !#urgos 223M, <HH. !Carcastillo, IPT6P:. !#arbastro &l"onso I, ;LP. ! udela, !Cervera % +alipiezo, I:Q. D)as fran!uicias de %uesca,D :;L. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n,D O;6OI. !(aca 22HM6HE, :<O6;:. !&vil:s6;viedo, ::I. !Estella, :?QP. !Viguera % Val de !unes , IO. In the event of an enemy attack, the kin' e3pected the mounted nobility of Vi'uera to do military service -ith their o-n supplies for three days, and they -ere liable for si3 additional days sustained -ith royal supplies. #amos y )oscertales, DTe3tos para el estudio del derecho ara'on4s,D L?ITH. The lan'ua'e in -hich the three6day supply of bread is couched has led some /e.'. Bard, Aavarra? he Durable ,ingdom, IQ1 to assume that the residents need not serve unless PP

they had a sufficient bread supply. 2stella has it D...ut non fuissent in hoste, nisi cum pane trium dierumED a possible readin', but unlikely in the conte3t of the other charters. In Caparroso, (antacara and %uesca, for e3ample, it is clear the militiamen are to come -ith those supplies in hand. The probability is that they -ill pay -hatever fine is assessed for failin' to serve if they arrive at muster -ithout the proper supplies. :Q. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n,D O;6OI. D$lfonso I de $ra'&n concede a Jara'o a los fueros, :::O,D Q;6QI. :O. D$lfonso VIII da el castello de =lmos al conce5o de (e'ovia,D <?:I:6I;. <T. !C&, IO:. !@, I:P. !Cartagena 23M7, <I. !'an (usto, f. L:v. !#rihuega 233H, I<T. ! alamanca, I:Q. !1, P. +lasencia possesses the most untypical charter in the Cuenca6Teruel 'roup, and is the only one to specify a time limit on service. ! orre de iedar, f. PPv. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, <?:;Q. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O<. D7aime I comunica al conce5o de Jara'o a, :L 5ulio :<PI,D <;O6IT. D7aime I mand& e3ercitum civitatibus, <O mar o :<PL,D ::LT. D=rden del #ey 7aime por carta a las ciudades, Q abril :<PL,D ::L<. 2ach of these summons re!uired a three6month supply, -hile the follo-in' re!uired t-o. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 7acobus hominibus villarum, :; 5unio :<PL,D ::LQ. The 0rench threat of invasion in :<QL led +edro to demand a four6month supply in a muster of over t-o hundred to-ns. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 +etrus hominibus villis,D #e'. I;, ff. :THr6 :TQv, ::Qr6::Qv. <:. D7aume I ator'a al seu fill,D ;?IP;. <<. Crnica latina de los re%es de Castilla, :TP, ::O. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;:O, ;<Q. Esp:culo, ;?L?I6H. <;. D/0oral de1 Villa6Nova,D :?L;T. DCarta6puebla de Villa'rassa,D Q?P;. !C"s, :?:L6:H. !Cmsp, :?:P6:Q. !Ccv, :?:?::. !1, P6Q. !&lz, :?:Q6:O. !&ln, :L6:H. !$, f. Iv. !#a, :H6:P. !I, :;. !&lr, f. Pv. !@b, I$, IB. M'VHH2, :<. !#e, <:. !V$, :P. !C&, IO:. !@, I:P. !'ancta Cruz, :?HT:. <I. !Martha e #eduido, :?L<;. !'outo, :?L;L. 0or the Cidad_lhe family of "orais, see $ppendi3 $. $mon' those, $li5&, Condado, Capeludos, Villa6Mean, Builhado, BouviMes and Nu edo do not have the Minho6.ouro restriction, and +enun3el cites only the .ouro. D+rivile'io del #ey $lfonso W, concediendo a los caballeros de lina'e !ue fueren a poblar a $rcos de la 0rontera,D :?<IT. <L. !Cvila 2333, <?<T<. !@ceda, <?<TI. !1e.a"iel 2333, <?<TH. !Madrid 2333, <?<TQ. <H. Esp:culo, ;?L?:H. <P. +alen uela listed four to-ns /+alencia, Carri&n, Bur'os and )erma1 to the north-est, north and northeast as constitutin' the limit of service re!uired from its kni'hts and foot soldiers /a one appro3imately IT by PT kilometers1. (aha'Nn listed Valccer to the northeast as its boundary, -hile =viedo and $vil4s dre- a line to the south-est bet-een Valclcer and )eon /QT to :TT kilometers1. +ui'cerd had to fi'ht only bet-een Terranera on the south and the see of "r'el on the northE TreviUo served bet-een the .uero and the #oncesvalles +ass in the +yrenees /c. QT kilometers1E MendaviaCs ran'e covered the small -ed'e bet-een the 2bro #iver and the 8in'dom of Navarre. Three to-ns mentioned seaborne service assi'nments, -ith 2riceira in +ortu'al eliminatin' them, Carta'ena in Castile havin' them count in lieu of land e3peditions, and Colliure statin' land limitations to the County of #oussillon and sea e3peditions bet-een Barcelona and Montpellier. !'ahag>n, <?;P. !&vil:s6;viedo, ::I. !1uigcerdD, :?<;I. D0uero otor'ado por el #ey .. $lfonso W al conce5o de TreviUo,D :?IP. D0uero dado a Mendavia,D ::?IOI. D/0oral de1 2riceira,D :?H<:. !Cartagena 23M7, <;6<I. DCarta de fran!uicias de Colliure,D :?;TO. <Q. C11e.a"iel GM3, HH?;P;. D0uero de 0resnillo,D IH. <O. !Mara.n, <?:<:. !CDseda, IPL. !Carcastillo, IPT6P:. !uero de Calata%ud, ;P. D0uero de )ara,D :I<. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D <?L:Q. DCarta de fueros otor'ada al conce5o de Jorita por el rey .on $lfonso VIII, ::QT,D I:Q6:O. 0or the NumMo6Trancoso family, see $ppendi3 $. Cseda and Carcastillo are some-hat unclear in their -ordin', but in the conte3t of the other charters their la- falls into this pattern. $ll of these to-ns establish their ratios for the kni'hts only, as the footsoldiers -ere often e3empt from "onsado service. =nly Cseda and )ara seemed to apply the ratio to all residents. ;T. D0uero de Buadala5ara /::;P1,D :TQ6TO. 0or the >vila6Vvora family, see $ppendi3 $. !Campoma%or, IOO6 LTT. !Viguera % Val de !unes, :<. ;:. C1&, :Q6:O, ;I6;L. ;<. +enela in +ortu'al and Toro, $lcal de %enares and Villadie'o in )eon6Castile had one6halfE of the remainin' )eonese6Castilian to-ns, $studillo and Castro5eri had t-o6thirds servin', Canales de la (ierra had one6!uarter, )edesma three of each ei'ht kni'hts, and Ta5onar in Navarre had nine6tenths. DCarta a favor dos moradores de +enela,D :?:O;. D0ueros de Toro, :<<<,D <?L;H. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QI. !Villadiego, :;P6;Q. D0uero de $studillo,D <I:6I;. !Castro/eriz, ;Q. D0uero de Canales de la (ierra,D LT?;:P6:Q, LI?:OH. D0uero de )edesma,D <H;. DTeobaldo I da a tributo a los de Ta3onar /Ta5onar1, :<L: /Y1,D <<:. ;;. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. !&, <QI. !C;, <Q<. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LL. !C&, <Q:. !C#, <Q:. !@, <QO. 0or the (antar4m family, see $ppendi3 $. !LDrraga, :?LTQ. !&rta/ona, <IO. !Mendigorra, <Q6<O. !Miranda de &rga, :T?<PT. PQ

;I. 0or the (antar4m family of "orais, see $ppendi3 $. In this 'roup, +ovos in ::OL omits the si3ty6kni'ht levy, and $'uiar in :<HO levies nine kni'hts, possibly a mistaken substitution of IW for )W. DCarta puebla de +inell, ::OQ,D <I?LO;. DCarta pacificationis et transactionis !uam fecit inclitus Ildefonsus, re3 $ra'onensium, cum consulibus et omni populo Nicensi /Nice, 7une, ::PH1,D <?;LH. In this document the levies for several southern 0rench to-ns are offered? Varro, :TTE Cianam, :TTE #odanum, LT. D$nnales .. $lfonsi +ortu'allensium re'is,D :LP6LQ. ;L. Navarrese Viana -as freed of the "onsadera in :<PL because of recent combat dama'e suffered from a Castilian assault. D+erdone al conce5o y moradores de Viana, I enero :<PL,D :?<T;6TI. =viedo -as freed from the ta36fine in :<LH by $lfonso W for e3actly the opposite reason? he -anted only their military service. DCarta del #ey .. $lfonso W a favor de la ciudad de =viedo, :<LH,D :?:T:. The fee -as occasionally assessed from non6combatants such as the herders of 0ermoselle near Jamora as a -ar ta3 for $ndalusia. +escador del %oyo, &rchivo municipal de Lamora, :O:. The !uero real insisted that militias -hich came -ithout royal approval -ould be compelled to return and pay their fine, re'ardless. !uero real, I?:O?:6L. !uero real, vers=o portuguesa, :LH6LP. ;H. 0or the NumMo and Vvora families, see $ppendi3 $. D0uero de (antia'o de Compostela, :::;,D :?O:. DConfirmaci&n del fuero de los francos de Toledo, ::;H,D IL?I<P6;<, IHP. D$lfonso VII confirma los fueros y usos de los infan ones y barones de $ra'&n, ::;I,D O<6OI. !&, :::, <<H. !C;, ::T, <:L. !CR, L?IQ, H?:I. !CM, <TI, <I;. !C&, :::, <:P. !C#, :TH, <:P. !@, ::O, <<<. Cceres and "sa're re!uired that the smith make at least thirty plo-shares. D0uero de +ar'a,D :H?HL;. 0$vil4s6=viedo, ::I. DTeobaldo I confirma a los colla os escancianos de "rro , :<;P,D :QH. $ntonio B&me de la Torre, Corogra"a de oro, :TL. ;P. $istoria Compostellana, <T?:HQ6HO. #eilly, ?ueen @rraca, O:6OI. 0letcher, Episcopate o" the ,ingdom o" Len, Q:6Q<. ;Q. D+rivile'io concedido a los cl4ri'os de Toledo por $lfonso VII, ::<Q,D IL?IH;. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. D0uero de (oria, ::<T,D Q?LQH. The NumMo6Trancoso family contains this provision /see $ppendi3 $1. !Mara.n, <?:<:. !Daroca, ;HH. D+osturas municipaes de Coimbra, ::IL,D :?PII. D+rivile'io de 0ernando II a (alamanca, ::HP,D :?<;I6;L. D0uero de (alamanca,D <TH. D2l fuero de )lanes,D :?::H6:Q. (antia'o and %aro list the fee e3emption for cler'y, only. D0(antia'o, :::;,D :?:IP. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero al conce5o de %aro,D <?QTI6 TH. !uero de Molina de &ragn, PI. D2l fuero de (anabria,D :;?<QH. ;O. !Estella, :?:TH. !C"s, ;T?H. !Cmsp, ;T?H. !Ccv, ;?:I?L. !1, IOP. !&lz, :T?H. !&ln, LOQ. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:I. !#a, HPL. !I, HIH. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI0. M'VHH2, HOH. !#e, QOO. !Castro/erez 23HM, ;Q. IT. D0ueros de (anta Cristina,D <<<. D0ueros de )e&n y Carri&n, :::I,D IO. D$lfonso VIII me5ora ciertos fueros de Calahorra, ::Q:,D ;?LP. !#rihuega 2347, :QQ. !!uentes de la &lcarria, :Q?;OL. I:. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. $ll members of the (antar4m family e3empt -ido-s unless they have sons in their household /see $ppendi3 $1. D0%aro,D <?QTI6TH. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., ;:O. !!uentes de la &lcarria, :Q?;O:. I<. !Lara, :;O6IT. DCarta a favor dos moradores de $rouce /)ou M1,D :?<QP. +edro'am received a nearly identically6-orded la- in :<TH, in D/0oral de1 +edro'am,D :?L;:. The (antar4m family also e3empts the elderly /see $ppendi3 $1. By the later thirteenth century, Villa Nova dC$lvito in +ortu'al, -hile not citin' a'e specifically, allo-s the lame and the blind to secure e3emption if they secure certification from the to-n council, in DCostumes de (antar4m communicados a Villa Nova dC$lvito,D <?LT. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. 'iete partidas, <?:O?;. .uran i (anpere, D.efensa de la ciutat,D ;:<6:;. The Charter of Vi'uera specifies seventy as the a'e, -hile .uran i (anpere places the Barcelona a'e at fifty6five. The remainin' charters re!uire an available substitute in the household. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. D0uero de Milmanda,D <?:Q:. !Llanes, :?::P. I;. D0)e&n y Carri&n,D IO. The ambi'uous -ord here is mancipium, -hich could mean youth or servant in the conte3t of e3emption. The (antar4m family insists males must be of a'e to free their mothers from ta3es throu'h service /see $ppendi3 $1. !C"s, ;T?H. !Cmsp, ;T?H. !Ccv, ;?:I?L. !1, IOP. !&lz, :T?H. !&ln, LOQ. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:I. !#a, HPL. !I, HIH. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI0. M'VHH2, HOH. !#e, QOO. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., ;:O. !#rihuega 2347, :Q;. !!uentes de la &lcarria, :Q?;O:. The Coria Cima6Coa family defines the a'e of comin' to military manhood at t-enty years. !&, <QI. !C;, <Q<. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LL. !C&, <Q:. !C#, <Q:. !@, <QO. D7aime I, rey de $ra'&n, preside Cortes en Villafranca, <I 5unio :<:Q,D :?;H6;P. D7aime I, rey de $ra'&n, reune Cortes en Barcelona, <: diciembre :<<Q,D :?<TP. !Ledesma, <HI6HL. D0uero de los escusados o fran!uicias de $r4valo, :<LH,D :?<HP6HQ. D$lfonso W el (abio confirma los fueros e3tensos de Cu4llar,D I;. D0Villa Nova dC$lvito,D <?IQ. 'iete partidas, <?:O?;. .uran i (anpere, D.efensa de la ciutat,D ;:<6:;. The a'e ran'e is :; at the Cortes of Villafranca, :I at the Cortes of Barcelona and in the 'iete partidas, :L at )edesma, :H at Cu4llar, :Q at $r4valo and <T at $lfaiates, Coria, Castel #odri'o, Castello6Melhor, Cceres, Castello6Bom and "sa're. Villa Nova did not specify an a'e of maturity, but rather noted that the youn' heir of a kni'ht should perform some task appropriate to his position to succeed to his fatherCs position, a notion possibly derived from the spread of #oman la-. PO

II. !C"s, ;T?;, ;:?<6;. !Cmsp, ;T?;, ;:?<6;. ! L, I<H, IIQ. !&lbL, IQL, IO;6OI. !Ccv, ;?:I?<, ;?:L?:6<. ! R, LP;, H:<, H:I. !&lbR, :QT, :OT. !1, IOI, L<O6;T. !&lz, :T?;, :T?HQ6HO. !&ln, LO;, HIL, HIP. !$, ff. Q<r, QPr6 QPv. !L, H::, HP<6P;. !#a, HP<, P<P. !I, HI:, HOP. !&lr, ff. OLv, :T:v. !@b, LIC, LLB6LLC. M'VHH2, HO;, P;L. !#e, QOL, OHQ, OPT. !Viguera % Val de !unes , LT. D0uero de BenaventeD, <?H<H. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. !Llanes, :?::P. IL. !C"s, ;:?<. !Cmsp, ;:?<. ! L, IIQ. !&lbL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:L?:. ! R, H:<. !&lbR, :OT. !1, L<O. !&lz, :T?HQ. !&ln, HIL. !L, HP<. !#a, P<P. !I, HOP. !&lr, f. :T:v. !@b, LLB. M'VHH2, P;L. !#e, OHQ. !V$, LI;. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QH. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. !&, :OTa. !C;, :Q<. !CR, ;?LL. !CM, :<H. !C&, :QI. !C#, :QP. !@, :QP. $lfaiates does not mention the time la' to reach the musterin' point. IH. !Estella, :?:IL. !C"s, ;T?;, ;:?;. !Cmsp, ;T?;, ;:?;. ! L, I<H, IIQ. !&lbL, IQL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:I?<, ;?:L?<. ! R, LP;, H:;. !&lbR, :QT, :OT. !1, IOI, L<O. !&lz, :T?;, :T?HO. !&ln, LO;, HIH. !$, ff. Q<r, QPr6QPv. !L, H::, HP;. !#a, HP<. !I, HI:. !&lr, ff. OLv, :T:v. !@b, LIC, LLC. M'VHH2, HO;. !#e, QOL, OHO. !V$, LI;. !#enavente, <?H<H. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. !Llanes, :?::P. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. !#rihuega 2347, :QQ. !!uentes de la &lcarria, :Q?;OL. 'iete partidas, <?:O?;. The 'iete partidas also add another e3cuse not foreseen in the "ueros, that of bein' unable to serve due to the -eather or the elements. IP. D0)e&n y Carri&n,D IO. IQ. !Estella, :?:IL. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. !&, ;H<. !C;, <Q:. !C&, <QT, ;II. !C#, <QT, ;L<. !@, <QQ, ;L;. $lfaiates lacks the reference to the -ifeCs death or recovery and Coria lacks the reference to the certification of the three -itnesses. IO. !#enavente, <?H<H. !Llanes, :?::P. !&, <Q;. !C;, <Q:. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LI. !C&, <QT. !C#, <QT. !@, <QQ. LT. !C"s, ;T?H<, ;:?;, I;?:P. !Cmsp, ;T?LQ, ;:?;, I;?:<. ! L, IIQ, LII. !&lbL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:I?;H, ;?:L?<, I?:;?:<. ! R, H:;, PQT. !&lbR, :OT, <;L6;H. !1, L<P, L<O. !&lz, :T?H<, :T?HO, :<?HI. !&ln, H;O, HIH, Q:L. !$, ff. QHv, QPr6QPv, ::<v. !L, HHH, HP;, QIT. !#a, P<:, P<P, OTQ. !I, HO:, HOP, QPI. !&lr, ff. :T:r, :T:v, :<Hv6 :<Pr. !@b, LI2D, LLC, O<. M'VHH2, P;:, P;L, PIP. !#e, OLO, OHO. !V$, L;O, LI;. !&, ;H<. !C&, ;II3. !C#, ;L<. !@, ;L;. !&l"ambra, ;L. D0oral de (eia,D :?:PP. The Vvora6>vila family includes such a la- /see $ppendi3 $1. D0In ura,D LQ. D0)a'uardia :<TQ,D Q:. D0Burunda,D QL6QH. D0Viana, :<:O,D I:P. D0ueros y privile'ios de $'uilar, :<:O,D :LO. L:. !(aca 25E7, ;6I. !Estella, :?QP. !C&, :Q<. !@, :QL. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QQ. $lcal re!uired the permission of such a substitute. It may have been necessary in all cases involvin' hirin'. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. L<. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. !Molina 2247, PI. !#enavente, <?H<H. !C"s, ;T?I. !Cmsp, ;T?I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?;. ! R, LPI. !&lbR, :QT6Q:. !1, IOL. !&lz, :T?I. !&ln, LOI. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:<. !#a, HP;. !I, HI<. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LI.. M'VHH2, HOI. !#e, QOH. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. !Llanes, :?::P. L;. !&, <QI. !C;, <Q<. !CR, I?<I. !CM, :LL. !C&, <Q:. !C#, <Q:. !@, <QO. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QP. !Ledesma, <HI6HL. LI. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IQ. "nlike the basic military service re!uirement in this charter -hich is similar to that of the contemporary charters of N5era and 7aca, no similar precedent e3ists for the contribution principle, thus allo-in' for the possibility that this may have been added to the t-elfth6century copy of (epNlvedaCs )atin "uero -hich -e possess. !uero de +uadala/ara 22HE, ::. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QI. The contribution for service e3cuse concept reappears in the :;TT charter of (epNlveda. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:6O<, -ith a rather more elaborate list of items to be contributed. LL. !#enavente, <?H<H. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. !uero de Lamora, IT. !1arga, :H?HL<6L;. !Llanes, :?::P. ! oro 2333, <?L;H. D0ueros dados a )e&n por el rey 0ernando III, :<;T,D <?;:L. !Ledesma, <HI, <PO. !'anabria, :;?<QH. Benavente and (anabria clearly indicated that it -as the "onsado service from -hich the e3cused -ere bein' freed, and Milmanda, +ar'a and )lanes are so similar in their -ordin' that the same conclusion -ould have to be applied to them. Jamora, Toro, )eon and )edesma possess e3cuse lists less similar to the other five to-ns, but the hi'hly analo'ous -ordin' to the other )eonese e3amples -ould seem to indicate that service e3emptions must be the cate'ory under discussion. ,et in )a'una de Ne'rillos /c. :<TL1 it is "onsadera that citi ens are e3empted from in the alcalde 'rants and the tent contributions. D0uero dado por $lfonso IW a la puebla de )a'una de Ne'rillos,D <?:PP. LH. !&, :::, :PO6QT. !C;, ::T, :P:6P<. !CR, H?:I, Q?:Q. !CM, <I;, ;:H. !C&, ::P, :PL. !C#, :TH, :PH6PP. !@, ::O, :PH6:PP. The e3cuses tend to cover about half as many kni'hts as peones in these charters. The "ueros also distin'uish bet-een to-n residents /vecinos1 and residents of the nearby countryside /aldeanos1. $lfaiates, Coria and Castello6Bom permit the e3cuses to 'o only to aldeanosE Castel #odri'o and Castello6Melhor alloto-n6d-ellin' kni'hts to have e3cusesE Cceres and "sa're prefer the e3cused to be aldeanos, but -ill accept vecinos if there is an insufficiency of aldeanos to claim them. (miths -ho make a specific number of plo-shares per year are also e3empted from "onsado service. The number -as fifteen in all of the charters save Cceres and "sa're, -here thirty -ere re!uired. The same 'rantor of many of these "ueros, 8in' $lfonso IW of )eon, also QT

'ave )edesma a charter -hich includes an ambi'uous reference to e3cuses -hich -ere in all probability e3cuses from service, 'iven the a-ardin' of this principal to so many contemporary to-ns in )eon. !Ledesma, <PO6QT. LP. =ne reference in (epNlveda su''ests the possibility of e3cuses bein' retained for later use, althou'h offerin' no indication of the e3tent of time or the number -hich mi'ht be collected. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O<. D2t !ui con los escusados se adobare fasta !uanto oviere a aver, fin!uese en pa . 2t se de su casa !uisiere fa er su missi&n, a la venida aya todos sus escusados.D LQ. !uero de +uadal/ara F232GI, 8eniston ed., O. DCavallero !ue oviere cavallo e armas de fust e de fierro e toviere casa poblada en la villa non peche e sea escusado.D (ince there -ould be little sense in havin' a fully e!uipped kni'ht in a to-n if you e3empted him from service, this is presumably a redundant -ay of statin' the caballeroCs ri'ht to ta3 e3emption. LO. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la ciudad de Bur'os, :<LH,D :?OP6 OQ. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo al conce5o de Buitra'o,D :?O;6OI. D+rivile'io de #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la villa de +eUafiel, :<LH,D :?QO6OT. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W de 2scalona, L mar o :<H:,D :?:PQ. D)ibro del fuero real y fran!ue as de Madrid, :<H<,D O?L;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a Valladolid,D :?<<L. HT. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !#a, O:H. !I, QQL. !@b, OH. M'VHH2, PHO. In these charters kni'hts receive four such e3cuses -hen they serve in the kin'Cs e3pedition, e3cept at 2scalona -here t-o are a-arded. H:. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. DCr&nica del rey don $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?:T. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. ;rdenamiento para Reino de E8tremadura, &l"onso X, 237M, Mss O6<:6P, IT;<, NNm. I, ff. H6P. D$lfonso W de Castilla, a petici&n de los habitantes de las villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D H<6HI. !Valladolid, :?<<L. D+rivile'io del rey .. $lfonso W, e3imiendo a los caballeros fi5osdal'o de (evilla y a los ciudadanos !ue tuvieren caballo y armas, del servicio de moneda,D :?<O;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, en !ue condonando a la villa de $'uilar de Campo,D :?;:I6:L. The ordenamientos to Cu4llar, $'uilar and 23tremadura include only bread providers. (evilla covers youn' -omen, their due.as and shield bearers. H<. #i!uer, L)arnSs de cavaller, ::6IQ. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour in 'pain , passim. +alome!ue Torres, DContribuci&n al estudio del e54rcito,D :L?<;O6IT. H;. D0orum 7udiciorum,D O?<?H. D0uero 5u 'o,D O?<?H. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IQ. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. (epNlveda 'ave e3emptions for helmets and link armor 5ackets to any kni'ht -ho supplied them for others to -ear in battle. N5era re!uired the in"anzn ranked nobles resident in the al"oz of the to-n to provide -eapons -hen they served in the supply and -ood 'atherin' anubda. HI. D0)e&n y Carri&n,D IO. D0ueros de (obrarbe,D :;?;:6;L. !1ena6RuivaU 2X442W !LDrraga, :?LTQ. !Mendigorra, QP. !Miranda de &rga, :T?<PT. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QI. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, P. !&licante, IH. !Lorca, Q:6Q<. Repartimiento de 'evilla, <?:;Q. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP6HQ. HL. D0N5era,D <?QI6QL. !#enavente, <?H<H. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. DConvenio del rey con los vecinos de Calatayud, :<TQ,D Q?:TI. !+uadala/ara 232G, O. !1arga, :H?HL<6L;. !Llanes, :?::P. !Ledesma, <PO. HH. D0+alen uela, :TPI,D <PI6PL. !Escalona 22H5, IL?IHL. !+uadala/ara 22HE, :TO6::. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo,D IL?IPI6PL. !+uip>zcoa, ;?<<L. D0ueros de poblaci&n de Toledo dado a los mu rabes y castellanos, :<<<,D ;:I. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, I. !&licante, I<6I;. !Lorca, PQ. HP. Wimenius de #ada, D.e rebus %ispaniae,D :PP. HQ. !Escalona 22H5, IL?IHL. !+uadala/ara 22HE, :TO6::. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo,D IL?IPL. D0uero de $lba de Tormes,D ;;P6;Q. ! oledo 2333, ;:I. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, I. !&licante, I<6I;. !Lorca, PQ. !#rihuega 2347, :QQ. HO. !+uadala/ara 232G, O. D+rivile'io otor'ado por .. $lfonso W a >vila, :<HI,D <?IO<6O;. ;rdenamiento de E8tremadura, 237M, Madrid, ff. H6P. D$lfonso W a las villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D H<6H;. D+rovisi&n del #ey .. $lfonso W a Madrid, (evilla, <P a'osto :<HI,D :?HI. !Valladolid, :?<<H6<P. !!uentes de la &lcarria, :Q?;O:. ;rdenamiento 9ue "izo el Re% DW &lonso en el Corte de Len E Este es el !uero de los "i/osdalgo, M(( :.;TQ:, ff. <HP6HQ. D0uero vie5o de Castilla,D :?<O;. PT. D0uero de Berrueco +ardo,D PP6PQ. !&, LL. !C;, PT. !CR, I?O. !CM, :I:. !C&, PP. !C#, P:. !@, PO. P:. D0+alen uela, :TPI,D My#, <PI6PL. +alen uela had the earliest reference to such e!uipment, but survives only in a later confirmation by $lfonso W. 9ithout any other contemporary support for this early instance, one tends to assume that it is a later addition. !&l"ambra, ;H. !Lorita 22V5, I<:, -here only saddle and arms are specified. The Cuenca6Teruel 'roup listed the s-ord, lance and occasionally the shield as kni'htly -eapons, but used booty shares rather than ta3 e3emptions as the stimulus to assure that the kni'ht brou'ht these items to combat. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. %o-ever, Teruel and $lbarracRn have a separate la- specifyin' the possession of the shield, helmet, lance and s-ord to secure the e3emptions. +ossibly this -as understood in the Castilian members of the family as -ell. Q:

! L, :T. ! R, Q. !&lbR, P. !&rta/ona, <IO. !Mendigorra, QP. $rta5ona and Mendi'orrRa free the kni'ht from the contribution of forced hospitality /hospitem, hu:pedes1 for their contribution. !+uadala/ara 232G, O. D0uero de "cl4s, c. :<<P,D :I?;;I. !Ledesma, <HI. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. D0uero latino de Cceres,D iv6v. P<. D0>vila, :<LH,D <?IO:. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !Cu:llar 2347, I;6II. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OO. !#uitrago, :?O;6OL. (ome kind of breast6plate and a Muslim adarga shield substitutes for the mail 5acket here. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6O:. !uero de ru/illo, M(( I;T, f. LTr. D2l fuero de $tien a,D HQ?<HP6HQ. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6 462372, :?:PQ, :QT. !Madrid 2373, O?L;, LL. ;rdenamiento de E8tremadura, 237M, ff. H6P. D$lfonso W a las villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D H<6HI. !Valladolid, :?<<L. DInfante don Manual confirma a 2lche sus privile'ios,D ;<. 1rivilegio de 'evilla, :?<O;. 1rivilegio de &guilar de Campo, :?;:I6:L. Not all ta3es must have been included in the kni'htly e3emption, since this class also received e3emption from the martiniega land ta3 /collected presumably on March <T, the feast of (t. Martin of Bra'a1 -henever they served that year in the royal e3pedition in all of these charters. P;. !C"s, <<?:;. !Cmsp, <<?:;. ! L, <<I. !&lbL, IIP. !Ccv, ;?H?P. ! R, <IO. !&lbR, Q:. !&lz, Q?HH. !&ln, IQ:. !L, IH<. !#a, L;P. !I, L;L. !&lr, ff. PQv6POr. !@b, I;a. M'VHH2, IHI. !#e, HOP6OQ. !V$, IOH6OP. (ee cover illustrations and +lates <b and <d. PI. (nche 6$lborno offers a :T;I reference to this -ord in his D2l precio de la vida en el #eino de $sturleon4s,D <?QIL. The :TPH charter to (epNlveda starts a lon' series of municipal references to the loriga. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IQ. !Escalona 22H5, IL?IHL. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo,D IL?IPL. D$nnales .. $lfonsi +ortu'allensium re'is,D :LP6LQ. !&l"ambra, ;;. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !&, :QT, ;L<. !C;, :P<. !CR, Q?:Q, I:. !CM, ;:H, ;;O. !C&, :PL, ;;H. !C#, :PP, ;I;. !@, :PP, ;IL. D#enovaci&n de fuero de ,an'uas despues del aUo ::O<,D I?QO. !Lamora 235V, IT. ! oledo 2333, ;:I. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina el Infante .. $lfonso,D IP. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:. !Carmona, I. !&licante, I<6I;. !Lorca, PQ, Q:. !Ledesma, <PO6QT. D0uero vie5o de Castilla,D Cdigos espa.oles, :?<O;. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !!i/osdalgo, ff. <HP6HQ. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?Q, <?<H?<Q. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:6O<. Men4nde +idal, Cantar de mo Cid, <?P;H6;Q. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PT6PQ. .e #i!uer, L)arnSs, :Q6<T, -ho notes that the Castilian -ord loriga -as replaced in Catalan sources by asbergo or ausberg save possibly for horse armor. 0or body armor in $l6$ndalus, see Nicolle, Earl% Medieval Islamic &rms and &rmour, H<6HH, PP6QT. PL. !&l"ambra, ;;. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !&, :QT. !C;, :P<. !CR, Q?:Q. !CM, ;:H. !C&, :PL. !C#, :PP. !@, :PP. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina,D IP. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:6O<. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PT6PQ. PH. !'ep>lveda 25E7, IQ. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. 9hile Teruel, $lbarracRn and I natoraf employed the term alm"ar, the remainder of the Cuenca 'roup use the variants elmo and %elmo in this place. !C;, :P<. !C&, :PL. !C#, :PP. !@, :PP. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?ILQ6H:. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PH6PO. PP. (nche 6$lborno , D2l precio de la vida,D <?QIL. !&l"ambra, ;H. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?Q. $lvar, D2studio lin'KRstico y vocabulario,D PP<. PQ. !C;, :P<. !C&, :PL. !C#, :PP. !@, :PP. !&lz, Q?HH. !&ln, IQ:. !$, f. Q<v. !L, IH<, H:;. !#a, L;P. !I, L;L. !&lr, ff. PQv6POr. !@b, I;a. M'VHH2, IHI. !#e, HOP6OQ. %uete and Jorita include bro"uneras in the section on booty shares, -hile $lcara , $larc&n, Jorita, Bae a, I natoraf, $lc ar, M( Q;;: and B45ar cite it in connection -ith duelin' e!uipment for both kni'hts and foot soldiers. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. PO. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, P. !&licante, IH. !Lorca, Q<. B&me de la Torre, Corogra"a de oro, :TL. DCarta de $lfonso W concediendo al conce5o de Ciudad #odri'o,D ::TL. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?Q, <?<H?<Q. QT. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PT6P<. .e #i!uer, L)arnSs, <T6<<. $lvar, D2studio,D HOL. Corominas, :?HLL6LH. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?L;;. Q:. !&l"ambra, ;;, ;H. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, :T, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, Q, LPL. !&lbR, P, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !C;, ::<, :P<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ, :PP. !@, :PO. !&rta/ona, <IO. Q<

!Miranda de &rga, :T?<PT. !Mendigorra, QP. !Ledesma, <PO6QT. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina,D IP. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6 462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. Q<. D0+alen uela, :TPI,D My#, <PH. D$nnales .. $lfonsi +ortu'allensium re'is,D :LP6LQ. !Molina 2247, QI6QL. !&l"ambra, ;;, ;H. !C"s, <<?:;, ;T?L. !Cmsp, <<?:;, ;T?L. ! L, :T, <<I, I<H. !&lbL, IIP, IQL. !Ccv, ;?H?P, ;?:I?I. ! R, Q, <IO, LPL. !&lbR, P, Q:, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, Q?HH, :T?L. !&ln, IQ:, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, IH<, H:;. !#a, L;P, HPI. !I, L;L, HI;. !&lr, ff. PQv6POr, OLv6OHr. !@b, I;a, LI2. M'VHH2, IHI, HOL. !#e, HOP6OQ, QOP. !V$, IOH6OP. !CR, Q?:Q. !CM, ;:H. !&rta/ona, <IO. !Miranda de &rga, :T?<PT. !Mendigorra, QP. DCarta de poblaci&n de (alvatierra, :<TQ,D Q?OO. !@cl:s cW233E,D :I?;;I. !Ledesma, <HI, <PO6QT. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina,D IP. !Campoma%or, IOO6LTT. DCostumes de BarvMo communicados dC$lccer,D <?QT6Q:. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. Q;. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PO6QL. .e #i!uer, L)arnSs, <<6<;. Nicolle, DIslamic $rms and $rmour,D OP6:TH. Neuvonen, D)os arabismos del espaUol en el si'lo WIII,D :T?:;T6;:. #iaUo, Industrial &rts in 'pain, QQ6OT. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?HL:6LL. The !uero de Ledesma specified the hide of a horse, o3, mule or ass for a leather shield. !Ledesma, <IH. QI. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :HQ6HO. .e #i!uer, L)arnSs, <;6<H. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?P<Q6 <O. 0or interestin' vie-s of the lance in 2ast69est combat, see Nicolle, DThe Impact of the 2uropean Couched )ance,D :T?H6IT. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, :?:PL. QL. D0+alen uela, :TPI,D <PH. D$nnales .. $lfonsi +ortu'allensium re'is,D :LP6LQ. !Molina 2247, QI6QL. !&l"ambra, ;;, ;H. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, :T, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, Q, LPL. !&lbR, P, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?:Q, Q?L:. !CM, ;:H, ;IO. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. C1'alvatierra, Q?OO. !@cl:s,D :I?;;I. !&lba de ormes, <O<. !'alamanca, OL. !Ledesma, <HI, <PO6QT. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina,D IP. D0uero de Bada5o ,D .ie'o (ure de 0i'ueroa, ed., $istoria de la ciudad de #ada/oz /Bada5o , :O:H1, P;6PI. Costumes d)&lcDcer, <?QT6Q:. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?P, <?<H?<Q. QH. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. !1, IOH, here called a razcona. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL, here called a pediero. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !#a, HPI, here called an escato. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?P, <?<H?<Q. Corominas, :?;IQ6IO, <?::T6::. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :PT. QP. Bon le , Repartimiento de 'evilla, :?:PL. Bruhn de %offmeyer, D0rom Medieval (-ord to #enaissance #apier,D <?L6<L. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :HT6HQ. .e #i!uer, L)arnSs, <L. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?HLQ6HQ. 1C+, <?ITI, L:P6:Q. QQ. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. !@cl:s,D :I?;;I. !Ledesma, <HI. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. Most of the Cuenca6Teruel family do permit the pen to use the s-ord in a duel. !C"s, <<?:;. !Cmsp, <<?:;. ! L, <<I. !&lbL, IIP. !Ccv, ;?H?P. ! R, <IO. !&lbR, Q:. !#a, L;P. !I, L;L. !@b, I;a. M'VHH2, IHI. !#e, HOP6OQ. !V$, IOH6OP. QO. Bruhn de %offmeyer, &rms and &rmour, :HQ. Corominas, :?OHL. !C"s, <<?:;, ;T?L. !Cmsp, <<?:;, ;T?L. !Ccv, ;?H?P. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, I;a, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. !V$, IOH6OP. !&lba de ormes, <O<. !'alamanca, OL. 'iete partidas, <?<;?P, <?<H?<Q. OT. Virtually all medieval military historians a'ree on this point. +robably the best e3planation for the lack of interest by the northern 2uropean feudality in ac!uirin' archery skills can be seen in the t-elfth and thirteenth century romances. %ere a stron' disdain for missile -eapons as unchivalric and a distaste for oriental mounted archer cavalry as encountered on the Crusades can be noted, possibly laced -ith a small de'ree of fear. %atto, D$rchery and Chivalry? $ Noble +re5udice,D ;L?IT6LI. O:. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL6OH. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HII. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::3. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. D+rivile'io en !ue el rey /7aime I1 sanciona los estatutos de .aroca, :<LH,D ;L6;H. The re!uirement -as t-o cords for archers mounted and unmounted in all places, alon' -ith thirty arro-s or bolts in .aroca, si3ty in the Coria Cima6Coa family, and one hundred for foot Q;

and t-o hundred for kni'hts in the Cuenca6Teruel charters. The Esp:culo re!uired one hundred and fifty arro-s of both classes and 'ave both the same booty share in e3chan'e. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<;?P, <?<H?<Q. O<. $t Murcia and 74re they seem to have been a class separate from both caballeros and non6archer peones. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W a los pobladores de Murcia, :I mayo :<HH,D :?:O6<T. (opranis, $istoria de (:rez, I;6LI. D/0oral de1 Miranda da Beira, ::;H,D :?;P;. !Louz=, :?<QP. 0or the (antar4m family, see $ppendi3 $. !1edrogam, :?L;:. !'abadelhe, :?LQI. The later +ortu'uese collections of municipal customs note that archers should possess bo-s and demonstrate their ability -ith the -eapon to maintain their status. Costumes d)&lcDcer, <?QT6Q:. DCostumes e foros de Be5a,D <?HH. D02scalona,D IL?IHL. !&licante, L<6L;. The Muslim archers of Viseo prior to its capture by 0ernando I in :TLL had a formidable reputation for the penetration po-er of their arro-s -hich -as picked up by a number of Christian chronicles. (upposedly their arro-s could pierce a shield and then three thicknesses of mail, and 0ernando had his soldiers reinforce their shields -ith -ooden planks to counter the effect of the Muslim arro-s. Crnica Aa/erense, OP6OQ. $istoria 'ilense, :QQ6QO. )ucas de TNy, Chronicon Mundi, ;IQ. Wimenius de #ada, De rebus $ispaniae, :<L. 9hether this had any impact on the hi'h re'ard of the future kin's of +ortu'al for archers and their status remains a matter of con5ecture. O;. Ca'i'as, Los Mud:/ares? <TP. Wimenius de #ada, D.e rebus %ispaniae,D :QL. 1C+, <?PT:. %uici Miranda, Estudio sobre la campa.a de las Aavas , :T<6T;. I hope in the near future to e3amine this problem in 'reater detail in a published study. OI. D0latino Cceres,D v. !C;, :PO. !C&, :Q<. !C#, :QI. !@, :QL. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL. !@cl:s,D :I?;;I. $lcal and "cl4s also re!uired spurs. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:. !Molina 2247, PP. !&l"ambra, ;H, -hich demanded t-o saddles. !Lorita 22V5, I<:. ! L, :T. ! R, Q. !&lbR, P. D0uero de la villa de +alen uela, :<<T,D <:Q. $ male horse -as specified here. !Ledesma, <HI. OL. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, P. !&licante, IH. !Lorca, Q:6Q<. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PO. !Madrid 2373, O?LI. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O<. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D :L;6LI. OH. The minimum cost of a horse varied from to-n to to-n. 0rom the late t-elfth century throu'h the later thirteenth century these minimums varied from t-elve to thirty maraveds. !&l"ambra, ;H, ;T m.. ! L, :T, ! R, Q, !&lbR, P, all <TT solidos. D0$lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL, <T m.. !@cl:s,D :I?;;I, :< m.. D0latino Cceres,D v, :L m.. D0ernando III confirma y traslada el fuero de Toro dado por $lfonso IW, y concede uno relativo a los caballeros, :<;<,D <?LHI6HL, <T m.. !Molina 2Hc, IP, <Tm.. !Cvila 2347, IO:. !Cu:llar 2347, I;. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HH. !&tienza, HQ?<HP. ! ru/illo, f.LT. !#urgos 2347, :?OP6OQ. !#uitrago, :?O;6OI. !1e.a"iel 2347, :?QO6OT. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PQ. !Madrid 2373, O?L;. !Valladolid, :?<<L. =f this latter 'roup, >vilaCs minimum -as <T mvds., and the remainin' to-ns -ere set at ;T mvds.. OP. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?LQ<6QI. 7aime =liver $sRn, D=ri'en rabe de Crebato,C Carrobda,C y sus hom&nimos,D :L?;P<6QO. Bon alo Men4nde +idal, Los caminos en la historia de Espa.a, I<6I;. Barca B&me , D$rmas, banderas, tiendas de campaUa,D ;<?:PT6P;. 0or a basic evolution of scholarly thou'ht -ith re'ard to the stirrup, the couched lance and the feudal char'e, see? 9hite, Medieval echnolog% and 'ocial Change, :6;Q. Bachrach, DCharles Martel, Mounted (hock Combat, the (tirrup, and 0eudalism,D P?IP6PL. Nicolle, DThe Impact of the 2uropean Couched )ance,D :T?H6IT. OQ. D0N5era,D <?QL. !#enavente, <?H<H. !&, :QT. !C;, :P<. !CR, Q?:Q. !Laguna de Aegrillos, <?:PP. !CM, ;:H. !C&, :PL. !C#, :PP. !@, :PP. !Milmanda, <?:Q:. !Lamora 235V, IT. !&lba de ormes, ;;P6;Q. !1arga, :H?HL<. !Len 23H5, <?;:L. !Ledesma, <PO6QT. !&r:valo 2347, :?<HP. 1rivilegio de Escalona H6462372, :?:PO. !Madrid 2373, O?LI. !'anabria, :;?<QH. !Valladolid, :?<<L. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O:6O<. Coria, Castello6Bom, Cceres and "sa're stipulated that the supplier should add t-enty cords for the support of the tent, -hile (anabria described its tent as a tienda cabdal, indicatin' that the si e of the tent should be substantial. $lba de Tormes did not put the tent in a campai'n conte3t, but placed it in a cate'ory -ith the horse and arms of a kni'ht as items -hich should be inherited collectively by a son from a father. $lvar, D2studio,D POP. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?QHH6HP. $mon' the e3amples in 2scorial T.I.:, Cantigas <Q and :HL are representative. OO. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !@cl:s,D :I?;<O. $larc&n specified a chain of <TT links -ithout mentionin' collars, and "cl4s noted neither links nor collars. In all of the "ueros of the Cuenca6Teruel family a booty share -as 'iven for the contribution of a chain, -hile at "cl4s a fee of three maraveds -as 'iven.

QI

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -113/ 3 - THE MILITIA I$ 0E#E$%E A$0 "$ CAM*AI7$

$ municipal militia -as marshaled for a variety of purposes. 9hen it passed throu'h the 'ates of the to-n to meet the challen'es beyond, its ob5ective mi'ht be the sie'e of another to-n or fortress, a booty6'atherin' foray, an attack upon hostile forces -ithin its o-n boundaries, or union -ith a lar'e royal e3pedition of -hich it -ould constitute only a small part. $ myriad of terms e3ists to define these various activities, and the charters and chronicles are not al-ays consistent in their usa'e. This spectrum of service opportunities can be divided into t-o basic cate'ories? defensive and offensive. I - The Militias in 0e;ense In the performance of defensive tasks the municipalities made their 'reatest contribution to the monarch. The frontier to-ns constituted throu'h their settlement pattern and their military preparedness a defense in depth. $s stron' points scattered alon' the frontier of the Iberian Christian kin'doms, they buffered the rear areas a'ainst Muslim attack. The to-ns 'ave -arnin' of an approachin' enemy force, harassed it on the march and, on occasion, defeated it in battle -ith their militias. Moreover, the militias remained on alert for the smaller Muslim raidin' forays, styled rebatos and arrobdas, th-artin' their assaults -henever possible. These to-ns absorbed much of the impetus of the Muslim military effort, addin' many impediments to enemy campai'nin'. In the process of makin' this manifold contribution, -114/ they eased the burden of the monarchs they served as -ell as providin' security for their o-n daily life. .efensive operations -ere not an easy cate'ory of military endeavor, since most of the ordinary advanta'es sou'ht in combat had to be relin!uished. The attackin' force usually possessed initiative, plannin' and surprise. (mall raidin' forays often evaporated before the to-n could or'ani e a resistance force, -hile a lar'e army usually proved beyond the capacity of a sin'le municipality to contain. The defenders had a better kno-led'e of the terrain, the incentive of defendin' their o-n lands, and the hope that the invaders -ould make a serious mistake. (ince the to-nsmen needed to protect their families, possessions, crops and livestock -hile maintainin' permanent settlement on an e3posed frontier, the offensive capabilities of the invaders had to be countered. (urvival meant a mastery of the techni!ues of defensive -arfare, and this challen'e faced the to-ns from the moment of their establishment. Moreover, it -as a need to be met lar'ely by their o-n resources. The municipal defensive capability developed especially in the eleventh and t-elfth centuries -hich provided the conte3t to brin' it to maturity. .urin' this period the strikin' penetration of the Trans6.uero and +ortu'al by 0ernando I and $lfonso VI opened frontier areas to settlement -hile e3posin' the populators to Muslim counterattack. +rior to this time, the efforts of such settlements had focused upon passive measures of defense -hich sou'ht ade!uate fortification and the protection of livestock. The $ra'onese and Navarrese determination to encroach upon the lands of Muslim Jara'o a in the upper 2bro Valley produced a similar capability for those to-ns in the later eleventh and early t-elfth centuries. The contemporary south-ard thrust of the Counts of Barcelona lar'ely devoted itself to the ac!uisition of Tarra'ona, a pro'ram in -hich small municipal settlements do not appear to play a lar'e role. In )eon and Castile, ho-ever, the a'e -itnessed the municipal efforts to or'ani e militias -hich could take more active measures in strikin' back at an enemy e3pedition. These to-n efforts to contribute to their o-n defense attracted the attention of the chroniclers by the t-elfth century, and their achievements in this endeavor probably assumed 'reater si'nificance in the lon' run than their record on offensive e3peditions. $mon' the most memorable of these defensive parries by the to-ns -ere those a'ainst Christian opponents, particularly (alamancaCs stand a'ainst 0ernando IICs army at (alvatierra de Tormes in ::H< and the sharp repulsion of the )eonese invadin' force into Castile by the militia of >vila in :<:P. /:1 -118/ The defensive system of the +eninsula and especially of the municipalities evolved steadily from its first appearance in the eleventh6century charters throu'h the more systematic formulations stated in the $lfonsine codes of the later thirteenth century, the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas. $s it developed this system displayed both active and passive attributes. The active process of assemblin' a force to seek out and destroy the invadin' enemy -as covered by the term apellido. 0rom its ori'ins as a 'eneric term for -arnin', apellido had by the later eleventh century come to si'nify the military force mustered by the to-ns to deal -ith the dan'er heralded by that -arnin'. In contrast to musters directed to-ard military activity initiated by the to-n, i.e. offensive endeavors, this situation re!uired rapid assembly under the impendin' threat of enemy attack. The forces QL

summoned by the apellido -ere e3pected to meet the enemy e3pedition in the field, to defeat it if possible, or harry its pro'ress if that force proved too lar'e. The passive side of defense consisted in the maintenance of an efficient -arnin' procedure and a reliable system of -alls and to-ers. Moreover, to-nsmen -ere en5oined to e3ercise 'reat vi'ilance and e3treme caution -hen an enemy invadin' force -as in the re'ion. The nature of the frontier induced a continual -artime mode of livin' -hich must have e3erted a relentless price in stress. F3I &pellido service clearly dealt -ith t-o types of military musters. 2ither some kind of invadin' or raidin' force had entered the surroundin' countryside /alfo 1 of the to-n and re!uired an immediate counterattack, or a royal force of some si e sou'ht a re'ional muster to deal -ith a lar'e scale attack, an announcement -hich anticipated a contin'ent from the to-n to s-ell the kin'Cs ranks. In either incidence of imminent military dan'er, the lacompelled those citi ens -ith militia responsibilities to assemble in the pla a of the to-n or to seek out the standard of the to-n council -herever it mi'ht be located. The development of the active defensive posture that the -ord apellido su''ests be'ins to appear in the later eleventh century. 23cludin' the charter of +eUafiel of OI< in -hich it is probably a later interpolation, the )eonese6Castilian kin's be'in to utili e the term -ith the charters 'ranted by 0ernando I to a number of +ortu'uese to-ns by :THL, follo-ed by the charters 'iven by $lfonso VI to the Castilian to-ns of +alen uela /:TPI1, N5era /:TPH1 and (epNlveda /:TPH1. $ra'onese evidence starts -ith +edro ICs charter to Barbastro in ::TT. Catalan sources indicate no use of the term -hatsoever, and defensive obli'ation is probably presumed under the terms of hoste and caval'ada. /;1 By the end of the t-elfth century the Navarrese monarchy, reactin' to the pressures e3erted by nei'hborin' Castile and $ra'on, compelled a number of to-ns to 'o beyond the one soldier per householder rule for offensive -115/ e3peditions, dispatchin' all able6bodied men -ith arms to the apellido. /I1 By the end of the thirteenth century, the $lfonsine codes offer a full statement of the defensive necessities of the realm and the obli'ation of the municipal militias to respond to those needs. In the chronicle of $lfonso W, -ritten in the early fourteenth century, the term apellido has evolved into a verb form to describe the assembly of forces to deal -ith Muslim raids for :<HO./L1 The emer'ency nature of the service summoned by the apellido caused e3emptions from it to be far rarer than those of offensive service by an overall ratio of more than seven to one in )eon, Castile, Navarre and $ra'on. The infre!uency of e3emption from the obli'ation to respond to the apellido su''ests that the peninsular monarchs anticipated the renderin' of this service from most to-ns. Municipal self6defense and the security of its re'ion -ere fundamental to the to-nsC o-n interests as -ell as that of the kin'dom. In +ortu'al, -here the survival rate of municipal charters is hi'her than in the rest of Iberia, apellido appears in the charters to a far 'reater e3tent than re!uirements for offensive service until the later t-elfth century. The +ortu'uese to-ns often imposed limitations upon defensive service reminiscent of the sort identified -ith offensive service else-here. (ome localities re!uired that the militia -ould return -ithin a day of its departureE /H1 others stipulated the presence of the kin'E /P1 yet others re!uired that the enemy be Muslim to 5ustify a defensive muster. /Q1 The only other specification -hich appears -ith re'ard to the apellido in the shorter citations occurs in the $ra'onese and Navarrese charters and stipulates that the kin' must be preparin' for an actual battle to 5ustify the defensive call, lest the to-n militia be dra-n unnecessarily from its o-n defensive one. The apellido summons manifested itself in either audible or visual si'nals, portendin' the need of hasty preparations and ur'ent assembly of forces. This -arnin' -as sounded in the to-n and its al"oz by bells, horns, drums or any other instruments -hich could be heard at a distance, or visually by bonfires. The -arnin' call applied to all obli'ated persons -ithin earshot or -ho came in contact -ith another bearin' the ne-s. It applied throu'hout the entire territory under the to-nCs control, villa and aldea, and on occasion to a re'ion of to-ns. The Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa families of charters allo- the resident t-enty6four hours to locate the assembly area and take themselves there, but speed -as encoura'ed. The Coria 'roup ur'ed kni'hts to hasten at the 'allop and footsoldiers at the run to the standard. The Cuenca6Teruel charters set the distance at that -hich could be -alked in t-enty6four hours, -hile the Coria Cima6Coa set the re!uirement at t-elve hours. /O1 The almost -140/ universal re!uirement that the peones respond to the apellido distin'uishes this service notably from the offensive forms of assembly, -here footsoldiers often en5oyed e3emption or simply -ent unmentioned. The implicit philosophy behind such a distinction sa- defense as the ultimate responsibility in the face of the 'ravest kind of frontier threat, a threat -hich all citi ens must meet, re'ardless of class. The Muslim raid on Talavera of ::Q< 'enerated an apellido -ith many of the typical elements. Takin' advanta'e of some cloudy =ctober days durin' the harvest season, an $lmohad force under Ibn 9@nNdAn moved up the road from C&rdoba to-ard the central Ta5o Valley. It met and captured a Christian scoutin' party, -hose leader fled the skirmish to spread the -arnin' to the re'ion. The Muslim force bore do-n upon the to-n of Talavera and placed the municipality under sie'e, establishin' themselves in a fortified camp in hi'h 'round outside the city. The Talaveran response may have been rusty, since, accordin' to the Muslim chronicler, the only Muslims that these to-nsmen had seen in several decades -ere prisoners of -ar, but the defense alert promptly 'enerated counter forces in an attempt to drive the besie'ers from their position. The castle 'arrisons and settled areas of the vicinity 5oined -ith the Talaveran defensive forces to attempt to dislod'e the Muslims, but paid heavily for their failure -ith casualties and loss of military 'ear as the C&rdobans stood their 'round. QH

0inally, after the Muslims laden -ith their booty be'an their return to the south, a priest 'athered a force of all able6bodied Talaveran men -hich overtook the Muslim force, defeatin' the rear 'uard and recapturin' the Muslim booty. The Muslim army re'rouped and retaliated, overrunnin' the Talaverans and their booty. More than enou'h kni'hts, footsoldiers and even some non6combatant 7e-s -ere captured to assist the Cordobese in carryin' their loot back to $ldalusia. /:T1 Thus, the apellido, -hile musterin' a militia mildly out of practice in defendin' itself, roused a force sufficient to defend the re'ion. Thou'h the Christians suffered ultimate defeat, Talavera itself did not fall, and the Muslim force had no opportunity to push beyond Talavera to Toledo or the to-ns of the 7arama6Man anares valley to the north. It is interestin' that much of this day to day frontier conflict by the municipalities -as reported more fre!uently in the Muslim chronicles than in the Christian accounts. The monkish Christian chroniclers of the t-elfth century paid little heed to the emer'in' municipalities. The Muslims -ho had to face them in combat had better reasons to remember. =nce the militia had been mustered to resist the invader, the ur'ency of the situation and the numbers of the enemy determined or'ani ation, -141/ tactics and the len'th of the campai'n. $s noted in Chapter 0ive, many to-ns retained a reserve force held back from offensive and defensive e3peditions to 'arrison their -alls and the fortified places of the re'ion. 9hile militiamen must have e3perienced more than sufficient difficulties in readyin' themselves on short notice, to-ns often e3pected their mustered contin'ents to provide provisions for themselves./::1 The official in char'e of the apellido force dre- a substantial fine in the Coria Cima6Coa to-ns if the forces he mustered took provisions from the residents of the surroundin' countryside / aldeas1 or if he brou'ht alon' any unauthori ed 'uests -ho did so. This must have struck the t-elfth6century mind as a kind of military 5unket so popular -ith t-entieth6century le'islators. /:<1 The charters do not elaborate the tactical or'ani ation for the defense, causin' one to assume that march order and battle techni!ues conformed to those used in offensive -arfare. The true difference bet-een the offensive "onsado and the emer'ency force convoked by the apellido lay not in the manner in -hich each fou'ht, but the causes for summonin' the militia at the outset. If this difference imposed itself on battlefield operations, the influencin' factors -ere lar'ely the hasty or'ani ation of troops, the lack of pre6combat plannin', and a understren'th militia due to the suddenness of the call. 23cuse from the apellido, -hen permitted, re!uired an important personal reason to avoid a fine. The most common e3cuses -ere absence from the to-n, failin' to hear the -arnin' sounded, and illness. 8ni'hts also 'ained e3cuses if their horses -ere in5ured, ailin', had recently died, or -ere other-ise unavailable. /:;1 The Coria Cima6Coa charters, revealin' a suspicion to-ard kni'hts -ho employed one of the e!uine e3emptions, applied severe sanctions a'ainst an individual -ho tried to substitute another animal for a horse, attempted to 'ive his horse to another person for the duration of the apellido call, or misstated the true condition of his mount. /:I1 This same 'roup of charters freed smiths -ho had made a specified number of plo-shares, hired hands / madieros1, and residents -ho had d-elled in the to-n for less than a year. /:L1 0ailure to appear for the apellido muster or to !ualify for either an e3cuse or an e3emption sa- the offender fined. )ittle information re'ardin' the ri'ht of appeal for such fines appears in the charters, but the Cuenca6Teruel charters 'ranted their residents three days to contest the fine after the militia had returned from the field. 0ailure to appeal -ithin this three6day limit made the fine automatic./:H1 Not all of the municipal charters state the amount of the fine that -142/ they assess for missin' the apellido, but Table Q6: in Chapter 2i'ht provides a list of the charters that do list the assessed amount. This same table compares these fines -ith the fines assessed for missin' offensive e3peditions, offerin' an interestin' parallel bet-een the e3perience of Castile and $ra'on as a'ainst that of +ortu'al and )eon. #esidents of the +ortu'uese and )eonese to-ns faced a 'reater likelihood of bein' fined for missin' the apellido than one of the offensive musters, especially the peones. This underlines the heavy stress placed on the to-nsmen for defensive activity in the t-o -estern kin'doms, and may si'nal a more constant level of raidin' from Muslim invaders attackin' throu'h the $lente5o and )eonese 23tremadura. It may also su''est that the +ortu'uese and )eonese monarchies envisioned a less ima'inative role for the to-n militias. Castile and $ra'on fined vi'orously for missin' the offensive assemblies, and clearly e3pected their to-ns to pursue the initiative -ith their militias. +resumably, the defense -ould take care of itself. The militiaCs ability to attack the enemy in the field comprised a vital part of the defensive protection of a to-n, but not its totality. The municipality depended e!ually upon its passive measure of defense, i.e. its surveillance system and its hard shell of fortifications, should the militia face an opponent too po-erful to be attacked in the field or encounter defeat in that effort. The scouts and 'uards maintained by the to-ns assured that there -ould be ample -arnin' time to prepare for possible resistance. These passive a'encies of defense probably e3isted far earlier in the #econ!uest than did the active capability, constitutin' the basic reason -hy to-nsmen could claim a section of the frontier as their o-n land. =ne term occasionally cited in connection -ith the passive defense of to-ns -as anubda, a term -hich has 'enerated a 'ood deal of scholarly debate concernin' its meanin'. The interpretative spectrum varies from the vie- that it si'nified a re!uirement for labor in the construction of fortifications analo'ous to castellarRa /+uyol y $lonso and +alome!ue Torres1, to the notion that it -as a mounted 'uard duty for livestock analo'ous to the QP

ra"ala6esculca /+escador1, or the idea that it -as a 'eneral service of -atch duty /)oscertales and Bon le 1. Bon le makes the most convincin' case in behalf of anubda bein' a form of vi'ilance service, primarily seen in Castile until the thirteenth century. /:P1 0urther investi'ation indicates that the ori'ins of the term lie in the #io5a re'ion on the frontier bet-een Navarre and Castile be'innin' in the last half of the eleventh century, and that it tended to function as a co6e!uivalent term to apellido, althou'h connotin' by its emphasis on vi'ilance -141/ a more passive means of defense. The -idespread development of apellido service in )eon may have obviated the use of such a term, althou'h anubda appears periodically in +ortu'uese "orais -here apellido -as common./:Q1 +assive defense entailed protection of t-o basic areas, the to-n itself, and its surroundin' territory, the limits of -hich -ere marked by its boundary stones. The protection of this terrain re!uired constant surveillance. To provide this, the residents kept -atches in small fortifications and to-ers situated at key positions. The kin's often 'ranted castles to assist in the surveillance of their re'ion. /:O1 (entries /velas, vigas and talaeros1 manned these positions durin' the day -hen visibility -as 'ood. The ni'ht sentries -ere sometimes called ascuchas /listeners1 -hen ears supplemented eyes as detectors of the unusual. Mounted sentinels termed arrobdas roamed the to-nCs alfo seekin' any si'ns of potential rebatos /sudden strikes by the Muslims1. /<T1 In all of this -atchfulness, protection of the municipalityCs resources, its population, its livestock and its crops, remained the chief ob5ective. $ll of these lay open to a sudden foray, but the charters indicated special concern for crops and animals. Brain and cattle 'uards dre- e3emption from military service in =viedo and $vil4s, -hile receivin' booty shares in many others./<:1 (heep and cattle rustlin', a favorite enterprise of both Christian and Muslim frontiersmen, dre- the attention of a number of the municipal charters. To-nsmen -ho pursued enemy rustlers had claim on some of the animals retaken, the amount dependin' on ho- far the chase had carried them from the to-n. The municipalities came to base a considerable portion of their economies on the livestock industry, and thus cattle and sheep stood hi'h on the priority list of spoils. Clearly a need for elaborate precautions e3isted to protect the territorial boundaries. (hould the security measures detect a raidin' party, fires provided a useful means of spreadin' the alarmE the i'niters strove to make their si'nal fires smoke for daytime si'nalin', and to flame brilliantly for ni'ht6time visibility./<<1 =nce the alfo resounded and 'lo-ed -ith the si'nals of alarm, this tri''ered the defensive muster of the militia, transformin' passive surveillance into active defense. 9hen all else failed, the municipality relied upon the hard shell of its -alls, -hich -ere e3cept in the event of an e3tended and unrelieved sie'e or a surprise penetration, invulnerable to an enemy assault. The fortifications increased the effectiveness of the defenders by a substantial factor, since fe-er individuals -ere needed to defend a -all effectively than -ere re!uired to assault it. Much municipal le'islation dealt -ith the to-n -alls, includin' their construction, maintenance and repair. /<;1 (uch an -144/ interest made 'ood sense, 'iven the keenness of both Muslim and Christian armies to destroy -alls in order to break resistance or curtail the ability of residents to remain settled in that particular area. 0rom the famous destruction of )eonCs to-n -alls by the Cordoban army in OO;, the fortification smashin' spree of 2mir c$lA ibn6,Nsuf a'ainst the Man anares to-ns in ::TO, and $rchbishop Belmire Cs use of his Balician militias to destroy the -alls of some of the troublesome local nobility near (antia'o in ::<: and ::;T, ample indications of the value of -alls appear in the chronicles. (hortly after their establishment to-ns like Ciudad #odri'o ea'erly sou'ht to 'ird themselves in stone. =n occasion, -all6buildin' had to be restricted, as -as the case -hen Bishop #amiro and 8in' (ancho the (tron' of Navarre curbed the a''ressive construction of internal barriers by the hostile barrios of deeply divided +amplona in :<<<./<I1 To-ns derived the not inconsiderable resources re!uired for -all buildin' and maintenance throu'h ta3ation, then apparently payin' residents -ho performed fortification service a salary dra-n from these revenues. =nly the determination to increase the kni'htly class for the assault on $ndalusia seems to have persuaded the )eonese and Castilian monarchs to e3empt that class from the payment of these fortification ta3es.
/<L1

.eliberate dama'e to the municipal fortifications could be heavily fined, as Vi'uera did -ith a five hundred sueldo amercement for breakin' a -all, si3ty for harmin' a 'ate and ten for dama'in' any other aperture in the -alls./<H1 %eavy finin' in these instances su''ests that malicious dama'e to the municipal defenses placed the char'e of traitor upon the perpetrator, for the -alls constituted the only salvation for to-ns such Coimbra /:::P1, %uete /::P<1 and (antar4m /::QI1 -hen they had to endure their lon' sie'es. /<P1 9hen the threat of such serious assaults arose, the residents of the countryside could find shelter -ith their livestock -ithin the fortifications, forcin' the enemy to mount a sie'e in order to control the area and tie do-n the 'arrison. (hould the invader fail to detach some of the stren'th of his e3peditionary force to provide a containment force, he became liable to a rear assault from the to-nCs militia. "ndertakin' a formal sie'e cost time and casualties -hile obviatin' other ob5ectives -hich the e3pedition mi'ht have been pursuin'. (ie'es had a hi'h failure rate /-itness the numerous Muslim attempts to retake Toledo1, and e3peditions -hich s!uandered their resources in time and ener'y in these operations stood the risk of returnin' empty6handed. Thus, every -alled to-n on a line of march presented a dilemma in its balance bet-een opportunity and frustration. -142/

QQ

The to-n -alls fulfilled their function only -hen properly manned. The charters of Teruel and $lbarracRn offer particularly detailed accounts of their -atch procedures. (entinels /velas1 received salaries, carried heavy responsibilities and -ere policed by an overseer /sobrevela1. 2ach to-er alon' the -alls re!uired t-o sentinels, -ith fines established in those instances -hen the sentinels failed to appear. The overseer checked the dro-siness of his char'es -ith periodic challen'es, -ith finin' a'ain the penalty for failure to respond -ithin three calls. The sentinels kept their stations from sunset to the matins mass, facin' fines for late arrival or premature departure. The functionary kno-n as the /anitor or portero retained custody over the 'ates of the to-n. %is tasks included the closin' and the openin' of the 'ates at the prescribed times /usually sunset and sunrise1. %e -as fined heavily for procedural violations and a-arded a share of booty since he could not serve on campai'ns./<Q1 T-o occasions seemed e3ceptionally threatenin' to the municipalities? harvest time and after the militia had departed on campai'n. These periods offered the 'reatest probability of an enemy raid or a surprise sie'e. The harvest presented an enticin' tar'et for raiders, -hile the campai'n season sa- the to-nCs military resources fully committed in the field. To diminish this risk many to-ns never permitted more than a portion of their militia to take to the field at one time, as is especially note-orthy in the (alamanca6NumMo and >vila6Vvora patterns of charters. The chroniclersC accounts of both Muslim and Christian styles of sie'ecraft indicated a decided preference for surprise, attack in bad -eather or at ni'ht, and the fre!uent employment of fire as both a -eapon of surprise and of e3tended sie'e. 0or all of these the to-n had to ready its defenses. 9ith the militia absent, special concern manifested itself re'ardin' ni'ht6time security and the movements of stran'ers in the municipality. (unset brou'ht the closin' of the 'ates, marked by the clashin' of cymbals or the rin'in' of bells -hich announced the commencement of ni'ht security rules. $t this point stran'ers lackin' a proper reason for remainin' -ithin the to-n overni'ht -ere e3pelled. If the re'ular 5ue and the alcaldes commanded the departed militia, the conce/o appointed an interim /uez and t-o alcaldes to 'overn the to-n. In addition to the to-er 'uards, the to-n placed sentinels in each parish / collacin1 and barrio. The sobrevelas patrolled the streets, e3chan'ed pass-ords -ith the various sentries, and coordinated the surveillance in their area. The la- re!uired anyone movin' in the streets of the to-n after sunset -143/ to carry a li'ht. The violators faced immediate arrest and incarceration./<O1 In the Cuenca6Teruel charter to-ns, those apprehended for this reason faced the /uez the follo-in' day. If the offender -ere a resident, he -as liable to be stripped and beaten, then releasedE should the offender prove to be a stran'er, the 5ue ordered him e3ecuted./;T1 0ire loomed as a matter of 'rave concern. In any medieval to-n it constituted a serious ha ard, but on the Iberian frontier fire sa- fre!uent usa'e as a tactic of surprise attack, sometimes bein' i'nited by a conspirator -ithin the municipal -alls. The outbreak of a confla'ration initiated hasty emer'ency procedures desi'ned to contain and e3tin'uish the bla e before it ra'ed throu'h many districts of the to-n. 9hile the fire absorbed the complete attention of the residents, the same conspirator or his confederates -ould thro- open the 'ates to an a-aitin' enemy force. The /uez and the alcaldes cast anyone suspected of plannin' such a scheme out of the to-n, or imprisoned them until the conce5o and the militia returned from the campai'n. 0or this reason the charters ur'ed the to-nsmen to assure themselves that individuals -ere 'uardin' the to-n 'ates before devotin' their entire concern to any fire that broke out, -hatever the cause. The !uero de 1lasencia hints at the revivin' classicism of the era by makin' a very pointed analo'y to the fall of Troy in advisin' this precaution. The charters recommended the same procedures be follo-ed durin' the 'rain harvest in $u'ust. /;:1 .efense of the to-n -as a life or death matter on the Iberian frontier, thus harsh penalties -ere a necessity to stren'then internal discipline. The municipalities thus combined their active and passive measures of defense to procure the overall protection of their territory and -alls. The militia summoned by the apellido, coordinated -ith the fortifications and au'mented by the vi'ilance of the residents, proved a combination indispensable to the protection of the to-n and its inhabitants. 9hen the varied tasks and duties -ere performed efficiently, an enemy e3pedition could cross the deep frontier one only -ith considerable effort and care. If the Christian to-ns, like the crusader castles of the Near 2ast, did not form an impenetrable -all to Muslim invasion, they at least served as a defense in depth to entan'le, delay and on occasion overcome the enemy e3pedition. More important, this system stren'thened municipal resistance to the steady harassment of frontier raidin', enablin' the to-nsmen to carve out a permanent place on the Iberian frontier. -144/ II - The Militias in ";;ensi9e @ar;are The to-ns possessed a respectable defensive capability from at least the eleventh century on-ard. $n offensive capability, i.e. tactical and strate'ic military activity planned and initiated by the municipalities and includin' lon'6distance campai'ns -ith prolon'ed fi'htin', emer'ed some-hat later, havin' come -ithin the capacity of the to-ns in the t-elfth century. The chronicles be'in to discuss the urban militias in this role as early as the rei'n of $lfonso VII of )eon6Castile /::<H6LP1, and the charters of the late t-elfth century are the first to concern themselves -ith the problems created by campai'ns of lon' duration. The to-ns 'ive indications of this offensive role both in the campai'ns undertaken at their o-n volition and in campai'ns -here they served as a QO

part of forces or'ani ed by the kin' and his representatives. In both cate'ories the militias 're- in si e and in capability durin' the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. $ survey of the municipal charters and the royal codes indicates t-o fundamental types of -arfare? lar'e6scale pitched battles and smaller skirmishes and raids. The 'iete partidas defines the first cate'ory as a conflict bet-een lar'e armies -ith or'ani ed divisions. These batallas /as the code defines them1 presupposed battle si'nals in the maneuverin' of units and the maintainin' of a reserve force by both commanders. /;<1 To-nsmen formed a part in this type of combat at least as early as the campai'ns of #odri'o Bunsalvo a'ainst (eville durin' $lfonso VIICs rei'n, and -ere similarly in evidence at $larcos /::OL1 and )as Navas de Tolosa /:<:<1. =n such occasions the militias dre- placement in one of the three for-ard -in's, probably bein' reformed into lar'er infantry and cavalry blocs -ith other militias. The (antar4m charters indicate that the +ortu'uese kin's redivided all kni'hts e3ceedin' the basic levy of si3ty into their e3peditionary force as they sa- fit. /;;1 Commanders tended to retain a lar'e reserve, usually consistin' of cavalry, to be committed at the critical moment -hen victory hun' in the balance. Commanders directed these batallas primarily throu'h si'nals and standards, the only means of controllin' the movements of a lar'e army once action had commenced. Much of this may have been learned in the many decades of e3perience ac!uired in fi'htin' Muslim armies, -hich employed such techni!ues. Battle standards appear in the Mo arabic manuscripts from the tenth century on-ard. The charter of Molina de $ra'&n /::L<6LH1 first noted concern amon' the urban "ueros re'ardin' -ho should bear the to-n standard. )eonese charters demonstrated a stron' tendency to 'rant military -148/ service e3cuses for standard bearers, 'ivin' them four e3cuses in the Castello6#odri'o, Castel Melhor and in the city of )eon, ei'ht in (anabria, and t-elve in the Benavente6Milmanda 'roup. In the Cordilleran charters of Castile and $ra'on, $lfambra and the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns, municipal officers 'ranted more compensation for any lost lance -ith some kind of standard attached to it./;I1 The municipal concern for protectin' the standards 're- more noticeable -ith the "uero of C&rdoba in :<I:, -hich re!uired that the city officials retain possession of the standard in the field, 'uarded by t-elve -ell armed kni'hts -ho had mail for themselves and for their horses. 0ernando IIICs charters to the 23tremaduran to-ns in :<LT specified that the /uez ou'ht to bear the standard. The $lfonsine codes shared this concern, kno-in' that units and even entire armies -ould flee the battlefield if a co-ardly standard6bearer ran -ith a conce/o or royal standard. By the same token, enemy standards 'arnered lar'e re-ards for anyone -ho captured them, broke them, or brou'ht them do-n in some -ay. /;L1 Biven the crucial role -hich standards played on the battlefield, the Esp:culo made a point of su''estin' that they be kept out of the hands of the reckless and the accident6prone. The municipalities had been providin' kni'hts for the e3peditionary armies since the eleventh century. In the s-ift6strikin' en'a'ements of the Iberian frontier, the mobility and shock characteristics of these -arriors proved indispensable. The t-elfth and thirteenth centuries -itnessed an increased utili ation of footsoldiers, a resource especially dra-n from the to-ns. 23act numerical levies are rare in the records of this a'e, but one interestin' e3ample e3ists for the militarily active to-n of >vila in the rei'n of $lfonso W. In a year -hen they paid a half "onsadera fee and therefore sent half of their normal full levy, seventy kni'hts and five hundred footsoldiers 5oined -ith the kin'Cs army at )eon. /;H1 If this levy -as in any -ay typical, it indicates that by the thirteenth century the forces sent by the to-ns -ere primarily infantry. The $lfonsine code cautions commanders to learn -ell the capabilities and limitations of such troops. Battles such as )as Navas tau'ht the lesson of mi3in' infantry and cavalry to secure the advanta'es of both, -hile the 1artidas conversely ur'ed commanders to attempt the separation of the enemyCs foot and horse by the use of cavalry flank attacks. The authors of the code reco'ni ed the infantryCs ability to hold hi'h 'round, and by advisin' leaders to strike at the enemy footsoldiers in open country -here cavalry possessed the advanta'e, they -ere clearly su''estin' that open country -as the very place to avoid for oneCs o-n unprotected infantry. The -145/ 'iete partidas also recommends attackin' enemy infantry -ith the sun and -ind at oneCs o-n back, indicatin' that the authors kneof standard ancient tactical advice for the e3ploitation of the elements./;P1 In addition to the 'reat combats or batallas, many smaller kinds of frays made up the more fre!uent and typical combat e3pectations of the municipal militias. These smaller scale raids, far more fre!uent in their daily life than the 'rander batallas, provided the trainin' 'round -here the militias could sharpen their fi'htin' skills. The municipal documents use a variety of terms to describe them, amon' the most common are? lid, facienda, rebato./;Q1 (ome charters defined such minor encounters by their nearness to the to-n of its supportive fortifications, as cerca de villa or cerca de castillo as at (aha'Nn. By far, the most -idely used term -as lid, -hich described any conflict from a small cavalry skirmish to a small battle. The 'iete partidas divided these smaller conflicts into -ell6planned battles -hich involved some prearran'ement of forces by the commanders /"aciendas1 and unplanned skirmishes / lides1./;O1Lid -as also cited as a -ord meanin' duel, and the eleventh century fuero of (epNlveda distin'uished duels from combats a'ainst the enemies of the municipality by the term lid campal. The term en5oyed -ide usa'e in northeastern Castile, the #io5a and $ra'on in the late eleventh century, spreadin' over Castile and )eon in the t-elfth. C&rdoba, Carmona, $licante and )orca restricted such conflicts e3clusively to en'a'ements -ith the Muslims. /IT1 These smaller en'a'ements, -hatever the name, could be both the principal concern of an urban e3pedition or one of the several minor battles it fou'ht in the course of OT

a lon', collaborative e3pedition. 2ither -ay such conflicts provided the prime portion of the combat e3perience -hich the municipal militiaman could e3pect in his lifetime of frontier military service. The city officials customarily held the command of the militia at least until the municipal muster 5oined a lar'er force. The royal representative, the se.or, led the militia in the Cuenca6Teruel charter to-ns, assisted by the /uez and the alcaldes of the various parishes / colla<iones1. Those -ho challen'ed the ri'ht of these officers to command ha arded the risk of stiff penalties for conspiracy. $t the same time the kni'hts of the (antar4m charter to-ns of +ortu'al maintained their privile'e of selectin' the alcaldes -ho -ould lead their mounted raids /cavalgadas1 on the e3pedition./I:1 C&rdoba, Carmona, $licante and )orca put the /uez in char'e of the e3peditionary force, -hile TNy and 0uentes de la $lcarria marched out beneath the standard of their bishop and archbishop, respectively. "sa're specified service under the direction of the Master of (antia'o, instead. /I<1 The men in command bore responsibility in turn for the selection of -120/ vital functionaries needed for the campai'n. The militia re!uired reconnaissance -hile on the march, and the commanders thou'ht it particularly important to select 'ood scouts /atala%eros1. Individuals had to possess healthy horses to !ualify for the position, for -hich they received fees dra-n from the sale of booty taken on campai'n. In the (antar4m to-ns of +ortu'al, the kin' and the to-ns a'reed each to provide one half of the scouts for their 5oint e3peditions. Biven the popularity of ambush and surprise in Iberian -arfare, 'ood scouts played an essential role in any commanderCs plansE -ithout their services the militia moved blindly in the field, especially -hen it penetrated enemy territory. 0or si able e3peditions the municipality utili ed herdsmen / pastores1 and -atchmen /guardadores1 both to care for the militiaCs pack animals and for any four6footed booty rustled -hile on campai'n /at least in the charters from the cattle6raisin' territories ad5acent to the Iberian Cordillera1. These 'uards, like the scouts, received salaries for the performance of these duties. To discoura'e the theft of their char'es, the 'iete partidas recommended that the 'uards be chosen especially for their trust-orthy !ualities and that they be paid early and -ell. The municipal councils could also re!uire that these animal custodians provide bondsmen to vouch for their honesty. 2li'ible residents of the to-ns seem to have coveted the positions of scout and cattle 'uard, and the Cuenca6Teruel charters re!uired that the municipal officials distribute such posts e!ually amon' the districts of the to-n./I;1 The spiritual, physical and material needs of the campai'n like-ise re!uired attention. Clerics obtained a salary for 5oinin' the e3pedition as chaplains in (anabria, and probably in most other to-ns as -ell. (ur'eons /maestros de las llagas1 and doctors /"sicos1 dre- fees for renderin' medical assistance to the -ounded, the fee dependent on the severity of the -ound./II1 The material support of the militia belon'ed in the hands of the 9uadrilleros, individuals selected by the residents from each district to keep track of animals, meat provision and booty durin' the campai'n. The temptations to embe lement implicit in this position caused the municipal officials to insulate themselves from the threat by remuneratin' the office -ell and by punishin' derelictions of duty -ith severity. ?uadrilleros ou'ht to possess the !ualities of loyalty, 'ood 5ud'ment and patience as the authors of 'iete partidas sa- it, if anythin' a tacit understatement of the 5ob re!uirements. /IL1 (upply became an increasin'ly complicated problem for to-nsmen, particularly durin' the e3tended campai'ns of the Cordilleran militias of Castile and $ra'on. The forays of one, t-o or three days common -121/ durin' the eleventh and early t-elfth centuries must have been simple affairs from the point of vie- of lo'istics, but in e3tendin' the campai'n time into -eeks and even months the !uestion of provisions became critical. The methods of supplyin' provisions varied from place to place. In eleventh6century +alen uela, for e3ample, the kin'Cs seUor provided the necessary food for campai'ns. The Navarrese and $ra'onese charters of the early t-elfth century re!uired the militiamen to brin' an amount of food sufficient for three days. =n occasion to-ns not servin' 'ave supplies to those -ho -ere. /IH1 In most cases the militiamen seem to have provided for themselves on the march. The Cordilleran charters of Cuenca6Teruel discuss the possibility of huntin' as a supplement to the meat diet, and char'e the alcaldes -ith the responsibility for portionin' the 'ame properly amon' the collaciones and se8mos of the militia. These charters also allo- for the distribution of meat from the animals taken as booty in the campai'n. The 'iete partidas established stern penalties, includin' imprisonment -ith short rations, for those -ho recklessly or 'luttonously s!uandered valuable provisions./IP1 9ith the increasin' supply needs, pack animals became all the more valuable. Moreover as the campai'n pro'ressed, the militia suffered its share of casualties, layin' yet 'reater stress upon the available beasts of burden. The ill, the -ounded, the a'ed prisoners and even the corpses of the dead re!uired animals for transportation back to the to-n. The 9uadrilleros took char'e of assi'nin' animals from the available pool for these purposes, riskin' a fine if they failed in their responsibilities. This same area of lo'istical mana'ement re!uired that the 9uadrilleros supervise the animal tenders, -ho ac!uired additional char'es in the form of animal booty taken on the campai'n. $ny 'uards -ho mistreated the bestias in his care could be replaced and deprived of his fee, and they -ere also responsible for payin' for any animals they lost. /IQ1 Thus the military e3peditions supplied themselves by brin'in' -hat they could from their home base, by re!uisitionin' victuals and animals from any to-ns or villa'es -hich o-ed them, and finally by huntin' and fora'in'. The municipal officials sa- to it that their part in this process -as handled smoothly and e!uitably. O:

The municipal officials did not necessarily lead the militia in combat. 2ven if they maintained some kind of overall responsibility, they usually provided small unit commanders if ma5or conflicts loomed durin' the course of a campai'n. The selection of commanders /caudillos1 imposed the al-ays challen'in' task of definin' leadership and reco'ni in' it in the potential commander. The $lphonsine 'iete partidas took the vie- that !ualities of leadership -ere innate and developed most readily by -122/ the -ell born and hi'hly positioned. Nevertheless, it recommended intelli'ence as a particular consideration in a-ardin' command positions. The Esp:culo added loyalty and 'ood 5ud'ment as the marks of leadership, -hile pointin' out that bad leaders performed in a disloyal manner, permitted discord amon' the follo-ers throu'h their dilatory and -eak6-illed style, and indicated bad 5ud'ment in battle -hich led to their consistently bein' defeated. This society had little use for losers./IO1 'iete partidas established the criteria for both cavalry and infantry commanders. The code re!uired that the mounted adalid should be an e3perienced horseman and -arrior, approved by other veteran commanders for his potential ability. Beyond this, it assi'ned rather 'eneral !ualities to such a leader? intelli'ence, stren'th, prudence and loyalty. In discussin' the !ualifications of the infantry commander, the almocad:nU $lfonsoCs 1artidas offered 'reater specification. The almocadenes char'ed -ith his selection sou'ht an e3perienced infantryman for the position. %is superiors -ei'hed his bravery, stren'th, s-iftness in drivin' to-ard an ob5ective, loyalty and ability to command respect amon' the peones. 2ven a potential infantry commanderCs skill in 'ivin' medical treatment -as taken into account. =ne senses here the imposition of a realistic set of !ualifications for leadership at the footsoldierCs level, since aristocratic criteria -ere removed from consideration. "pon the appointment of the ne- almocad:nU he obtained 'ood clothin' and a lance -ith his o-n pennant affi3ed to serve as a position marker for campsite and battlefield. /LT1 %o- often the authorities actually applied these ideal standards to individual instances remains unkno-n. $lfonsoCs codes tended to be rather practical on military matters, and one infers that leaders sou'ht these desirable characteristics in their commanders on the basis of much unpleasant e3perience in combat. Intelli'ence information -as of ma5or concern on the march, especially in enemy territory. This included information re'ardin' the terrain as -ell as the enemy likely to be encountered. The scouts had the task of doin' much of this -ork but they -ere not the only sources of information, as the Cuenca6Teruel charters -ould indicate. $nyone -ho brou'ht information re'ardin' a Muslim force or movement of troops to the e3peditionary force could e3pect a re-ard, provided that victory resulted -hen the hueste acted on this kno-led'e. In addition, those -ho -ere sent to 'ather intelli'ence by spyin' directly on the enemy could receive, at the direction of the royal se.or or the alcaldes, half of the booty 'ained in action resultin' from their reports. /L:1 Notable in both these e3amples is the business6like approach of payin' only for results, and not merely for information. -121/ Bounty huntin' also proved useful as a source of intelli'ence, insti'ated by the commandersC keen interest in reducin' the military e3pertise on the Muslim side. )eadin' the conce/o to the -hereabouts of an Islamic commander 'ained the informer ten maraveds, -ith five more for personal identification of the individual. =nce taken into custody, the conce/o had complete latitude in dealin' -ith Muslim adalides, includin' the ri'ht to e3ecute such leaders, unless the kin' advanced a si'nificant fee to secure possession of them. /L<1 Bounties like these -ould hardly have been paid out of the limited conce/o funds unless intelli'ence information held 'reat value for the municipal militias. $t the same time that the e3pedition commanders sou'ht intelli'ence information re'ardin' the position and the number of the enemy, they had to attend to their o-n security. The 'iete partidas offered some 'eneral counsel for an army on the march. (tandards and banners served to keep the different components of the army in order and inform the leader of the location of each of his units. The code recommended an e3tended line of march as a'ainst scattered columns marchin' abreast, a precaution necessitated not only by security but by the nature of the peninsular medieval roads./L;1 By the mid6t-elfth century it had become customary to divide lar'e armies into for-ard and rear components. The charters referred to the for-ard division as the algara -hile 'iete partidas described it as the delantera. The algara, a term derived from the $rabic for foray or raid, seems to have consisted of the best -arriors of -hom most if not all -ere kni'hts. The sources described the algara as mobile and capable of actin' as an independent raidin' force as -ell as bein' detached for a variety of smaller sorties -ith limited ob5ectives. (hould the al'ara encounter a lar'er enemy body, try to force an impeded passa'e, or undertake the sie'e of a fortification or to-n, it could then be re5oined by the lar'er rear 'uard to reinforce the total attackin' force./LI1 The zaga constituted the rear 'uard or reserve. %ere a'ain in the terminolo'y employed, one sees evidence of likely Muslim influence, since a'a found its ori'ins in $rabic, -here it means rear 'uard. The zaga usually comprised the slo-er movin' peones, -ho played an important part in lar'e pitched battles and sie'es but other-ise handicapped the raidin' activity of the advanced force. The 'iete partidas also noted that the difficulties connected -ith fi'htin' a lar'e force approachin' from the rear demanded a lar'er protective buffer in that !uarter./LL1 The municipal sources cited the use of this rear 'uard initially in +ortu'al, -here it appears at Tomar, +ombal and Bermanello durin' the -124/ rei'n of $fonso I. The (antar4m family from ::PO mandated that the municipal kni'hts from these to-ns could not 5oin the zaga in a royal military e3pedition, but should O<

5oin the for-ard delanteira. The Cuenca 'roup of charters included a discussion of the separation of the algara and the zaga, indicatin' an even division of troops bet-een the t-o forces -ith remnants stayin' in the rear. Curiously, $ra'onese Teruel and $lbarracRn lack this la-. >vilaCs chronicle records an interestin' e3ample of the 5oinin' and re5oinin' of the kni'hts to the zaga by its o-n militia at the sie'e of 7a4n in :<IL6IH. /LH1 To reinforce security, scouts and sentinels patrolled the flanks and front of the line of march as the militia advanced. +ack trains re!uired similar protection, and the pro3imity of 'rass and -ater had to be considered in addition to security. .an'ers threatened the return march from enemy territory to an even 'reater e3tent than the initial penetration. The -arriors, into3icated -ith victory and their 'uard lo-ered, moved more slo-ly as they bore home-ard -ith their spoils. They stood hi'hly vulnerable to surprise attack, especially in the case of stra''lers. The 1artidas mi'ht -ell have added that an army movin' in enemy territory lon' enou'h to collect booty had also permitted the enemy sufficient reaction time to rally an emer'ency force and commence pursuit, as the classic instance of (ancho the %unchback and his $bulense militia so amply testified in ::P;. /LP1 9hile on campai'n any militia stood in fear of ambush / cetadaI, a tactic -hich en5oyed considerable popularity on both sides of the frontier areas of difficult passa'e, such as passes, marshes, ravines or any place -here the formation of the hueste into battle order could not be done !uickly, provided the most likely ambush situations. The 'iete partidas advised the avoidance of such dan'erous places, if possibleE lackin' that option, commanders sent forces to secure the problematic area prior to the arrival of the for-ard elements. (hould the initial probin' force find the position already in enemy hands and no other alternative route available, the for-ard elements a-aited the arrival of the zaga, 5oinin' -ith it to force passa'e by a pitched battle. $mbushes also served to cut an army off from its base or point of ori'in if launched a'ainst the rearE preventin' that possibility constituted another 'ood reason for maintainin' a lar'e a'a. ,et the 'iete partidas cautioned a'ainst over6concentration to face a sudden attack, remindin' commanders that such strikes mi'ht be a feint. 23cessive troop concentration mustered at one place to meet a feint invited a more serious assault from another direction. In the final analysis, -122/ the best defense a'ainst the rela3ation in security -hich mi'ht provoke an ambush lay in maintainin' a constant state of readiness -hile on the march. Thus, should the enemy sta'e a sudden assault, the reaction -ould be refle3ive and instantaneous./LQ1 The municipal charters and the $lfonsine codes offer detailed comment on the proper methods of encampment. )eaders should locate such camps near -ater and 'rass, a-ay from hi'h 'round and marshes, and contoured to the land forms. The commander and his chief unit leaders moved -ith the for-ard element of the army to select the proper site, post 'uards, and plant the unit standards to locate the various elements of the e3peditionary force. 9ithin the campsite they established paths, leavin' a cleared area in the center for rapid muster, even di''in' a ditch around the camp if they anticipated a lon' stay. The 'iete partidas advocated dispatchin' scouts to secure the re'ion and keepin' the mounted -arriors on horseback until the zaga had arrived at the site. Buards remained -ith the ba''a'e train until it -as safely sheltered in the camp. /LO1 The Cuenca6Teruel "ueros tell us that the to-ns vie-ed the encampment as any place the militia stopped for the ni'ht or to make bread, callin' such a place a posada. =nce settled, the 5ue and the alcaldes, accompanied by the records clerk, toured the entire camp notin' the location of tents, men, animals and e!uipment. The ne3t mornin' they took account of any items missin', and if someone had fled the camp durin' the ni'ht he -as presumed to be a deserter to the enemy. $ll the men in the immediate posada area -ere held responsible for any of their party -ho -ere missin', sharin' their punishment on the 'rounds that they should have prevented the departure. The policy probably served to keep desertions and their potential security threats to a minimum. /HT1 In the absence of other information in the sources, one infers that the various units 'athered in the central assembly area in the mornin' and resumed the fi3ed order of march. The charters also note the process of redistributin' the various posadas into the algara and zaga divisions after encampment./H:1 The smaller militia e3peditions may have utili ed fe- or none of the above procedures, but the increasin' participation of the municipal armies in lar'e6scale campai'ns necessitated the adoption of rules to control the musterin' of considerable numbers. The 'iete partidas also mentioned a number of battlefield formations -hich have the appearance of bein' dra-n from a military handbook such as Ve'etius rather than the accumulation of recon!uest e3perience. The -ed'es, echelon arran'ements, flankin' s!uadrons, rounded and hollo- s!uares therein described, seem -ell beyond the discipline -123/ of the militias and there are no chronicle references to their use by the royal army. /H<1 The lines of infantry and cavalry into -hich the militias -ere doubtless reformed most certainly sufficed for the vast ma5ority of pitched battles in -hich the municipal militias participated. $side from field battles and raidin' forays, the contemporary chroniclers pay particular note to the performance of the municipal militias durin' sie'es, especially the 'reat $ndalusian investments of 0ernando III. /H;1 Militias probably utili ed assault en'ines beyond the rudimentary level of simple catapults, slin's, rams and ladders only -hen their armies formed a part of a lar'er royal force, despite the recommendation in the 'iete partidas that the kin' keep sie'e e!uipment scattered in the frontier to-ns. The sources record at least three instances -here to-nsmen assisted in buildin' such devices? the Compostelanos at Tabeir&s in ::<H, the $ra'onese militiamen at the sie'e of Burriana in :<<;, and the Castilian militias at 7a4n in :<IL6IH. /HI1 The 'iete partidas describes an elaborate procedure for undertakin' an investment on a lar'e scale -hich includes the most basic elements of O;

medieval sie'ecraft? besie'in' a to-n or fortification -ith positions no closer than could be maintained -ithout bein' forced to move back -ith a conse!uent loss of moraleE blockin' all entrances to the ob5ectiveE constructin' fortified encampments for e3tended sie'esE and undertakin' consumption or destruction of the enemyCs crops before his eyes. Both the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas recommended precautions a'ainst the espolonada, the sudden defensive sally from the besie'ed to-n -hich sou'ht to catch the besie'ers by surprise. /HL1 +ossibly the municipal armies participated in these procedures of the lon' sie'e -hen they combined themselves -ith a lar'e royal hueste, but in their o-n campai'ns sudden investment and surprise penetration en5oyed more favor. The sources do not indicate that the to-ns had the capability of conductin' a lon' sie'e -hen dependent solely upon their o-n resources. (ince the municipalities took numerous precautions to prevent entrance into the to-n by stealth and surprise, -e must assume that the to-nsmen favored these same techni!ues -hen attackin' fortified places themselves. )ackin' the stayin' po-er that 'ives substance to a truly prolon'ed sie'e, they valued the s-ift move and the heroic act -hich could force a decision !uickly. 8ni'hts and infantrymen therefore received rich shares of booty for leadin' an assault upon a key 'ate or to-er, especially if they -ere the first to enter that structure. /HH1 $ Christian leader /adalid1 received a house of his choosin' in any to-n he captured, -hile a Muslim adalid servin' -ith the Christians received -124/ not only this pri e but also a 'uarantee of the safety of all his blood relatives in the captured to-n. /HP1 $s lon' as the municipal militias concentrated on small ob5ectives these techni!ues sufficed. The 'reat sie'es of )isbon, $lcZer do (al, C&rdoba, Valencia, 7a4n and (eville necessarily involved the collaborative effort of kin', nobility, military orders and to-n militias. %eroic deeds still had their place, but surprise and bold entry rarely -on such comple3 ob5ectives by themselves. To this point discussion has centered on offensive enterprises of a relatively lar'e scale, or, at least, activity intended to result in some formal type of combat? battles, skirmishes, sie'es. $ lar'e area of offensive -arfare e3isted for -hich pitched battles constituted a secondary consideration or even somethin' to be avoided. #aids and forays best desi'nate this cate'ory, of -hich several varieties are to be found in the sources. (ome of these have relevance to the to-ns and their militias./HQ1 $mon' the raidin' terms, algara su''ests the lar'est6scale force. Corominas defines this as a brus!ue incursion into enemy territory or as a name 'iven collectively to troops assembled for that purpose. +alome!ue accepts the definition provided by 'iete partidas? a foray or'ani ed to overrun the countryside, plunderin', rava'in' and stealin' that -hich can be sei ed -ith little effort. The term also appears in the Chronica &de"onsi Imperatoris in relation to municipal -arfare, -here it is used to denote a lar'e e3pedition, almost in the sense of hueste. /HO1 &lgara assumes a very limited meanin' -hen it is found in the ma5or Castilian and $ra'onese fueros. In these it appears as the name assi'ned to the mobile for-ard section of a militia on the march, that part -hich separated from the zaga and -hich the 1artidas calls the delantera. In the li'ht of these various usa'es, it can be concluded that the algara -as a lar'e, lon'6ran'e raidin' body second only to the full6scale e3pedition in si e. $s the municipalities be'an to participate in these lar'e e3peditions, they adopted the term for their o-n use. 9hile the algara may have been employed as an independent unit prior to ::TT, the t-elfth6century to-ns vie-ed it as a component detached from an e3peditionary force to collect booty and relieve supply needs. By the thirteenth century the 1artidas recommended that preparations for the algara include the provision of li'htly armed men -ho kne- the terrain, careful plannin' to avoid over6ta3in' the mounts, and once dispatched the use of the a'a to 'ive rear 'uard protection, security and a locale for depositin' booty. /PT1 By the thirteenth century, then, the algara seems to have been used more closely in coordination -ith the main body of the e3peditionary force than any other form of raid. -128/ $nother term for raidin' activity -hich had far broader usa'e and application is the cavalgada or cabalgada. The ori'ins of its use in the +eninsula be'an -ith Carolin'ian mounted military service into Catalonia in the ninth century. /P:1 $fter that, the use of cavalgada became so -idespread and so variable that it defies ti'ht definition. .ependin' on the conte3t in -hich it is found, cavalgada can mean a lar'e e3pedition or a small raidE include or e3clude footsoldiersE and vary in its mission from lar'e6scale devastation to mere combat patrollin'. By the thirteenth century, the municipal charters of all of the peninsular kin'doms have cited the cavalcata6 cavalgada as a form of military service, coverin' at least three different kinds of musters? the lar'e hueste6style e3pedition, the algara lar'e raid, and the s-ift, brief strike. /P<1 The formal definition 'iven in the 1artidas, -hich +alome!ue basically accepts, fails to distin'uish cavalgada sufficiently from algara to 5ustify a separate term, save that the code defines t-o kinds of cavalgada, open and secret, -hich assist in pinnin' do-n its late thirteenth6century definition. The open cavalgada, the lar'er of the t-o, allo-s the pitchin' of tents and the i'nitin' of campfires, and permits en'a'in' in combat -ith an enemy s!uadron after havin' accomplished its basic mission. The secret cavalgada maintains a smaller si e and seeks to avoid discovery and enemy contact. The covert force undertakes rapid raidin', movement by ni'ht and the use of lo- terrain to obviate the dan'er of bein' silhouetted on the hori on. It re!uired ade!uate numbers of scouts, 'uards and patrols and the bypassin' of any threat of battle -ith the enemy. /P;1 OI

$nother term cited in some of the charters is the almohalla or almo"alla. +alome!ue and Corominas offer a description of it as a -ord of $rabic ori'in. The 1artidas code does not use the -ord, and almo"alla appears most fre!uently in the )eonese Coria Cima6Coa 'roup of charters, -ith t-o e3ceptions? the charters of Bur'os /::HP1 and of Brihue'a /:<LH1, both in Castile. The Bur'os charter 'ives little in the -ay of identification for almo"alla save as a 'uard for those -ho -ere en'a'ed in the buildin' of a castle. %o-ever, the Coria 'roup and Brihue'a imply a lon' e3pedition, usually under royal auspices, thus analo'ous to hueste./PI1 This e!uivalence to hueste is important because it places the Coria Cima6Coa family in appro3imation to the e3peditionary tradition of the Castilian and $ra'onese militias. The corredura is yet another term for the small, s-ift raid, literally a runnin' over of the countryside. Clearly a cavalry raid, it appears closer to the secret cabalgada than any other combat force. Correduras intended to be havoc6spreadin', livin' from the supplies it 'athered prior to its departure. )ike the secret cavalgada, the corredura emphasi ed concealment and -125/ avoided contact -ith an enemy military force at all costs. =nly the charters of Cceres and "sa're employ the term, althou'h its inclusion in the 'iete partidas indicates that corredura belon's to Castilian as -ell as )eonese 23tremaduran tradition./PL1 Muslim tactics appear to have dominated this style of raidin' -arfare in -hich the municipal militias participated. The early dominance of Islam in the ei'hth and ninth centuries, the continual -arfare bet-een Christian and Muslim to-ns and fortresses, and the climatic and 'eo'raphic factors -hich affected both sides certainly controlled the manner in -hich each side fou'ht, if not the institutions -hich produced the fi'htin' units. To-ns mi'ht not be able to launch many of the lar'er military e3peditions sin'le6handedly, but the hit6 and6run raids /golpes de mano1 characteristically employed by the Muslim forces cost less to outfit yet -ere fruitful in the 'atherin' of combat spoils. =nce raids and forays became predominant as a means of -arfare, the Christian municipal militias could profit from their Muslim nei'hbors -ho -ere the masters of such tactics. The vocabulary for this kind of -arfare is heavily $rabic, as -ords such as rebato, almo"alla and algara -ould indicate./PH1 The hot, dry summer climate of the $tlantic and Mediterranean coasts as -ell as that of the Meseta favored the li'htly armed, mounted -arrior and the rapid e3ecution of military operations. The increase of 0rench influence and the e3pansion of Christian6controlled territory encoura'ed the lar'er e3peditionary approach increasin'ly utili ed by the peninsular monarchs durin' the Central Middle $'es, 'eneratin' a combat style -hich appeared more massive, less mobile and more contact6oriented. %o-ever, all indications point to the continuin' e3istence of the earlier style of offensive combat missions on the part of the to-ns. The horse influenced si'nificantly the form of this -arfare because its use made possible the !uick strike on offense and the e3tended patrollin' and scoutin' for defense. The scope of cattle raidin' and booty sei ures re!uired the horseCs e3tensive capabilities. Its need for 'rass, fodder and -ater fortunately paralleled that of the animals 'athered and defended by the militia. These needs nonetheless determined the routes of raidin' and e3pedition and the rate at -hich distances could be covered. The ancient military authority Ve'etius discusses varieties of horses and their fora'in' capabilities, and distin'uishes bet-een the survival capabilities of stable6 raised and ran'e horses, but offers no distance estimate for horses by themselves. %e does su''est a one6day drill march of infantry and cavalry to cover t-enty millia passuum /c. ;T kilometers1, but this says nothin' re'ardin' the capability of horse and foot separately. -130/ 7ohn (lau'hter has made a useful summary of evidence from both medieval Iberian and modern sources concernin' the ran'e of horses. %is evidence indicates that -ith ample 'rain and periodic rest horses could cover forty to forty6ei'ht kilometers a day. /PP1 $nother factor previously overlooked is that Iberian horses of the #econ!uest -ere of t-o dominant breeds, the North $frican Barb and the (panish Barb. The first had come into the peninsula -ith the Muslim invasions of the ei'hth century, and the second emer'ed as the resultant combination of that breed -ith the Iberian Celtic horse. Both of these breeds continue to be raised by the %orse of the $mericas #esearch #anch in +orterville, California, and Mr. 7eff 2d-ards, #ancher and #esearcher of that establishment has offered me his observations /pers. com. ; March :OQL1 re'ardin' the speed and endurance of the modern survivors of these horses. Both the Barb and the (panish Barb are famed for their endurance -hich e3ceeds that of Northern 2uropean breeds. Both breeds can survive on 'rass alone /and indeed have to be trained to eat 'rain1. They eat available 'rass at a rate of intake based on their current e3ertions, but no more. 0or the combat conditions of the Meseta, Barbs seem to have possessed superior !ualifications in their -ell6 developed di'estive, circulatory, skeletal and respiratory systems. Based on modern endurance tests, Mr. 2d-ards affirms that these breeds could make fifty miles a day indefinitely on a 'rass diet -ith sufficient residual stren'th to en'a'e in combat. 0or limited periods they mi'ht be capable of one hundred miles a day. =ther breeds mi'ht be faster /the BarbCs normal fast trot seems to be near ei'ht miles an hour1 but none more likely to come back a'ain day after day to make the milea'e. $ddin' 'rain to the BarbCs diet /assumin' he is trained to eat it1 -ill hasten his recovery time after an e3tended run, but does not provide a nutritional necessity. $llo-in' for biolo'ical alterations in the modern versions of the Barb and (panish Barb and ad5ustin' some-hat for Mr. 2d-ardsCs 5ustifiable pride in his breeds, fifty kilometers a day under combat conditions appears a conservative estimate of mounted raidin' capability based on our sources ancient and modern. OL

Comparin' this estimate to the territories controlled by a to-n, one can establish some idea of the challen'e faced by the militia. 9hile there is often a lack of information re'ardin' the si e of the total al"oz for a 'iven to-n, some of the Cuenca6Teruel charters defined a line affectin' booty rates for the rustlin' of livestock, increasin' the share of booty beyond that line. T-o placenames, probably transhumant 'ra in' sites, -hich can be identified, -131/ Villora and Iniesta, are si3ty and seventy6five kilometers respectively to the southeast of Cuenca. $larc&n also offers a number of modern identifiable placenames /Villora, Iniesta, the #us #iver, +alomares, =lmeda, $talaya and #ubio1 -hich vary from ten to forty kilometers in all directions. This -ould place normal defense and booty takin' activities -ithin a day to a day6and6a6half ride from Cuenca and $larc&n. 0urthermore, the one hundred migeros /millia, c. :LT kilometers1 cited by Esp:culo as the ran'e a to-n -as responsible to defend in case of enemy invasion -ould have constituted a four6day ride. The normal scope of mounted raidin' probably included the same radius. )on' e3peditions -ere unlikely to have maintained that rate of movement. The speed of the livestock booty, the infantry forces and 'ro-in' fati'ue of animals and men -ould certainly have slo-ed the mounted -arriors, especially on the return trip./PQ1 Thus, the municipal contribution throu'h its defensive and offensive capabilities -as un!uestionably substantial. The #econ!uest 'enerally advanced not by a series of ma'nificent triumphs, althou'h these occur at intervals, but by numerous small victories. The Christian kin's lost most of the ma5or battles prior to the thirteenth century, yet they pressed south-ard at a relentless pace. The locali ed forays and skirmishes sta'ed by the municipalities a'ainst the Muslims, supplemented periodically by the occasional huestes under royal leadership, found their 'reatest vindication in this lon'6term pro'ress of the Christian advance. Municipal defenses provided stability in hard times -hile their offensive fle3ibility and initiative rendered incalculable value to the peninsular monarchs in the e3pansion of the frontier and the subse!uent holdin' of terrain. Notes for Chapter H :. The first indications of vi'orous defensive counterstrokes a'ainst invadin' Muslim forces appear durin' $lfonso VIICs rei'n in )eon6Castile. C&I, QQ, ::T6:<. This activity and that -hich follo-s in the later t-elfth century -ill be centered in the defense of Toledo and the Ta5o Valley, Ne- Castile, the )o-er Iberian Cordillera and the +ortu'uese $lente5o. Many of our best accounts of these events come from the $rabic sources. IIM, <?<:, <Q6<O, ;O6IT, IO6L:. &MC, :P?<<6<I, ;<6;L. D#elation dCun raid dC$b\ ,\suf ,ac!\b au +ortu'al,D <Q?HI6 HL. D#elation de lCe3p4dition,D <Q?HH6HP. C1&, ;<, ;L6;H. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;O;, ;OQ. Bon le , Regesta de !ernando II, LT6L<. 0ernando IIICs concern for the security of Toledo and its defense remained active as late as :<<<. D0ernando III concede al $r obispo .on #odri'o 7im4ne de #ada ...Toledo, :<<<,D :?P. <. Valdeavellano, D$pellido,D :?<QI6QL. El "uero de #rihuega, :;P6;Q. Valdeavellano, D2l CapellidoC? Notas sobre el procedimiento,D P?HP6HO. The first reference offers the conventional definition of an army mustered by a defensive -arnin' callE the second describes a -arnin' re!uired of one man before he can le'ally attack another in Brihue'aE and the third recounts a use of the term to summon residents to certain types of le'al cases -hich re!uired their presence, rather rare in the municipal charters. ;. D0orais de (. 7oaMo da +es!ueira, +enella, +aredes, )inares, $nciMes, :TLL6HL,D :?;IH. D0ueros de +alen uela, :TPI,D :?<H. D0uero concedido a N5era,D <?QI6QL. D0uero latino de (epNlveda, :TPH,D IQ. D0ueros de Barbastro, ::TT,D ;;I. D+edro I concede carta D+rinceps nam!ue,D QQ6QO. I. D0uero dado la villa de )rra'a, :?LTQ. D(ancho el (abio, rey de Navarra, concede fueros a $rta5ona, ::O;,D <IO. DConfirmaci&n de los fueros de Mendi'orrRa, ::OI,D <Q6<O. D0uero concedido a Miranda de $r'a,D :T?<PT. !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes, LT. L. D2l 2sp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D ;?L?:6;, ::. 'iete partidas, <?:O?I6P, <?<H?<I6<H. DCr&nica del rey don $lfonso d4cimo,D HH?:I. H. D(. 7oMo da +es!ueira, +enella, +aredes, )inhares ` $nciMes,D :?;IH. D0oral de BuimarMes, :TOL6OH,D :?<. D0oral outor'ado a Constantim de +an&ias,D :?H. DConfirmaZMo dos foros de $nsiMes,D :?:QQ. DCarta de foral concedida aos povoadores de MesMo60rio,D :?<OT. DCarta de foral de Celeir&s,D :?;L;. /0oral de1 Covas,D :?;QQ. D/0oral de1 (overosa, ::OH,D :?LT:. D/0oral de1 $baZas,D :?L:I. D/0oral de1 BuiMes,D :?L<T. (abadelhe had advanced to a three6day limit for the apellido by :<<T. D/0oral de1 (abadelhe,D :?LQI. P. This first appears in the (antar4m family /see $ppendi3 $1, follo-ed by a series of early thirteenth6century references. D/0oral de1 Vala im,D :?L:O. D/0oral de1 Villa6Nova,D :?L;T. D/0oral de1 #enalde,D :?L;P. D/0orais de1 0erreiros, 0ontemanha e Valdavy,D :?LIH. D/0oral de1 Canedo,D :?LH<. D/0oral de1 Ceides,D :?LP;. 0(abadelhe, :?LQI. D/0oral de1 Bar!ueiros,D :?LOP. D/0oral de1 (an!uinhedo,D :?LOQ. D/0oral de1 $li5&,D :?HTL. =ne Castilian fuero of :<:P reflected this same vie-. D0ernando III concede a 0rRas el fuero, :<:P,D <?:H. Q. D0$nsiMes,D .M+, :?:QQ. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores do Banho,D :?<O;. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores de (intra,D :?;T:. D/0oral de1 Covellinas,D :?IOI. O. !'ep>lveda :TPH, IQ. El "uero de &vil:s, ::I. (ee Chapter =ne, note L< for the probable thirteenth6century datin' of this charter. D$lfonso II confirma los anti'uos fueros y costumbres de 7aca, ::QP,D P<. D0ueros de Medinaceli,D IIT6I:. !C"s, ;:?:. !Cmsp, ;:?:. ! L, IIP6IQ. !&lbL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:L?:. ! R, H:<. !&lbR, :QO6 OT. !1, L<O. !&lz, :T?HP. !&ln, HII. !$, f. QPr. !L, HP:. !#a, P<H. !I, HOH. !&lr, ff. :T:r6:T:v. !@b, LL$. OH

M'Q;;:, P;L. !#e, OHI6HH. !V$, LI<. !&, :OTa, ;I<. !C;, :Q<, ;;H. !CR, ;?LL. !CM, :<H. !C&, :QI6QL. !C#, :QP, ;;L. !@, :QP6QQ. !Viguera6Val de !unes, LT. D$rrendamiento hecho por el conce5o de Nora Nora,D :LI. D)os fueros de Villadie'o,D :;P6;Q. D+rivile'io en !ue el rey /7aime I1 sanciona los estatutos de .aroca, :<LH,D ;L. 'iete partidas, <?:O?I, <?<H?<I. :T. IIM, <?IO6L:. ::. !Viguera6Val de !unes, LT. :<. !&, ;O:. !C;, ;<Q, ;HO. !CR, Q?<I, HL. !CM, ;<<, ;H;. !C&, ;<:, ;P:. !C#, ;<P, ;PO. !@, ;;T, ;QT. :;. !C"s, ;:?:6;. !Cmsp, ;:?:6;. ! L, IIP6IQ. !&lbL, IO;6OI. !Ccv, ;?:L?:6<. ! R, H:<6:I. !&lbR, :QO6OT. !1, L<O6;T. !&lz, :T?HP6HO. !&ln, HII6IP. !$, ff. QPr6QPv. !L, HP:6P;. !#a, P<H6<P. !I, HOH6OP. !&lr, ff. :T:r6 :T:v. !@b, LL$6LLC. M'Q;;:, P;L. !#e, OHI6PT. !V$, LI<6I;. !&, ;H<. !C&, ;II. !C#, ;L<. !@, ;L;. $lfaiates, Cceres, Castello6Bom and "sa're permitted absences from the apellido if the -ife -as ill, assumin' three vecinos -ould attest to the fact. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QH. :I. !&, :QO. !C;, :PO. !CR, Q?LH. !CM, ;LI. !C&, :Q<. !C#, :QI. !@, :QL. :L. !&, :::, <<H, <QT. !C;, ::T, <<L, <QT. !CR, L?IQ, H?:I. !CM, <TI, <I;. !C&, ::P, <:P, <PO. !C#, :TH, <:P, <PO. !@, ::O, <<<, <QP. :H. !C"s, ;:?:T. !Cmsp, ;:?H. ! L, ILT. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?L. ! R, H:H. !&lbR, :O:. !1, L;;. !&lz, :T?PL. !&ln, HL<. !$, f. QQ#. !L, HPP, but nine days permitted to appeal here. !#a, P;I. !IU PTI. !&lr, f. :T<r. !@b, LL0. M'Q;;:, P;O. !#e, OPH. !V$, LIL. :P. +uyol y $lonso, ;rgenes del Reino de Leon, <TL6TO. +alome!ue Torres, DContribuci&n al estudio del e54rcito,D :L?<<L6<O. +escador, ;P6;Q?OO6:<I. )oscertales, D$nubda,D :?<<Q. M. 2. Bon le , D)a anubda,D ;O6 IT?:;6:L, ;I6;O. :Q. D0uero de Cuevacardiel,D :<<6<;. D0ueros y privile'ios de las villas su5etas a la ciudad de Bur'os, :TP;,D <LP. !1alenzuela, <H. D0N5era,D <?PO6QL. D0uero concedido a (anta MarRa de .ueUas,D :H?H<P. D0uero de Villaespasa y #ucepos,D :<L. D0uero de )o'roUo,D ;;L. !uero de Miranda de Ebro /c. :TOO1, IP. D0uero de 0resnillo, ::TI,D IH6IQ. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. D0uero de )ara, :;O6I<. D0uero de (alamanca,D :IQ. D0ueros de (an Vicente de la (osierra,D I?<TL. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a Navarrete,D ;?:<L. D$lfonso VIII concede a (anto .omin'o de la Cal ada el fuero,D ;?ITI. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a +amplie'a,D ;?IHL6HP. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a 0rRas,D ;?HI:. D$lfonso VIII concede a Medina de +omar el fuero,D ;?HIH. !C&, I:;. !@, I;L. :O. DCarta de foral concedida aos habitantes de M&s, $fonso I, ::H<,D .M+, :?;HL. D$lfonso VIII da el castello de =lmos al conce5o de (e'ovia, ::HH,D Bon le , $lfonso VIII, <?:I:6I;. D/0oral de1 #ebordMos, (ancho I, :<TQ,D M1$6LC, :?L;Q. !Viguera6Val de !unes, IO, PQ. Bon le , !ernando III, :?;I:. D+rivile'io rodado de $lfonso W concediendo a )orca los Castillos y villas de +uentes y 0elR, :<HL,D 7uan Torres 0ontes, ed., Repartimiento de Lorca /)orca, :OPP1, LP6HT. D$lfonso W concedan a los vecinos de =rihuela, para defenderlo contra los moros, :<HQ,D Vicente MartRne Morell, ed., Cartas de los Re%es de Castilla a ;rihuelaU 2374623G4 /$licante, :OLI1, ;I. D$lfonso W al conce5o de )orca concesi&n del castillo de Cella, :<PP,D Torres 0ontes, Repartimiento de Lorca, QH6QP. 7uan Torres 0ontes, Repartimiento de la $uerta % Campo de Murcia en el siglo XIII /Murcia, :OP:1, HL6QI. <T. !C"s, ;T?:. !Cmsp, ;T?:. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQI. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, LHO. !&lbR, :PO. !1, IO<. !&lz, :T?:. !&ln, LO<. !$, f. Q:v. !L, HTO. !#a, HPT. !I, H;O. !&lr, f. OLr. !@b, LI$. M'Q;;:, HO<. !#e, QO;. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. !Viguera6Val de !unes, PQ. 7aime =liver $sRn, D=ri'en rabe de Crebato,C Carrobda,C y sus hom&nimos,D #R&$ /:O<Q1, PI?IOH6OQ. <:. !uero &vil:s6;viedo, ::I. !'alamanca, :IH. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D Bon le , &l"onso VIII, <?L<T. Buards failin' to resist cattle thieves -ith sufficient vi'or had to pay the o-ners for the lost animals. <<. !C"s, ;:?:H. !Cmsp, ;:?:<. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?::. ! R, H<;. !&lbR, :O;. !1, L;<. !&lz, :T?Q:. !&ln, HLH. !#aU PIT. !I, P:T. !&lr, f. :T;r. !@b, LL). M'Q;;:, PIL. !#e, OQI. !V$, LLT. !C&, <L;. !@, <LO. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<I. =liver $sRn, ;rigen, PI?;TO6:T. <;. D0uero de )e&n, :T<T,D :L?IOT6O:. D0ueros de VillafrRa, =rbane5a y (an MartRn,D ;?;PO. !Miranda de Ebro, PL. DConfirmation de coutumes de +erpi'nan,D :?HT. D$lfonso VIII concede al conce5o de Toledo la renta, ::OH,D ;?:LL6LP. D2l fuero de )lanes,D :?::L. Ballesteros y Beretta, &l"onso X el 'abioU 257MW Cdigo de las costumbres escritas de ortosa, I?:?:, III?::?:6:<. DCr&nica del #ey $lfonso .cimo,D HH?<:. D0uero romanceado de (epNlveda, :;TT,D H;. +escador, ;P6;Q?O<6O;. <I. 1C+, <?IIH. C$I, PO6QT. )oma3, he Recon9uest o" 'pain, PH6PP. Bautier6.alch4, DIslam et Chr4tient4 en 2spa'ne,D IP?:O:. D%istoria Compostellana,D <T?;:I6:H, ;<<, L<T. +BC, <?HPI. DNueva carta de composici&n para le pacificaci&n de los habitantes de los barrios de +amplona,D :Q;6QL. <L. !C"s, :?H. !Cmsp, :?P. !Ccv, :?:?H. !1, <. !&lz, :?P6Q. !&lnU H. !$, f. Ir. !L, P. !#a, P. !I, I. !&lr, f. Hv. !@b, <$. M'Q;;:, P. !#eU Q6O. !V$, P. D0uero latino de Cceres,D iii6vi. <H. !Viguera6Val de !unes, PO. <P. DChronica Bothorum,D <H6<P. C&I, PP6PQ. I((, <TI6:P. $M9M, I?<T;6TI, <:T6::. IIM, <?PT6P;. OP

<Q. ! L, :<O6;<. !&lbL, I;<6;;. ! R, :;P6IT. !&lbR, II6IL. The charter of Molina de $ra'&n divided the -atch service year into t-o portions, -ith the first e3tendin' from 2aster to (t. MichaelCs feast at the end of (eptember, and the second from then to the succeedin' 2aster. !uero de Molina de &ragn, :L;. <O. !C"s, ;T?:. !Cmsp, ;T?:. ! LU I<H. !&lbL, IQI. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, LHO. !&lbRU :PO. !1, IO<. !&lz, :T?:. !&ln, LO<. !$, f. Q:v. !L, HTO. !#a, HPT. !I, H;O. These last t-o omit the li'ht6carryin' re!uirement. !&lr, f. OLr. !@b, LI$, also omittin' the carried li'ht. M'Q;;:, HO<. !#e, QO;. !C;, <;H. !CR, Q?PT. !CM, ;HQ. !C&, <;O. !C#, <;I. !@, <IL. Costumbres de L:rida, IL. (ome caution in such arrests -as called for, in that the charter of Castello6Melhor laid a stiff :TT mrs. fine on any overseer arrestin' an alcalde under this provision. ;T. !C"s, ;T?:. !Cmsp, ;T?:. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQI. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, LHO. !&lbR, :PO. !1, IO<. !&lz, :T?:. !&ln, LO<. !$, f. Q:v. !L, HTO. !#a, HPT. !I, H;O. !&lr, f. OLr. !@b, LI$. M'Q;;:, HO<. !#e, QO;. ;:. !C"s, ;T?:. !Cmsp, ;T?:. ! L, I<H. 0$lb), IQI6QL. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, LPT6P:. !&lbR, :PO6QT. !1, IO<. D...et por esta manera fue troya destroyda.D !&lz, :T?:. !&ln, LO<. !$U ff. Q:v6Q<r. !L, HTO. !#a, HPT. !I, H;O. !&lr, ff. OLr6OLv. !@b, LI$. M'Q;;:, HO<6O;. !#e, QO;. ;<. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<P. ;;. C&I, O;6OL. C1&, ;<. Wimenius de #ada, D.e rebus %ispaniae,D :QL. DCarta de $lfonso VIII al +apa Inocencio III,D :HQ. 1C+U <?PTT. 0or the (antar4m family of forais, see $ppendi3 $. ;I. !Molina de &ragn, QI. !CR, Q?:Q. 0CM, ;:H. D0uero de Benavente, :<TT,D <?H<H. D0uero de Milmanda,D <?:Q:. D0ueros de Toro, :<<<,D <?L;H. D0uero de +ar'a /CoruUa1, /:<<L1,D :H?HL<6L;. D0ueros dados a )e&n por el rey 0ernando III, :<;T,D <?;:L. !Llanes, :?::P. D2l fuero de (anabria,D :;?<QH. !uero de &l"ambra, ;;. !C"s, ;T?;:. !Cmsp, ;T?<Q. ! L, I<P. !&lbL, IQO. !CcvU ;?:I?<T. ! R, LQQ. !&lbR, :QL. !1U LTO. !&lz, :T?;:. !&ln, H:Q. !L, H;P. !#a, HOL. !I, HHH. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LI$C. M'Q;;:, P:T. !#e, O<L. !V$, L<:. ;L. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. 0C&rdoba #om, ;?<:;. D0uero de Carmona,D P. D0uero de $licante,D IH. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D Q:6Q<. Esp:culo, ;?L?:;6:L. 'iete partidas, <?<;?O, :<6:L. ;H. C1&, IP. The only other numerical levy -hich appears -ith any fre!uency occurs in the +ortu'uese (antar4m family /see $ppendi3 $1 -here si3ty kni'hts are re!uired. No infantry number is mentioned. ;P. 'iete partidas, <?<;?P. ;Q. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<P. !'alamanca, :OI. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. 0", :PO. ;O. D0uero dado a la villa de (aha'Nn por $lfonso W, :<LL,D <?<;T6;:. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<P. IT. !'ep>lveda :TPH, IQ. D2l fuero concedido a 7aca por (ancho #amRre , c. :TPH,D ;6I. D0uero de $r'Kedas,D :T?<LL. !uero &vil:s6;viedo, ::I. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a la nueva puebla de $r'an &n,D ;?OP. !&, :Q;. !C;, :PP. !CR, Q?LI. !CM, ;L<. !C&, :QT. !C#, :Q<. !@, :Q<. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, P. !Lorca, Q<. !&licante, IH, uses baraia in this conte3t. I:. !C"s, :?:L6:H, ;T?O6:T. !Cmsp, :?:P6:Q, ;T?O6:T. ! L, P, I<H. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, :?:?::, ;?:I?H. ! R, L, LPO. !&lbR, :Q:6Q<. !1, P6Q, IOT. !&lz, :?:Q6:O, :T?O6:T. !&ln, :L6:H. !$, ff. Iv, Q;r. !L, H:P6:Q. !#a, :H6:P, HPP6PQ. !I, :;, HIQ6IO. !&lr, ff. Pv, OHv. !@b, I$6IB, LII6LI7. M'Q;;:, :<, HOQ. !#e, <:, OT;6TI. !V$, :P. I<. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. !Carmona, P. !&licante, IH. !Lorca, Q:6Q<. D0TNy,D ;PT. D0uero de 0uentes de la $lcarria,D :Q?;H;. !@, I:P. I;. D0uero de MaraUon,D <?::O6<<. !Molina de &ragn, Q;6QI. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D <?L<T. 0or the (antar4m 'roup, see $ppendi3 $. !C"s, ;T?P6O, :P, <H6<Q. !Cmsp, ;T?P6Q, :L, <;. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH6QQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?L6H, :T, :P. 0T#, LPH6PQ, LQ:, LQH. !&lbR, :Q:, :Q;, :QQ. !1, IOQ, LT;6TI. !&lz, :T?P6O, :P, <H6<Q. !&ln, LOO6HT:, HTQ6H:H. !$, ff. Q<v6Q;v. !L, H:L6:P, H<I, H;;6;I. !#a, HPL6PP, HQ;, HO<6O;. !I, HIH6IQ, HLL, HH;6HI. !&lr, ff. OHr6OPr, OQr. !@b, LIB6LI%, LIa, LIV6LIW. M(Q;;:, HOH6OQ, PT:, PTQ. !#e, OTT6OT<, O::, O<:6<<. !V$, L:T, L:P6:Q. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. !Viguera6Val de !unes, PQ. !'alamanca, :IH. D=rdenamiento de $lfonso W al conce5o de Murcia, :<HP,D :?I<6I;. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:Q,<<, <?<H?:<. II. !'anabria, :;?<QH. !Molina de &ragn, :<Q. !C"s, ;T?<L. !Cmsp, ;T?<;. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:H. ! R, LQL. !&lbR, :QI. !1, LTP. !&lz, :T?<L. !&ln, H:L. !L, H;<. !#a, HO:. !I, HH<. !&lr, f. OQr. !@b, LIV. M'Q;;:, PTH6TP. !#e, O<T. !V$, L:H. The !uero real re!uired certification for doctors and sur'eons by their collea'ues in the villa, plus an ortorgamiento of the alcaldes and a carta testimonial from the conce/o. !uero real del don &lonso el 'abio, I?:H?:. !uero real de &"onso XU o 'DbioX Vers=o portuguesa, :L:6L<. IL. IL!C"s, ;T?:H6:O. !Cmsp, ;T?:I6:P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T6::. ! R, LQ:6Q<. !&lbR, :Q<6Q;. !1, LT;. !&lz, :T?:H6:O. !&ln, HTH6TO. !$, ff. Q;v6QIr. !L, H<;6<H. !#a, HQ<6QL. !I, HLI6LP. !&lr, ff. OPr6OPv. !@b, LIN6LI+. M'Q;;:, PT:6T;. !#e, O:T6:;. !V$, L:T6:<. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<. IH. !1alenzuela, :O. !#arbastro, ;;I. !Viguera6Val de !unes, LT. D0uero de +i'nero,D :LT. IP. !C"s, ;T?;L, ;L?P. !Cmsp, ;T?;<, ;L?P. ! L, I;:, IH;. !&lbL, IQO. !CcvU ;?:I?<;, I?I?I. ! R, LOT, HHL. !&lbR, :QL6QH, <T<. !1, L:<. !&lz, :T?;L, ::?LL. !&ln, H<<, PTP. !$, ff. QIv, OLv. !L, HI:, PI:. !#a, HOO, POO. !I, HPT, PHQ. !&lr, ff. OQv6OOr, :TOv. !@b, LI2C, H:B. M'Q;;:, HTP, P:;. !#e, O<O. !V$, L<I, LQO. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?O.

OQ

IQ. !C"s, ;T?:P6:O. !Cmsp, ;T?:L6:P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T6::. ! R, LQ:6Q<. !&lbR, :Q;. !1, LT;. !&lz, :T?:P6:O. !&ln, HTQ6TO. !$, ff. Q;v6QIr. !L, H<I6<H. !#a, HQ;6QL. !I, HLL6LP. !&lr, ff. OPr6OPv. !@b, LIa6LI+. M'Q;;:, PT:6T<. !#e, O::6:;. !V$, L:T6:<. IO. Esp:culo, ;?H?:. 'iete partidasU <?<;?I. LT. 'iete partidas, <?<<?:, L. L:. !C"s, ;T?::, ;:?:P. !Cmsp, ;T?:T, ;:?:;. ! L, I<H, IL<. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?P, ;?:L?:<. ! R, LPO, H<I. !&lbR, :Q<, :O;. !1, LTT, LIT. !&lz, :T?::, Q<. !&ln, HT;, HLP. !$, ff. Q;r, QOr. !L, H:Q, HQ;. !#a, HPQ, PI:. !I, HLT, P::. !&lr, ff. OHv, :T;r. !@b, LI7, LLM. M'Q;;:, HOQ, PIP. !#e, OTL, OQP. !V$, LL:. The monetary re-ard in the first case -as customarily five maravedRs, but at +lasencia the fee -as fifteen, -ith no stipulation of victory re!uired. L<. !C"s, ;:?:Q6:O. !Cmsp, ;:?:I6:L. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?:<. ! R, H<L. !&lbR, :O;. !1, LI:. !&lzU :T?Q;6 QI. !&ln, HLP. !$, f. QOr. !LU HQI6QL. !#a, PI<6I;. !I, P:<6:;. !&lr, f. :T;r. !@b, LLN6a. M'Q;;:, PIP. !#e, OQQ. !V$, LL:. Teruel and $lbarracRn paid one hundred solidos derived from the residents of the countryside, -ho may have seen themselves as the chief victims of such leaders. $larc&n, Jorita and +aris $rsenal M( Q;;: add rene'ades to the bounty list, -ith $larc&n and Q;;: acceptin' the heads of these men in lieu of live bodies. L;. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:I, :P. LI. Valdeavellano, D$l'ara,D :?IPO. Men4nde +idal, Cantar de mo Cid, <?POL. Corominas, :?:<T. C&I, ;:6;;. !C"s, ;T?:;6:L. !Cmsp, ;T?:<6:;. !CcvU ;?:I?O6:T. !1, LT<. !&lz, :T?:;6:L. !&ln, HTL6TH. !$U f. Q;v. !L, H<T6 <<. !#a, HQT6Q<. !I, HL<6LI. !&lr, f. OPr. !@b, LI)M. M'Q;;:, PTT. !#e, OTP6TO. Esp:culo, ;?H?Q. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:P, <O. 4L. Corominas, I?POL. The Esp:culo calls the rear-ard force the recua, ;?H?Q. 'iete partidas. <?<;?:P. &MC, :P?;H, PO, :I;. Muslim e3perience may not be the only source for the zaga. Ve'etius, the late #oman military -riter, similarly called for a rear 'uard to protect ba''a'e and prevent attacks from the rear -hile an army -as on the march. 0lavius Ve'etius #enatus, De re militari, ;?H. It has been established that Ve'etius -as a source for the contemporary -orks of 7uan Manuel, and -as presumably available to the drafters of the (iete partidas, as -ell. Castro y Calvo, El arte de gobernar, I:, L<6LI, HI. LH. D/0oral de1 Thomar,D :?;QQ. D/0oral de1 +ombal,D :?;OQ. D/0oral de1 Bermanello,D :?I;;. !C"s, ;T?:;6:L. !Cmsp, ;T?:<6:;. !Ccv, ;?:I?O6:T. !1, LT<. !&lz, :T?:;6:L. !&ln, HTL6TH. !$, f. Q;v. !L, H<T6<<. !#a, HQT6 Q<. !I, HL<6LI. !&lr, f. OPr. !@b, LI)M. M'Q;;:, PTT. !#e, OTP6TO. C1&, IL6IH. LP. 'iete partidasU <?<;?:Q, <<. IMM, <?I6H. &MCU :6;. $M9M, I?:H<. I((, <<P6;<. LQ. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:P6:Q, ;T. Ve'etius, De re militari, ;?H. LO. Esp:culo, ;?H?P6O, ;?Q?<6Q, is more 'eneral -ith re'ard to these procedures than the 'iete partidas, <?<;?:O6 <:. The latter in turn sho-s indications of derivin' some of its 'uidelines from Ve'etius, De re militari, ;?H. HT. !C"s, ;T?:<. !Cmsp, ;T?::. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?Q. ! R, LQT. !&lbR, :Q<. !1, LT:. !&lz, :T?:<. !&ln, HTI. !$, ff. Q;r6Q;v. !L, H:O. !#aU HPO. !I, HL:. !&lr, ff. OHv6OPr. !@b, LI8. M'Q;;:, HOO. !#e, OTH. (ome of the later charters in the Cuenca 'roup ur'e that the alcaldes pitch their tents close to that of the 5ue to sho- municipal solidarity and to facilitate the calculation of the royal fifth of booty. !&ln, Q<:. !#a, O:Hbc. !I, QQL. !@b, OH. M'Q;;:, PHH. H:. !C"s, ;T?:;6:L. !Cmsp, ;T?:<6:;. !Ccv, ;?:I?O6:T. !1, LT<. !&lz, :T?:;6:L. !&ln, HTL6TH. !$, f. Q;v. !L, H<T6<<. !#a, HQT6Q<. !I, HL<6LI. !&lr, f. OPr. !@b, LI)6LIM. M'Q;;:, PTT. !#e, OTP6TO. H<. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:H. Ve'etius, De re militari, ;?:O6<T. H;. D%istoria Compostellana,D <T?:;<6;;, II;6IL. C&I, ::;6:P. C1&, I:6I<, II6IH. Wimenius de #ada, De rebus $ispaniae, <T<6T;, <TL. 1C+, <?PIL6IH, PL:. Crnica latina de los re%es de Castilla , :TP, ::H6:P, :<;. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. L;, :PT6P:, <::, <:Q. Cr&nica del $lfonso W, HH?H, LI. Muntaner, DCr]nica de #amon Muntaner,D Ch. :T. The Esp:culo discusses the role of municipal conce5os at sie'es, ;?L?H. HI. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<I6<H. D%istoria Compostellana,D E', <T?II;6IL. Llibre dels "eits, Ch. PT6P:. 1C+, <?PIL6IH. HL. Esp:culo, ;?P?H. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<;, <P. HH. !C"s, ;T?<O6;T. !Cmsp, ;T?<H6<P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ6QO. !Ccv, ;?:I?:Q6:O. ! R, LQP6QQ. !&lbR, :QI6 QL. !1, LTQ. +lasencia adds to 'ates and to-ers Dentre dos a es.D $ can mean either encampment or -in' of a battle formation. In the conte3t this probably means any other strate'ically important place. This phrase also e3ists in all the members of the )eonese Coria Cima6Coa charters, su''estin' the )eonese influence in the +lasencia fuero. !&lz, :T?<O6;T. !&ln, H:P. !L, H;L6;H. !#a, HOI. !IU HHL. !&lr, ff. OQr6OQv. !@b, LI,6LIJ. M'Q;;:, PTO6:T. !#e, O<;6<I. !V$, L:O6<T. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?L:. !CM, ;IO. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. Esp:culo, ;?P?<. 'iete partidasU <?<P?P6Q. HP. !C"s, ;:?:L. !Cmsp, ;:?::. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?:T. ! R, H<<. !&lbR, :O<6O;. !1, L;Q. !&lz, :T?QT. !&ln, HLL3. !$, f. QQv. !L, HQ<. !#aU P;O. !I, PTO. !&lr, ff. :T<v6:T;r. !@b, LL8. M'Q;;:, PII. !#e, OQ<6Q;. HQ. +alome!ue Torres offers a particularly rich discussion of these terms and their etymolo'ical ori'ins in, DContribuci&n al estudio del e54rcito,D :L?<<<6<L. The value of this survey is some-hat limited by his acceptance of the definitions of the 'iete partidas -ithout reference to the considerably different understandin' -hich can OO

sometimes be found in the municipal fueros. $lso see =liver $sRn, ;rigen, PI?;LI6PQ, and +escador, ;P6;Q?OO6 :<P. HO. Corominas, :?:<T. +alome!ue, DContribuci&n,D :L?<<<6<;. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<O. C&I, ;<6;;, O<6O;, :IH6 IQ. The use of hueste to describe lon' e3peditionary campai'ns appears rarely in this chronicle, and did not become standard in Castilian documents until the later t-elfth century. PT. !C"s, ;T?:H,<<. !Cmsp, ;T?:I, <T. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP6QQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T, :;. ! R, LQ:, LQ;. !&lbR, :Q<6 Q;. !1, LT;, LTL. !&lz, :T?:H, <<. !&ln, HTH, H:<. !$, f. Q;v. !L, H<;, H<O. !#a, HQ<, HQQ. !I, HLI, HHT. !&lr, ff. OPr6OPv. !@b, LIN, LI(. M'Q;;:, PT:, PTH. !#e, O:T, O:H6:P. !V$U L:I6:L. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<O. P:. )e-is, 'outhern !rench and Catalan 'ociet%, ;:;. 0ont #Rus, Instituciones medievales espa.olas, LL6LO. P<. !#arbastro ::TT, ;;I. D+rivile'io de .. $lfonso I el Batallador confirmando los privile'ios de la ciudad de Barbastro,D ;LP. D0uero de los pobladores mo rabes de Mall4n,D LTI. ! homar, :?;QQ. !&l"ambra, <L. !C"s, <H?:I6:L, ;T?:, ;;?<:. !Cmsp, <H?:T6::, ;T?:, ;;?:O. ! L, <LP, I<H, IHT. !&lbL, ILI, IQI. !Ccv, ;?:T?:T, ;?:I?:, I?<?O. ! R, <P<, LHO, HI;. !&lbR, OT, :PO, :OQ. !1, ;TQ, IO<, HHI. 0$l , O?:T6::, :T?:, ::?;I. !&ln, LIO, LO<, HQL. !$, ff. PLr, Q:v, O;r. !L, LL:, HTO, P:P. !#a, H:O6<T, HPT, PPH. !I, H:;, H;O, PIP. !&lr, ff. QOr, OLr, :TPv. !@b, LTB6LTI, LI$, LO7. M'Q;;:, L<P, HO<, LOT. !#e, Q:L6:H, QO;, :T<I. !V$, LPL. !C;, ;QQ. !C&, ;QT. !C#, ITT. !@, ;QO. 0Viguera6Val de !unesU LT. !1arga, HL;6LI. !Ledesma, <HQ. DCarta de fran!uicias otor'ada por $lfonso I, rey, a los habitantes de +ui'cerd, ::Q<,D :?<;I. D+rivil4'e pour les habitants de Thuir,D :?P:. DCarta de pa entre 7aca y $Rsa, :<:L,D <L:6L<. DCarta de poblaci&n de Villalba,D :?;IL. D)os conse5eros y los prohombres de 7aca, /:<;QY1,D ;;I6;H. D%omena5e prestado .. 7aime por los vecinos de (adava,D Q?:;L. Llibre dels "eits, Ch. <:<. !#rihuega, :HT. Esp:culo, ;?H?T, ;?H?H. P;. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<Q. +alome!ue, DContribuci&n,D :L?<<<. Valdeavellano, DCabal'ada,D :?HTO, defines it as a strikin' raid breakin' off from an algara, lar'ely a definition dra-n from the charter of Cuenca. PI. +alome!ue, DContribuci&n,D :L?<<L. Corominas, :?:LL. DConcede al conce5o de Bur'os un fuero, ::HP,D <?:HP6HQ. !&, :PO, ;O:. !C;, :P:, ;HO. !CR, Q?:Q, <I. !CM, ;:H, ;<<. !C&, :PL, ;P:. !C#, :PH, ;PO. !@, :PH, ;QT. !1, :QH. +lasencia is a Castilian to-n -ith stron' )eonese influence in its fuero. !#rihuega, :HT. Cceres and "sa're occasionally intermi3 almo"alla -ith oste /the local co'nate for hueste1 in their la-s. PL. !C&, IH:, IHI, IHO, IQQ. !@, IQI, IQH, IO:, LTO. 'iete partidas, <?<;?<Q6<O. +alome!ue, DContribuci&n,D :L?<<;. Men4nde +idal, Cid, <?ILI6LL. There are other terms often confused as municipal military operations, such as the -ood6'atherin' party called azara and the cattle 'uard escort entitled ra"ala or esculca. They are not primarily military and therefore -ill not be discussed here. (ee +alome!ue, DContribuci&n,D :L?<<I, <II. +escador, ;P6;Q?OO6:<P. Bishko, D+eninsular Back'round of )atin $merican Cattle #anchin',D ;<?LTQ. PH. =liver $sRn, ;rigen, PI?;LI, ;PL6PQ. )4vi6+rovenZal, $istoire de l)Espagne musulmaneU ;?LO6HH. Corominas, ;?:T<Q. PP. 7ohn 2. (lau'hter, D.e nuevo sobre la batalla de "cl4s,D &EM /:OPI6PO1, O?;OH6OP. 0lavius Ve'etius #enatus, Digestorum &rtis Mulomedicinae Libri , 2rnest )ommat sch, ed. /)eip i', :OT;1, ;?H6P. De re militari, :?<P. "seful for their discussion of the pasturin' and 'ra in' needs of horses are? #udi +aul )inder, DNomadism, %orses and %uns,D 1ast and 1resent /:OQ:1, O<?;6:O, and .enis (inor, D%orse and +asture in Inner $sian %istory,D ;riens E8tremus /:OP<1, :O?:P:6Q;. Bernard (. Bachrach, D$nimals and 9arfare in 2arly Medieval 2urope,D P:I6<H, has thirty kilometers as his estimate, an estimate I believe to be some-hat conservative. %o-ever, his research is based on e!uine nutrition, and offers an interestin' approach to the problem. PQ. !C"s, ;:?:H. !Cmsp, ;:?:<. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?::. ! R, H<;. !&lbR, :O;. !1, L;<, L;O. !&ln, HLH. !#e, OQI. $ll of these to-ns list a number of placenames, but they often cannot be identified or are accidental borro-in's from the Cuenca or Teruel fueros. +lasencia lists Cuidad #odri'o /seventy kilometers to the north, t-o6days ride1 and the Ta5o #iver /thirty kilometers to the south, one day1. Esp:culo, ;?L?:H. Ve'etius discusses varieties of horses and their fora'in' capabilities, and distin'uishes bet-een the survival capabilities of stable6 raised and ran'e horses, but offers no distance estimate for horses by themselves. 0lavius Ve'etius #enatus, Digestorum &rtis Mulomedicinae Libri, ;?H6P. %e does su''est a one6day drill march of infantry and cavalry to cover t-enty millia passuum /c. thirty kilometers1, but this says nothin' re'ardin' the capability of horse and foot separately. .e re militari, :?<P. "seful for their discussion of the pasturin' and 'ra in' needs of horses are? )inder, DNomadism, %orses and %uns,D O<?;6:O, and (inor, D%orse and +asture in Inner $sian %istory,D :O?:P:6 Q;. Bachrach, D$nimals and 9arfare,D P:L6:Q.

:TT

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -132/ 4 - %*"IL% A$0 C"M*E$%ATI"$%B M&$ICI*AL @A #A E A% A$ EC"$"MIC E$TE * I%E

The 1rimera crnica general contains a passa'e that describes the assembly of $lfonso VIIICs e3pedition for the campai'n -hich clima3ed at the battle of )as Navas de Tolosa in :<:<. This account tells of the Castilian municipal contin'ents collectin' their -eapons, armor and horses to prepare for their part in the strate'ic thrust into $ndalusia. $s the e3pedition makes ready, the chronicler pauses momentarily to reflect upon the anti!uity of the to-nsmenCs battle 'ear and their -illin'ness to share these items -ith those in need. 9eapons -on as booty and lon' employed by their ancestors have found their -ay into the hands of these militiamen to be used once more a'ainst the Muslim, and the chronicler marvels at this parallel linea'e of men and e!uipment. /:1 In so doin', he touched upon one of the most vital processes by -hich the to-ns maintained their position in the -arfare of the Iberian frontier. The importance of military ordnance taken as booty -as a constantly recurrin' theme in the annals of the t-elfth6 and thirteenth6century municipal militias throu'hout the +eninsula. It -as a vital element in the intensified raidin' by the to-ns be'un in the rei'n of $lfonso VII. The documents list -ith evident relish the takin' of captives, military e!uipment, livestock and assorted items of movable property from the Muslims. /<1 The chroniclers also note e3amples of booty lust contributin' to the failure of campai'ns, as -ith the militia of (alamanca /c. ::;Q1, the $bulense militia under (ancho the %unchback in ::P;, as -ell as the futile pursuit of booty by the Muslims in ::PP -hile their brethren at Cuenca received no relief from $lfonso VIIICs sie'e. /;1 Indeed, the takin' -131/ and dividin' of booty provided the clima3 of all successful -arfare. (poils constituted a focal point of municipal military activity and a po-erful incentive for 'oin' forth to battle. The militiamenCs desire to take pri es and their concern for the proper disposition of this material have dra-n the interest of historians seekin' to assess the economic impact of booty on the to-ns. Nicols Tenorio has 'one so far as to describe these municipal -arriors as mercenaries. /I1 This is a dubious and misleadin' assertion for it overlooks the need for the military e!uipment incumbent upon the to-n in fulfillin' its military role as -ell as the particular nature of its economic needs. Booty -as an valuable source of the very military materials -hich made defense and campai'nin' possible. =n one occasion >vila received permission to sta'e a special raid a'ainst Buliena to e!uip its militia for service in $lfonso VIIICs hueste./L1 The municipalities found these procedures useful if their e3pandin' populations -ere to maintain the capability of armin' and arrayin' themselves both to defend their o-n territory and to assist the kin'. These skills -ere increasin'ly needed, as -ell, to balance the economies of the livestock6raisin' to-ns of the Meseta and Iberian Cordillera. .urin' the t-elfth century, evidence points clearly to the 'ro-in' si'nificance of -arfare in the life of the to-ns, especially in +ortu'al, )eon, Castile and $ra'on. +recise indications of this development are demonstrated in the increasin' concern demonstrated by the makers of the municipal charters in three areas closely related to booty. The first is the royal demand to collect the one6fifth ta3 on the spoils of -ar, a ta3 the Christian rulers inherited from the Muslim practice of layin' aside a portion of the 'ains of the /ihad for $llah. (uch demands indicate that booty indeed e3isted to be ta3ed, a situation only possible if the to-ns -ere successfully en'a'ed in -arfare. /H1 The second indication is the emer'in' concern for the proper e3chan'e of prisoners of -ar, another by6product of combat. /P1 The third indication is the demand for indemnification for personal, e!uestrian and e!uipment losses sustained in -ar, this to be remunerated from the profits of that -ar prior to the ruler takin' his fifth ta3. /Q1 ,et despite the indications of these interests throu'hout Christian Iberia in the t-elfth century, our best and most developed institutional la- re'ardin' spoils division is concentrated in the charters of Cordilleran Castile and $ra'on, secondarily in the "ueros of )eonese 23tremadura, and finally in the $lfonsine codes of the later thirteenth century. $ tentative conclusion dra-n from this imbalance of evidence for the -hole of Iberia is that the )eonese, Castilian and upper $ra'onese to-ns relied on -arfare and its resultant booty to a far 'reater de'ree by the later thirteenth century than +ortu'al and Catalonia did. The best -134/ -ay to test such a hypothesis is to e3plore the 'ro-in' institutionali ation of spoils collection in Castile and $ra'on, and to e3amine the sources of the drive that produced it. T-o principal sources e3isted for division as the result of military service? the fines and ta3es -hich the residents paid for e3emption from service, and the captives and spoils of combat. =f these t-o sources, the second classification necessitated by far the more careful attention from the municipal 'overnment. This problem re!uired the development of an informal !uartermasterCs office, -hich -as set up for the purpose of :T:

dividin' the captured spoils at the end of each campai'n. The Cuenca6Teruel 'roup became the first charter family to describe the system -hich had evolved for the division of booty, to be follo-ed by the Coria Cima6Coa charters from )eonese 23tremadura shortly thereafter. 9hile the ori'ins of the booty division system in the municipalities are unclear, these later documents demonstrate that its primary ob5ective sou'ht to assure that the 'ains of the battlefield -ere shared e!ually and that no man profited unfairly by the labors of another. The la-s indicate also the centrality of position that booty has come to occupy in these upland livestock to-ns by the thirteenth century. The 9uadrillero emer'es most fre!uently as the official in char'e of booty division in these to-ns. /O1 %e kept -ritten accounts of all booty captured and bore responsibility for any lost or unaccountable items. In the advanced Castilian "ueros the conce/o dre- the 9uadrilleros e!ually from the various collaciones of the to-n to insure close local supervision of the partitionin'. $ny matters that the 9uadrillero could not handle -ere appealed to the alcaldes and the hi'her officials in the municipal 'overnment. The 9uadrilleros also -orked in con5unction -ith the adalides, cavalry unit leaders -ho commanded many of the separate raids. Bein' a-are of the booty taken in combat -hile they led their forces, they conveyed this information to the 9uadrillero and later consulted -ith him in arran'in' the final partition. Both the 9uadrilleros and the commanders risked punishment for any unla-ful interference in the proper distribution of spoils. /:T1 The le'ists intended penalties as effective curbs a'ainst dishonesty, braced by the fact that the positions of alcalde, 9uadrillero and adalid also carried -ith them presti'e sufficient to make the avera'e officeholder think t-ice before yieldin' to the temptation of malfeasance. In assemblin' the booty for distribution the municipality relied on those -ho had participated in the campai'n to brin' for-ard all items not yet 'iven up to the officials. =n the appointed day everyone -132/ -ho had captured spoils durin' the recent en'a'ement brou'ht them to the pla a for auctionin' and distribution, includin' all livestock, clothin', 'old, silver and arms. The conce/o then arran'ed to have such material 'uarded until its disposition -as complete. The to-ns sa- booty as community property, re'ardless of -ho had taken it from the field. to-nsmen -ho -ent to -ar had everythin' at risk? their lives, their property, even their honor. This stron' community bond re!uired that profits of -ar remain the common possession of all until they could be auctioned or distributed, and the shares divided. 0ailin' to follo- these rules meant punishment to the individual involved. /::1 The responsible officials also -ithheld a portion of the booty from distribution in order to re-ard acts of heroism, to permit those -ho found material on the battlefield to claim ri'hts upon their discovery, and similar situationsE but the bulk of the spoils -ent into the process of 'eneral division./:<1 In Castile the conce/o traditionally held an auction or almoneda /at least in the Castilian portion of the Cuenca family1 for the disposal of captured articles. In )eon, -e lack the evidence that this kind of auction played a part in booty distribution, althou'h there are indirect indications that such -as the case. =ne can only assume that some similar process operated to secure ade!uate division. In the Coria Cima6Coa charters, the conce/o sets the si e of the shares based on the number of -arriors -ho departed on the e3pedition. =ther-ise, both kin'doms held to similar principles of sharin' the booty and of holdin' back a sufficient amount for compensations and re-ards. The authors of 'iete partidas recommend that the authorities make a careful calculation of the men and their e!uipment /on -hich individual shares are to be based1 by havin' individuals pass throu'h a 'ate of the to-n, or bet-een t-o men holdin' lances -hen in the field, -hile officials check their e!uipment. $nyone refusin' to pass in revie- in this fashion lost his share, unless he en5oyed an e3ceptional reputation sufficient to persuade his comrades to accept his refusal. The to-ns clearly assumed the principle that only the participants -ho came properly e!uipped had a direct ri'ht to a share of booty or its revenue value./:;1 The Castilian charters and the 'ietepartidas cite a number of re'ulations concernin' auctions. $uctions -ere to be proclaimed -idely throu'hout the territory of the to-n, so that all citi ens -ould be a-are of the event. +lasencia held such auctions on 0ridays, -hile the other to-ns listed no particular day. The to-ns demanded the presence of the /uez at all auctions before they could be considered to have any le'al basis. Nevertheless, some auctions must have been held ille'ally, because the sources also re!uired that someone purchasin' -133/ an item of booty there had to pay four times the amount initially bid to secure it. The auctioneer / corredor1 and the clerk /notario or escribano1 had to s-ear an oath of office before undertakin' their tasks, and any cheatin' on their part -as severely punished. The auctioneers had to display all items effectively, obtain the hi'hest bid possible, and then have the price recorded by the clerk, alon' -ith the name of the bidder. In the ideal circumstances envisioned by the redactors of the charters at least, all of this information, as -ell as the date and place of purchase, -as to be placed in a sealed statement and 'iven to the bidder. The 'iete partidas -riters vie-ed the ultimate purpose of the auction as bein' the appraisal and li!uidation of booty and the minimi in' of fraud in its distribution. This attitude reflected as -ell the thinkin' of the municipalities as revealed in their charters. /:I1 +rior to the auction, the officials heard claims by persons re'ardin' particular items of booty thou'ht to be theirs and petitions of individuals seekin' a share in the upcomin' division process, clearin' these cases before proceedin' -ith the auction. (hould the 9uadrilleros or adalides mistakenly 'ive a-ay some item in this process, the receiver retained it -ithout cost and the offendin' official paid the person -ron'fully deprived of it a fine -orth t-ice the value of the ob5ect lost. /:L1 =nce the auction had be'un, individuals offered bids for the :T<

various articles -hich had been 'athered in the pla a. To ma3imi e profits and assure that top prices -ould be paid to-ns offered the privile'e of short term credit to residents durin' the course of the auction. The clerk kept a record of the sale and the citi en had to produce a bondsman / "iador1, -ho secured the debt and assured the conce/o of the bidderCs ability to pay. =nce accomplished, the person ac!uired the ob5ect. The time limit for payment -as usually nine days, and failure to meet such an obli'ation imposed a double payment or possible imprisonment. The bondsman then paid the debt. (hould this occur, the bidder had incurred a !uadruple fine? payment of a double penalty to both the bondsman and to the conce/o./:H1 The adalid or the 9uadrillero had also to meet a nine6day limit for supplyin' all of the items in the booty inventory to the buyers -ithout bein' sanctioned, and the to-ns deemed this same nine6day period sufficient to conclude all of the remainin' unfinished business of the auction. No ne- claims could be filed after that time, and if an individual had retained a piece of booty beyond that point -ithout others havin' detected the fact, the nine days also functioned as a statute of limitation for him./:P1 =nce the spoils -ere converted to specie throu'h the auction, a -ell established priority in the claims upon the division of booty -as put into effect. The municipal charters applied the follo-in' arran'ement of -134/ priorities almost universally. 0irst in line came those re!uirin' compensation for bodily in5ury or the death of a relative, follo-ed by those indemnifyin' the in5ury or loss of an animal, and finally the loss of possessions in the field. Ne3t, the officials of the conce/o received their stipends for their military duties, the amount of -hich -as fre!uently ad5usted to the value of the booty 'athered on the e3pedition. The performers of special acts of heroism and valor then received their re-ards. $t this point municipal officials apportioned aside the royal or princely share, the 9uinto, appro3imately one6fifth of the remainin' total booty but sub5ect to some variation. =ccasionally a small amount -as 'ranted to the Church. $t the end, the remainin' total -as divided by the total number of shares to be distributed, and this percenta'e constituted the ordinary to-nsmenCs re-ard for his military contribution. .urin' the early t-elfth century compensations for personal in5ury and death, loss of oneCs horse, and the destruction of oneCs possessions on the battlefield appeared throu'hout the +eninsula in the municipal la- as that aspect of booty division first effectively delineated in the charters. /:Q1 By the end of the t-elfth century, the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa charters present personal medical compensation amends for battle in5uries, supplemented in the later thirteenth century by the lists in Esp:culo and the 1artidas /(ee Table P6:1./:O1 The -ounded -ere supposed to receive an animal from the booty to carry them home. The 1artidas further demanded that a mount be hired if none had been captured in this kind of case. /<T1 Moreover, the Esp:culo ur'es the indemnification of -ounds as a first priority to encoura'e those -ho have fallen victim to in5ury so that they -ill still seek combat and derive pleasure from -ar, itself an interestin' insi'ht into the contemporary le'al mind. The t-o $lfonsine codes list a death benefit for caballeros and peones as -ell, to be be!ueathed to their heirs as specified by the dyin' -arrior or by his -ill. If death overtook the militiaman before he could make such provisions, the Esp:culo 'ranted one6half of the death benefit to the Church, -hile the 1artidas altered this ecclesiastical -indfall to one6third./<:1 The amends seen in Table : su''est a number of attitudes re'ardin' -arfare and its inherent risks. -138/ TABLE 1 @"&$0 C"M*E$%ATI"$% 8ind of -ound Broken body bones < pierced skin surfaces : pierced skin surface %ead -bo hair cover %ead -b lost bone %ead -bhair cover ` no lost bone )ost eye .ama'ed nose )ost hand )ost foot )ost ear )ost arm or le' above 5oint )ost thumb

Cuencaa <T :T L 66 66 66 66 66 66 66 66 66 66

Teruelb <T :T L 66 66 66 L L L L L 66 66

Coriac 66 I < 66 I 66 <T <T <T <T <T 66 :T

2speculo :< :T L :< :T L :TT :TT :TT :TT IT :<T LT

(iete partidas :< :T L :T :T L :TT :TT :TT :TT IT :<T LT :T;

)ost fin'er 66 66 :T :T66IT Bitin' teeth 66 66 :T LT =ther cripplin' -ound 66 66 66 :TT .eath benefit 6 kni'ht 66 66 66 :LT .eath benefit 6 pe&n 66 66 66 PL a Cuenca includes all charters in 'roup e3cept Teruel and $lbarracRn. b Teruel includes Teruel and $lbarracRn. c Coria includes all the )eonese 23tremaduran charters. $ll amounts are in maraveds.

:T66I: IT :TT :LT PL

-135/ 0or one, the compensations are notably hi'her in the royal codes as a'ainst the municipal charters, -here a basis for comparison e3ists. This could indicate inflationary trends from the later t-elfth century -hen the foral families first appear to the later thirteenth century -hen $lfonso W authori ed the compilation of the codes. %o-ever, the Cuenca 'roup includes charters 'iven initially throu'hout the thirteenth century to various to-ns, and there is little variance in the fees over that time. #ather, this may su''est lar'ess at the theoretical level of the codes and a some-hat more parsimonious reality in the ti'ht economies of the municipalities. (econd, pride plays an obvious role as seen in the 'reat concern for visible disfi'urement. 9ounds to the head that hair cannot be 'ro-n to cover receive a double feeE front teeth are indemnified at a hi'her rate than other teeth in the 1artidasE noses and eyes receive an understandably hi'h fee, and ears held value for their function and beauty and because mutilated ears could be a si'n to some of a dishonorin' punishment /see Chapter 2i'ht1. The 'reatest fees -ent to in5uries that caused permanent disability, includin' the lost opportunity to earn future booty in combat. +ossibly to encoura'e the mar'inally disabled to return to active participation in the militia, the Coria Cima6Coa charters a-arded an e3tra share of booty to the afflicted residents -illin' to -ear their mail 5ackets a'ain and doubled that share if they carried arms. The only proviso re!uired that the force that 'ained their service had to number at least one hundred kni'hts, to assure the ample booty6'atherin' resources necessary to support this 'enerosity./<<1 (ince the horse stood as the indispensable symbol of the kni'htCs elevated social and political status in the to-ns, there -as understandable concern over its loss notable in the municipal charters. $mon' the lost possessions -hich !ualified for compensation, the horse attracted by far the most attention. 0rom the early t-elfth century the charters demonstrate a -illin'ness to pay the kni'ht the full value of his horse if lost in the line of duty. /<;1 By the later t-elfth century the charters be'in to contain monetary replacement values for the lost horse, and also discuss at 'reater len'th the manner in -hich the horse is to be indemnified by the to-n. The compensation fee varied considerably amon' the to-ns -hich cite a specific sum in their "ueros, settin' 'enerally hi'her levels in Castile than in )eon /see Table P6<1. /<I1 The municipalities customarily 'raded -ounded animals accordin' to the 'ravity of the -ound, althou'h $lcal offered a flat five6 meticales stipend. The Cuenca6Teruel 'roup 5ud'ed the severity of the in5ury on the follo-in' scale? horses -ith broken bones unable to -alk dre- t-enty maravedsE horses -ith fractures but able to -alk, ten maravedsE those -ith other -ounds, five maraveds. The Coria Cima6 Coa 'roup ad5usted their rates on the basis of -ounds -hich penetrated the animalCs body or limb and pierced to the other side. These to-ns 'ave four maraveds for such a double6surfaced in5ury and t-o for a -ound -ith only one lesion, -hile Cceres and "sa're 'ave si3 maraveds and -140-41/ three for the same in5uries. /<L1 To-ns 'ranted compensation on occasion for other animals lost in connection -ith -arfare, the hi'hest bein' 'iven by the Cuenca6Teruel family for asses, -hich received the same a-ards as horses, -hile most other animals carried t-enty maraveds or less under these conditions./<H1 M&$ICI*AL H" %E 6AL&ATI"$% A$0 C"M*E$%ATI"$% 0or the municipal charters listed belo-, the first price /-hen stated1 is the minimum value of the horse re!uired to 'ain a kni'htly ta3 e3empt status. The second price /-hen available1 is the ma3imum fi'ure for compensation of a horse lost in combat. )a'uardia /::HL1 $ntoUana Bernedo In ura )a'uardia /:<TQ1 Burunda 66 66 66 66 66 66 :TT :TT :TT

:TI

Viana $!uilar $lfambra Cceres Cuenca Castello6Bom Teruel "sa're $lbarracRn +alen uela +lasencia Vi'uera y Valb0unes $lcara $lcal de %enares $larc&n "cl4s %uete Molina de $ra'&n Jorita >vila Bae a Cu4llar I natoraf $tien a $lc ar 2scalona [beda Tru5illo MsQ;;: Bur'os $lfaiates Buitra'o Coria +eUafiel Castel #odri'o Madrid Castello6Melhor Valladolid Villaescusa de %aro
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$lfaiates notes the t-o fi'ures in different parts of the charter. $ll values are in the coina'e of the realm? $ra'onese solidos6sueldos, Castilian aureos6maraveds, +ortu'uese morabitinos. The Navarrese charters of )a'uardia, $ntoUana, Bernado, In ura, Buranda, Viana and $'uilar 'ave the above fi'ure for a male horse, half of it for a mare. (nche 6$lborno offers a table of horse values derived from tenth century documents. The value therein varies bet-een forty to si3ty sueldos. The Cortes of 74re in :<HQ set a sale price of <TT maraveds for a 'ood ridin' horse /caballo1 and :TT for a 'ood -ork horse /rro<in1. Compensation often re!uired the meetin' of certain conditions set by the to-n. The 'iete partidas thou'ht it advisable to establish the condition of all animals and e!uipment before departin' for the field to avoid fraudulent claims for compensation at the conclusion of hostilities. The code -arned a'ainst delayin' to :TL

accomplish this survey if it took a substantial military risk thereby, and one doubts that the municipal militias often took time to undertake such a procedure. /<P1 9hen the time for booty division -as at hand, the to-ns doled out their precious resources -ith some care. $ny -ounded animal had to be e3amined by one to four /the fi'ure varies from to-n to to-n1 residents of the municipality or comrades in a manCs military 'roup. These had to s-ear -142/ that the animal had not been harmed by its master deliberately, had not been in5ured prior to the departure of the militia, and that the in5ury had been sustained in line of duty and not in unauthori ed skirmishin' or huntin'./<Q1 Various time limits involved in the compensation process had also to be heeded. 0irst, the o-ner had to present the in5ured animal to the /uez and the alcaldes, in the Cuenca6Teruel charters -ithin a three6day time limit. Moreover, if the demise of the horse -ere imminent, the to-n officials took the animal from the o-ner and placed it under observation in one of the municipal corrals for a period of time. In the Coria Cima6Coa )eonese charters and at "cl4s the conce/o allotted nine days before makin' a further 5ud'ment, -hile in the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns, the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas ar'ued for a more cautious thirty days. (hould the horse re'ain its health or its in5uries heal properly, the to-n 'ranted no compensation. =ther-ise the o-ner received the stipulated fee. /<O1 0inally, in decidin' the value of the animal the conce/o offered the normal stipend for a dead horse only if the o-ner had purchased it over a year before its death. 9ithin a year of purchase the o-ner could e3pect the price he had paid for it instead of the official compensation a-ard. /;T1 $ny e!uipment lost on campai'n merited a compensation a-ard or replacement from the spoils, assumin' the individual had not lost the item thorou'h his o-n fault, but $lfambra alone offered a list of fees indemnifyin' most of this e!uipment. /;:1 In the other "ueros, ho-ever, only the lance receives individual attention. In the Cordilleran charters, a lance lost in battle received a t-o6 maraved indemnity if it had a standard attached and had been lod'ed in the body of a Muslim, or one maraved if these conditions did not apply. In the )eonese 23tremaduran charters, t-o maraveds -ere 'ranted for a more valuable lance, one maraved for one of lesser value./;<1 $s in the case of both personal in5uries and -ounded animals, the to-ns did not make distinctions bet-een kni'hts and footsoldiers in the compensation of e!uipment. This e'alitarian approach is an interestin' indicator, at least in the later t-elfth and early thirteenth centuries, that the social divisions had not yet be'un to -iden. Moreover, it demonstrates a stron' sense of community intensified by the combat hardships borne by all vecinos. These communities based their 5ud'ments on needs rather than on status. =ne of the primary -ays by -hich the kin' could profit from the bellicosity of his municipalities consisted in callin' for a share of their spoils. The Muslims had traditionally collected such a ta3 in Islamic (pain, and the Christian rulers of the north soon came to dra- upon the same principle. The peninsular monarchs be'an discussin' ta3ation of the booty collected by to-ns in the later eleventh century, and by the mid6t-elfth century a number of -141/ to-ns in $ra'on, Castile and +ortu'al had this obli'ation placed in their charters. The kin' customarily re!uested one6fifth of the spoils /as did the Muslim rulers1 accumulated on any 'iven campai'n or action. The "ueros -hich discuss the orderin' of the a-ards 'ranted before the division of booty state unanimously that the royal share came after all other indemnities had been paid, but the royal codes ar'ued that the presence of the kin' at the battle or in the main force from -hich raidin' detachments sallied forth entitled him to receive his part of any resultant booty prior to further distribution. /;;1 The 'reat charter families of the later t-elfth century elaborate the manner of takin' the royal 9uinto and the restrictions on this process. They continue to assert the priority of indemnities over the royal ta3 in order of assessment. The Coria 'roup o-ed no payment if their e3pedition failed to take any Muslim prisoners, and the (antar4m "orais e3empted the unit commanders /adaliles1 from the ta3. .aroca, $lfambra, "cl4s e3empted finished 'arments /as distinct from bolts of cloth1 and food from the royal 9uinto, -hile the Cuenca6Teruel charters e3empted only food. The 'iete partidas -ould ultimately accept the e3clusion of finished 'arments from the fifth, notin' that Dthe kin' should not obtain clothin' meant for another.D/;I1 The 'iete partidas noted that the kin' could yield his 9uinto if he -anted to provide e3tra incentive for a campai'n, that all defensive activity in the case of a full6scale invasion 5ustified e3emption, as e3emplified by $lfonso WCs freein' )orca from payin' the 9uinto durin' the Murcian uprisin' in :<HL. $ll spies, sentinels and scouts en5oyed e3emption of the burden. =ther-ise, the kin' anticipated one fifth of all movable 'oods taken as spoils, -hatever the form of action in -hich it had been taken./;L1 The to-ns deviated from the fi3ed rate of one6fifth for the royal share of booty in special circumstances. 0ootsoldiers servin' on 'uard duty in "cl4s had their ta3 reduced from a fifth to a seventh. The charter of MaraU&n established the precedent for the booty ta3 rate of one6fifth for kni'hts -ho served alone and one6 seventh for infantry alone. To this the Cuenca 'roup of charters added a one6si3th rate for kni'hts and infantry servin' to'ether. The ta3 assessment for the balance of these t-o elements established its basis from the point at -hich the troops took their supplies. /;H1 The responsibility for the collection of these ta3es in the field fell upon the battlefield commanders, the adalides, and the alcaldes of the municipality, -ho turned over the collected resources to the /uez, -ho in turn 'ave the proceeds to the royal representative. The $lfonsine charters stressed that this ta3 share of booty should be assessed -144/ in the field immediately after combat, but accepted the principle that circumstances mi'ht re!uire that the revenues be dra-n from the proceeds of the auction after the campai'n. In turn, $larc&n, Bae a, I natoraf, [beda and the recipient of the +aris $rsenal manuscript sou'ht to :TH

facilitate the collection of the kin'Cs 9uinto by havin' the alcaldes and the /uez encamp close to each other in the field./;P1 =nce the indemnifications and compensations had been paid and the rulerCs share set aside, the conce/o then moved to those -ho had made special contributions of e!uipment, of animals, and of their o-n skills and deeds, as -ell. Many of these re-ards -ere based on receivin' a share of the booty taken on the campai'n. =rdinarily, a resident could receive such shares only by personal attendance in the militia durin' the action -hich achieved the spoils. Those ordered to stay behind constituted e3ceptions to this rule, and on occasion a share of booty -as set aside for the Church. Beyond these arran'ements, the only variations in dividin' the shares -ere the a-ards from contributin' arms, e!uipment and animals, and the premiums paid for acts of e3ceptional valor. /;Q1 The Cuenca6Teruel "ueros tended to repay the individual for his contribution of e!uipment by shares of booty as a'ainst the )eonese practice of 'rantin' e3emptions. 0irst, ho-ever, the to-ns set minimum e!uipment re'ulations for kni'hts to assure their combat readiness at the outset of the campai'n. These Castilian charters demanded that their kni'hts brin' a lance, a s-ord and a shield if they did not -ant to forfeit one6half of their booty share. The pen had to brin' a lance, a thro-in' spear or a club. The Coria Cima6Coa charters demanded a mail 5acket or a helmet from their kni'hts, -hile infantry -eapons received no mention. /;O1 23tra booty shares -ere apportioned for those residents -ho 'ave e!uipment beyond the re!uired items. $ mail 5acket dre- a half6 share in the Cordilleran charters and a full share in the $lfonsine chartersE a helmet or mail hood brou'ht its contributor a one6!uarter shareE shoulder and thi'h armor received a !uarter share in )eonese 23tremadura and a half share in the Castilian Cordilleran charters and in the $lfonsine codesE the combination of an mailed 5acket -ith some type of head'ear usually dre- an entire share to'ether, but only three6!uarters share separately. The $lfonsine codes offered a full share for several combinations of body armor and helmet -hich did not appear in the municipal charters. 0inally, a chain for prisoners 'ained a resident a full share in the Cuenca6Teruel charters and a fee of one morabetino in "cl4s./IT1 Booty division underlined the importance of the provision of e!uipment? -142/ the e!uipment -as indemnified a'ainst loss, and its use could profit an individual -hether he served or not. The earliest interest sho-n in the contribution of animals for fees appears in $ra'on, Navarre and +ortu'al, dealin' -ith horses and asses, and indicatin' one rate for daytime use and an additional surchar'e if the borro-er retained the animal overni'ht. In these instances, it appears that the borro-er and not the to-n may have paid the fee. The basic rate listed in the Navarrese charters from ::HL to :<:O -as? a horse, si3 solidos per day -ith an overni'ht surchar'e of t-elve solidosE an ass, si3 solidos a day and three additional for overni'ht. The +ortu'uese Vvora family cited only horse rentals, -hich cost a ram for the first day, and thereafter si3 solidos by day and an additional solido for overni'ht. $ra'onese Cetina, $lfambra and Vi'uera also had rental rates for horses, -hich -ere listed at seven solidos a day at Cetina, five solidos at $lfambra and Vi'uera./I:1 In the Cuenca charters, shares as -ell as user fees receive mention. Bivin' a horse to a kni'ht to do battle in the cavalgada raid earned a share of booty for the lender. 2ven if the kni'ht did not participate in the action -hich -on the spoils, the o-ner of the horse he borro-ed received some a-ard as decided by the adalid. Cuenca6 Teruel also set a fi3ed flat rate of t-o maraveds for a horse 'iven -ith a saddle, and one for the horse alone. The 'iete partidas 'ranted a half6share for the contribution of a horse or other animal, su''estin' that the municipal 'enerosity on this matter may have been dilutin' the value of booty shares e3cessively in the vie- of $lfonso W./I<1 $rchers came under a special cate'ory of consideration for e3tra shares of booty, in that they brou'ht not only special e!uipment to the militia but also a particular talent. The -illin'ness of the urban kni'htly class to ac!uire this skill constituted a note-orthy tradition in the )eonese6Castilian lands not common to the kni'htly class in the rest of 9estern 2urope. =nce trained, the kni'ht 'ained an e3tra amount of booty -hile renderin' a indispensable service? the contribution of missile pro5ection to a totally mounted raidin' party. 0or brin'in' his skills in the field -ith the militia, the kni'ht archer received a full e3tra booty share in the Cuenca6Teruel charters, one6half share in the Coria Cima6Coa charters, and t-o shares in the $lfonsine codes. The foot archer 'ained one half of that -hich the kni'ht received in each of these documents. The e!uipment re!uired to !ualify for such remuneration varied in these sources. In the Castilian6$ra'onese Cordillera the kni'ht had to provide bo-, cords and t-o hundred arro-s, -hile the pen had the same re!uirements but needed only one hundred -143/ arro-s. In )eonese 23tremadura both classes re!uired the identical bo-s, cords and si3ty arro-s. The Esp:culo and the 1artidas mandated a bo-, cords, a belt, a !uiver and one hundred to one hundred fifty arro-s. These sources al-ays refer to the archer by the )atin sagittarius or the vernacular ballestero or saetero. The kni'htCs -eapon is al-ays called arcubalista6ballesta, -hile in the Cuenca6Teruel charters the foot archerCs -eapon is referred to both as an arco or ballesta. 8ni'htly archers provided the important element of firepo-er to the mobile raidin' algaras and correduras of the frontier./I;1 The hope of booty did more than secure men and e!uipment for the battlefield. It 'ave them the incentive to e3cel. The 'iete partidas sums up the carrot6and6stick approach succinctly? The e3traordinary act merits a re-ard for the valorous individual, but the brave deed is often a matter of opportunity. This opportunity, if sei ed, merited a re-ard but similarly deserved punishment if un5ustifiably shunned. /II1 Booty constituted the :TP

chief enticement to act positively under such conditions, and the documents reveal a number of la-s desi'ned to brin' about such an end. 0rom the be'innin' of a campai'n throu'h its conclusion, those -ho had rendered special service to the militia could e3pect due repayment from the booty taken on that campai'n. The bearer of intelli'ence information received a re-ard if his information proved useful. The interceptor of a Muslim messa'e -ho brou'ht the content of this communication to the conce/o obtained an a-ard of five maraveds if a victorious encounter follo-ed. In the same Cuenca6Teruel family of charters persons sent out by the royal se.or and the alcaldes to 'ather intelli'ence could secure as much as one6half of the booty captured if their information led to a successful conflict, surely a remarkable e3ample of enrichment throu'h darin'. /IL1 Crucial acts of heroism similarly merited consideration at the time the spoils -ere divided. The )eonese 23tremaduran charters a-arded the kni'ht or pen -ho first broke throu'h the 'ate-ay of a castle or to-n any booty lyin' near the place of forced entry. The charters of the Castilian and $ra'onese Cordillera 'ave a Muslim prisoner as a slave to that soldier -ho performed this same act of valor, the slave to be shared if more than one forced entry at the same time. The $lfonsine codes listed lar'e monetary a-ards alon' -ith property and slaves 'ranted for forcin' a 'ate-ay, a-ards more 'enerous than the to-ns could afford. $t the same time the royal codes pointed out that these spectacular deeds proved more valuable -hen accomplished by coura'eous boldness than by stealth./IH1 +eople also secured a re-ard for brin'in' a Muslim commander / adalid1 to the conce/o. The Cuenca6Teruel family paid ten -144/ maraveds to those accomplishin' such a capture, -hile offerin' five maraveds for brin'in' back the decapitated head of one of these leaders. Coria, Castello6Bom, Cceres and "sa're, on the other hand, simply paid ten maraveds to anyone -ho brou'ht back the head of an enemy leader. If these rene'ades constituted a potential future menace, the Castilian charters allo- the to-n officials to fore'o any royal fees 'ained from turnin' them over to the kin' by e3ecutin' such captives -hile the to-ns had them in their custody./IP1 (hould the Muslim captain survive capture, the kin' maintained the first option to select any such chieftain, 'arrison commander or other important officials -hom the municipal militias obtained, provided the monarch offered to pay a fee of one hundred maraveds to the to-n in e3chan'e for the valued captive. /IQ1 #eferences also appear citin' premiums paid to those -ho unhorsed an enemy cavalryman on the battlefield. The )eonese 23tremaduran charters sho- less 'enerosity, permittin' the kni'ht or pen anythin' in the 'rounded -arriorCs possession e3cept the horse. The Castilian Cordilleran charters 'rant the horse itself to the victor if the enemy kni'ht has been blockin' a 'ate-ay to a castle or to-nE other-ise, if the deed had been accomplished outside the primary area of the battle -here the victor had pursued his opponent, the -inner has the choice of a shield, s-ord or saddle. In the case of Castile and $ra'on, this la- offers one of the critical occasions -hen a pen mi'ht chan'e his social status by the ac!uisition of a horse throu'h combat heroism./IO1 The salary of municipal officials and functionaries -ho participated in the campai'n and -ho possessed sufficient importance to merit monetary compensation -as provided by another allotment dra-n from the proceeds of combat. Municipal officials -ho served -ith the militia could receive payment both in money and in booty shares, and occasionally both. In the Cuenca6Teruel charter, the /uez received t-o shares of booty in the Castilian "ueros and si3 shares in the $ra'onese. /LT1 The Cuenca6Teruel charters also 'ave the /uez a monetary fee on top of the shares, 'raded to the amount of booty taken and the number of shares to be partitioned. /L:1 The alcaldes received fees, shares or a combination of both, dependin' on the to-n and its charter pattern. /L<1 ?uadrilleros, the parish dividers of booty, obtained a normal share plus an e3tra share of booty in the Cuenca6 Teruel charters./L;1 To-n officials, such as the 'atekeeper / portero or /anitor1, -hose duties re!uired that they remain behind -hen the militia sallied forth into the field received a share for supportin' the military effort by the nature of their office./LI1 The combat leaders and other functionaries also received a salary for their efforts in behalf of the militia. The combat commander /adalid1 received an e3tra share in "cl4s, the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns, most of the to-ns in the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup, and in the 'iete partidas. The -148/ Cuenca6Teruel family notes that this is to be reduced to one share if more than one person had held command position durin' the e3pedition. /LL1 In addition, the Castilian "ueros maintained a provision for an adalid -ho led the militia into a to-n and captured it. The commander -as then 'ranted the choice of a house and its attached properties, and if he -ere a Muslim fi'htin' for the Christians, he received in addition a pled'e of safety for all of his kin in that to-n. /LH1 The scouts /atala%eros1 received the same pay as the alcaldes in both the Castilian6$ra'onese cordillera and in )eonese 23tremadura, althou'h they 'ained an e3tra fee if their duties carried them beyond a predetermined boundary from the to-n. The 'iete partidas recommends that they also be a-arded any booty item that they find as an incentive to compensate for the risky nature of their -ork. /LP1 Buards usually received a sheep for faithful renderin' of their militia duties in the Cuenca6Teruel charters. The $lfonsine charters recommend that they, like the scouts, be paid first to assure their trust-orthiness./LQ1 $dministrative, medical and reli'ious officials also 'ained re-ards. The to-n clerks of the Cuenca6Teruel charters -ho kept the records of the militia both durin' the campai'n and durin' the auction that follo-ed received a fee for their services, if the militia had 'ained any booty, as -ell as a Muslim prisoner, assumin' any had been captured. %o-ever, in Teruel, $lbarracRn, and later in C&rdoba, Carmona and )orca the clerk receives :TQ

a booty share, as -ell. (ome of the later Cuenca charters /$larc&n, Bae a, I natoraf, $lc ar and [beda1 a-ard the clerk a share -hen e3tra shares -ere 'iven to the to-n, but normally the clerk did not participate in share division in the Cordilleran charters. /LO1 The "ueros note fees for medical officers and sur'eons / maestros de llagas and ciruganos1. $t Molina de $ra'on one is reminded of the country doctor of an earlier day receivin' pay in both money and kind. The doctor 'arnered t-enty sueldos, thirty loaves of bread, five measures of -ine and a sheep for tendin' a -ound to the head -here bones protruded. If a lance broke t-o skin surfaces /thus re!uirin' t-o banda'es1, he mended it for ten sueldos. $ll other -ounds re!uired a compensation of five sueldos. In the Cuenca6Teruel charters, the set fee -as t-enty mencales6sueldos for broken bones re!uirin' splints, ten for the -ound involvin' t-o skin surfaces, five for all others. /HT1 The Castilian Cordillera to-ns 'ranted chaplains a Muslim prisoner -hen any -ere captured, althou'h the chaplains had to have served -ith the militia in the field to receive the a-ard./H:1 If by some chance the militia fails to set aside the proper payments prior to the completion of the division, the 'iete partidas -145/ provided for the creation of a commission to make ad hoc decisions on payin' them. The commission -as to consist of men -ith the characteristics of 9uadrilleros to assure 5ust decisions, and its number is to be uneven to avoid the possibility of tie votes. /H<1 The !uestion of prisoner e3chan'e and the ri'hts of men captured by the enemy also remained as a potentially serious complication -hich could affect the number of shares and the amount of booty available for division. +rior to the mid6t-elfth century, prisoners of -ar could anticipate e3termination or slavery as the routine result of their misfortune in fallin' into enemy hands. The mid6t-elfth be'ins to si'nal a chan'e of vie- in the charters of $ra'on and Castile, -here a stron' trend emer'es stressin' the obli'ation to attempt redemption of Christian captives. They achieved this end throu'h maintainin' Muslim captives -hom they used to trade for their Christian counterparts./H;1 By the thirteenth century, the Cordilleran charters and those of )eonese 23tremadura, amon' others, reflect the vie- that captives of the enemy have a ri'ht to redemption by their fello- Christian to-nsmen if it is possible to do so. The $lfonsine codes echo this sentiment and specify in some detail the ri'hts possessed in absencia by such captives. The 'iete partidas elo!uently distin'uishes the prisionero -ho is merely servin' a term in the prison of his co6reli'ionists from the hapless cautivo, -ho has come into the possession of the Muslim enemy -ithout protections or set len'th of term. The ur'ency to free an individual from this D-orst of all misfortunesD is clear. It is e!ually clear that booty plays an important role in meetin' that obli'ation. /HI1 The ri'hts of captives included the protection of their property -hile they remained in prison, continued possession of that property for at least four years after capture, and the ri'ht to make a valid -ill. Not until the captive died in captivity could his relatives take his property to settle his estate. %o-ever, captives could forfeit their ri'hts for redemption if they failed to resist capture or did not sei e their freedom once ransomed. /HL1 The Castilian6$ra'onese Cordillera addresses the !uestion of captive ri'hts most directly, indemnifyin' all e!uipment and animals that the captive lost as the result of capture. The conce/o then selected a Muslim prisoner of similar rank /kni'ht for kni'ht, infantryman for infantryman1 from the municipalityCs enemy captives and traded him for the lost Christian to-nsman. If division of the Muslim prisoners had already taken place -hen the to-n became a-are of the imprisoned status of one of its citi ens, anyone -ho sold a Muslim prisoner to another citi en -ishin' to trade that prisoner for a Christian captive received a bonus of ten maraveds from the booty receipts. In similar circumstances the charter of Vi'uera obli'ated the purchaser of a Muslim prisoner -180/ to render him up for tradin', 'ivin' the former o-ner a set fee of one hundred t-enty sueldos. To assist the tradin' process -ith fiscal support, the Cuenca6Teruel 'roup deducted the Muslim traded for a Christian from the kin'Cs 9uinto, -hile Toledo, C&rdoba, Carmona, $licante and )orca freed the o-ners of the Muslim from the portago commercial ta3 -hen they -ere traded. If the e3pedition captured no Muslims to use for tradin', the 'iete partidas authori ed the sei in' of booty receipts to ac!uire the ransom funds./HH1 The Coria Cima6Coa charters offer a far less clear mandate in 23tremadura to re6secure a captive from Muslim hands. To be sure, these to-ns allot one share in every eleven for potential captive redemption, but no directive compels the militia to yield Muslim prisoners for Christian onesE rather, the ne- o-ners of these Muslim captives received fiscal incentives from the allotted shares to 'ive their Islamic prisoners over for Christian redemption. The to-ns authori ed the offerin' of a thirty maraved fee prior to division to the individual -ho captured a Muslim /insurin' a floor value prior to the competitive risk of auction1, and up to one hundred maraveds after division. =nce the Muslim had been purchased after the auction, one and one6half times the auction price -as allo-ed to persuade the ne- o-ner to release him for trade. $lfaiates evidenced concern that some unscrupulous person mi'ht secure the lo-er pre6division price by pressin' a redemption on the relatives of a recent Christian captive -hile makin' a -indfall profit on the sale of the Muslim prisoners in the bar'ain. By and lar'e, the -riters of the 23tremaduran charters preferred to let relatives of the captives take their o-n initiative, aided by the financial bonuses to free the necessary Muslim ne'otiatin' pa-ns. 9hile these to-ns made it possible to inflate the set fee -ith t-o additional animals from the booty to induce the o-ner of a Muslim captive to sell, the alcaldes risked voidin' the entire arran'ement by pressin' the o-ner too hard. (hould the relatives or friends of the Christian captive make any money in actuali in' the ransom, that profit had to 'o to the ori'inal o-ner of the Muslim -ho made the trade possible. If it proved impossible to complete a :TO

Muslim6for6Christian trade, the ori'inal o-ner reclaimed his Muslim slave and the family received another Muslim prisoner, or the best animal in the booty herd, as compensation for their human loss./HP1 The commercial and cultural interchan'e that accompanied military hostilities produced an official able to move in both -orlds and e!uipped to ne'otiate the ransom and e3chan'e of prisoners. -181/ This fi'ure, called either the al"a9ue9ue, a8ea, e8ea or re9uero, appears in the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa 'roups of charters as -ell as in the 'iete partidas. The $lfonsine code lays do-n the important !ualifications -hich such intermediaries ou'ht to possess? stable property o-ners relatively free from 'reed /a self6flattery clearly indicatin' that they had somethin' to do -ith framin' this statute1E since they -ould be functionin' in t-o different -orlds, they -ould need to speak vernacular (panish and $rabic, familiarity -ith both cultures, and coura'e and stron' faith. The al"a9ue9ue could be commissioned by the kin' or an individual to-n and possessed -ide latitude in authority durin' his mission. The 'iete partidas ur'ed that he be -ell paid, and the municipal "ueros appear to have met that standard. The al"a9ue9ue received a commission of one tenth of the ransom money he handled as -ell as one maraved for each Christian6Muslim captive e3chan'e he arran'ed. %e -as also free to ransom a captive on his o-n volition for payment from the relatives upon his return. The al"a9ue9ue considered himself free to return this captive if the anticipated funds proved unavailable. /HQ1 (ome disa'reement e3ists concernin' al"a9ue9ue procedures bet-een the Cuenca6Teruel charters and the 'iete partidas. =n one hand, the royal code has him carry a royal pennant, take direct routes to the places of captivity, avoid Christian armies lest he accidentally or deliberately be able to render military information to the enemy, and carry no unnecessary merchandise -ith him to clutter his mission -ith mundane business matters. %e faced stiff penalties if he lost funds, mistreated captives or delayed unnecessarily in freein' them. It seems clear from the Cordilleran "ueros, on the other hand, that the al"a9ue9ue had a comple3 mission of commerce, mercenary enterprise and mercy. The ransomer led a rather special e3pedition called a re9ua, intended to be as peaceful as the "onsado -as bellicose. %e held total responsibility for any fiscal losses sustained in the 5ourney, had the po-er of 5ustice over any other individuals accompanyin' him on the re9ua, and kept careful records of all transactions. The re9ua apparently included herds of animals movin' across the frontier, for -hich the al"a9ue9ue received a fee based on the number of animals he had in custody. =nce the al"a9ue9ue had secured his captives, he also received a maravedR /solido1 per day per captive to feed his human char'es if he had to keep them in his o-n house. Conversely, disloyalty to the conce/o that hired him could mean his death./HO1 (ome situations -hich 'overned the division of spoils re!uired special attention. $mon' the most fre!uently cited -as the problem that arose -hen one part of the militia -on a victory and claimed sole possession -182/ of the booty thereby -on. The Chronicle of >vila offers an early instance of this in Count #aymond of Bur'undyCs era -hen the Count ruled in behalf of the early victors, a vie- that came to represent standard municipal policy. 9hile the Cuenca6Teruel charters bespeak of a need for the more fortunate in battle to share -ith those less successful, in some instances, especially -hen the militia mustered for defense, the clear ri'ht to the resultant booty -ent to the direct participants in an action if they constituted a for-ard element -hich achieved success before the rear 'uard reached the battle site to assist the -inners. /PT1 (kirmishers -ho -on booty in sallies and frays connected -ith the sie'e of a to-n or castle customarily received e3clusive claim to the booty they captured on the 'rounds that they rendered a considerable contribution to the eventual defeat of the enemy. In cases -here uncertainty e3isted concernin' the number of participants in an action, the 'iete partidas states that anyone -ithin the visual ran'e of those kno-n to have participated in the action ou'ht to receive a portion. In another instance, -hen a force pursuin' an enemy s!uadron remained in the field overni'ht, its participants retained such booty as they could 'ain in these circumstances. =ne occasion -here a victorious party had to share the booty -ith others -ho may not have fou'ht is delineated in both the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas relatin' to the case of coordinated ambushes, -here one side had a'reed in advance to hold back their attack better to effect the achievement of surprise. These scattered e3ceptions to the normal division of booty appear in the royal codes, but not in the municipal documents. Nonetheless, they are likely to represent standard procedures./P:1 Booty !uestions also arose re'ardin' the continual stealin' of cattle bet-een the Christian and Muslim to-ns of the frontier. These Christian cattle rustlers -ere usually entitled to an portion of the Moorish livestock they had sei ed. )eonese 23tremadura offered a rather 'enerous fifth of the captured animals to the rustlers -hile the Castilian6$ra'onese Cordillera a-arded one thirtieth of the captured sheep and cattle inside the boundaries of the to-n, and one6tenth beyond the boundaries. /P<1 If the rustlers penetrated an enemy fortress or to-n to obtain their animals, they could keep all that they 'athered. /P;1 The Cordillera to-ns also a-arded fees for Muslim prisoners, horses and mules taken in these circumstances, five maraveds in each case on the Castilian side and one maraved for men and horses, one6half a maraved for mules, on the $ra'onese side. /PI1 Cceres and "sa're indicated their concern that the theft of animals mi'ht lead by accident or desi'n to the theft of the to-nCs o-n flocks and herds by finin' any le'itimate militia muster under an -181/ adalid one maraved a head for sei in' municipal animals -hile on defensive patrol./PL1 $n even further complication revolved around material -hich had belon'ed to the to-nsmen or their nei'hbors and had been lost to enemy raidin'. If a Muslim foray captured booty, and then in turn they -ere routed by the ::T

militia -hich recaptured the lost material, the 'eneral principle prevailed that these items should be returned to their o-ners. =n occasion this meant a fee to the finder, as -hen the Esp:culo recommends that a horse returned to its o-ner -ithin a year of its loss should secure a re-ard of one maraved. Beyond a year, presumably the finder retained the horse. In the case of human booty recovered, recaptured Christian, Muslim and 7e-ish prisoners formerly livin' in Christian Castile -ere to be restored to their families and 'oods. (hould any of the retaken Muslims not -ish to return, their captors dealt -ith them as thou'h they -ere Muslim prisoners of -ar. /PH1 In retakin' a to-n, former property o-ners could enter a claim even after four years. (ome of the Castilian charters derived from Cuenca call for restraint in occupyin' former properties until the army -hich re'ained them had returned. In the event of disputes in land o-nership under these circumstances, the 9uadrilleros became the arbitrators and a-arded lands to those -ho first -orked them. /PP1 $s an encoura'ement to turn booty in -hen one came upon it in the -ake of battle, in Castile the finder -as a-arded a !uarter of its value after it -as held for nine days. In )e&n, the finder received one maraved for anythin' he found./PQ1 The codifiers of the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas implicitly assume that the takin' of booty had limits in combat. The $lfonsine codes recommend that booty not be collected and divided until at least nine days /in the Esp:culo1 or later three days /in the 'iete partidas1 after the battle, so that no one -ould for'et that the primary ob5ective follo-in' a victory -as the pursuit of the enemy. +illa'in' -as not to commence -hile the battle or sie'e -as still in pro'ress. The Esp:culo points out that this 'ivin' -ay to 'reed constituted a kind of robbery, tempted men to hide items from their comrades and from the kin', and offered the enemy an opportunity for counterattack -hich could 5eopardi e the entire enterprise. /PO1 0urthermore, the monarch assumed the ri'ht to choose the military ob5ectives and determine the amount of lootin' permitted in the sie'e of a to-n. If residents of a municipality received the protection of their property or permission to leave -ith their movable 'oods, the -arriors -ere to honor these terms under threat of punishment from the kin'. To-ns destroyed by a victorious Christian army -184/ had to be restored to an appro3imation of their ori'inal state once they -ere captured. 2ven the casual plunderin' of a -aterin' place dre- punishment at Vi'uera. /QT1 "nbridled lust for booty -hich lost si'ht of community interests and the basic ob5ective of victory -ent sharply a'ainst the 'rain of municipal and royal tradition, despite the importance of spoils in the municipal economy and the military system of Castile. The municipal documents of )eon6Castile and Cordilleran $ra'on indicate the importance of spoils. 0or one, the ac!uisition of booty contributed to the to-nsC ability to fi'ht. It placed the military ordnance needed to perform active combat in the hands of to-nsmen. Moreover, spoils division assured the municipal -arrior a continuin' supply of arms and e!uipment to replace and up'rade the -eaponry of past campai'ns. In the municipal -illin'ness to share spoils in order to insure a'ainst irreparable losses, -e see one of the finest demonstrations of the militia as a community enterprise, bindin' its citi ens to'ether in mutual endeavor and concern. Booty also served as a limited insurance a'ainst combat risks, includin' the loss of life, animals and e!uipment, -hich faced the militiaman as he departed throu'h the 'ates of the to-n. The loss of his life could leave his family -ithout a bread-inner and possibly a male heir. 0or a kni'ht, the death of his horse could seriously affect his future social and political status. The destruction of scarce and e3pensive combat 'ear could end his future ability to return to the field. No prudent individual -ould therefore undertake so formidable a risk unless compensation and profit tempered the dan'er. Compensation for loss, human, animal and material, -as assured by the to-n so that the kni'ht and footsoldier mi'ht 'o forth to battle -ith confidence. (econdly, the e3tent of the la- devoted to the !uestion of booty division in the best developed charter families of "pper $ra'on, Castile and the )eonese6+ortu'uese 23tremadura su''ests that -arfare and its resultant booty constituted a re'ular part of the daily life of the to-ns. In the li'ht of that reali ation another follo-s closely? booty 'reatly affected the economy of these frontier to-ns. "bieto $rteta and Bautier6.alch4 have attempted 'eneral assessments of the economic impact of this -arfare on the frontier to-ns, but nothin' more clearly indicates the critical role played by booty than the e3tensive and detailed concern for its mana'ement sho-n in these "ueros./Q:1 That such matters occupied the attention of the municipal charters and the $lfonsine codes to the e3tent that they did stron'ly underlines a potential dependency on -arfare and its profits as a supplement to the narro- livestock economy of many of these Meseta to-ns. The citi en could return from combat enriched, sometimes substantially enriched, -182/ as the result of his battle pro-ess. %orses and other valuable animals could alter oneCs social status, -hile ne- e!uipment could enhance oneCs established position in the to-n. $ Muslim laborer, a -ell6made shield, a small flock of sheep, all these could affect the position and creature comforts one en5oyed in the municipality. 0or the participant his share of the auctioned booty proved an assured dividend even if the e3pedition or patrol had not besto-ed a chance for profitable heroism or a lucky find. To the lo-er economic classes the opportunity for fees 'ained by performin' smaller tasks such as 'uard duty had their economic value. =ne also suspects that the to-nsmen -ere not alone in their appreciation of the commercial value of booty, and may not even have been its prime beneficiaries. The history of -arfare is replete -ith camp6follo-ers, sutlers and traders -ho peddle 'oods to soldiers and purchase booty from them. Individuals in possession of sufficient li!uid -ealth could doubtless strike 'ood bar'ains at the municipal auctions in the paraphernalia of combat, -here one militiaCs 'lutted booty collection could be marketed in a to-n -ith a less successful campai'nin' :::

season a fe- kilometers a-ay. (ome of this clearly fed an arms trade -hich did not necessarily respect the Christian and Muslim frontier. The municipal charters be'in to le'islate a'ainst arms tradin' -ith the Muslims in the mid6t-elfth century, and by the a'e of the Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa charters, stiff penalties a-aited those -ho defied these restrictions. In the Cordilleran charters the sanctions a'ainst tradin' arms -ith other Christians, carryin' li'hter fines, are interestin'ly located in the section of those codes -hich deal -ith the 7e-s, rather than in the military la-s -hich follo- in a fe- folios. The prohibitions a'ainst sellin' arms to the Muslims bear much hi'her penalties and are directed at Christian, Muslim and 7e-ish citi ens. These latter la-s are located in the earlier, more commercial section of the codes. /Q<1 These considerations may also underlie the -atchful le'islation 'overnin' the al"a9ue9ues -ho had opportunities for such arms operations as they mi'rated back and forth across the frontiers durin' the course of their prisoner e3chan'es. The mentality behind this foral le'islation is that of a society balancin' a variety of loyalties, to community, to church, to re'ion and to kin'. It -as a society of individuals -ho -ere not necessarily professional soldiers, -hose day to day dependence on their skills and intellect -as both enriched and threatened by -ar, and -ho did not embrace the too often assumed chivalric and crusadin' ideals that imposed themselves on the -ritin' of medieval military history. The necessity of fi'htin' bred a hard6headedness -183/ into these hard -orkin' vecinos, -ho sa- a need to le'islate -arCs impact on their lives and to make some effort to share the profits and dama'es -hich it arbitrarily imposed upon them. The charters also point to a more 'radual process at -ork on the frontier, the tendency to reinforce the emer'in' social divisions. Certainly the e!uality of dama'e compensations su''est that hardships should -ei'h -ithout social considerations, and social mobility continued throu'h entry into lo-er aristocracy of the urban kni'htly class by the ac!uisition of a horse. Nonetheless, the increasin' array of kni'htly e!uipment made the transition from pen to caballero 'radually less likely. Battle situations 'reatly favored the kni'ht in the ac!uisition of booty, and the kni'htCs ability to 5oin the fast6movin' mounted raidin' parties provided opportunities for spoils the unmounted militiaman never encountered. 2ven more interestin', since the -eapons themselves provided ta3 advanta'es and the entr4e to combat profits, the accumulation of -eaponry and e!uipment over time allo-ed individuals to 'ain control over 'roups of their fello- residents by either providin' these valuable items for others at a cost or securin' for them an e3emption from combat, or ta3es, or both. $ lar'e arsenal of military 'ear ac!uired by a family built up durin' decades of frontier combat permitted them to e3ercise influence over others as -ell as to maintain their ability to secure ne- supplies as the #econ!uest pro'ressed. The unified format of $lfonso WCs charters based on the Toledo pattern stress the kni'htCs ability to accumulate and display the military paraphernalia of his rank and the e3emptions to be thus ac!uired by them. This emphasis su''ests that the social and economic lines had already be'un to harden. 9hat does this tell us re'ardin' those areas outside of "pper $ra'on, Castile and the )eonese6+ortu'uese 23tremaduraY To be sure, the to-nsmen of +ortu'al, Navarre and Catalonia fou'ht and ac!uired booty. Certainly this booty under-ent some form of division that resulted in profit for municipal residents. =ne must be cautious in ar'uin' from a lack of informative charters -hat the role of booty must have been in these territories. ,et it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that booty, -hatever amount of it may have been 'enerated by their -arfare, simply did not e3ert the same influence in +ortu'al and Catalonia that it did in "pper $ra'on, Castile and )eon. =n occasion the kin'6count of the Cro-n of $ra'on offered salaries to participants of campai'ns, obviatin' the need of booty. /Q;1 The seas on -hich they bordered provided a lively maritime economy -hich -ould have distracted them from any serious dependence on frontier booty. Because they lacked a livestock economy, the e3tension of 'ra in' areas and the protection of -184/ flocks meant little to the coastal economies, and the rustlin' of animal booty -as of mar'inal interest. No evidence e3ists to demonstrate that they chose to institutionali e booty ac!uisition and division in the manner of the to-ns of the central peninsula. #ather, it -as the to-ns of the Cordillera, the Meseta, 23tremadura and $ndalusia that this practice typified, 'lorified and ultimately severely limited. Notes for Chapter P :. 1C+, <?HO:. <. C&I, ;<6;;, O<6OL, OQ6OO, :<H6;<. D$nales Toledanos I,D <;?;OP6OQ. C1&, <;6<I. DCarta de $rnaldo $malarico,D :PI. IIM, <?I:, -here the militias of (antar4m and )isbon are discussed in a Muslim source. Muntaner, DCr]nica de #amon Muntaner,D Ch. :;. ;. C&I, OL6OP. IIM, <?I6H, <Q6<O. $MC, :P?:6;, :I. I. .ufourc! and Bautier6.alch4, $istoire :conomi9ue et sociale, PO6Q<. Brassotti, D+ara la historia del botRn,D ;O6IT?HQ6P<. Tenorio, D)as milicias de (evilla,D :P?<<;6<I. L. C1&, ;P. H. D0uero de N5era, :TPH,D <?QI6QL. D0oral concedido aos habitantes de Coimbra, ::::,D :?;<. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de (oure,D :?;;. D0uero de Cseda,D IPL. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. D/0oral de1 NumMo, ::<

::;T,D :?;PT. D0uero de MaraUon,D <?::O6<<. D0oral de (eia,D :?:PP6PQ. D0uero de .aroca, ::I<,D ;H<6H;. D0uero de +eralta,D LIO. DCarta de foral concedida aos moradores de (intra,D :?;T:. D.. $fonso %enri!ues fa doaZMo de Barcelos,D :?;<:. D/0oral de1 Thomar,D :?;QQ. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de Monsanto,D :?I<:. D/0oral de1 +ombal,D :?;OQ. The fifth ta3 is mentioned throu'hout the (antar4m family in +ortu'al /see $ppendi3 $1. D/0oral de1 Bermanello,D :?I;;. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D <?L:Q. DCarta de poblaci&n de +inell, :<TP,D :?;TP. P. !uero de Calata%ud, ;P. D0uero de Buadala5ara /::;P1,D :TQ6::. !Daroca, ;HH6HP. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. BarcRa6Ballo dates this part of 2scalonaCs "uero in the later t-elfth century. Q. !Carcastillo, IPT. !Calata%ud ;P. !+uadala/ara 22HE, :TQ. D0uero de ,an'uas, ::IL,D I?QI. The entire family of the >vila6Vvora charters contain a horse indemnification la- /see $ppendi3 $1. !uero de &l"ambra, <:, ;;. !@cl:s 22EG, <?L:O. D0uero de Medinaceli,D II:, II;. O. !C"s, ;T?:H. !Cmsp, ;T?:I. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T. ! R, LQ:. !&lbR, :Q<. !1, LT;. !&lz, :T?:H. !&ln, HTH. !$, f. Q;v. !L, H<;. !#a, HQ<. !I, HLI. !&lr, f. OPr. !@b, LIN. M'VHH2, PT:. !#e, O:T. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. =nly Cceres and "sa're cite the 9uadreleros in this process, as the remainder of the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup leave this task in the hands of the alcaldes assisted by the adalids. Las siete partidas, <?<H?:<6:;, ;<. :T. !C"s, ;T?:P, HI6HL. !Cmsp, ;T?:L, HT6H:. ! L, I<H, IIL. !&lbL, IQP, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:I?:T, ;P. ! R, LQ:, HTO6:T. !&lbR, :Q<6Q;, :QO. !1, LT;, L<P. !&lz, :T?:P, HI6HL. !&ln, HTP6TQ, HI:6I<. !$, ff. Q;v, QHv6QPr. !L, H<I, HHQ6HO. !#a, HQ;, P<;6<I. !I, HLL, HO;6OI. !&lr, ff. OPr, :T:r. !@b, LIa, LIBD6LI%D. M'VHH2, PT:, P;;. !#e, O::, OH:6H<. !V$, L:T, LI:. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. In the Coria family, the alcalde had the primary responsibility for booty division, but he could dele'ate it to the lesser officials. ::. !C"s, ;T?;H, I;?:P. !Cmsp, ;T?;;, I;?:<. ! L, I;<, LII. !&lbL, IQO6OT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<;, I?:I?:<. ! R, LO:, PQT. !&lbR, :QH, <;L. !1, L:;. !&lz, :T?;H, :<?HI. !&ln, H<;, Q:L. !$, ff. QIv, ::<v. !L, HI<, QIT. !#a, PTT, OTQ. !I, HP:, QPI. !&lr, ff. OOr, :<Hv. !@b, LI0C, O<. M'VHH2, P:I, PIP. !#e, O;T. !V$, L<L. !&, ;PQ. !C;, ::<, ;LP. !CR, Q?:;, <<. !CM, ;::, ;<T. !C&, :PP, ;H:. !C#, :TQ, ;PT. !@, :PO, ;PT. :<. In the case of battles fou'ht in the vicinity of the to-n, the rent collectors and hired -orkers of a landlord -ere e3pected to turn in any booty they found to their landlord, -ho presumably brou'ht such materials to the proper officials to make his claim. !C"s, ;?<O, ;Q?O. !Cmsp, ;?<O, ;Q?O. ! L, ;T:, LTT. !Ccv, :?;?:O, :?P?O. ! R, I:I, PTO. !&lbR, :;O, <:;. !1, ITO, I:;. !&lz, <?HT, ::?:TH. !&ln, QL, PLT. !$, ff. :Ir, :T:v. !L, PH, PPO. !#a, Q;, QIH. !I, Q<, QTQ. !&lr, ff. :Qr, ::Lv. !@b, :T?Q$, HLI. M'VHH2, :H:, HI;. !#e, :TI. !V$, Q:, H<L. :;. !C"s, ;T?L6H, H:. !Cmsp, ;T?L6H, LP. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I6L, ;L. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. Teruel and $lbarracRn lack any reference to the auction, althou'h referrin' to many of the other la-s that are covered in the Cuenca 'roup by the auctionin' process. !1, IOH6OP, L<H. !&lz, :T?L6H, H:. !&ln, LOL, LOQ, H;Q. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v, QHv. !L, H:;6:I, HHL. !#a, HPI6PL, P<T. !I, HI;, HIH, HOT. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr, :T:r. !@b, LI26 LI0, LI.D. M'VHH2, HOL6OH, P;T. !#e, QOP, QOO, OLP6LQ. !V$, L;O. The indirect )eonese evidence consists in the re!uirement that those e3cused from military service obli'ations in these to-ns had to pay a double pled'e to make a credit bid on an item at auction, su''estin' that those -ho had rendered military service had preferential ri'hts over the items in such auctions, i.e. spoils. !&, :Q:, ;PQ, ;QI. !C;, :P;, ;LP, ;H:. !CR, Q?<<6<;, LT. !CM, ;<T6<:, ;IQ. !C&, :PH, ;H:, ;HL. !C#, :PQ, ;PT, ;PI. !@, :PQ, ;PT, ;PI. The process of spoils division in the )eonese to-ns involved the castin' of lots for the ri'ht to select items of booty. !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes, L. D2l esp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<P6<Q. :I. !C"s, :H?L;, ;T?H:. !Cmsp, :H?LI, ;T?LP. !Ccv, <?H?;I, ;?:I?;L. !1, :QH6QO, L<H. !&lz, H?LL, :T?H:. !&ln, ITO, H;Q. !$, ff. LLv, QHv. !L, ;P:, HHL. !#a, IIP, P<T. !I, II;, HOT. !&lr, ff. HPv, :T:r. !@b, ;QB6;Q%, LI.D. M'VHH2, ;OO, P;T. !#e, LPT, OLP6LQ. !V$, ITP, L;O. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;<6;I. :L. !C"s, ;T?IO6LT. !Cmsp, ;T?IH6IP. ! L, III. !&lbL, IO:6O<. !Ccv, ;?:I?<O6;T. ! R, HT<6T;. !&lbR, :QQ. !1, L<:. !&lz, :T?IO6LT. !&ln, H;T6;:. !$, f. QLv. !L, HLL. !#a, P:T6::. !I, HQ:6Q<. !&lr, ff. OOv6:TTr. !@b, LI#C6LI(C. M'VHH2, P<<6<;. !#e, OI;6IL. !V$, L;<6;;. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?L: !CM, ;IO. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. .isputants ac!uired the use of an animal or a money fee until the matter -as resolved in the )eonese 23tremaduran charters. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:;, ;<. The $lfonsine code permitted individuals to choose articles from the collected booty prior to the auction if that item -as deducted from their share. :H. !C"s, ;T?I;6II. !Cmsp, ;T?IT6I:. ! L, I;O6IT. !&lbL, IOT6O:. !Ccv, ;?:I?<P. ! R, LOP6OQ. !&lbR, :QP. !1, L:Q. !&lz, :T?I;6II. !&ln, H<H6<P. !$, f. QLr. !L, HIQ6IO. !#a, PTL6TH. !I, HPH6PP. !&lr, ff. OOr6OOv. !@b, LIMC6LINC. M'VHH2, P:Q6:O. !#e, O;P6;Q. !V$, L<O. Esp:culo, ;?Q?Q. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;<. =n occasion, the pled'in' of ob5ects -as allo-ed, as in the case of a particularly valuable s-ord at Vi'uera, !Viguera % Val de !unes, <L. :P. !C"s, ;T?L<6LI, HI6HL, ;:?:I. !Cmsp, ;T?IO6L:, HT6H:, ;:?:T. ! L, III6IL, IL<. !&lbL, IO<6O;. !Ccv, ;?:I?;<, ;P, ;?:L?O. ! R, HT;6TI, HTO6:T, H<:. !&lbR, :QQ6QO, :O<. !1, L<;, L<P, L;P. !&lz, :T?L<6LI, HI6HL, PO. !&ln, H;<6;;, HI:6I<, HLI. !$, ff. QHr6QPr, QQv. !L, HLP6LO, HHQ6HO, HQ:. !#a, P:;6:L, H<;6<I, P;Q. !I, HQI6QH, HO;6OI, PTQ. !&lr, ff. :TTr6:T:r, :T<v. !@b, LI"C6LIVC, LIBD6LI%D, LL7. M'VHH2, P<L, P;;, PI;. !#e, ::;

OIP6LT, OH:6H<, OQ:. !V$, L;L, LI:, LIQ. The later Cuenca6pattern to-ns of +lasencia, $lcara , $larc&n, Jorita, Bae a, I natoraf, $lc ar, [beda, the $rsenal manuscript and B45ar e3tend the period of liability for the hidden item to three nine6day periods. :Q. D0ueros de )e&n y Carri&n, :::I,D IO. !Carcastillo, IPT. !Calata%ud, ;P. 0rom ::HH, the Vvora charter family contains such an indemnity la- /see $ppendi3 $1. !@cl:s 22EG, <?L:O. !C"s, ;T?<T. !Cmsp, ;T?:Q. ! L, IQP. !&lbL, I<H. !Ccv, ;?:I?:<. ! R, LQ<. !&lbR, :Q;. !1, LTL. !&lz, :T?<T. !&ln, H:T. !$, f. QIr. !L, H<P. !#a, HQH. !I, HLQ. !&lr, f. OPv. !@b, LIS. M'VHH2, PT;. !#e, O:I. !V$, L:;. El "uero de #rihuega, :HT. Esp:culo, ;?P?::. #amos y )oscertales, El cautiverio en la Corona de &ragn, ::P6<T. :O. !C"s, ;T?<I. !Cmsp, ;T?<<. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:L. ! R, LQI. !&lbR, :QI. !1, LTP. +lasencia offered L mrs. for broken bones, I mrs. for the -ound that punctured t-o surfaces, and < mrs. for the one6surface -ound. !&lz, :T?<I. !&ln, H:I. !L, H;:. !#a, HOT. !I, HH:. !&lr, f. OQr. !@b, LI". M'VHH2, PTH6TP, -hich add :Tmrs. for a le' or arm -ound -hich re!uires a splint. !#e, O:O6<T. !V$, L:H. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?LT. !CM, ;IQ. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. Esp:culo, ;?P?::. 'iete partidas, <?<L?<6;. <T. !C"s, ;T?:O. !Cmsp, ;T?:P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?::. ! R, LQ<. !&lbR, :Q;. !1, LT;. !&lz, :T?:O. !&ln, HTO. !$, f. QIr. !L, H<H. !#a, HQL. !I, HLP. !&lr, ff. OPr6OPv. !@b, LI+. M'VHH2, PT<6T;. !#e, O:;. !V$, L:<. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?LT. !CM, ;IQ. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. !Viguera % Val de !unes, L. 'iete partidas, <?<L?L. <:. Esp:culo, ;?P?::. 'iete partidas, <?<L?<6;. <<. !&, ;L<. !CR, Q?I:. !CM, ;;O. !C&, ;;H. !C#, ;I;. !@, ;IL. It should be noted, nonetheless, that the coin of the realm -as devalued seven times bet-een :<HQ and :<QL. Carl4, D2l precio de la vida en Castilla,D :L?:;L6 ;H. <;. !+uadala/ara 22HE, :TQ. !Yanguas 22M4, I?QI. !Medinaceli, II:. !&l"ambra, <:. The entire family of the >vila6Vvora charters contain a horse indemnification la- /see $ppendi3 $1. <I. D0uero de Cetina,D <I?LO:. D0uero de )a'uardia, ::HI,D :?<<<. !&l"ambra, <:, ;H. D0uero de Bernedo,D :?<;<. D0uero de $ntoUana,D :?<<O. !C"s, :?H, ;T?<;. !Cmsp, :?P, ;T?<:. ! L, O, :T. !Ccv, :?:?H, ;?:I?:I. ! R, H, Q. !&lbR, P. !1, <, LTH. !&lz, :?P6Q, :T?<;. !&ln, H, H:;. !$, f. Ir. !L, P, H;T. !#a, P, HQO. !I, I, HHT. !&lr, ff. Hv, OPv6OQr. !@b, <$, LIT. M'VHH2, P, PTH. !#e, Q6O, O:Q. !V$, P, L:L. !&, :HO, :Q;. !C;, :H;. !CR, P?Q. !CM, <PI. D0uero latino de Cceres,D v. !C&, :HL. !C#, :HP. !@, :HP. D0uero de In ura,D LH6HT. D0ueros de )a'uardia, :<TQ,D Q:. D0uero de la Burunda,D QL6QH. D0uero de Viana, :<:O,D ;L?I:P. D0ueros y privile'ios de $'uilar, :<:O,D :LO. !Viguera % Val de !unes, L. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QL, ;TQ. D0uero de la villa de +alen uela, :<<T,D <:Q. D2l fuero de "cl4s, c. :<<P,D :I?;;I. !Ledesma, <HI. D0ueros !ue di& a Molina el Infante .. $lfonso,D IP. D0uero de >vila, :<LH,D <?IO:. D0uero de los escusados o fran!uicias de $r4valo, :<LH,D :?<HH. D$lfonso W el (abio confirma los fueros e3tensos de Cu4llar,D I;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W concediendo a la ciudad de Bur'os, :<LH,D :?OP6OQ. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W concediendo al conce5o de Buitra'o,D :?O;6OI. D+rivile'io de #ey .. $lfonso W, concediendo a la villa de +eUafiel, :<LH,D :?QO6 OT. !uero de ru/illo, M(( I;T, f. LTr. D2l fuero de $tien a,D HQ?<HP. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W de 2scalona, L mar o :<H:,D :?:PQ. D)ibro del fuero real y fran!ue as de Madrid, :<H<,D O?L;. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W concediendo a Valladolid,D :?<<L. DCortes de 74re de :<HQ,D :?P<6P;. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. <<T, -here the kin' call for a ne- supply of horses, none to be valued over :TT morabetins. (nche 6$lborno , D2l precio de la vida en el #eino de $sturleon4s,D <?QIL6IP. <L. !&lcalD, ;:T. !C"s, ;T?<I. !Cmsp, ;T?<<. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ3. !Ccv, ;?:I?:L. ! R, LQI. !&lbR, :QI. !1, LTP. +lasencia formed an e3ception, for its rates -ere five, four and t-o maraveds, respectively. These a-ards -ere far closer to those customary in the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup. !&lz, :T?<I. !&ln, H:I. $larc&n omitted the t-o surface -ound fee. !L, H;:. !#a, HOT. !I, HH:. !&lr, f. OQr. !@b, LI". M'VHH2, PTH6TP. !#e, O:O6<T. !V$, L:H. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. $ number of thirteenth6 century charters in )eon and Castile continued the earlier tendency of compensatin' horses -ithout citin' a particular fi'ure. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. D0uero de Campomayor,D LT:. D0uero romanceado de (epNlveda, :;TT,D O<. <H. $lfambra 'ave t-enty morabetinos for a -ork horse, ten morabetinos for a mule, five morabetinos for an o3, and four morabetinos for an ass. !&l"ambra, <:. !C"s, ;T?<;. !Cmsp, ;T?<:. ! L, O. !Ccv, ;?:I?:I. ! R, H. !&lbR, H6P. Teruel and $lbarracRn do not state the amount of the a-ards they 'ive to animals not horses or asses, merely that these animals are to be indemnified. !1, LTH. +lasencia placed a fifteen maraveds ma3imum on a-ards for asses. !&lz, :T?<;. !&ln, H:;. !L, H;T. !#a, HQO. !I, HHT. !&lr, ff. OPv6OQr. !@b, LIT. M'VHH2, PTH. !#e, O:Q. !Viguera % Val de !unes , :I, 'ivin' one sueldo for an o3 or an ass. The :<HQ Cortes at 74re established 'eneral prices for many animals at that time? mule, PT maravedsE asses, ;T to P maravedsE cattle, bet-een O and L maravedsE sheep, L maravedsE 'oats, bet-een :Q and L maravedsE pi's, bet-een :T and : maraveds. Cortes de (:rez de 237V, P<6P;. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. It should be taken into account -ith all of these compensation fi'ures that the maraved -as devalued to three6fifths of its ::QP value by :<<;, and that the inflation of $lfonso WCs rei'n caused seven devaluations of the coin of the realm bet-een :<HQ and :<QL. (ee? +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, <;O, and Carl4, D2l precio de la vida,D :L?:;L6;H. ::I

<P. 'iete partidas, <?<L?I6L. <Q. !C"s, ;:?L6Q. !Cmsp, ;:?I. ! L, O, ILT. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?I. ! R, H, H:L6:H. !&lbR, H6P, :OT6O:. !1, L;<. !&lz, :T?P:6P;. !&ln, HIQ6LT. !$, ff. QPv6QQr. !L, HPL. !#a, P<O6;<. !I, HOO6PT:. !&lr, f. :T<r. !@b, LL.. M'VHH2, P;P6;Q. !#e, PO<6O;. !V$, LII. !&, ;O<. !C;, ::<, ;HI. !CR, P?:Q, Q?:<. !CM, <QI, ;:T. !C&, :PP, ;P<. !C#, :TQ, ;QT. !@, :PO, ;Q:. !&lcalD, ;TQ. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. The )eonese fueros stressed the consultation of alcaldes and adalides in the assessin' of -ounded animals. <O. !C"s, ;:?O6:T. !Cmsp, ;:?L6H. ! L, O, ILT. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?L. ! R, H, H:H. !&lbR, H6P, :O:. !1, L;<. !&lz, :T?PI6PL. !&ln, HLT6L:. !$, f. QQr. !L, HPH6PP. !#a, P;;6;I. !I, PT<6T;. !&lr, f. :T<r. !@b, LL26 LL0. M'VHH2, P;O. !#e, OPI6PL. !V$, LIL. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. !&lcalD, ;<H. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. 'iete partidas, <?<L?L. ;T. !C"s, ;:?P6Q. !Cmsp, ;:?I. ! L, ILT. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?I. ! R, H:H. !&lbR, :O:. !1, L;<. !&lz, :T?P;. !&ln, HIO6LT. !$, ff. QPv6QQr. !L, HPL. !#a, P;:6;<. !I, PTT6T:. !&lr, f. :T<r. !@b, LL.. M'VHH2, P;P6 ;Q. !#e, OP;. !V$, LII. !&, :HO. !C;, :H;. !CR, P?Q. !CM, <PI. !C&, :HL, IQI. !C#, :HP. !@, :HP, LTL. !&lcalD, ;<H. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. 'iete partidas, <?<L?L. !Viguera % Val de !unes , L. Vi'uera authori ed the substitution of a booty share for its compensation a-ard. =n the defensive apellido, Cceres and "sa're preferred that the compensation be made from the booty of that particular conflict. ;:. !&l"ambra, ;;. !C"s, ;T?;<6;;. !Cmsp, ;T?<O6;T. ! L, I<Q6<O. !&lbL, IQO. !Ccv, ;?:I?<:. ! R, LQO. !&lbR, :QL. !1, L:T. !&lz, :T?;<6;;. !&ln, H:O6<T. !$, f. QIr. !L, H;Q6;O. !#a, HOH6OP. !I, HHP6HQ. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LIBC6LICC. M'VHH2, P::. !#e, O<H6<P. !V$, L<:6<<. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. 'iete partidas, <?<L?L. The $lfambra list indemnifies a mail 5acket -ith lon' sleeves / loriga1 at fifty solidos, a shorter 5acket /lorigon1 at t-enty6five solidos, a shield at ten solidos, a mail hood at five solidos and a s-ord at ten solidos. The tenth6 century prices for this items ran at appro3imately ten sueldos for a shield, one hundred sueldos for a hi'hly decorated s-ord, thirty sueldos for a decorated helmet and si3ty sueldos for a mail 5acket. (nche 6$lborno , D2l precio de la vida,D <?QIL. ;<. !&l"ambra, ;;. $lfambra also compensated the lance at ten solidos -ith a standard and five solidos -ithout one. !C"s, ;T?;:. !Cmsp, ;T?<Q. ! L, I<P. !&lbL, IQO. !Ccv, ;?:I?<T. ! R, LQQ. !&lbR, :QL. !1, LTO. !&lz, :T?;:. !&ln, H:Q. !L, H;P. !#a, HOL. !I, HHH. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LI$C. M'VHH2, P:T. !#e, O<L. !V$, L<:. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?L:. !CM, ;IO. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. D0uero de Bada5o ,D P;6PI, 'rants three maraveds for the more valuable lance. ;;. 0or an e3ample of a Muslim fifth taken from Christians, see Ibn6$bA6Jarc, RaBd al69irtRs, :?::T. !AD/era, <?QI6QL. !Coimbra 2222, :?;<. !'oure 2222, :?;;. !CDseda, IPL. !Carcastillo, IPT6P:. !Aum=o, :?;PT. !Mara.on, <?::O6<<. !'eia, :?:PP6PQ. D0uero del Castillo de =re5a, ::;O,D IL?IPT. !Daroca, ;H<6H;. !1eralta, LIO. !'intra, :?;T:. !Molina, Q;. !#arcelos, :?;<:. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a los habitantes de =caUa, ::LH,D Consuelo Buti4rre de $rroyo, ed., &$DE /:OIH1, :P?HLQ. ! homar, :?;QQ. $n indemnification lae3ists throu'hout the Vvora family /see $ppendi3 $1. !Monsanto, :?I<:. !1ombal, :?;OQ. !&l"ambra, :O, <:, ;Q. !+ermanello, :?I;;. !@cl:s 22EG, <?L:Q6<T. The fifth ta3 is mentioned throu'hout the (antar4m family in +ortu'al /see $ppendi3 $1. Cp1inell, :?;TP. DCarta de fueros otor'ada al conce5o de Jorita por el rey .on $lfonso VIII, ::QT,D I<T. Esp:culo, ;?P?P. 'iete partidas, ;?:I?:<. >vila received e3emption from the 9uinto ta3 -hen the kin' -as not present, D$lfonso VIII concede al conce5o de >vila los t4rminos !ue indica, :<TL,D ;?;HT, and rene-ed by 2nri!ue I, :<:L, DConcede y confirma al conce5o de >vila,D ;?HO;6OI. ;I. !Daroca 22M3, ;H;. !&l"ambra, :O. !@cl:s 22EG, <?L<T. !C"s, ;T?<T, ;H. !Cmsp, ;T?:Q, ;;. ! L, I<H, I;<. !&lbL, IQP, IQO6OT. !Ccv, ;?:I?:<, <;. ! R, LQ<, LO:. !&lbR, :Q;, :QH. !1, LTL, L:;. !&lz, :T?<T, ;H. !&ln, H:T, H<;. !$, ff. QIr6QIv. !L, H<P, HI<. !#a, HQH, PTT. !I, HLQ, HP:. !&lr, ff. OPv, OOr. !@b, LIS, LI0C. M'VHH2, PT;, P:I. !#e, O:I, O;T. !V$, L:;, L<L. !&, :HO, :Q;. !C;, :H;, :PL6PH, ;QQ. !CR, P?Q, Q?L;. !CM, <PI, ;L:. !C&, :HL, :PQ6PO, ;QT. !C#, :HP, :QT6Q:, ITT. !@, :HP, :QT6Q:, ;QO. This includes a 9uinto on rustled livestock in the Coria 'roup, althou'h on that class of booty Castel #odri'o and Castello6Melhor limited their ta3 to one tenth. !#rihuega, :HT. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:O. ;L. 'iete partidas, <?<H?L6Q, :O. D+rivile'io de $lfonso W al conce5o de )orca, e3imi4ndoles del !uinto de las cabal'adas, :<HL,D HQ. The municipal charters seldom reflect these last e3emptions for intelli'ence personnel. The kin' did raise his percenta'e of the spoils to fifty percent if he had been the total supplier of resources for a particular campai'n. ;H. !Mara.on, <?:<T. !C"s, ;T?<T, ;T?LQ. !Cmsp, ;T?:Q, LI. !Ccv, ;?:I?:<, ;I. !1, LTL, L<H. !&lz, :T?<T, LQ. !&ln, H:T, H;H. $lcara and $larc&n both list a si3th for all combinations. !$, ff. QIr, QHr6QHv. %uete levies a si3th for combined forces and infantry alone, a fifth for kni'hts alone. !L, H<P, HH;. !#a, HQH, P:Q. !I, HLQ, HQQ. !&lr, ff. OPv, :TTv. $lc ar levies a si3th for all combinations. !@b, LIS, LI$D. [beda limits the royal ta3 to Muslim prisoners and captured animals. M'VHH2, PTI, P<Q. In this manuscript, the infantry alone pays a seventh, kni'hts and infantry to'ether pay a seventh, kni'hts alone a fifth. !#e, O:I, OLI. !V$, L:;, L;P6;Q. ;P. !C"s, ;T?HT. !Cmsp, ;T?LH. ! L, III. !&lbL, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?;L. ! R, HTQ. !&lbR, :QO. !1, L<H. !&lz, :T?LO6HT. !&ln, H;P, Q<:. !$, f. QHv. !L, HHI. !#a, P:O, O:H. !I, HQO, QQL. !&lr, ff. :TTv6:T:r. !@b, LID, OH. M'VHH2, P<O, PHH. !#e, OLH. !V$, L;O. Esp:culo, ;?P?:, P6O. 'iete partidas, <?<H?L6P, :O. ::L

;Q. !C"s, ;T?<, H. !Cmsp, ;T?<, H. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?:, L. ! R, LP<. !&lbR, :QT. !1, IO;, IOP. !&lz, :T?<, H. !&ln, LO;, LOQ. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:T, H:I. !#a, HP:, HPL. !I, HIT, HIH. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LIB, LI0. M'VHH2, HO;, HOH. !#e, QOI, QOO. !&, :Q:, ;PQ. !C;, :P;, ;LP. !CR, Q?<<, LT. !CM, ;<T, ;IQ. !C&, :PH, ;H:. !C#, :PQ, ;PT. !@, :PQ, ;PT. ;O. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL. !$, ff. Q<r6Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HI;. !&lr, ff. OLv6OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOP. !&, ;L<. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;, I:. !CM, ;::, ;;O. !C&, :PP, ;;H. !C#, :TQ, ;I;. !@, :PO, ;IL. IT. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOP. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HIL. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?P?:I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. !@cl:s 2HC, :I?;<O. I:. !Cetina, <I?LO:. !LaguardiaU 227M, :?<<<. !&l"ambra, <:, ;H. !#ernedo, :?<;<. !&nto.ana, :?<<O. !Inzura, LH6HT. !Laguardia 235V, Q:. !#urunda, QL6QH. !Viana, ;L?I:P. !&guilar, :LO. !Viguera % Val de !unes, L. 0or the Vvora family, see $ppendi3 $. !Campoma%or, LTT. Cetina levied one solido by day and si3 for overni'ht for horses, for asses si3 per day and three overni'ht. $n o3 'arnered a solido per day for its o-ner. I<. !C"s, ;T?H<, I;?:P. !Cmsp, ;T?LQ, I;?:<. ! L, LII. !Ccv, ;?:I?;H. ! R, PQT. !&lbR, <;L6;H. !1, L<P. !&lz, :T?H<, :<?HI. !&ln, H;O, Q:L. !$, ff. QHv, ::<v. !L, HHH, QIT. !#a, P<:, OTQ. !I, HO:, QPI. !&lr, ff. :T:r, :<Hv6:<Pr. !@b, LI2D, O<. M'VHH2, P;:, PIP. !#e, OLO. !V$, L;O. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q. I;. !C"s, ;T?L. !Cmsp, ;T?L. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?I. ! R, LPL. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOH. !&lz, :T?L. !&ln, LOL6OH. !$, f. Q<v. !L, H:;. !#a, HPI. !I, HII. !&lr, f. OHr. !@b, LI2. M'VHH2, HOL. !#e, QOQ. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. 0or a discussion of the mounted archer and his potential battlefield role, see Chapter 0ive. II. 'iete partidas, <?<P?:6H. IL. !C"s, ;T?::, ;:?:P. !Cmsp, ;T?:T, ;:?:;. ! L, I<H, IL<. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?P, ;?:L?:<. ! R, LPO, H<I. !&lbR, :Q<, :O;. !1, LTT, LIT. !&lz, :T?::, Q<. !&ln, HT;, HLP. !$, ff. Q;r, QOr. !L, H:Q, HQ;. !#a, HPQ, PI:. !I, HLT, P::. !&lr, ff. OHv, :T;r. !@b, LI7, LLM. M'VHH2, HOQ, PIP. !#e, OTL, OQP. !V$, LL:. IH. !C"s, ;T?;T. !Cmsp, ;T?<P. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQO. !Ccv, ;?:I?:O. ! R, LQQ. !&lbR, :QL. !1, LTQ. !&lz, :T?;T. !&ln, H:P. !L, H;H. !#a, HOI. !I, HHL. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LIJ. M'VHH2, P:T. !#e, O<I. !V$, L<T. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?L:. !CM, ;IO. !C&, :PH. !C#, :PQ. !@, :PQ. Esp:culo, ;?L?P. 'iete partidas, <?<P?P6Q. The )orca 'roup of charters makes clear, ho-ever, that the castle or to-n taken belon's to the kin'. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:;. D0uero de Carmona,D P. D0uero de $licante,D IH. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D Q<. IP. !C"s, ;:?:Q6:O. !Cmsp, ;:?:I6:L. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?:<. ! R, H<L. !&lbR, :O;. !1, LI:. !&lz, :T?Q;6 QI. !&ln, HLP. $t $larc&n t-enty mrs. -ere offered for the head of a rene'ade, but a battle leader -as not mentioned. !$, f. QOr. !L, HQI6QL. The five mrs. for the head is omitted at Jorita. !#a, PI<6I;. !I, P:<6:;. !&lr, f. :T;r. !@b, LIN6LIa. M'VHH2, PIP, -hich offers ten mrs. for the head -hile omittin' reference to a live captive. !#e, OQQ. !V$, LL:. !C;, :Q:. !C&, :Q;. !C#, :QH. !@, :QH. IQ. !+uadala/ara 22HE, ::T. !Molina, Q;. !@cl:s 22EG, <?L<T. !C"s, ;T?;I. !Cmsp, ;T?;:. ! L, I;T. !&lbL, IQO3. !Ccv, ;?:I?<<. ! R, LOT. !&lbR, :QL. !1, L::. !&lz, :T?;I. !&ln, H<:. !$, ff. QIr6QIv. !L, HIT. !#a, HOQ. !I, HHO. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LI.C. M'VHH2, P:<. !#e, O<Q. !V$, L<;. IO. !C"s, ;T?<O. !Cmsp, ;T?<H. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:Q. ! R, LQP. !&lbR, :QI6QL. !1, LTQ. !&lz, :T?<O. !&ln, H:P. !L, H;L. !#a, HOI. !I, HHL. !&lr, ff. OQr6OQv. !@b, LI,. M'VHH2, PTO. !#e, O<;. !V$, L:O. !&, :Q<. !C;, ::<, :PI. !CR, Q?:;, Q?L<. !CM, :TQ, ;LT. !C&, :PH6PP. !C#, :TQ, :PO. !@, :PQ6PO. The Esp:culo a-ards the same choice of s-ord, shield or saddle to the kni'ht that the )eonese "ueros offer, ;?P?L. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :QQ6QO. LT. !C"s, ;T?;O. !Cmsp, ;T?;H. ! L, I;H. !&lbL, IOT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<L. ! R, LOI. !&lbR, :QH. !1, L:L. !&lz, :T?;O. !&ln, H<I, Q<:d. !$, f. QIv. !L, HIL. !#a, PT;, O:Hd. !I, HPI, QQL. !&lr, ff. OOr, :<Ov. !@b, LIIC, OH. M'VHH2, P:P, PHP. !#e, O;;. !V$, L<H6<P. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<T. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:<. !Carmona, ;. !Lorca, PP. !Ledesma, <HO. (ome of the later Castilian members of the family allo-ed for occasions -hen Dthe standard of the to-nD could receive as many as t-elve shares, and in such instances the /uez -as to receive an unspecified portion of those shares, -hile half -ent to the conce/o. C&rdoba, Carmona and )orca also 'ranted the /uez a share of booty. )edesma 'ave the /uez one6!uarter of the booty, from -hich the kin'Cs 9uinto -as probably taken. L:. !C"s, ;T?LP. !Cmsp, ;T?L;. ! L, III. !&lbL, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?;;. ! R, HTP. !&lbR, :QO. !1, L<L. !&lz, :T?LP. !&ln, H;L. !$, f. QHr. !L, HH<. !#a, P:P. !I, HQP. !&lr, f. :TTv. !@b, LIJC. M'VHH2, P<P. !#e, OL;. !V$, L;P. !'ep>lveda 2H55, O<6O;. The rate on the slidin' scale -as four maraveds -hen much booty -as sei ed, t-o maraveds for li'ht booty, and nothin' -hen the militia came up empty handed. In Teruel and $lbarracRn the rate -as four maraveds if any booty -as taken, other-ise none. (epNlveda 'ranted a lar'e one hundred maraveds to the /uez in lieu of a booty share. L<. !C"s, ;T?LP. !Cmsp, ;T?L;. ! L, III. !&lbL, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?;;. ! R, HTP. !&lbR, :QO. !1, L<L. !&lz, :T?LP. !&ln, H;L, Q<:d. !$, f. QHr. !L, HH<. !#a, P:P, O:Hd. !I, HQP, QQL. !&lr, ff. :TTv, :<Ov. !@b, LIJC, OH. ::H

M'VHH2, P<P, PHP. !#e, OL;. !V$, L;P. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<T. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:<. !Carmona, ;. !Lorca, PP. !&, :Q:, ;Q:. !C;, :P;, ;HT. !CR, Q?<;, Q?LT. !CM, ;<:, ;IQ. !C&, :PH, ;HI. !C#, :PQ, ;P;. !@, :PQ, ;P;. The alcaldes normally obtained shares at C&rdoba, Carmona and )orca and received them -hen e3tra allotments -ere 'ranted to the municipal standards at $larc&n, Bae a, I natoraf, $lc ar and [beda. =ther-ise, the alcaldes received the same slidin' scale of fees 'ranted to the /uez in the Cuenca6Teruel 'roup, -hile in )eonese 23tremadura, they -ere paid based on the number of shares allotted from the booty. These )eonese to-ns tolerated a ma3imum of four alcalde fees for any one e3pedition. In the Coria Cima6Coa family, the rate for alcaldes -as four maraveds and an o3 for fifty to one hundred shares in an e3pedition, t-o maraveds for fifty shares or less. Cceres listed a ma3imum of three alcalde fees to an e3pedition. L;. !C"s, ;T?LH. !Cmsp, ;T?L<. ! L, III. !&lbL, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?;;. ! R, HTH. !&lbR, :QO. !1, L<L. !&lz, :T?LH !&ln, H;I. !$, f. QHr. !L, HH:. %uete and Jorita a-ard the 9uadrillero four maraveds in lieu of the e3tra share. !#a, P:P. !I, HQP. !&lr, f. :TTv. !@b, LI,C. M'VHH2, P<P. !#e, OL<. !V$, L;P. The $lfonsine codes recommended that they be paid first before the booty -as divided to ease temptations on their honesty. Esp:culo, ;?P?:;. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<. LI. !C"s, ;T?<. !Cmsp, ;T?<. ! L, :;<, I<H. !&lbL, I;;, IQL. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, :IT, LP<. !&lbR, IL, :QT. !1, IO;. !&lz, :T?<. !&ln, LO;. !$, f. Q<r. !L, H:T. !#a, HP:. !I, HIT. !&lr, f. OLv. !@b, LIB. M'VHH2, HO;. !#e, QOI. LL. !@cl:s 2HC, :I?;<O. !C"s, ;T?IT, LO. !Cmsp, ;T?;P, LL. ! L, I;P, III. !&lbL, IOT, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?<H, ;I. ! R, LOL, HTQ. !&lbR, :QH, :QO. !1, L<H. !&lz, :T?IT, LO. !&ln, H<L, H;P. !$, f. QHv. !L, HIH, HHI. !#a, PTI, P:O. !I, HPL, HQO. !&lr, ff. OOr, :TTv. !@b, LI7C, LIBD. M'VHH2, P:P, P<O. !#e, O;I, OLL. !V$, L<Q, L;O. !&, :Q:. !C;, :P;. !CR, Q?LT. !CM, ;IQ. !C#, :PQ. Cceres and "sa're lack this la-. 'iete partidas, <?<H?<Q, -hich also a-ards the standard bearer t-o shares. LH. !C"s, ;:?:L. !Cmsp, ;:?::. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?:T. ! R, H<<. !&lbR, :O<6O;. !1, L;Q. !&lz, :T?QT. !&ln, HLL. !$, f. QQv. !L, HQ<. !#a, P;O. !I, PTO. !&lr, ff. :T<v6:T;r. !@b, LL8. M'VHH2, PII. !#e, OQ<6Q;. LP. !C"s, ;T?Q6O. !Cmsp, ;T?P6Q. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?H. ! R, LPP6PQ. !&lbR, :Q:. !1, IOQ. !&lz, :T?Q6O. !&ln, HTT6T:. !$, ff. Q<v6Q;r. !L, H:H6:P. !#a, HPH6PP. !I, HIP6IQ. !&lr, ff. OHr6OHv. !@b, LI%. M'VHH2, HOP6OQ. !#e, OT:6T<. !&, :Q:. !C;, ::<, :P;. !CR, Q?:<, LT. !CM, ;:T, ;IQ. !C&, :PH6PP. !C#, :TQ, :PQ. !@, :PQ6PO. In all of the )eonese to-ns e3cept Cceres and "sa're, the boundary -as the Ta5o6Te5o #iver, and the fees -ere t-o maraveds for kni'hts beyond the river and one maraved on the near side, and one6 half of that for infantry scouts. In Cceres and "sa're the river cited -as the Buadiana and the fee -as three maraveds one and one half maraveds for kni'hts, and a'ain one half of that for foot. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:T6::. LQ. !C"s, ;T?<H6<Q. !Cmsp, ;T?<;. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:P. ! R, LQH. !&lbR, :QQ. !1, LTI. !&lz, :T?<H6<Q. !&ln, H:H. !L, H;;6;I. !#a, HO<6O;. !I, HH;6HI. !&lr, f. OQr. !@b, LIV, LIW. M'VHH2, PTQ. !#e, O<:6<<. !V$, L:P6:Q. Esp:culo, ;?P?:T. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<. LO. !C"s, :H?<Q, ;T?L:. !Cmsp, :H?;T, ;T?IQ. ! L, QI, III. !&lbL, I<;, IO<. !Ccv, <?H?:O, ;?:I?;:. ! R, QO, HTH. !&lbR, ;T, :QO. !1, QO, :QP, L<<. +lasencia omits mention of the Muslim prisoner for the clerk. !&lz, H?;<, :T?L:. !&ln, ;QQ, H;<, Q<:d. !$, ff. L<v6L;r, QLv. !L, ;IQ, HLH. !#a, I<I, P:<, O:Hd. !I, I:O, HQ;, QQL. !&lr, ff. HIv, :TTr, :<Ov. !@b, ;LB, LITC, OH. M'VHH2, ;QT, P<I, PHP. !#e, L;P, OIH. !V$, ;QP, L;I. In the Castilian charters the fee -as forty maraveds, -hile in Teruel and $lbarracRn it -as one hundred solidos. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<T. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:<. !Carmona, ;. !Lorca, PP. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;;6;I simply advises that the clerkCs salary be a'reed upon in advance. 'iete partidas also allots the auctioneer a booty share, -hile the !uero de 1lasencia 'ives him four dineros from the money receipts for animal sales and another t-o from the sale of Muslim prisoners. HT. !Molina, :<Q. !C"s, ;T?<L. !Cmsp, ;T?<;. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:H. ! R, LQL. !&lbR, :QI. !1, LTP. +lasencia is the sole e3ception to this fee scale, offerin' four, t-o and one maraveds, for the respective classes of -ounds. !&lz, :T?<L. !&ln, H:L. !L, H;<. !#a, HO:. !I, HH<. !&lr, f. OQr. !@b, LIV. M'VHH2, PTH6TP. !#e, O<T. !V$, L:H. This la- offers the same monetary compensations to those -ho receive those -ounds, leavin' one to con5ecture -hether this -as a coincidence or -hether the compensation 'iven to the -ounded -as intended to meet e3actly the medical fee for the repair of the -ound. H:. !C"s, ;T?L:. !Cmsp, ;T?IQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?;:. !1, L<<. !&lz, :T?L:. !&ln, H;<. !$, f. QLv. !L, HLH. !#a, P<:. !I, HQ;. !&lr, f. :TTr. !@b, LITC. M'VHH2, P<I. !#e, OIH. !V$, L;I. H<. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:;. H;. !Calata%ud II. !Daroca, ;HH6HP. !Escalona 22H5, IL?IHH. BarcRa6Ballo dates this part of the charter from the later t-elfth century. #amos y )oscertales, El cautiverio, :<:6<;. HI. !C"s, ;T?;<6;;. !Cmsp, ;T?<O6;T. ! L, I<Q6<O. !&lbL, IQO. !Ccv, ;?:I?<:. ! R, LQO. !&lbR, :QL. !1, L:T. !&lz, :T?;<6;;. !&ln, H:O6<T. !$, f. QIr. !L, H;Q6;O. !#a, HOH6OP. !I, HHP6HQ. !&lr, f. OQv. !@b, LIBC, LICC. M'VHH2, P::. !#e, O<H6<P. !V$, L<:6<<. !&, ::O3. !C;, :<L. !CR, Q?:I. !CM, ;:<. !C&, :;<. !C#, :<;. !@, :;I. !Viguera % Val de !unes , L. !@cl:s c233E, :I?;<O. Costumbres de L:rida, IO. !ori &nti9ui Valentiae, <<;6<I. Esp:culo, ;?P?::. 'iete partidas, <?<L?<, <?<O?:. %ospitals to house Muslim prisoners for such trade appeared in a number of to-ns, includin' Teruel and "cl4s. DMi'uel de (anta Cru arrienda a los %ermanos de ::P

la Caridad de Teruel, :<TT,D :?:QL6QP. Caruana B&me , D=r'ani aci&n en los primeros aUos,D :T?O<6O;. D2l conce5o de "cl4s establece una limosna, :<<P,D I<<6<;. HL. 'iete partidas, <?<O?I6H, Q6O. HH. !C"s, :?<;, ;T?<:, <O6;T. !Cmsp, :?<L, ;T?:O, <O6;T. ! L, I:T, I<H, I<Q6<O. !&lbL, IPH, IQP, IQO. !Ccv, :?:?:Q, ;?:I?:;, <:. ! R, L<:, LQ;, LQO. !&lbR, :HO, :Q;, :QL. !1, <<, LTL, L:T. +lasencia 'ranted the former o-ner one and one6half times the auction price of the Muslim, a compensation more in line -ith )eonese practice. Moreover, a four6month ma3imum -as placed on the tradin' ne'otiations before the former o-ner had the option to reclaim his Muslim slave. !&lz, :?<H, :T?<:, ;<6;;. !&ln, <<, H::, H:O6<T. !$, f. QIr. %uete omits much of this la-. !L, H<Q, H;Q6;O. Jorita lacks the la- 'ivin' ten maraveds to the o-ner. !#a, <I, HQP, HOH6 OP. !I, :Q, HLO, HHP6HQ. !&lr, ff. Or6Ov, OPv, OQv. !@b, H, LI#, LIBC, LICC. M'VHH2, <:, PTL, P::. !#e, ;T, O:L, O<H6<P. !V$, <;, L:I, L:O6<T. !Viguera % Val de !unes, L. D0ueros de poblaci&n de Toledo dado a los mu rabes y castellanos, :<<<,D ;:I. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<T. !Carmona, I. D0uero de $licante, :<L<,D I<. !Lorca, PP. 'iete partidas, <?<L?<. HP. !&, ::O, :Q:. $lfaiates lacks the t-o animal offerin'. !C;, :<L, :P;. !CR, Q?:I, Q?LT6L:. !CM, ;:<, ;IQ6 IO. Castel #odri'o and Castello6Melhor added another price inflation, allottin' an increase in the fee to those holdin' the Muslim prisoner based on the number of ni'hts the militia had been a-ay on campai'n -hen that prisoner had been captured. !C&, :;<, :PH. !C#, :<;, :PQ. !@, :;I, :PQ. The late thirteenth6century la- of +ortu'uese Be5a also reveals a stron' opposition to the alca%des pressin' members of a successful caualgada to yield up their booty unless they -ill to do so. DCostumes e foros de Be5a,D <?H:. HQ. !C"s, I:?<. !Cmsp, I:?;. ! L, LTP. !Ccv, I?::?;. ! R, P;:6;<. !&lbR, <<:. !1, HQ<. +lasencia does not mention the fee for the trade, but does increase the fee if the 5ourney had to be made in -artime or took the al"a9ue9ue beyond the Buadiana. !&lz, :<?<I. !&ln, PPP. !$, f. :THr. !L, QTL. !#a, QHO. !I, Q<L. !&lr, f. ::Ov. !@b, PT$. M'VHH2, HH:. !V$, HIL. !C;, ;O<, ;OI. !CR, Q?IO. !CM, ;IP. !C&, ITT. !C#, IT<, ITI. !@, ITO. =nly Coria, Cceres, Castello6Bom and "sa're cite the ten per cent fee -ith the e3tra commission for a trade, but Coria and Castello6Bom /alon' -ith Castel #odri'o and Castello6Melhor1 also offer a pro6rated fee based on the cost of ransom, one6half maraved for t-enty maraveds or less and one maraved for more than t-enty. 'iete partidas, <?;T?:6;. $ useful revie- of this ransomin' process can be found in, Brodman, DMunicipal #ansomin' )a-,D HT?;:Q6;T. HO. 'iete partidas, <?;T?<6;. !C"s, IT?:I, I:?<. !Cmsp, IT?:L, I:?;. ! L, LTL, LTP. !Ccv, I?:T?O, I?::?;. ! R, P:Q, P;T6;<. !&lbR, <:P, <<:. !1, ILI, HQ<. !&lz, :<?:L, :<?<I. !&ln, PHH, PPH6PP. !$, ff. :T;v, :THr. !L, POP, QTL. !#a, QH<, QHO. !I, Q<T, Q<L. !&lr, ff. ::Pv, ::Ov. !@b, HQ7, PT$. M'VHH2, HLT, HHT6H:. !V$, H;O, HIL. PT. C1&, :Q6:O. !C"s, ;:?I, I;?:P. !Cmsp, ;:?I, I;?:<. ! L, IIO, LII. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?;, I?:;?:<. ! R, H:I, PQT. !&lbR, :OT, <;L. !1, L;:. !&lz, :T?PT, :<?HI. !&ln, HIQ, Q:L. !$, ff. QPv, ::<v. !L, HPI, QIT. !#a, P<Q, OTQ. !I, HOQ, QPI. !&lr, ff. :T:v6:T<r, :<Hv. !@b, LL., O<. M'VHH2, P;H, PIP. !#e, OP:. !V$, LI;. P:. Esp:culo, ;?P?H. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:Q, <?<H?<L6<H, <?<P?P6Q. P<. !C"s, ;:?:H. !Cmsp, ;:?:<. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?::. ! R, H<;. !&lbR, :O;. Teruel and $lbarracRn -ord this differently, makin' no distinction concernin' the boundaries but a-ardin' a thirtieth of the sheep and a tenth of the cattle. !1, L;<. +lasencia 'ives ten sheep from a flock, one head of livestock from a herd. !&lz, :T?Q:. !&ln, HLH. !#a, PIT. !I, P:T. !&lr, f. :T;r. !@b, LL). M'VHH2, PIL. !#e, OQI. !V$, LLT. !&, :HO. !C;, :H;. !CR, P?Q. !CM, <PI. Castel #odri'o and Castello6Melhor offer a tenth instead of a fifth. !C&, :HL, <L;. !C#, :HP. !@, :HP, <LO. P;. !C"s, ;:?:H. !Cmsp, ;:?:<. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?::. ! R, H<;. !&lbR, :O;. !1, L;O. !&lz, :T?Q:. !&ln, HLH. !$, ff. QQv6QOr. !L, HQ<. !#a, PIT. !I, P:T. !&lr, f. :T;r. !@b, LL). M'VHH2, PIL6IH. !#e, OQL6QH. !V$, LLT. !C&, <L;. !@, <LO. PI. !C"s, ;:?:H, I;?:P. !Cmsp, ;:?:<, I;?:<. ! L, IL<, LII. !Ccv, ;?:L?::, I?:;?:<. ! R, H<;, PQT. !&lbR, :O;, <;H. !1, L;O. !&lz, :T?Q:, :<?HI. !&ln, HLH, Q:L. !$, f. ::<v. !L, QIT. %uete and Jorita lack the prisoner, horse and mule la-. !#a, PIT, OTQ. !I, P:T, QPI. !&lr, ff. :T;r, :<Pr. !@b, LL), O<. M'VHH2, PIL. !#e, OQI. !V$, LLT. If a horse -as captured durin' an offensive hueste, it secured the captor t-o maraveds or the saddle, a la- missin' in the +aris $rsenal manuscript, at B45ar and at Villaescusa de %aro. PL. !C&, IIQ. !@, IP:. PH. Esp:culo, ;?P?:H6:P. 'iete partidas, <?<O?:T. PP. !C"s, <?H, <?O6:T, I;?<. !Cmsp, <?H, <?O6:T, I;?:Q. !&ln, ;T, ;;, Q:O. !#a, ;<, ;L, O:I3. !I, <H, <O, QQI. !@b, Q?:0, Q?:7, OL. M'VHH2, <Q, PP<, -hich lacks the la- favorin' the person -ho first -orked the land. !V$, ;:, ;I6;L. 'iete partidas, <?<O?:T. PQ. !C"s, ;:?:<. !Cmsp, ;:?Q. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?P. ! R, H:O. !&lbR, :O<. !1, L;L. !&lz, :T?PP. !&ln, HL;. !$, f. QQv. !L, HPO. !#a, P;H. !I, PTH. !&lr, f. :T<v. !@b, LL%. M'VHH2, PI:. !#e, OPO. !V$, LIH. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. PO. !&, :Q;. !C;, ::<, :PP. !CR, Q?:;, Q?LI. !CM, ;::, ;L<. !C&, :PP, :QT. !C#, :TQ, :Q<. !@, :PO, :Q<. !#ada/oz, PI. Esp:culo, ;?P?<6I. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:6I, :L. QT. !Viguera % Val de !unes, L. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:O, <?<O?:T. ::Q

Q:. "bieto $rteta, Ciclos econmicos, Q:6QH, OL6OO, :TO6:<, :<O6:I:. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, ;QL6OO. Q<. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo, /hacia ::HH1,D IL?IPO. !C"s, :;?I, <O?:O. !Cmsp, :;?I, <O?<P. ! L, I:;, I<L. !&lbL, pp. IPP, IQ;. !Ccv, <?;?I, ;?:;?:O. ! R, L<H, LH;. !&lbR, pp. :PT, :PQ. !1, :L:, ;IO. !&lz, I?O:, :;?<Q. !&ln, <OL, LQH. !$, ff. IIr, QTv6Q:r. !L, ;::, HT;. !#a, ;:I, HHL. !I, ;:L, H;H. !&lr, ff. IQv6IOr, OIr6OIv. !@b, ;T?PC, L;CC. M'VHH2, ;TO, LHO. !#e, ;OP, QQL6QH. !V$, <OL. !&, <LP. !C;, <;I. !CR, Q?H;. !CM, ;H:. !C&, <;P. !C#, <;<. !@, <I;. ! oledo 2333, ;:L6:H. D2l +apa Bre'orio IW concede !ue los moradores de Suesada puedan comerciar con los moros,D I. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<<. !Carmona, H. !&licante, II. !Lorca, QT. Q;. D7aume I ator'a al seu fill, <T noviembre :<PL,D ;?IP;.

::O

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -188/ 8 - MILITA ! '&%TICE A$0 # "$TIE %EC& IT! Military 5ustice offers an opportunity to observe one last facet of the municipal militiasC impact upon the to-ns they served. Military punishments ran the 'amut from lesser and 'reater fines throu'h temporary loss of privile'es up to e3ile, 5uridical mutilation and even death. (uch 'rim sub5ects hold our interest because the fines, restrictions and punishments imposed for misdeeds connected -ith military service yield important insi'hts into the psycholo'y of an e3posed and dan'erous frontier situation. The la-s of military 5ustice embrace every aspect of militia activity? the citi enCs obli'ation to serve -hen summonedE to conform to certain norms in the conduct of a campai'nE to observe properly the practices vital to the security of the to-nE and to distribute e!uitably any booty taken as the result of battle. The municipal charters of )eon, Castile and $ra'on render the bulk of the information, the product of their more active militia tradition. These sources can be supplemented by the 'reat $lfonsine codes of the later thirteenth century, the !uero real, the Esp:culo and the 'iete partidas. The severity of military 5ustice as compared to that available under civil la- remains a topic of periodic discussion, made more vivid for us in the recent criti!ues of military conduct in the Vietnamese conflict or in the $ustralian film #rea-er Morant -hich makes some tellin' analo'ies to that conflict in its o-n e3amination of the Boer 9ar. Certainly -arfare both appears to ma'nify the -ron'ness of an act unacceptable to a particular society, -hile at the same time multiplyin' the situations in -hich these acts are likely to occur, thus deadenin' our sensitivity to the increased level of violence. $nother important -185/ factor is the frontier. T-o contrastin' societies in conflict alon' their borders can 'enerate sufficient violence to provoke the descriptive -ord Dsava'eD, as is the case -ith the 2n'lish -ars a'ainst the North $merican Indians -hich sa- the non69estern opponent as Dsava'esD, here probably confusin' both its primitive and its fierce connotations. 0rancis 7ennin's has ar'ued that this frontier sava'ery is lar'ely contained in the eye of the beholder, and may have involved fierce /and primitive as -ell, for that matter1 conduct at least as fre!uently on the 2uropean side as the Indian. The Christian and Muslim conflict in Iberia similarly operated in a frontier situation, described alternatively as a DcrusadeD or D5ihadD, sufficiently violent in its nature to convince at least t-o (panish scholars that frontier le'al traditions -ere e3ceedin'ly harsh./:1 It remains difficult to factor into the military 5ustice of the Iberian militias the impact of the continual conflict alon' this frontier, save to ar'ue that this incipient violence on a daily basis probably intensified the scale of punishments in the hope of maintainin' the norms of society under such pressure -hile deterrin' the most unacceptable of battlefield violations. It is si'nificant that the sanctions e3amined in the present study -ere e3ecuted by Christians a'ainst Christians, not a'ainst differin' reli'ious 'roups on opposite sides durin' a battle. To best understand the municipal and royal perceptions of military misconduct and the levels of seriousness of these infractions, this survey -ill proceed from lesser sanctions and punishments to 'reater ones, seekin' patterns in the correspondence of the violations and levels of punishment. (mall monetary levies are the least severe forms of sanction and offer a 'ood startin' place. The "ueros 'ive indication of special concern re'ardin' the assembly of the municipal militia and the presence of those -ho offer service. In one sense, -artime ta3es and fines constitute a form of fiscal support for the military enterprise, lyin' -ithin the option of the individual and carryin' no sti'ma for offerin' payment in lieu of service. 8in's often preferred the funds to service and ne'otiated -ith to-ns for payment. /<1 In another -ay, ho-ever, these levies can be seen as a kind of military sanction, since those -ho pay these fees do so because they take no active part in the -ar effort, and need to compensate those -ho do make such a contribution. Indeed, specific occasions e3isted -hen the ta3es levied for absence from the military muster -ere divided amon' the militiamen -ho did serve./;1 The unpopularity of renderin' service periodically surfaced. 7aime I, for e3ample, told of the difficulty he found in holdin' his troops to'ether even -ith punishments he personally -150/ meted out, so 'reat -as their desire to return to their harvests durin' the campai'n to retake Murcia. There is at least one +ortu'uese instance of assi'nin' military service as a punishment for antisocial conduct in the community. /I1 Table ; indicates the fee in lieu of service e3acted for both offensive / "onsadera for "onsado, hueste, cavalgada, e8ercitus1 and defensive campai'nin' /apellido1 across three centuries of those municipal "ueros -hich cite a specific fee./L1 The table indicates that the levy ran from one to ten maraveds /-ith a fe- hi'her e3ceptions1, tended to be double for kni'hts as a'ainst peones, and seemed to ta3 offensive and defensive absence -ith rou'h e!uality. The amount of ta3, levy or fine here is rou'hly at the same level for minor infractions committed in military situations /i.e. ten or fe-er maraveds1. The lar'er e3ceptions, althou'h not al-ays specifically noted in the te3t, are in all probability a collective fee taken from the entire to-n rather than from individuals. :<T

9ithin the ran'e of most of the non6service levies listed in Table Q6: /one to ten maraveds1, a number of smaller fees e3isted -hich could more clearly be defined as fines, e3acted in connection -ith military activity. ?uadrilleros -ho failed to provide animals to carry the ill, -ounded or a'ed durin' campai'ns forfeited one maraved per day for each person -ho -as inconvenienced thereby. 9atchto-er 'uards in Teruel and $lbarracRn -ho failed to respond to calls from belo- -hile on duty paid a levy of t-o maraveds, and five maraveds if they be'an their -atch late or left early. Batekeepers in the same to-ns paid five maraveds if they opened the 'ates durin' the ni'ht -ithout proper authori ation. $ll of these violations presumed no harm to anyone as a result, and -ere simple violations of everyday security procedures. Indeed, a -atch supervisor /sobrevela1 -ho covered for a sleepin' sentry o-ed a thirty6 maraved fine to the to-n and lost his office for 'ood. (imilarly, if a 'atekeeper allo-ed a criminal to pass throu'h the 'ate, that portero paid the same thirty6 maraved fine to the to-n, lost his office, and o-ed double dama'es to any party harmed by his action. /H1 Christian raiders -ho accidentally sei ed the animals of fello- residents durin' their rustlin' raids o-ed a fine of five maraveds for each horse or mule so taken in Calatayud, and one maraved for each o3, co- or ass. -151-51/ TABLE 1

#EE% CHA 7E0 #" MI%%I$7 A*ELLI0" A$0 #"$%A0" M&%TE % T"@$ A*ELLI0" #"$%A0E A C$I7HT #""T C$I7HT #""T +eUafiel /OI<1 66 66 :T L Canales /:TLI1 66 66 < sheep < sheep Valdesa /:THI1 L L 66 66 N5era /:TPH1 66 66 L <.L (epNlveda /:TPH1 H: collective H: collective H: collective H: collective Caparroso /::T<1 66 66 unit of -heat unit of -heat (antacara /::T<1 66 66 unit of -heat unit of -heat 0resnillo /::TI1 66 66 ; sheep 66 0erreira6de6$ves /:::;6<T1 :T :T 66 66 Carcastillo /::<O1 66 66 L <.L Cseda /::<O1 66 66 < : Castrotorafe /::<O1 66 66 :H 66 NumMo /::;T1 66 66 :T 66 Calatayud /::;:1 66 66 : 66 MaraU&n /to ::;I1 66 66 : 66 )ara /::;L1 66 66 :T :T Buadala5ara /::;;6;P1 66 66 :T 66 )eiria /::I<1 L 66 66 66 Molina de $ra'&n /::L<6LH1 L <.L 66 66 Cetina /::L:6LP1 66 66 L : 0rei3o /::LL6LP1 : : 66 66 2stella /::HI1 66 66 HT HT Toledo /c. ::HH1 66 66 :T 66 2scalona /later :<th C.1 66 66 :T 66 Trancoso 0amily /::LP61 66 66 L 66 Vvora 0amily /::HH61 :T L L 66 $lfambra /::PI6PH1 66 66 :T L +ancorbo /::PH1 66 66 < < Jorita /::QT1 66 66 ; 66 Villasila /::QT1 66 66 < < Villamelandro /::QT1 66 66 < < Calahorra /::Q:1 66 66 : : :<:

"rros /::Q<1 %aro /::QP1 7aca /::QP1 Bra'anZa /::QP1 Cuenca 0amily /c. ::OT61 c$larc&n cBae a cI natoraf c$lc ar c[beda cM( Q;;: Teruel 0amily /c. ::OT6:<<T1 Coria Cima6Coa /c. ::OL61 c$lfaiates cCceres c"sa're Bulina /::O<1 =dieta /::O<1 Marmelar /llOI1 (alinas /::OI1 Molinaseca /::OH1 In ura /:<T:1 $lbelda /:<TL1 (outo /:<TP1 #ebordMos /:<TQ1 .e a /6:<:I1 Ibrillos /6:<:I1 $bel'as /:<:P1 Toledo /:<<<1 $lcal /:<<;1 #ibas de (il /:<<L1 (anta Cru /:<<L1 Vi'uera y Val de 0unes /c. :<;T1 )edesma /:;th C.1 +i'nero /:<;<1 C&rdoba /:<I:1 Carmona /:<L<1 $licante /:<L<1 .aroca /:<LH1 Brihue'a /:<LH1 Mansilla /:<LP1 Campomayor /:<HT1 Torralba /:<HIY1 )orca /:<P:1 )a #iba /:<PO1 0uentes de la $lcarria /:<QT6OO1

: 66 ; 66 < < < < < < < L I <T :T :T 66 66 L 66 :TT 66 66 66 66 66 66 : sheep 66 < : sheep : 66 :T 66 66 66 66 :L < 66 :T 66 66 66 <

: 66 ; 66 : : : : : : : <.L < <T L L 66 66 L 66 :TT 66 66 66 66 66 66 : sheep 66 66 : sheep : 66 66 66 66 66 66 L : 66 L 66 66 66 :

66 < 66 ; < < : : < : : L 66 66 66 66 H L L < 66 P < ; : < < : :T 66 66 66 L :T :T :T :T :T :L 66 : L < :T : 66

66 < 66 66 : 66 66 66 66 66 66 <.L 66 66 66 66 H L L < 66 P < ; : < < : 66 66 66 66 ; 66 :T 66 66 66 L 66 :d 66 < 66 T.Ld 66

c Member of a lar'er fuero family -ith fees differin' from norm. d 0ee levied on amount of property, not social class. $ll fees in solidos6maraveds. $ 'eneral levy of ten maraveds is assessed in the Cuenca6Teruel charters for the same offense. /P1 In one interestin' instance re'ardin' animals, a -artime situation removed an occasion of finin'. =rdinarily if the :<<

o-ner of a mare left her to 'ra e in municipal territory in the same meado- as a stallion, the o-ner of the male received a stud fee of one maraved, but military dan'er to the to-n permitted mare o-ners such a promiscuous placement of their animal -ithout fine, since animals needed to be left in all manner of emer'ency locations. /Q1 Ten maraveds constituted the fine for minor infractions related to campai'nin' and to the collection and distribution of booty. &lcaldes -ho failed to brin' their o-n supplies -hen musterin' a defensive apellido in the rural districts of the municipality paid a nominal /for an alcalde1 ten maraved fine if they attempted to live off the district./O1 The Cuenca6Teruel to-ns levied the same fine a'ainst individuals -ho failed to yield booty found on the battlefield, and a'ainst commanders -ho tried to shave some of the royal fifth ta3 on booty before handin' it over to the royal representative. $ny dis'runtled participants in the division -154/ of booty -ho shouted DrobberD or the like at some decision re'ardin' their share had to pay a ten maraved fine and forfeit the booty share for their loss of control./:T1 9ith a couple of small e3ceptions, the ne3t tier of fine payments be'an at si3ty maraveds e3acted a'ainst -ron'doin' of a substantial nature. /::1 The $lfonsine Esp:culo sin'les out three areas of special concern? disloyalty and deception a'ainst the e3peditionE killin' or -oundin' oneCs comrades and provokin' fi'hts -ith them -hile on campai'nE and stealin', hidin' themselves durin' combat or perpetratin' any act -hich harms their o-n military force. /:<1 Vi'uera penali es an individual si3ty maraveds -ho steals from the home of a militiaman absent on military service. 9oundin' a fello- militiaman on campai'n also cost si3ty solidos in three +ortu'uese to-ns, and a hundred maraveds in the Esp:culo if it led to the loss of a limb. 8illin' a Muslim captive on campai'n cost the murderer one hundred maraveds in (epNlveda./:;1 Beyond this level the levies soar. Individuals -ho leave their unit in combat -hether to hide, as an act of co-ardice, or to undertake premature 'atherin' of spoils, face a four hundred maraved fine in the Cordilleran "ueros. Takin' advanta'e of a military crisis to plan or participate in a conspiracy a'ainst the /uez, alcaldes or the to-n conce/o dra-s a five hundred maraved fine in the same to-ns, a levy also e3acted by Vi'uera for renderin' serious dama'e to the to-n -alls.
/:I1

In a number of instances, the to-n charters and the $lfonsine codes mandated the doublin' of a normal fine or the restoration of a double value for an ob5ect. This applied -hen items of booty -ere ille'ally kept or -hen failin' credit pled'es after the auction -ere not met. To-n officials -ere liable for a number of fines durin' the settin' up and administerin' of the booty auction, -hen they could be sanctioned for distributin' shares improperly or -ron'ly collectin' the military ta3. /:L1 Suestionin' a "onsadera assessment produced a doublin' of that fee at $'uilar de Camp&, and disputin' an alcalde)s rulin' durin' a "onsado or apellido doubled the normal fine for that trans'ression in the Coria Cima6Coa charters for non6nobles and !uadrupled it for kni'hts. /:H1 The $lfonsine codes 'ive multiples of fines of three, four, si3, ei'ht and even nine times for infractions -here in similar instances the municipal charters content themselves -ith set fines. (uch instances include un5ustifiable loss of a captiveCs property by official captive redeemers /al"a9ue9ues1, 9uadrilleros -ho mishandle booty division, and instances of booty theft and royal fifth ta3 embe lement by officials -ho possessed community and royal trust./:P1 These fine multiples in the royal codes alon' -ith the often hi'h level of fines in the municipal -152/ codes stron'ly su''est the 'reat potential disruption caused by cheatin' in the division of the spoils of -ar. 7ud'in' by the fre!uency of repetition of the sanctions, these efforts may not have been completely effective in dissuadin' such temptations. Most statutes of limitation in the charters allo- brief time periods -ithin -hich an individual is liable for the levy. 0or e3ample, in the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters, the fee for non6attendance at the defensive muster had to be collected -ithin three days of the return of the militia from that muster, or else no assessment could be taken. /:Q1 2ven sanctions a'ainst the more serious crime of takin' unauthori ed booty had time limits. If an individual sei ed items from -arfare and failed to render them to the booty division process, the municipal officials had t-enty6seven days to prove that this had occurred and to deal -ith the thief. If no steps had been taken by that time, the perpetrator retained the thin's he had purloined -ithout future levy of fine or other punishment./:O1 Beyond finin', monetary penalties e3isted throu'h the deprivation of the share of booty one -ould normally have earned from the e3pedition. (couts -ho failed to perform their duty -ell lost their stipend. The Esp:culo recommends that an entire 'roup of -arriors should lose their collective shares if they failed to cooperate -ith a lar'er 'roup in an ambush /fearin' that the lar'er body -ould 'ain more by strikin' first1 -ith resultant loss of spoils to the kin'. Those -ho insulted the booty dividers in the Cuencan to-ns similarly lost their shares of booty./<T1 The Cuenca6Teruel charters mandated this same punishment for campsite theft and an unauthori ed second re'istration for an e3tra booty share, -hile the Coria Cima6Coa "ueros laid do-n this sanction for those -ho fled skirmishes in the field. In all of these charters, mutilation of the 'uilty parties -as combined -ith share loss to underline the 'rievous nature of the trans'ression./<:1 Municipal officials bore a 'ood deal of responsibility for the smooth operation of the military and security activities in the to-n, and should they violate the procedures in some manner, in addition to fines and the other assorted punishments available they could lose their present offices and their ri'ht to hold future office permanently. Careless 'atekeepers and -atch supervisors stood this risk in Teruel and $lbarracRn, as did 9uadrilleros and auctioneers cau'ht in fraudulent booty division throu'hout the Cuenca6Teruel family and the :<;

$lfonsine codes./<<1 $t the same time a number of la-s protected officials in their performance of their military duties. In the Cuenca6Teruel charters anyone -ho became disorderly in -153/ response to an official decision re'ardin' spoils division -as fined and deprived of his share. The Coria 'roup -ent further, permittin' an alcalde or battle leader to -ound a disruptive person -ithout fear of fine durin' the division of booty. (imilar 'uarantees of immunity protected the -atch supervisors of Teruel and $lbarracRn -ho rounded up unidentified persons in the streets of those to-ns after dark. /<;1 The anti6conspiracy la-s have already been noted. 9ith all of this, the municipal authorities thus possessed a reinforcement to their authority to parallel the increase in their responsibilities durin' -artime and its aftermath. Imprisonment occurs as a punishment for military offenses -ith comparative rarity in the municipal charters, but more fre!uently in the $lfonsine codes. This su''ests that the to-ns could not afford to 'ive over municipal space to incarceration facilities beyond rather short term needs. Indeed, all municipal e3amples of imprisonment occur in discussin' the to-n security procedures -hile the militia -as in the field. .urin' militia operations or anytime durin' the harvest season, the to-n felt particularly e3posed and intensely sensitive to the possibility of attack. 0or that reason, officials vie-ed offenses a'ainst security procedures -ith much 'ravity. Individuals in the to-ns -ith Cuenca6Teruel charters had to carry a li'ht throu'h the streets of the to-n after the sunset closin' of the 'ates for the purpose of visibility and ready identification. 0ailure to obey the re!uirement resulted in a ni'ht in 5ail, prior to bein' brou'ht before the representatives of the conce/o on the follo-in' day. This D5ailD may have constituted little more than retention in open space in some kind of stocks. $uthorities in these to-ns could also imprison suspected arsonists in the same manner durin' tense periods of hei'htened militia activity. )4rida also re!uired a li'ht in the streets at ni'ht, but merely fined the trans'ressor. /<I1 These measures e3tended to those -ho -ished to leave the to-n for the surroundin' countryside in the Coria Cima6Coa charters. /<L1 The 'iete partidas also recommended temporary imprisonment in irons and fetters for the duration of the campai'n as a sanction a'ainst those -ho refused to follo- orders, those -ho fomented discord on campai'n, and as a third offense punishment for those -ho recklessly consumed provisions -hile in the field. This kind of imprisonment often functioned as a temporary holdin' action until more serious steps could be taken to punish a trans'ressor. In contrast to the records for fines, the more serious violations and their punishments find no accountin' until the later t-elfth century. $mon' the more serious le'al sentences is e3ile, a kind of outla-ry deprivin' the individual of his le'al protections, -hich in municipal la- drives the resident -154/ from his to-n and its surroundin' al"oz and in a royal code e3pels the individual from the entire realm. 23ile from the kin'dom tended to be the result of ma5or battlefield failures, such as not servin' in the face of a ma5or emer'ency, co-ardly fli'ht from combat, abandonin' a standard durin' a conflict or failin' to pick a fallen one up -hen the opportunity arose, ne'lectin' to care properly for a ma5or sie'e en'ine resultin' in the failure of a sie'e, dishonorin' a combat leader, causin' an uprisin' over booty division in combat, or stealin' some of the booty if one -ere a combat leader./<H1 23cessive pilla'in' and scaven'in' for booty -hile active combat continued could result in outla- status in both to-n and kin'dom. The charter of +ar'a of :<<L alludes to virtual Dfree companiesD of raiders under rene'ade alcaldes, mandatin' e3ile for those -ho dama'e the re'ion and refuse to be brou'ht under control./<P1 "n-arranted fli'ht from the battlefield, -hich caused serious harm to the militia or the royal army, similarly merited e3ile./<Q1 The Cuenca6Teruel charter to-ns also e3iled an individual convicted of robbin' the house of a -arrior -hile the victim -as renderin' his military service, -hile the Coria Cima6Coa to-ns of )eonese 23tremadura e3iled citi ens for lyin' to secure an un5ust indemnification for a horse lost in combat and those -ho slept on 'uard or scoutin' duty. /<O1 9hile outla-ry and e3ile appear on the surface to be an e3ceedin'ly harsh punishment, the fluidity of the #econ!uest allo-ed individuals to move from to-n to to-n rather easily, or even from kin'dom to kin'dom -ithin the +eninsula. They often forfeited their properties in the former area of residence, but -ith their horse and military 'ear intact, a ne- start mi'ht be undertaken in another place./;T1 to modern minds a more strikin' punishment is the practice of 5udicial mutilation. This form of sanction, inhuman as it appears to us today, had a lon' ancient and medieval back'round, 'ivin' psycholo'ical and symbolic overtones -hich made its use seem natural to the time. $ variety of 'rades and types of mutilation e3isted to fit different crimes, some temporary and others permanent in their effect. This kind of punishment did not primarily aim at cruelty as an end in itself, but rather as a reminder to all -ho sa- the punished culprit that he had committed a serious violation a'ainst community interests. Mutilation brou'ht a form of forced repentance on the individual, and induced emotional satisfaction in the minds of those troubled by such crimes in their midst. Cro-n and facial hair offered the possibility of both temporary and permanent disfi'urement. (hould the conce/o -ish to cause an individual temporary dis'race, he could be sentenced to have his head or beard /or both1 -158/ shaved /)atin tondere, vernacular des9uilar or tras9uilar1. The Cuenca6Teruel charters contain la-s -hich fine any person -ho performs this act on another -ithout 5ust cause. Compared to more serious mutilations, the fines are small, althou'h the 'uilty shaver had to assist in mana'in' the house of the victim until his hair 're- back./;:1 :<I

By itself this shearin' of the prideful male hair and beard in the manner of a sheep constituted a potent penalty. The Cid and other heroes s-ore by their beards and the shearin' must have induced an intense humiliation. %o-ever, shavin' -as often paired -ith the cuttin' of the ears in the Cuenca6Teruel Cordilleran "ueros /for theft at the military campsite or for fraudulently attemptin' to obtain an e3tra booty share1 and -ith e3ile in the )eonese 23tramaduran charters /for lyin' re'ardin' a horse indemnity or fallin' asleep on 'uard and scoutin' duty1. These last charters also applied this sanction -ithout e3ile for fleein' from a battle. /;<1 The disfi'urement of the ears -as a punishment for theft in the Cuenca6Teruel charters and in the $lfonsine codes, althou'h the 1artidas indicates a royal preference for face brandin' over ear cuttin' for the first offense. /;;1 $nother even more ferocious penalty appears in the removal of a hand, -hich tends to be associated -ith unla-ful violent acts that in5ure other residents durin' -artime, for rousin' dissent leadin' to an individual strikin' a commander, or for in5urin' any battle commanders -hile on the campai'n or as they made booty a-ards./;I1 The Coria 'roup also removed the hand of one -ho stole the horse of a companion durin' a mounted cabalgada raid. The charters do not indicate -hether left or ri'ht hand is to be severed, but certainly this 'oes -ell beyond cosmetic mutilation to affect the very ability to function effectively in this frontier society. #ansomers /al"a9ue9ues, e8eas1 suffered the same atrocities they inflicted, should they perform them on those they brou'ht back from Muslim lands. Blindin' -as recommended for non6aristocrats -ho stirred up discord on campai'n./;L1 $nother form of mutilation closely related to shavin' of face and cro-n hair but far more 'ruesome and permanently disfi'urin' -as that act described in the )atin charters by the verb depilare and in the vernacular #omance versions as mesar or pelar. The Cuenca6Teruel "ueros discuss this act in a la- -hich immediately follo-s the la- on shavin' another -ithout 5ust cause. The individual -ho DdepilatedD another, instead of a fine of ten maraveds and some caretakin' chores in the victimCs d-ellin' until his locks returned, paid a t-o6 hundred6maraveds -155/ fine and is e3iled for his misdeed or fi'hts a 5udicial duel to avoid that fate. /;H1 $s to the meanin' of the -ords, a certain ambi'uity e3ists. Depilare can mean either skinnin' or close shavin', but seems sharply distin'uished from the tondere type of shavin' notable in the precedin' la-. Mesar appears to connote pluckin' or uprootin' of the hair -hile pelar su''ests the removal of a layer of skin. I have concluded that at least in so far as the cro-n of the head is concerned, somethin' very like scalpin' is bein' practiced. Certainly one of the easiest -ays to remove hair is to peel the layer of skin containin' the hair roots, -hile 'raspin' the hair assists in peelin' back the scalped layer of skin. (cholars have debated an earlier tradition of potential decalvation in Visi'othic la-, concernin' themselves as to -hether shavin' or actual skinnin' -as bein' sanctioned./;P1 =ne mi'ht 'ainsay this decalvation interpretation by observin' the close connection of death and scalpin' on the $merican and Indian frontier, but both sides used scalpin' as a recordin' device after a kill, not as a -ay to kill. Numerous e3amples of 9esterners survivin' a scalpin' have been recorded, 'ivin' -i' merchants a potential income. This information is not intended to contribute to the recent misinformed debate re'ardin' the theory that 2uropeans tau'ht Ne- 9orld Indians to scalp, -hich has recently been put to rest. #ather it simply indicates that Iberians in all probability did not need to be tau'ht the 'risly skill by the Indians of the Ne- 9orld. Both possessed ample e3perience upon their first encounter. /;Q1 9hether skinnin', scalpin' or uprootin' constituted the preferred techni!ue, the result had to be devastatin' to the pride of the victim in a society that made much of the male mane. In addition to the Cuenca6Teruel penalty for attackin' another person in this manner, $lfonso WCs charter to +alencia char'ed the perpetrator one sueldo per hair uprooted. )eonese 23tremaduran charters most fre!uently dra- on this form of punishment for military misconduct, such asE -ithdra-al from a conflict to take booty, stealin' booty from companions, or misappropriatin' spoils durin' distribution. 1eones -ho dra''ed their feet on the -ay to a defensive apellido muster in the Coria Cima6Coa charters /if three residents so testified1 also received this unpleasant treatment, althou'h kni'hts convicted of the same dalliance suffered the mutilation of their horse, instead. /;O1 The mutilation of a horse customarily took the form of cuttin' off its tail. In addition to kni'htly delay re'ardin' proper haste in 'ettin' to the military assembly, the )eonese 23tremaduran charters also amputated the horseCs tail if its master tried to 'ive it to another in order to avoid military service. (ince this embarrassin' loss of a horseCs tail also occurred accidentally in battle, the $lfonsine codes -200/ authori ed compensation for a horse so in5ured so that a kni'ht mi'ht ac!uire a replacement, avoidin' the recriminatin' stares of his fello- -arriors -ho may not have been a-are of the manner in -hich his horse came to its present state./IT1 Beyond this, the most e3treme form of sanction in any society can only be capital punishment. Iberian frontier society did not apply this terminal sanction -ith the rapidity one mi'ht e3pect alon' a military frontier in the Middle $'es. It -as invoked only for e3ceedin'ly serious crimes? refusal to pay lar'e fines for 'reat misdeedsE acts -ith 'rave conse!uencesE and repeated commission of 'rievous anti6communal behavior. =n the field of battle, -oundin' a fello- citi en -ho subse!uently died brin's death to the perpetrator. /I:1 .espoilin' a battlefield -hile a conflict remained in pro'ress and thus endan'erin' oneCs comrades or temptin' their 'reed could lead to the death sentence if the royal se.or -as killed as a result, the kin' in any -ay harmed, or the heavy four hundred maraved fine -as not paid. $ non6noble -ho violated the a'reement made -ith a surrenderin' to-n by takin' booty paid -ith his life. /I<1 #efusin' to assist a fello- militiaman in need, hidin' or :<L

fleein' durin' combat also incurred a lar'e four hundred maraved fine or death if no payment, althou'h the Esp:culo concerned itself -ith such variables as? fli'ht -ith a battle standard /thus takin' all other participants off the field -ith oneself1E distance from the conflict at the moment of fli'ht /thus makin' oneCs o-n fli'ht the cause for the fli'ht of others1E the ultimate harm done by the fli'ht /such as the failure of the enterprise, the death of a commander, and personal harm to the kin'1. /I;1 The $lfonsine la-s also applied the death penalty for 'ivin' critical information to the enemy or traitorous conduct durin' battle, -oundin' or killin' a battle commander, persistent failure to obey orders, and persistin' in the provocation of an uprisin' a'ainst a leader. /II1 Mar'inal to the battlefield situation -ere traitorous 'ate keepers or security 'uards -ho slept at critical times or refused to serve resultin' in the militia bein' defeated, the death of the se.or or harm to the kin'. /IL1 #ansomers -ho betrayed the to-n or -ho killed their char'es stood liable to e3ecution, as -ell. /IH1 "nder this mar'inal cate'ory -e can also place the ille'al dealers in the arms trade. %ere there is a stron' contrast bet-een conviction for sellin' to other Christians, -here the levy of a t-enty maraved fine is standard for the offense, and the conviction for takin' arms into Muslim territory to sell them, -hen the death penalty -as imposed in the Cuenca family of charters and a one hundred maraved -201/ fine in Teruel and $lbarracRn, transmutable to the death penalty if the fine -as not promptly paid. /IP1 (uch a severe sanction can only su''est the prevalence of this trade and the deep concern for its effects. The most serious kinds of military theft made one liable for e3ecution, as -ell. The Esp:culo e3plains that theft under any conditions is unacceptable, but in a -artime situation it can only be dealt -ith by ma'nified fines and severe retaliation, includin' death. The royal codes sa- the theft of provisions as particularly outra'eous, and a second conviction for this crime meant death to a non6noble /and e3ile to a noble1. /IQ1 =fficials -ho mana'ed booty had to be especially trust-orthy so as to 'enerate community confidence in its proper distribution. ?uadrilleros /municipal parish booty dividin' officers1 -ho stole or misappropriated booty o-ed a triple6value fine and -ere e3ecuted if they did not pay. Battle commanders also risked lar'e fines, and a second conviction of theft by a commander brou'ht him death if he -ere not a noble. $uctioneers of spoils and to-n clerks -ho committed deliberate fraud in their division tasks similarly received the terminal sanction. /IO1 The forms of death applied by the community and kin' have their curious side. The killin' or morally -oundin' of a fello- citi en -hile on campai'n re!uired that the murderer be buried alive -ith his victim in the Cuenca6 Teruel to-ns and the $lfonsine codes. =nly Teruel and $lbarracRn allo-ed the parents of the victim to chose han'in' for the offender as an option, doubtless to allay the concern over the company their sonCs bones mi'ht be keepin' to eternity. The )eonese 23tremaduran "ueros specified han'in' the offenders, e3cept in the case of 'uards -ho out of ill -ill permitted harm to befall the militia, in -hich case they -ere to be burned to death. /LT1 0or the crimes of despoilin' the field, battle co-ardice, traitorous acts, and for the murderous ransomer, the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns had their respective standard forms of municipal e3ecution. Cuenca, $larc&n, the to-n receivin' the $rsenal Q;;: manuscript, and B45ar thre- the convicted parties off a nearby cliff. Teruel, $lbarracRn and +lasencia traditionally han'ed such persons. Jorita de los Canes and $lc ar sometimes employed either of these methods. $lcara , %uete, Bae a, I natoraf and [beda do not specify the method of e3ecution./L:1 The $lfonsine codes offered their o-n interestin' variants. The second conviction for theft of provisions brou'ht death by starvation, but the 'iete partidas offered a sportin' alternative. The convicted party could be buried to the -aist -hile another person /possibly the victim of his provisions theft1 hurled a spear at the half6interred thief from a distance of nine paces. $ miss allo-ed the perpetrator to 'o freeE if he -as -202/ hit he suffered the conse!uences of the -ound. /L<1 0or the recalcitrant traitor -ho escaped after his capture and returned to the enemy, a noble -as beheaded if retaken a'ain. The kin' recommended e3ecution in the most unusual -ay possible for the non6noble, althou'h offerin' no su''estion as to -hat method he had in mind. Biven the methods of e3ecution revie-ed so far, that sanction must have been remarkable, indeed. If such a traitor avoided recapture and died in enemy territory, he -as never to be buried in the kin'dom. %ere royal -rath -as truly unremittin', for if anyone subse!uently discovered the unauthori ed burial site of the individual -ithin royal lands, the body -as to be disinterred and the bones scattered or burned./L;1 The spectrum of sanctions from petty fines to capital punishment -ere applied in the conte3t of a municipal system of 5ustice, administered by officials -ith !uasi65udicial titles, the royal /uez and the parish alcaldes, -ith occasional appeal to the municipal assembly or conce/o. )ackin' the modern investi'ative a'encies -ith their le'al staffs, one cannot assume that trials connoted the same procedure to the Iberian to-nsmen that present day versions mean to us. 7ustice -as anythin' but impartial. The codes differentiated bet-een kni'hts and non6 nobles, bet-een men and -omen, bet-een those of 'ood reputation and those less hi'hly re'arded. =bviously any ne- settler, particularly one thou'ht to have been mutilated in another to-n, -ould stand at an obvious disadvanta'e in a society -here oneCs reputation and -ord carried a 'reat deal of -ei'ht. 0or e3ample, if an individual missed a defensive muster in the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns, he could e3plain his failure by assertin' that he -as absent from the to-n or for some other reason did not hear the call. If he s-ore this to be true, it -as accepted. The same applied if an individual sei ed another residentCs livestock in a cattle raid, and insisted this had been accidental. If the accuser or victim had no counterin' independent testimony to offer, the raider could successfully s-ear his innocence and be free of the fine./LI1 0or more serious violations or accusations, the :<H

municipal officials sou'ht -itnesses to establish the facts. In )eonese and +ortu'uese charters the number of -itnesses is occasionally specified. T-o -itnesses had to testify in behalf of an individual -ho stood accused of missin' the apelido in "rros if he -ished to be free of the fine. The Coria Cima6Coa charters specify t-o -itnesses to prove an individual slept on 'uard duty, and three in cases of establishin' horse theft and provin' delay in route to the defensive muster./LL1 9hen -itnesses 'ave the conce/o officials a clear case, the individual -201/ received the appropriate penalty. $s -ith modern 5ustice, the case provin' that a person had committed the trans'ression for -hich he stood accused could not al-ays be convincin'ly demonstrated. In such an ambi'uous instance, the municipalities resorted to a favorite medieval le'al techni!ue? the takin' of oaths in behalf of a person, presumably meant to establish that a person of this character -as an unlikely perpetrator of the crime bein' investi'ated. %ere, especially, the established reputation of an individual in the community came into play, since a stran'er -ould have been unlikely to ac!uire the necessary number of oath pled'ers to clear the accusation. The number of s-earers re!uired varied -ith the seriousness of the char'e. T-o persons sufficed in Teruel and $lbarracRn to free one of an unproven char'e of petty theft, and to clear an individual of hurtin' a Muslim captive in (epNlveda. /LH1 0our to five s-earers had to be found -hen individuals stood accused of ille'ally shavin' a resident in the Cuenca6 Teruel charters or of sellin' arms to the Muslims in the Coria Cima6Coa "ueros./LP1 T-elve tended to be the most commonly cited number of oath 5urors re!uired for military infractions and crimes. Molina de $ra'on re!uired this number in cases dealin' -ith 'uards accused of in5urin' humans or animals -hile on duty. Theft, premature battlefield despoilment, hidin' or fli'ht durin' a battle, failure to assist a comrade durin' combat, scalpin' or pluckin' the hair of a resident, and stealin' from the home of a militiaman -hile he -as in the field 66 all of these instances re!uired t-elve oath takers in the accusedCs behalf to free him in an uncertain case in the Cuenca6 Teruel charters./LQ1 The option of a 5udicial duel in lieu of the t-elve 5urors is 'ranted in the scalpin'bpluckin' cases by all of the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns save Jorita. This option also appears in Teruel and $lbarracRn for house robbers, and in those t-o to-ns plus +lasencia, %uete, Jorita and B45ar -ith re'ard to theft./LO1 Militia activity also had an impact upon the normal -orkin' of the municipal 5udicial system. The to-n suspended le'al business until the militia returned from service, delayed the testimony of -itnesses, and did not customarily resume these matters until a three6 to nine6day time lapse had occurred after the militia reentered the -alls./HT1 The to-ns e3tended the pled'es of debtors -hen they -ere absent on military service, althou'h takin' care to in!uire of the commander after the militia returned -hether the person in !uestion had served on that campai'n. If an individual had been captured, the pled'e e3tension could last a year. Biven the ready acceptability of a debtorCs militia comrades as debt pled'e supporters, -204/ their return from the field also necessitated delays. 2ven servants could not le'ally leave their masters until the conclusion of the latterCs military service./H:1 $ny conclusions -e can dra- re'ardin' military 5ustice in the municipalities must be tempered by certain limitations. 0or one, the la- codes represent ideals for conduct and -e lack the records of enforcement and ad5udication that -ould inform us of their detailed application and their total impact. It is thus difficult to be certain of the re'ularity -ith -hich these penalties -ere imposed. In a fluid frontier situation, many of the death penalties may -ell have evolved into sentences of e3ile since the offender could simply move to another to-n or another kin'dom rather than submit to the municipal or royal sentence. These sanctions do tell us somethin' of to-nsmenCs intent and their vie-s re'ardin' military infractions and crimes. The military conte3t of the times certainly ma'nified the crimes and their respective sanctions. 0rontier mobility may have, ho-ever, had an indirect effect. To-ns and kin's -ere never sufficiently blessed -ith settlers and -arriors in the Central Middle $'es. The crimes of one area mi'ht be unkno-n, readily for'iven, or overlooked in another. It is this steady flo- of violent persons from one frontier one to the ne3t that may have been the most important stimulus for strin'ent la-s, and the 'reatest problem in enforcin' them. In an a'e that lacked passports, identity papers and credit cards, this may have provided the best rationale for mutilation, an e3tremely ne'ative form of identification -hich made clear to an individualCs ne- nei'hbors the sort of settler and militiaman -ith -hom they -ere dealin'. Moreover, as is the case -ith for booty division, the )eonese, Castilian and $ra'onese charters are the dominant sources for military 5ustice. Beyond finin' for missed service, the Cuenca6Teruel charters of the Castilian6 $ra'onese Cordillera and the Coria Cima6Coa charters of )eonese6+ortu'uese 23tremadura provide us -ith most of the details -e have re'ardin' military infractions and their punishments. (ince the +ortu'uese, Navarrese and Catalans also re!uired forms of municipal military service, obviously many of the same problems -ere encountered, but the records -hich -ould detail their e3perience in these matters have not survived. 9hat the upland "ueros and the $lfonsine codes do offer us is a detailed sketch of the -ell6developed system of military 5ustice evolved by these to-ns. Both here and in the case -ith booty division, developed procedures stron'ly su''est a mature military system bein' pressed into fairly consistent use. (ince it can be assumed that active militias re!uired operatin' procedures, -202/ it is not surprisin' that this society created or evolved a body of la- and the sanctions to keep it in force. $ny human or'ani ation has certain mores and norms -hich it holds to be basic for conduct in its society, built from a matri3 formed by the :<P

traditions and the environment in -hich it e3ists. Inevitably penalties are necessary to punish those -ho attempt to circumvent these standards, and the frontier tendencies to-ard disorder could only sharpen the desire for securin' conformity to la-. $ny frontier milieu increases pressure on the sheer ability to survive, pressin' compliance -ith municipal re'ulations as a vital orderin' principle in a -orld -here any carelessness could en'ender substantial losses of persons and -ealth. Violators of the la- faced the -ei'ht of community -rath -hen the stability of the to-n -as at stake. By addin' to this fierce concept of frontier 5ustice the stern tendencies of military la- in any society, the heavy penalties and cruel punishments -hich hun' over the collective heads of the municipal militiamen become more understandable. $ny to-n had to be able to count on the conduct of its militia, and any commander on the reliability of his men. 2ven -ith sanctions, there is ample evidence of rene'ades of both reli'ions, freebooters and outla-s -ho lived in defiance of these norms in a fluid frontier situation. The development of the municipal militia placed considerable po-er in the hands of a to-n -arrior, a po-er -hich re!uired control and channelin'. The military la-s of the "ueros pointed to the proper 'oals -hile the concurrent sanctions sou'ht the assurance that the resident -ould adhere to them. 9hile the charters are 'enerally obscure on the sub5ect of military 5ustice until the late t-elfth century, indications lead one to the conclusion that the more active the municipal militias became in combat and the more sophistication their military or'ani ation, the harsher -as their application of military la-. The e3pansion of the municipal role in the maintenance of territory and the frontier brou'ht a mature a-areness of the 'reat cost of la-lessness and insubordination. This accounts for the 'ro-in' prevalence of e3orbitant fines, mutilations, e3iles and death sentences so notable in the 'reat charter families. If the concept of punishment seems primitive to us, so too -as the environment in -hich the to-nsmen lived. If the lure of booty provided the carrot of incentive to procure full effort from the militiamen, the sanctions applied by military 5ustice constituted the stick. Notes for Chapter Q

:. 7ennin's, he Invasion o" &merica , :IH6PT. (acristn y MartRne , Municipalidades de Castilla % Len, <QL. "bierna y 2usa, !ueros municipales castellanos, ;T6;:. 0or a useful brief revie- of the sanctions in medieval Iberian military 5ustice, see Mo3&, D.erecho militar,D ;L6LO. <. C1&, IP. DCarta de fran!uicias de $lmacellas,D :?IIO. Canellas )&pe , Coleccin diplomDtica del Conce/o de Laragoza, :?<;O6I<. ;. ;D0uero de )ara,D :I<. ! R, :IT. !&lbR, IL. !uero de orre de iedar , 23ME, M(( :;TQT, f. PPv. D$lfonso W de Castilla, a petici&n de los habitantes de la villas de 23tremadura, desa'ravia a los de Cu4llar, :<HI,D HI. D0uero de (epNlveda, :;TT,D O<. I. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. IT;. DConfirmaZMo do foral alfonsino de )isboa, :<:P,D :?;6I. L. DCarta6puebla de +eUafiel, OI<,D, HH?;P;. D0uero de Canales de la (ierra,D LT?;:P6:Q, LI?:OH. D0ueros de Valdesa de los =teros,D <?;L. D0uero concedido a N5era,D <?QI6QL. D2l fuero latino de (epNlveda, IQ. D+edro I concede carta de fueros de Caparroso,D ;P:. D+edro I concede los fueros de (antacara,D ;P;. D0uero de 0resnillo,D IH6IQ. D0oral outor'ado aos habitantes de 0erreira de $ves,D :?IO. D0uero de Carcastillo,D IPT6P:. D0uero de Cseda,D IPI6PP. D/0oral de1 NumMo, ::;T,D :?;HQ. !uero de Calata%ud, ;P. D0uero de MaraUonD <?:<:. !Lara, :IT. D0uero de Buadala5ara, ::;P,D :TQ. D.. $fonso %enri!ues d carta de foral aos habitantes de )eiria,D :?<;I. !uero de Molina de &ragn, QI6QL. D0uero de Cetina,D <I?LO:. D0oral outor'ado aos povoadores de 0rei3o, :?;TO6:;. D0uero de 2stella,D :?:?QP, :II6IL. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo /hacia ::HH1,D IL?IPI6PL. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL. 0or the Trancoso and Vvora families, see $ppendi3 $. !uero de &l"ambra, <L. D0uero de +ancorbo,D <?IIP. D0uero de Castrotorafe,D IQT. DCarta de fueros otor'ada al conce5o de Jorita por el rey .on $lfonso VIII, ::QT,D I:Q6:O. D$lfonso VIII me5ora ciertos fueros de Calahorra, ::Q:,D ;?LP. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a los conce5os de Villasila y Villamelendro,D <?LLH. D0oral concedido aos moradores de "rros,D :?IHH. D$lfonso VIII concede un fuero de %aro,D <?QTI6TH. D$lfonso II confirma los anti'uos fueros y costumbres de 7aca, ::QP,D P<. D/0oral de1 Bra'anZa,D :?IH;. !C"s, ;T?;, ;:?:. !Cmsp, ;T?;, ;:?:. ! L, I<H, IIP. !&lbL, IQL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:I?<, ;?:L?:. ! R, LP;, H:<. !&lbR, :QT, :QO6OT. !1, IOI, L<O. !&lz, :T?;, :T?HP. !&ln, LO;, HII. !$, ff. Q<r, QPr. !L, H::, HP:. !#a, HP<, P<H. !I, HI:, HOH. !&lr, ff. OLv, :T:r6:T:v. !@b, LIC, LL$. M'VHH2, HO;, P;L. !#e, QOL, OHI. !V$, LI<. !&, :OTa. !C;, :Q<. !CR, ;?LL. !CM, :<H. !C&, :QI. !C#, :QP. !@, :QP. D0uero del valle de Bulina,D ILQ6LO. D0uero octroy4, en ::O<, au3 habitants de la vall4e dC=dieta,D 3vi. D/0oral de1 Marmelar,D :?IQO. D$lfonso VIII concede al conce5o de (alinas /de $Uana1 un fuero ;?:<<. D0uero dado a Molinaseca,D <?:LP. D0uero de In ura,D LO6HT. D2l obispo de Calahorra don 7uan, el prior y el conce5o de $lbelda,D ;?<T;. D/0oral de1 (outo, :<TP,D :?L;L. D/0oral de1 #ebordMos,D :?L;Q. D$lfonso VIII determina el tributo de los vecinos de .e a,D ;?H;H. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a Ibrillos,D ;?HL:6L;. D0uero de $bel'as, :H?HIH6IP. D0ueros de poblaci&n de Toledo dado a los mu rabes y castellanos, :<<<,D ;:I. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QH. D0ueros de #ibas de (il,D <?LPT. :<Q

D/0oral de1 (ancta Cru ,D :?HT;. !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes , LT. D0uero de )edesma,D <H;6HI. D0uero de +i'nero,D :LT. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<:6<<. D0uero de Carmona,D I6H. D0uero de $licante,D I<, IL. D+rivile'io en !ue el rey /7aime I1 sanciona los estatutos de .aroca, :<LH,D ;L. El "uero de #rihuega, :P;. D2l =bispo de )e&n y el Conce5o de Mansilla lle'an a un acuerdo,D <T?PIT. D0uero de Campomayor,D LTT. DTeobaldo II concede a los pobladores de Torralba los fueros,D <I<. D0uero de )orca, :<P:,D PQ. D+rivile'io confirmaci&n del rey .on $lfonso concediendo a los de )a #iba,D :?H<H. D0uero de 0uentes de la $lcarria,D :Q?;Q<. H. !C"s, ;T?:O. !Cmsp, ;T?:P. ! L, :<O6;<, I<H. !&lbL, I;<6;;, IQP. !Ccv, ;?:I?::, the only version -hich includes the ri'ht of the deceased to receive an animal for porta'e back to to-n. ! R, :;P6IT, LQ<. !&lbR, II6 IL, :Q;. !1, LT;, a !uarter maraved per day. !&lz, :T?:O. !&ln, HTO. !$, f. QIr. !L, H<H. !#a, HQL. !I, HLP. !&lr, ff. OPr6OPv. !@b, LI+. M'VHH2, PT<6T;. !#e, O:;. !V$, L:<. P. !Calata%ud, IL. !C"s, ;;?<:. !Cmsp, ;;?:O. ! L, IHT. !Ccv, I?<?O. ! R, HI;. !&lbR, :OQ, at five maraveds. !1, HHI, at one maraved. !&lz, ::?;I. !&ln, HQL. !$, f. O;r, at five maraveds. !L, P:P, at five maraveds. !#a, PPH. !I, PIP. !&lr, f. :TP. !@b, LO7. M'VHH2, LOT. !#e, :T<I. !V$, LPL. Q. !&, ;LL. !C;, ;I:. !CR, P?::. !CM, <PP. !C&, ;;O. !C#, ;IH. !@, ;IQ. O. !C;, ;<Q. !CR, Q?HL. !CM, ;H;. !C&, ;<:. !C#, ;<P. !@, ;;T. :T. !C"s, ;T?I:6I<, HT. !Cmsp, ;T?;Q6;O, LH. ! L, I;P6;Q. $ll versions of the Teruel and $lbarracRn charters lack the reference to the commanders retainin' some of the fifth ta3. !&lbL, IOT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<H, ;?:I?;L. ! R, LOL6OH. !&lbR, :QH6QP. !1, L:H6:P, L<H. !&lz, :T?I:6I<, :T?LO6HT. !&ln, H<L, H;P. !$, ff. QLr, QHv. !L, HIP, HHI. !#a, PTI6TL, P:O. !I, HPL6PH, HQO. !&lr, ff. OOr, :TTv6:T:r. !@b, LI8C, LI)C, LICD. [beda breaks the ranks of the 'roup to mutilate the ears of the unhappy share participant. M'VHH2, P:P6:Q, P<O. !#e, O;L6;H, OLH. !V$, L<Q, L;O. ::. The e3ceptions -ere sellin' arms ille'ally to Christians from another to-n /t-enty maraveds1 and the aforementioned -atch supervisor -ho failed to report a sleepin' sentry and the 'atekeeperCs fine /both thirty maraveds1 for permittin' a criminal to pass his 'ate. !C"s, <O?<O. !Cmsp, <O?<P. ! L, :;T, :;<, I<L, the only manuscript containin' a thirty maraved fine for arms sales. !&lbL, I;<6;;, IQ;. !Ccv, ;?:;?:O. ! R, :;Q, :IT, LH;. !&lbR, II6IL, :PQ. !1, ;IO. !&lz, :;?<Q. !&ln, LQH. !$, ff. QTv6Q:r. !L, HT;. !#a, HHL. !I, H;H. !&lr, ff. OIr6OIv. !@b, L;CC. M'VHH2, LHO. !#e, QQL6QH. :<. D2l 2sp4culo o espe5o de todos los derechos,D ;?Q?T. :;. !Viguera % Val de !unes, LT6L:. If such theft involved housebreakin' in the Cuenca6Teruel to-ns, the punishment -as e3ile. !!rei8o, :?;::. !@rros, :?IHH. !'ancta Cruz, :?HT;. Esp:culo, ;?Q?I. D0uero romanceado de (epNlveda, :;TT,D PP. (epNlvedans paid :T maraveds for bruisin' a Muslim captive unnecessarily, althou'h this probably says more about their property value than any human concern in their behalf. (tealin' an item of booty -hich should have been placed in a common pool cost the thief one hundred maraveds in the Coria Cima6Coa charters. !&, :QQ. !C;, :PQ. !CR, Q?LL. !CM, ;L;. !C&, :Q:. !C#, :Q;. !@, :Q;. :I. !C"s, ;:?::6:;. !Cmsp, ;:?P6O. ! L, IL:6L<. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H6Q. ! R, H:P6<T. !&lbR, :O:6O<. !1, L;I, L;H. !&lz, :T?PH6PQ. !&ln, HL;6LI. !$, ff. QQr6QQv. !L, HPQ6QT. !#a, P;L6;P. !I, PTL6TP. !&lr, ff. :T<r6 :T<v. !@b, LLB, LL%, LLI. M'VHH2, PIT6I<. !#e, OPP6QT. !V$, LIH6IP. 9hile none of the conspiracy statutes mention a militia6related situation specifically, they are positioned in the block of military la-s in their respective charters. The 'iete partidas demands up to seven times the amount of the dama'e done in the case of such an uprisin'. Las siete partidas, <?<H?:H6P. !Viguera % Val de !unes, PO. :L. !C"s, ;T?I<6LL, ;T?HI6HL. !Cmsp, ;T?;O6L<, ;T?HT6H:. ! L, I;Q6II, IIL. !&lbL, IOT6O;. !Ccv, ;?:I?<H6;<, ;P. ! R, LOH6HTL, HTO6:T. !&lbR, :QP6QO. !1, L:P6<I, L<P. !&lz, :T?I<6LL, HI6HL. !&ln, H<L6;I, HI:6I<. !$, ff. QLr6QHr, QHv6QPr. !L, HIP6HT, HHQ6HO. !#a, PTL6:H, P<;6<I. !I, HPH6QH, HO;6OI. !&lr, ff. OOr6:T:r. !@b, LI)C6LI,C, LIBD6%D. M'VHH2, P:Q6<H, P;;. !#e, O;H6L:, OH:6H<. !V$, L<Q6;H, LI:. !Ledesma, <HI. Esp:culo, ;?Q?Q. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;I, <?<O?I. :H. D+rivile'io del #ey .. $lfonso W, en !ue condonando a la villa de $'uilar de Camp&,D :?;:I6:L. !&, :O:. !C;, :QH. !CR, <?LP. !CM, P;. !C&, :QO. !C#, :OT6O:. !@, :O<. Cceres and "sa're have the above statement conformin' to the other members of the family, but list no fines and leave the multiplyin' factor thereby unclear. :P. !uero real del don &lonso el 'abio , I?I?:;6:I. !uero real de &"onso X, ; 'Dbio? Vers=o portuguesa, :;;. Esp:culo, ;?Q?;6Q. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<, <T. <?<Q?H6P, <?;T?;. :Q. !C"s, ;:?:T. !Cmsp, ;:?H. ! L, ILT. !&lbL, IOI. !Ccv, ;?:L?L. ! R, H:H. !&lbR, :O:. !1, L;;. !&lz, :T?PL. !&ln, HL<. !$, f. QQr. !L, HPP, the only charter e3tendin' the period to nine days. !#a, P;I. !I, PTI. !&lr, f. :T<r. !@b, LL0. M'VHH2, P;O. !#e, OPH. !V$, LIL. :O. !C"s, ;:?:I. !Cmsp, ;:?:T. ! L, IL<. !Ccv, ;?:L?O, -here the period is only nine days. ! R, H<:. !&lbR, :O<. !1, L;P. !&lz, :T?PO. !&ln, HLI. !$, f. QQv. !L, HQ:. !#a, P;Q. !I, PTQ, -here the period is thirty6si3 days. !&lr, f. :T<v. !@b, LL7. M'VHH2, PI;, -here any booty, not 5ust Muslim booty, is allo-ed. !#e, OQ:. !V$, LIQ. <T. !C"s, ;T?Q6O, I:. !Cmsp, ;T?P6O, ;Q. ! L, I<H, I;P. !&lbL, IQH6QP. !Ccv, ;?:I?H, <H. ! R, LPP6PQ, LOL. !&lbR, :Q:, :QH6QP. !1, IOQ, L:H. !&lz, :T?Q6O, I:. !&ln, HTT6T:, H<L. !$, ff. Q<v6Q;r, QLr. !L, H:H6:P, HIP. :<O

!#a, HPH6PP, PTI. !I, HIP6IQ, HPL. !&lr, ff. OHr6OHv, OOr. !@b, LI%, LII, LI8C. M'VHH2, HOP6OQ, P:P. !#e, OT:6T<, O;L. !V$, L<Q. Esp:culo, ;?Q?P. <:. !C"s, ;T?;P6;Q. !Cmsp, ;T?;I6;L. ! L, I;;6;I. !&lbL, IOT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<I. ! R, LO<6O;. !&lbR, :QH. !1, L:I6:L. !&lz, :T?;P6;Q. !&ln, H<I. !$, f. QIv. !L, HI;6II. !#a, PT:6T<. !I, HP<6P;. !&lr, f. OOr. !@b, LIBC, LI%C. M'VHH2, P:L6:H. !#e, O;:6;<. !V$, L<H. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. <<. !C"s, ;T?LL. !Cmsp, ;T?L<. ! L, :;T, :;<, III. !&lbL, I;<6;;, IO<. !Ccv, ;?:I?;<. ! R, :;Q, :IT, HTL. !&lbR, II6IL, :QO. !1, L<I. !&lz, :T?LL. !&ln, H;I. !L, HHT. !#a, P:H. !I, HQH. !&lr, f. :TTv. !@b, LI,C. M'VHH2, P<H. !#e, OL:. !V$, L;H. Esp:culo, ;?Q?;. 'iete partidas, <?<H?;;, <?<Q?Q. <;. !C"s, ;T?I:. !Cmsp, ;T?;Q. ! L, :;T, I;P. !&lbL, II, IOT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<H. ! R, :;Q, LOL. !&lbR, II, :QH6 QP. !1, L:H. !&lz, :T?I:. !&ln, H<L. !$, f. QLr. !L, HIP. !#a, PTI. !I, HPL. !&lr, f. OOr. !@b, LI8C. M'VHH2, P:P. !#e, O;L. !V$, L<Q. !C;, :<<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?Q?O. 'iete partidas, <?<;?:H. <I. !C"s, ;T?:. !Cmsp, ;T?:. ! L, :;T, I<H. !&lbL, I;<, IQI6QL. !Ccv, ;?:I?:. ! R, :;Q, LHO6P:. !&lbR, II, :PO6QT. !1, IO<. !&lz, :T?:. !&ln, LO<. !$, ff. Q:v6Q<r. !L, HTO. !#a, HPT. !I, H;O. !&lr, ff. OLr6OLv. !@b, LI$. M'VHH2, HO<6O;. !#e, QO;. Costumbres de L:rida, :PH. <L. !C;, <;H. !CR, Q?PT. !CM, ;HQ. !C&, <;O. !C#, <;I. !@, <IL. <H. !C"s, ;:?:<. !Cmsp, ;:?Q. ! L, IL:. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H. ! R, H:Q. !&lbR, :O<. !1, L;I. !&lz, :T?PP. !&ln, HL;. !$, ff. QQr6QQv. !L, HPO. !#a, P;H. !I, PTH. !&lr, f. :T<v. !@b, LL%. M'VHH2, PI:. !#e, OPQ. !V$, LIH. Esp:culo, ;?L?<6;, ;?L?O, ;?L?:;6:L, ;?H?O6:T. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:H6:P, <?<Q?H6P. The 1artidas also e3iled a noble convicted for a second time of stealin' provisions. <P. !C"s, ;:?::. !Cmsp, ;:?P. ! L, IL:. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H. ! R, H:P. !&lbR, :O:6O<. !1, L;I. !&lz, :T?PH. !&ln, HL;. !$, f. QQr. !L, HPQ. !#a, P;L. !I, PTL. !&lr, ff. :T<r6:T<v. !@b, LLB. M'VHH2, PIT. !#e, OPP. !V$, LIH. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?H?<., ;?P?I. D0uero de +ar'a /CoruUa1, :<<L,D :H?HL;6LI. <Q. !C"s, ;:?:<. !Cmsp, ;:?Q. ! L, IL:. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H. ! R, H:Q. !&lbR, :O<. !1, L;I. !&lz, :T?PP. !&ln, HL;. !$, ff. QQr6QQv. !L, HPO. !#a, P;H. !I, PTH. !&lr, f. :T<v. !@b, LL%3. M'VHH2, PI:. !#e, OPQ. !V$, LIH. Esp:culo, ;?L?:P. <O. !C"s, ;T?HL. !Cmsp, ;T?H<. ! L, IIH. !&lbL, IO;. !Ccv, ;?:I?;Q. ! R, H::. !&lbR, :QO. !1, L<Q. !&lz, :T?HH. !&ln, HI;. !$, f. QPr. !L, HPT. !#a, P<L. !I, HOL. !&lr, f. :T:r. !@b, LIID. M'VHH2, P;I. !#e, OH;. !V$, LI:. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. +lasencia and 2scalona also formed a mutual a'reement bet-een their t-o to-ns /c. :<TT1 -hich noted that any resident of one to-n -ho killed a resident of the other -hile on campai'n should be e3iled. DCarta de hermandad entre +lasencia y 2scalona,D ;?LTP. ;T. Esp:culo, ;?L?<6;, ;?L?:<, ;?L?:P6:Q, ;?H?I6P. ;:. !Molina, ::L. !C"s, :<?:P. !Cmsp, :<?:P. ! L, ;QP. !&lbL, IP;. !Ccv, <?<?O. ! R, IOO. !&lbR, :HL6HH. !1, QP. !&lz, I?PT. !&ln, <PI. !$, f. ITv. !L, <QO. !#a, <O:. !I, <O:. !&lr, f. IHr. !@b, ;T?;). M'VHH2, <QI. !#e, ;P<. !V$, <PI. Molina char'es a fifty maraved fine for this act, the Cuenca 'roup list a ten solido fine, Teruel and $lbarracRn have si3ty, and +lasencia states one hundred. ;<. !C"s, ;T?;P6;Q. !Cmsp, ;T?;I6;L. ! L, I;;6;I. !&lbL, IOT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<I. ! R, LO<6O;. !&lbR, :QH. !1, L:I6:L. !&lz, :T?;P6;Q. !&ln, H<I. !$, f. QIv. !L, HI;6II. !#a, PT:6T<. !I, HP<6P;. !&lr, f. OOr. !@b, LIBC, LI%C. M'VHH2, P:L6:H. !#e, O;:6;<. !V$, L<H. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<6:;. !CM, ;:T6::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. (tran'ely enou'h, -hile the Coria Cima6Coa charters omit the paired punishment of e3ile for battle fli'ht, the Cuenca6Teruel charters assi'n the e3ile for this same act of co-ardice. ;;. !C"s, ;T?;L, ;T?;P6;Q. !Cmsp, ;T?;<, ;T?;I6;L. ! L, I;:, I;;6;I. !&lbL, IQO6OT. !Ccv, ;?:I?<;6<I, -hich allo-s the hand or the ears to be taken off. ! R, LOT, LO<6O;. !&lbR, :QL6QH. !1, L:<, L:I6:L. !&lz, :T?;L, :T?;P6;Q. !&ln, H<<, H<I. !$, f. QIv. !L, HI:, HI;6II. !#a, HOO, PT:6T<. !I, HPT, HP<6P;. !&lr, ff. OQv6OOr. !@b, LI2C, LIBC, LI%C. M'VHH2, P:;, P:L6:H. !#e, O<O, O;:6;<. !V$, L<I, L<H. Teruel and $lbarracRn also shave and cut the ears of those -ho intend to send messa'es to the Muslims. Esp:culo, ;?Q?L. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?H. The 1artidas envisioned this punishment as suitable for non6noble persons, only. ;I. !C"s, ;T?O6:T. !Cmsp, ;T?O6:T. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQH. !Ccv, ;?:I?H. ! R, LPO. !&lbR, :Q:6Q<. !1, IOO. !&lz, :T?O6:T. !&ln, HT:6T<. !$, f. Q;r. !L, H:P6:Q. !#a, HPP6PQ. !I, HIQ6IO. !&lr, f. OHv. !@b, LII, LI7. M'VHH2, HOQ. !#e, OT;6TI. $larc&n and $lc ar note the -oundin' of a kni'ht rather than a leader to brin' on the penalty. !&, :Q;. $lfaiates lacks the hand6removin' la-. !C;, ::<, :PL. !CR, Q?:;, Q?L;. !CM, ;::, ;L:. !C&, :PP6PQ. !C#, :TQ, :QT. !@, :PO6QT. Esp:culo, ;?Q?I. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?L. The only +ortu'uese "oral to mention in5urin' another on campai'n levied a fine of si3ty solidos in that instance. !'ancta Cruz, :?HT;. ;L. !C;, ::<3. !CR, Q?:<. !CM, ;:T. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?I, <?;T?;. ;H. !C"s, :<?:Q. !Cmsp, :<?:Q. ! L, ;O:. !&lbL, IP;. !Ccv, <?<?:T. ! R, LT;. !&lbR, :HH. Teruel and $lbarracRn leave the choice of the fine6e3ile or the duel to the pleasure of the victim. !1, OI. !&lz, I?P:. !&ln, <PL. !$, f. ITv. !L, <OT. !#a, <O<. !I, <O<. !&lr, ff. IHr6IHv. !@b, ;T?;M. M'VHH2, <QL. !#e, ;P;. !V$, <PL. :;T

;P. 8in', LaB and 'ociet%, OT. )ear, DThe +ublic )a- in the Visi'othic Code,D <H?:L6:H. ;Q. $3tell and (turtevant, DThe "nkindest Cut, or 9ho Invented (calpin'YD ;P?IL:6P<. 0or pre6Columbian scalpin', see 0riederici, '-alpieren und Zhnliche ,riegsgebrZuche in &meri-a, passim. ;O. Valfermoso de las Mon5as permitted the victim a year to make his complaint to the alcaldes, or forfeit the ri'ht to recompense. D0uero dado Valfermoso de las Mon5as,D :<;. D0uero romanceado de +alencia,D ::?L::. !&, :Q;, :QQ, ;I<. !C;, :PP6:PQ, ;;H. !CR, ;?LL, Q?LI6LL. !CM, :<H, ;L<6L;. !C&, :QT6Q:, :QL. !C#, :Q<6 Q;, ;;L. !@, :Q<6:Q;, :QQ. The miscreant booty dividers -ere 'iven the opportunity to pay a one hundred maraved fine first, but if unable to pay suffered this penalty. D0uero de Bada5o ,D PI. IT. !&, :QO. !C;, :PO. !CR, Q?LH. !CM, ;LI. !C&, :Q<. !C#, :QI. !@, :QL. Esp:culo, ;?P?:<. 'iete partidas, <?<L?L. I:. !C"s, ;T?IL6IP. !Cmsp, ;T?I<6II. ! L, II:6I<. !&lbL, IO:. !Ccv, ;?:I?<Q. ! R, LOO6HTT. !&lbR, :QP. !1, L:O. !&lz, :T?IL6IP. !&ln, H<Q6<O. !$, f. QLr. !L, HLT6L<. !#a, PTP6TQ. !I, HPQ6PO. !&lr, f. OOv. !@b, LIaC, LI=C, LI+C. M'VHH2, P<T. !#e, O;O6I:. !V$, L;T6;:. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:;. !CM, ;::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?Q?I. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?L, a punishment for non6nobles, -hile nobles are e3iled. I<. Esp:culo, ;?H?<6L, ;?P?<6;. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:O. The kni'ht -ho violated the ri'hts of a surrenderin' to-n dre- e3ile as a punishment. !C"s, ;:?::. !Cmsp, ;:?P. ! L, IL:. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H. ! R, H:P. !&lbR, :O:6O<. !1, L;I. !&lz, :T?PH. !&ln, HL;. !$, f. QQr. !L, HPQ. !#a, P;L. !I, PTL. !&lr, ff. :T<r6:T<v. !@b, LLB. M'VHH2, PIT. !#e, OPP. !V$, LIH. I;. !C"s, ;:?:<. !Cmsp, ;:?Q. ! L, IL:. !&lbL, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H. ! R, H:Q. !&lbR, :O<. !1, L;I. !&lz, :T?PP. !&ln, HL;. !$, ff. QQr6QQv. !L, HPO. !#a, P;H. !I, PTH. !&lr, f. :T<v. !@b, LL%. M'VHH2, PI:. !#e, OPQ. !V$, LIH. Esp:culo, ;?L?:P6:Q. Vi'uera y Val de 0unes simply see these failures as acts of traitors unless properly e3cused, but offer no sanction. !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes, IO. II. Esp:culo, ;?Q?<, ;?L?:<, ;?H?:T. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?<6;, <?<H?:H6:P. IL. ! L, :<O, :;:6;<. !&lbL, I;<6;;. ! R, :;P, :;O6IT. !&lbR, II6IL. Esp:culo, ;?H?P. IH. !C"s, I:?<. !Cmsp, I:?;. ! L, LTP. !Ccv, I?::?/:T1;. ! R, P;T. !&lbR, <<:. !1, HQ<. !&lz, :<?<I. !&ln, PPH6PP. !$, f. :THr. !L, QTL. !#a, QHO. !I, Q<L. !&lr, f. ::Ov. !@b, PT$. M'VHH2, HHT. !V$, HIL. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?H. IP. !C"s, :;?I, <O?:O. !Cmsp, :;?I, <O?<P. ! L, I:;, I<L. !&lbL, IPP, IQ;. !Ccv, <?;?I, ;?:;?:O. ! R, L<H, LH;. !&lbR, :PT, :PQ. !1, :L:, ;IO. !&lz, I?O:, :;?<Q. !&ln, <OL, LQH. !$, ff. IIr, QTv6Q:r. !L, ;::, HT;. !#a, ;:I, HHL. !I, ;:L, H;H. !&lr, ff. IQv6IOr, OIr6OIv. !@b, ;T?PC, L;CC. M'VHH2, ;TO, LHO. !#e, ;OP, QQL6QH. !V$, <OL. Curiously enou'h, the Coria Cima6Coa charters settled for confiscatin' the contraband -eapons, unless the individual could prove he -as not 'oin' to sell them. !&, <LP. !C;, <;I. !CR, Q?H;. !CM, ;H:. !C&, <;P. !C#, <;<. !@, <I;. IQ. Esp:culo, ;?Q?L. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?H. IO. 'iete partidas, <?<H?:<, <?<Q?P, <?<H?;;6;I. LT. !C"s, ;T?IL6IP. !Cmsp, ;T?I<6II. ! L, II:6I<. !&lbL, IO:. !Ccv, ;?:I?<Q. ! R, LOO6HTT. !&lbR, :QP. !1, L:O. !&lz, :T?IL6IP. !&ln, H<Q6<O. !$, f. QLr. !L, HLT6L<. !#a, PTP6TQ. !I, HPQ6PO. !&lr, f. OOv. !@b, LIaC, LI=C, LI+C. M'VHH2, P<T. !#e, O;O6I:. !V$, L;T6;:. !C;, ::<. !CR, Q?:<6:;. !CM, ;:T6::. !C&, :PP. !C#, :TQ. !@, :PO. Esp:culo, ;?Q?I. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?L, a punishment for non6nobles, -hile nobles are e3iled. L:. !C"s, ;:?::6:<, I:?<. !Cmsp, ;:?P6Q, I:?;. ! L, :<O, :;:6;<, IL:, LTP. !&lbL, I;<6;;, IOL. !Ccv, ;?:L?H, I?::?/:T1;. ! R, :;P, :;O6IT, H:P6:Q, P;T. !&lbR, II6IL, :O:6O<, <<:. !1, L;I, HQ<. !&lz, :T?PH6PP, :<?<I. !&ln, HL;, PPH6PP. !$, ff. QQr6QQv, :THr. !L, HPQ6PO, QTL. !#a, P;L6;H, QHO. !I, PTL6TH, Q<L. !&lr, ff. :T<r6 :T<v, ::Ov. !@b, LLB, LL%, PT$. M'VHH2, HHT, PIT6I:. !#e, OPP6PQ. !V$, LIH, HIL. L<. Esp:culo, ;?Q?L. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?H. L;. 'iete partidas, <?<Q?H. LI. !C"s, ;:?<6;, ;;?<:. !Cmsp, ;:?<6;, ;;?:O. ! L, IIQ, IHT. !&lbL, IO;6OI. !Ccv, ;?:L?:6<, I?<?O. ! R, H:<, H:I, HI;. !&lbR, :OT, :OQ. !1, L<O6;T, HHI. !&lz, :T?HQ6HO, ::?;I. !&ln, HIL, HIP, HQL. !$, ff. QPv, O;r. !L, HP<6P;, P:P. !#a, P<P, PPH. !I, HOP, PIP. !&lr, ff. :T:v, :TPv. !@b, LLB, LLC, LO7. M'VHH2, LOT, P;L. !#e, OHQ, OPT, :T<I. !V$, LI;. LL. !@rros, :?IHH. !&, ;I<. !C;, ::<, ;;H. !CR, ;?LL, Q?:<. !CM, :<H, ;:T. !C&, :PP, :QL. !C#, :TQ, ;;L. !@, :PO, :QQ. LH. ! L, II;. !&lbL, IO:. ! R, HT:. !&lbR, :QP6QQ. !'ep>lveda 2H55, PP. LP. !C"s, :<?:P. !Cmsp, :<?:P. ! L, ;QP. !&lbL, IP;. !Ccv, <?<?O. ! R, IOO. !&lbR, :HL6HH. !1, QP. !&lz, I?PT. !&ln, <PI. !$, f. ITv. !L, <QO. !#a, <O:. !I, <O:. !&lr, f. IHr. !@b, ;T?;). M'VHH2, <QI. !#e, ;P<. !V$, <PI. !&, <LP, -hich fore'oes -itnesses and han's the accused. !C;, <;I. !CR, Q?H;. !CM, ;H:. !C&, <;P. !C#, <;<. !@, <I;. LQ. !Molina, Q;6QI. !C"s, :<?:Q, :;?I, ;T?IQ, ;:?::6:<. !Cmsp, :<?:Q, :;?I, ;T?IL, ;:?P6Q. ! L, ;O:, I:;, IL:. !&lbL, IP;, IPP, IOL. !Ccv, <?<?:T, <?;?I, ;?:I?<Q, ;?:L?H. ! R, LT;, L<H, H:Q. !&lbR, :HH, :PT, :O:6O<. !1, OI, :L:, L<T, L;I. !&lz, I?P:, I?O:, :T?IQ, :T?PH6PP. !&ln, <PL, <OL, H<O, HL;. !$, ff. ITv, IIr, QLr6QLv, QQr6 QQv. !L, <OT, ;::, HL;, HPQ6PO. !#a, <O<, ;:I, PTO, P;L6;H. !I, <O<, ;:L, HQT, PTL6TH. !&lr, ff. IHr6IHv, IQv6 :;:

IOr, OOv, :T<r6:T<v. !@b, ;T?;M, ;T?PC, LISC, LLB, LL%. M'VHH2, <QL, ;TO, P<:, PIT6I:. !#e, ;P;, ;OP, OI<, OPP6PQ. !V$, <PL, <OL, L;:, LIH. There are some variances in the Cuenca family in these la-s. Jorita re!uires only si3 5urors for scalpin' and battlefield despoilment, and on petty military theft +lasencia, $lcara , $larc&n, Jorita, $lc ar and M( Q;;: follo- the e3ample of Teruel and $lbarracRn re!uirin' only t-o oath s-earers. LO. !C"s, :<?:Q. !Cmsp, :<?:Q. ! L, ;O:, II;, IIH. !&lbL, IP;, IO:, IO;. !Ccv, <?<?:T. ! R, LT;, HT:, H::. !&lbR, :HH, :QP6QO. !1, OI, L<T. !&lz, I?P:. !&ln, <PL. !$, ff. ITv, QLr6QLv. !L, HL;. !#a, <O<. !I, <O<. !&lr, ff. IHr6IHv. !@b, ;T?;M. M'VHH2, <QL. !#e, ;P;, OI<. !V$, <PL. HT. D0ueros de Medinaceli,D I;O. !C"s, <H?:I6:L, IT?:<. !Cmsp, <H?:T6::, IT?:<. ! L, <LP, LTL. !&lbL, ILI. !Ccv, ;?:T?:T, I?:T?P. ! R, <P<, P:H. !&lbR, OT, <:H. !1, ;TQ, IL<. !&lz, O?:T6::, :<?:;. !&ln, LIO, PHI. !$, ff. PLr, :T;r6:T;v. !L, LL:, PO;. !#a, H:O6<T, QHT. !I, H:;, Q:Q. !&lr, ff. QOr, ::Pr6::Pv. !@b, LTB, LT%, LTI, HQB. M'VHH2, L<P, HIQ. !#e, Q:L6:H. !V$, H;P. !&, <;L. 9hile the remainder of the Coria Cima6Coa 'roup allo- the delay for both "onsado and azaria, $lfaiates mentions the azaria only. !C;, <<I. !CR, I?<;. !CM, :L;. !C&, <<L. !C#, <<I. !@, <;:. H:. !Estella, :?:?::;. !C"s, <;?:<, <;?:I6:L, <L?<, ;H?;. !Cmsp, <;?:<, <;?:I6:L, <L?<, ;H?;. ! L, :QQ6QO, <;P, IHL. !&lbL, IIO. !Ccv, ;?P?I, ;?O?<, I?L?;. ! R, :OI, <LO, HPP. !&lbR, H;bis6HI, Q;6QI, <TL. !1, <H;, <OP, I::. !&lz, Q?QO, Q?O:6O<, Q?:;L, ::?HQ. !&ln, IOL6OH, L;:, P:O. !$, ff. HHr, P:r, OPr6OPv. !L, IQ<6Q;, IQL6QH, L;T, PLT. !#a, LLL6LQ, LOP, Q::. !I, LLP, LO;, PQ:. !&lr, ff. QTv6Q:r, QOr, :::r. !@b, II86IIN, IP$, H<C. M'VHH2, IPI, LTO, H:O. !#e, P<T, P<<6<;, PPO. !V$, LOO.

:;<

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -204/ E*IL"7&E--A$0 * "L"7&E The contribution made by the municipal militias in Iberia durin' the Central Middle $'es is remarkable. (pa-ned by the reality of contendin' societies across a military frontier, they filled a vital place in the needs of the peninsular monarchies they served, e3pandin' their capabilities -hen the situation re!uired and 'ivin' their kin's valuable fle3ibility in military and economic pro'rams. Most particularly, the to-n armies of the peninsula provided a defense in depth to protect their realms from Muslim intrusionE ran'ed the frontier in missions of their o-n initiative and that of their rulerE institutionali ed their military procedures in comple3 la- codes that continue to tell us much about their livesE and brou'ht a set of frontier necessities and their hardships under control, so that risk mi'ht be insured, e3cesses punished, and even a profit turned. Neither the #econ!uest nor the Iberian states it shaped could have taken the form they did -ithout this municipal contribution. The Iberian to-ns sho- some stron' lines of comparison -ith their 0rench and Italian counterparts. The conflict en'endered by 0lorence and (iena has its echo in the battles of (alamanca, >vila, Ciudad #odri'o and Talavera to claim and hold the substantial territories -hich surrounded their to-ns. In a similar manner, the city of Toulouse used its military forces to e3tend its 'rasp throu'hout the central Baronne Valley durin' the mid6 thirteenth century hiatus bet-een the decline of the Counts of Toulouse and the increasin' 'ro-th of royal po-er in southern 0rance./:1 Moreover, one cannot fail to be struck by the parallel bet-een the epic battles of -208/ )as Navas de Tolosa and Bouvines. 0or the most crucial sin'le battle of the #econ!uest, )as Navas de Tolosa, 8in' $lfonso VIII had at his disposal in :<:< the militias of >vila, (e'ovia, Medina del Campo and Toledo /and probably more1. In :<:I, 8in' +hilippe II utili ed the militias of Corbie, $miens, Beauvais, Compi*'ne and $rras for that most crucial event in the development of the 0rench monarchy, the battle of Bouvines. ,et in neither the Italian nor the 0rench e3amples are the distances the same. The combats -ithin the +apal (tates, Tuscany and the )ombard )ea'ue rarely re!uired the to-n militia to serve much beyond a hundred kilometer radius of the home city. To reach Bouvines, the 0rench militias had to travel bet-een fifty to one hundred fifty kilometers, and -ere so e3hausted from their effort that they did not perform -ell in the battle itself. /<1 23cludin' the four hundred kilometer ran'e re!uired to perform at )ucena, the militias -hich served $lfonso VIII at )as Navas traveled more than t-ice as far across more hostile country than any 0rench militia at Bouvines. 9hatever the level of their performance there, the chronicles make no reference to their e3haustion. It is this e3traordinary ran'e and capability for audacious independent action -hich 'ive the Iberian militias an aura of fascination as a historical phenomenon. :<QI did not conclude the -ork of the #econ!uest or the activity of the peninsular municipal militias. The $ndalusian to-ns -hich remained in contact -ith the Muslim frontier of the principality of Branada maintained active armies -hich continued both to fi'ht border skirmishes -ith Branadan forces and to 5oin royal armies for lar'er e3peditions a'ainst the Nasrid dynasty and their occasional North $frican allies. +rotected by the crests, rid'es, valleys and passes of the Baetic Cordillera, the Muslims -ould stand their 'round for t-o more centuries before a determined ten6year campai'n led by 0ernando and Isabel crushed the last resistance and allo-ed the royal couple to receive the keys of the $lhambra from the last emir. 9hile the older militias of the Meseta -ere lar'ely isolated from this t-o6century conflict, they did find periodic outlets for their capabilities in the various brotherhoods -hich formed to protect municipal interests a'ainst the turbulent forces -hich buffeted the Castilian monarchy durin' the )ater Middle $'es. Throu'h these hermandades a number of military effectives -ould be recruited from the Meseta to-ns into the (anta %ermandad, to 5oin the militias of the $ndalusian conce/os in the final peninsular assault a'ainst Branada and its territories. Their combat skills -ould survive to threaten 0ernando and IsabelCs %absbur' 'randson Charles in the 'reat Comunero -205/ uprisin' of :L<T6<:. The urban military tradition thus had its place in the for'in' of a (panish military system -hose tercios and li'ht cavalry -ould become the dominant 2uropean military force in the si3teenth century. /;1 %o-ever, the evolution of the peninsular municipal militias had crossed a si'nificant historic divide by the end of the thirteenth century, marked lar'ely by the rei'ns of $lfonso W, 7aime I and $fonso III. 0or +ortu'al and the Cro-n of $ra'on, direct contact -ith the Islamic frontier had been broken. To be sure, both of these states remained keenly interested in frontier e3pansion in North $frica and, for $ra'on, in the central and eastern Mediterranean. Both 5oint and separate enterprises -ere planned and occasionally e3ecuted by the Iberian monarchies after this time, includin' the final combined effort launched a'ainst Branada by the Catholic 8in's. Nonetheless, the actual separation of +ortu'al and $ra'on from direct land contact ended the direct participation of their municipal militias in the -ar to the Muslim south. )ike the militias of Navarre earlier, the +ortu'uese and $ra'onese municipal armies -ere destined to atrophy save for purely local concerns of order and defense. :;;

The 'reat collections of customs 'ranted to such to-ns as BarvMo, $lcaZer, Buarda, (antar4m and Be5a in +ortu'al and to Valencia and Tortosa in the Cro-n of $ra'on contain little or no reference to military obli'ations or their associated activities. )ocal defense remained -ell or'ani ed, as the records of Barcelona and Valencia indicate, and the lar'e municipal musters by 7aime and his son +edro demonstrate a continuin' militia capability to the end of the thirteenth century, but the need for offensive campai'nin' by the to-ns in the peninsula certainly must have declined after +edro IICs rei'n. /I1 Indeed, -ithout the concern of an active military frontier to police, the monarchy sou'ht very sensibly to restrain this military capability on the part of the to-ns. $s the future history of both Castile and $ra'on -ould demonstrate, municipal militias could be used to resist royal -ill as easily as to e3ecute it. The thirteenth6century Muslim poet al6#undA mourned the loss of the 'reat Islamic cities of $ndalusia, Murcia and Valencia as the DpillarsD of $rabic (pain./L1 9ere these and the other to-ns, -hich had been lost either throu'h settlement or capture, destined to be the pillars of the Christian kin'doms insteadY Certainly in the case of coastal +ortu'al and the Cro-n of $ra'on this proved to be true. These to-ns of the littoral became the 'reat economic centers for the 'ro-in' $tlantic and Mediterranean maritime commerce, an enterprise that diversified their social and economic life to a substantial de'ree. In this trade, Catalonia possessed an ed'e not to be relin!uished until the mid6fifteenth century. .urin' this period, -210/ the lar'er to-ns and cities of +ortu'al and Catalonia6Valencia conformed rather more closely to the e3perience of the other southern 2uropean municipalities than -as to be the case in Castile, -here the economic diversity -as less and the endurin' military influence much 'reater. The 'radual completion of the $ra'onese peninsular frontiers in the thirteenth century almost certainly contributed its booty6hun'ry militiamen to a 'roup called the $lmo'avers -ho speciali ed in -arfare and frontier fi'htin' in $ra'on and Castile. 2mer'in' from obscure ori'ins, they first appear as the initial assault force on C&rdoba in :<;H, and then reappear in the chronicles of 7aime I and +edro IIICs rei'n. 2ven here, it -as the overseas e3pansion of Catalan interests -hich provided military opportunities for this 'roup, once Murcia had been consolidated in Castilian hands and that frontier closed./H1 To be certain, Castile had con!uered its share of 'reat Muslim cities, especially C&rdoba and (eville, but these -ere forced to undertake the total reinte'ration of their economies as a result of the Christian con!uest. Cut off from North $frica, the Islamic economic net-ork and (udanese 'old, their artisans dislod'ed from the heart of the cities, these 'reat $ndalusian municipalities -ould not survive the transition to Christian control in the same state of economic health as -as the case -ith Valencia. The con!uest had added the cattle ranchin' of $ndalusia to the sheep farmin' of the Meseta as primary influences upon the urban economy of Castile. )eather and -ool became si'nificant e3port items, benefitin' the tradin' fair to-ns of the north as Medina del Campo and commercial centers like Bur'os, providin' a contrast -ith the emer'in' fishin' and shippin' industry of the $sturo6Cantabrian coast. This tended to brin' a rather narro- focus to a number of the economies of the sheep raisin' to-ns -hose militias had played so lar'e a role in the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries. In the final analysis, the tie bet-een the sheep economy and the -ide ran'in' militias of the Meseta to-ns seems al-ays to have been close. The militias spa-ned durin' the first penetration of the Trans6.uero 'rasslands, and developed in part to protect the municipal livestock interests in the central Iberian 'ra in' lands. $s the #econ!uest united the 'ra in' ones of $ndalusia -ith those of the northern Meseta, the sheep runs and cattle trails became increasin'ly important, causin' -ool to become the dominant product. These forces tended to harden some of the municipal economies into the molds -hich had formed durin' the era of e3pansion? a sin'le6 product economy based on a ra- material produced for e3port. In the lar'er $ndalusian to-ns and -211/ the more important commercial centers north of the .uero, si'nificant merchant and tradin' classes developed and mer'ed -ith the older caballera villana class, a phenomenon made possible by the declinin' pressures of military service after the con!uest of $ndalusia and by the careful distinction made bet-een caballeros -ho held their position throu'h economic position and those -ho continued to en5oy the honor of servin' in the older military class. The contrast bet-een some of the narro-er municipal economies as a'ainst those -hich developed a de'ree of economic diversity has led recent scholarship to divide on the !uestion of the economic health and social diversity in the later medieval to-ns of Castile. Te&filo #ui ar'ues that many of the later medieval municipal economies are stron', but Bautier6.alch4 proclaims a far 'loomier picture? DThe 'reat blossomin', -hich bet-een the eleventh and thirteenth centuries covered the lands of the 8in'dom of Castile -ith municipalities, did not render all the fruits that it promised.D /P1 Ne-er research seems to be favorin' the position of #ui as a'ainst that represented by Bautier6.alch4. 9ith the slo-in' of the #econ!uest frontier and the isolation of many of the municipalities and their militias from re'ular combats typical of the era from $lfonso VII throu'h 0ernando III, the social process -hich had favored up-ard movement throu'h military pro-ess be'an to lose the sources of its fluidity. In the more important commercial centers, business success provided some alternative options, but this route did not effectively e3ist in many to-ns and, -hen available often did not offer full e!uality -ith the older caballero aristocracy. In the heyday of the fluid frontier, the Cuenca6Teruel family of charters had specifically a-arded horses to those peones -ho had unhorsed a Muslim /inete at a crucial location on a battlefield, thereby chan'in' that footsoldierCs social class, and improvin' his future options in combat, in the division of booty, and even in :;I

pastura'e ri'hts in the 'ra in' lands of the to-n. The $lfonsine codes offered considerable pri es, even houses and property, for similar heroic acts. /Q1 %o- often the footsoldiers found themselves in this opportune position or actually received the pri es offered in these codes is unkno-n to us, but the -idespread incidence of such lasu''ests that the possibility -as 'enuine. .ecreasin' these options for the peones throu'h the declinin' incidence of combat, -hich also reduced the periodic casualties that assured vacancies in the municipal kni'htly class, inevitably contributed to the hardenin' of class stratifications. $lfonso WCs "ueros also indicate the caballeros villanos attempted -212/ to maintain and e3tend their class prero'atives, e3pandin' their dependent retinues -hile performin' their military duties -ith increasin' reluctance. .urin' the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries this class of urban kni'hts 'radually increased its domination of municipal 'overnment. The Castilian monarchy from 0ernando IIICs time on-ard abetted their political and social a''randi ement by attemptin' to develop an armed kni'htly class of hi'h rankin' caballeros de lina/e /blood nobility1 and lesser caballeros villanos in the to-ns of the Toledo charter family and the $ndalusian south, seekin' to retain a mobile fi'htin' force in the lo-er Meseta and the Branadan frontier. In strivin' to solidify their aristocratic position the caballeros villanos, -ho mi'ht have aimed for manufacturin' and tradin' dominance in many of the other to-ns of medieval 2urope, rather disassociated themselves from such activities, concentratin' instead on their livestock and a'rarian interests, enhancin' their blood lines, their ri'hts and their ta3 e3emptions, and occasionally renderin' military service, althou'h not al-ays of a kind that benefited the monarchy. /O1 $s a result, the -ar machine developed durin' the Central Middle $'es to absorb Muslim lands and DretakeD the +eninsula from the faithful of $llah had a differin' residual effect in the various Christian Iberian kin'doms. The capability of the militias in the Dsociety or'ani ed for -arD had been least developed in +ortu'al, Navarre and the coastal Cro-n of $ra'on. )on' distance campai'nin' and booty had not permanently affected the municipal -ay of life in these re'ions, and their rulers could dull the ed'e of urban military e3perience throu'h economic options and adventures not so closely associated -ith continuin' border -arfare. In Castile this facile possibility lay beyond reach. $s lon' as the border -ith Branada remained open and North $frican reinforcements loomed hard by the (traits, a continuin' military capability -as necessary. The hi'hly institutionali ed military structures of the Castilian to-ns, the re'ular infusion of booty into the municipal economies, and even royal codes -hich sou'ht to assure that Dmen -ill continue to seek -ar and derive pleasure from it,D produced an intense e3perience re'ardin' the importance of -arfare in daily life. The Castilian militias could still be mustered, especially in the unsettled last years of the Bur'undian dynasty and the early decades of the Trastmaras. 9hile booty opportunities slo-ly declined, occasional 'luts such as that provided by the battle of the #Ro (alado in :;IT occurred to remind municipal militiamen of the DpleasuresD of combat. /:T1 (o it -as that a kind of militari ation permeated municipal life in the -211/ Castilian Central Middle $'es. The lands to be -on, the spoils to be divided, the hopes and opportunities of the battlefield, all this became solidly infused into municipal tradition. $s -ith the turbulent -ar machines built by the contemporary 2n'lish and 0rench monarchies, these urban forces sou'ht their natural outlets either in forei'n -ars or turned themselves to-ard internal conflicts, instead. 9hen Islamic Branada succumbed in :IO<, the Ne- 9orld opened nefrontiers for the application of the same e3perience and skills. $n'us Mac8ay has seen an analo'y in the re5oicin' over booty and the po-er it brou'ht bet-een the Cid and his men on their con!uest of Valencia in the eleventh century and 0rancisco +i arro and his follo-ers celebratin' their ac!uisition of the rooms full of Inca +eruvian 'old and silver at Ca5amarca in the si3teenth century. /::1 The militiamen -ho celebrated similar -indfalls in the $ndalusian raids of the t-elfth century, the triumph at )as Navas in :<:<, and the captures of C&rdoba, 7a4n and (eville fit -ell into this same analo'y. It -as after all their descendants -ho -ould pursue the dreams of con!uest provided by Cort4s and +i arro. The +ortu'uese also anne3ed a part of this -orld, fueled by the naval e3pertise ac!uired in part by their coastal to-ns in the )ater Middle $'es. But in the Castilian con!uests the armies of freebootin' -arriors constituted the ma5or portion of the drivin' force. The to-ns and their militias had contributed to this restless, avaricious, enterprisin' mind set -ith all of its potential and its limitations that 'loried and bedeviled Castile in the 2arly Modern 2ra. The e3tent to -hich this attitude influenced the makin' of the Castilian cultural mentality in the (panish #enaissance has been deftly typified by (nche 6$lborno ? D.on Sui3ote and (ancho -ere the sons of the frontier spirit of medieval Castile, populated -ith heroic -arlike fantasies and hallucinated by sudden, half6fantastic hopes.D /:<1 Thus the militiamen of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries served in the epilo'ue of one a'e and the prolo'ue of another. Notes for the 2pilo'ue :. %yde, 'ociet% and 1olitics in Medieval Ital% , QT6Q:, ::H, :Q;6QI. 9aley, D$rmy of the 0lorentine #epublic,D PT6:TQ. 9aley, D+apal $rmies of the Thirteenth Century,D P<?:6;T. 9aley, DCondotte and Condottiere,D ;;P6P:. (chevill, 'iena, :;:6;<, :HH6HQ. Bo-sky, & Medieval Italian Commune, ::P6LQ. (chevill, Medieval and Renaissance !lorence, :?:TL. Mundy, Libert% and 1olitical 1oBer in oulouse , :I6:L, IH6IP, P:, :L;, <H:, ;;;. Mundy, Europe in the $igh Middle &ges, <IO, I;T.

:;L

<. +etit .utaillis, he !eudal Monarch% in !rance and England, :PL6PH, ;:I. +etit6.utaillis, !rench Communes, H;6PI. ;. Bishko, D(panish and +ortu'uese #econ!uest,D ;?I;L6LH. )oma3, Recon9uest, :P;6PQ. %ill'arth, he 'panish ,ingdoms, 234562427, <?;PI6QQ. )adero Suesada, Castilla % la con9uista del Reino de +ranada , :TL6 IH, <<O6;Q. )unenfeld, 'anta $ermandad, :P6L:. %alic er, Comuneros o" Castile, ::I6PO. I. Mars, ed., ;nomDstica #arcelonesa del siglo XIV , ;6<:<. Suerol #oso, Las milicias valencianas , <;6:Q:. D7aime I mand& e3ercitum civitatibus,D ::LT. D=rden del #ey 7aime por carta a las ciudades,D ::L<. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 5acobus hominibus villarum,D ::LQ. Misit litteras dominus Re8 1etrus hominibus villis , #e'. I;, ff. :THr6:TQv, ::Qr6::Qv. L. Nykl, $ispano6&rabic 1oetr%, ;;Q. H. %ill'arth, 'panish ,ingdoms, :?:H6QO, <I<, <?;6QP. =liveira Mar!ues, $istor% o" 1ortugal, :?QO6:TT. (oldevila, Els almogTvers, passim. Moreno 2chevarrRa, Los almogDvares, :;6<O. Wimenius de #ada, D.e #ebus %ispaniae,D <TL. D)libre dels feits del #ei 2n 7aume,D Ch. :T;, <HT, ;;;. .esclot, DCr]nica de Bernat .esclot,D Ch. HL, HP. Muntaner, DCr]nica de #amon Muntaner,D Ch. :T. D+rivile'io de $lfonso W al conce5o de )orca, e3imi4ndoles del !uinto de las cabal'adas, :<HL,D HP6HQ. Esp:culo, ;?Q?<. P. #ui , D23pansion et chan'ement,D ;I?LIQ6HL. #ui , DTransformation of the Castilian Municipalities,D PP?;6 ;;. CabaUas Bon le , caballera popular en Cuenca, passim. 2ven in the comparative frontier location of C&rdoba, the inte'ration of the commercial caballeros de premia class presented problems in the musterin' of a military force. (ee 2d-ards, Christian Crdoba, :I;6IP. Bishko, D+eninsular Back'round of )atin $merican Cattle #anchin',D ;<?IO:6L:L. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :;;6P:. Bautier6.alch4, $istoria urbana de Len % Castilla, IHL. (ee also the best overall revie- of the economic vitality of the various Iberian re'ions durin' the )ater Middle $'es in Vicens Vives, Economic $istor% o" 'pain, :LL6<QQ. Q. !C"s, ;T?<O. !Cmsp, ;T?<H. ! L, I<H. !&lbL, IQQ. !Ccv, ;?:I?:Q. ! R, LQP. !&lbR, :QI6QL. !1, LTQ. !&lz, :T?<O. !&ln, H:P. !L, H;L. !#a, HOI. !I, HHL. !&lr, ff. OQr6OQv. !@b, LI,. M'VHH2, PTO. !#e, O<;. !V$, L:O. Esp:culo, ;?L?P. 'iete partidas, <?<P?P6Q. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :QQ6QO. O. +escador, ;;6;I?:OT6<;Q, ;O6IT?:OT6<TO, <;P6HT. Carl4, Del conce/o medieval castellano6leon:s, HO6QT. B& and Carl4, DCuando empie a a reservarse,D I?::I6<I. +astor de To'neri, Con"lictos sociales, :P;6OL. Bautier6 .alch4, $istoria urbana, <PQ6OH. 0or e3amples of this process operatin' in particular to-ns in the )ater Middle $'es, see? #ui , DTransformation,D PP?;6;;, and 2d-ards, Christian Crdoba, <I6LP, :;:6H;. :T. Esp:culo, ;?P?::. )oma3, Recon9uest, :HH6PQ. )ourie, D$ (ociety =r'ani ed for 9ar,D ;L?LI6PH. The spoils from the #Ro (alado not only enriched Iberian combatants, but flooded the 'old market of 9estern 2urope as -ell. Brassotti, D+ara la historia del botRn,D ;O6IT?OQ6:;<. ::. Mac8ay, 'pain in the Middle &ges, <::. :<. DThe 0rontier and Castilian )iberties,D IH.

:;H

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -212/ A**E$0I> A *" T&7&E%E CHA TE #AMILIE% BA%E0 "$ MILITA ! LA@ The lists belo- are 'rouped by the name of the to-n/s1 that first received the charter. 0or each listin', the name of the to-n receivin' the charter, the date of the charter, the 'rantor of the charter, and the location of the published version are cited. THE %ALAMA$CA-$&MD"-T A$C"%" #AMIL! :. NumMo, 7ulho, ::;T, 0ernandus Menendi E M1$6LC, :?;HQ6PT. <. Trancoso, .e embro, ::LP6HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;<L6<Q. ;. Marialva, .e embro, ::LP6HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;<Q6;:. I. $'uiar6da6Beira, .e embro, ::LP6HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;;:6;;. L. Celorico de Beira, .e embro, ::LP6HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;;I6;H. H. Moreira, .e embro, ::LP6HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;;P6;O. P. )inhares, (eptember, ::HO, $fonso IE DM1, :?;QL6QQ. Pb "rros, :: $pril ::Q<, $fonso I, DM1, :?IH<6HH. evariantf Q. Bouveia, Novembro, ::QH, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IL;6LH. O. 0el'osinho, ::QP, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IHI6HP. :T. Valhelhas, 7ulho, ::QQ, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IHP6P<. ::. +enedono, ::OL, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IOQ6LTT. :<. CastreiZMo, $'gsto, ::OH, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LT:6T;. :;. Buarda, .e embro, ::OO, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LTQ6:<. :I. Villa60ranca, ::QL6:<::, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LL<6LI. :L. ValenZa, $'gsto, :<:P, $fonso IIE M1$6LC, :?LHO6P<. :H. Touro, .e embro, :<<T, +edro $lviti , Master of the TempleE M1$6LC, :?LQH6QO. :P. Villa Mendo, MarZo, :<<O, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?H:T6:<. :Q. Mel'aZo, Maio, :<LQ, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HQI6QH. :O. $'uiar da Beira, 7ulho, :<LQ, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HQP6QO. -213/ <T. Vianna, 7unho, :<LQ6H<, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HOT6O;. <:. +rado, 0evereiro, :<HT, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HO;6OL. <<. MonZao, MarZo, :<H:, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HOH6OQ. <;. +ena da #ainha, 7ulho, :<HQ, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?P:T6:<. THE E6ILA-F6" A #AMIL! :. Vvora, $bril, ::HH, $fonso IE DM1, :?;P:6P;. <. $brantes, .e embro, ::PO, $fonso IE DM1, :?IL:6LI. ;. Coruche, Maio, ::Q<, $fonso IE DM1, :?IHH6HO. I. +almela, MarZo, ::QL, $fonso IE DM1, :?IQ:6Q;. L. Covilhan, (etembro, ::QH or ::QO, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?ILH6LO H Centocellas, 0evereiro, ::OI, Bishop +edroE M1$6LC, :?IQP6QQ. P. (. Vicente da Beira, MarZo, ::OL, $fonso, son of (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IOI6OH. Q. Belmonte, 7ulho, ::OO, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LTH6TQ. O. Benavente, $bril, :<TT, +ela'ius, Master of VvoraE M1$6LC, :?L:<6:I. :T. Cesimbra, $'gsto, :<T:, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?L:L6:P. ::. $lpedrinha, Maio, :<T<, +edro Butere E M1$6LC, :?L<:6<<. :<. Monte6M&r o Novo, MarZo, :<T;, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?L<L6<P. :;. Teiseiras e (outo6#&ri'o, $'gsto, :<TH, Bishop +edro of CoimbraE M1$6LC, :?L;;6;I. :I. +enamacor, MarZo, :<TO, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?L;O6I:. :;P

:L. +inhel, (etembro, :<TO, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LI:6I;. :H. (ar edas, 7aneiro, :<:<, (ancho, son of $fonso IIE M1$6LC, :?LLL6LP. :P. Castello6Branco, =utubro, :<:;, Master of the TempleE M1$6LC, :?LHH6HP. :Q. +roenZa Velha, $bril, :<:Q, +edro $lviti , Master of the TempleE M1$6LC, :?LPP6PO. :O. $lccer, $'gsto, :<:Q, $fonso II, M1$6LC, :?LQT6Q<. <T. $vRs /no te3t1, 7ulho, :<:Q, $fonso II, M1$6LC, :?LPO. <:. (obreira 0ormosa, :<<<, dau'hter of (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?LQO6O:. <<. )ardo a, 0evereiro, :<<;, +edro +etri ` #emundus +etriE M1$6LC, :?LO<6OI. <;. $vRs, (etembro, :<<;, Martin 0ernande , Master of $vRsE M1$6LC, :?LOL6OH. <I. MarvMo, :<<H, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?HTH6TP. <L. (ortelha, :<<Q6<O, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?HTQ6:T. <H. Idanha Velha, $bril, :<<O, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?H:;6:H. <P. (alvaterra, Maio, :<<O, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?H:H6:Q. <Q. 2lvas, Maio, :<<O, (ancho IIE M+%6)C, :?H:O6<T. <O. $lter do ChMo, =utubro, :<;<, Vicentius 2lectus 2'itaniensisE M1$6LC, :?H<;6<I. ;T. Crato, .e embro, :<;<, Melendo Bundisalvi, +rior of the %ospitalE M1$6LC, :?H<I6<L. ;:. Canha, 0evereiro, :<;L, +ela'ius +eterE M1$6LC, :?H<H6<P. ;<. +roenZa a Nova, MarZo, :<II, #odri'o, +rior of the %ospitalE M1$6LC, :?H;T6;<. -214/ ;;. (etNbal, :<IO, +. +etri, Master of (antia'oE M1$6LC, :?H;I. ;I. $l5ustrel, 7aneiro, :<L<, +ela'ius +etri, Master of (antia'oE M1$6LC, :?H;H. ;L. M4rtola, :<LI, +aay +eri , Master of (antia'oE M1$6LC, :?HIL6IP. ;H. $rouche, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HL:6L<. ;P. +ena'arcia /short te3t1, Novembro, :<LH, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHP. ;Q. $lcaZovas, (etembro, :<LQ, M., Bishop of VvoraE M1$6LC, :?HQO6OT. ;O. Terena, 0evereiro, :<H<, 2'idius MartiniE M1$6LC, :?HOQ6PTT. IT. Tolosa, Maio, :<H<, $fonso, +rior of %ospitalE M1$6LC, :?PT:6T<. I:. +ortel, .e embro, :<H<, 7oham +ere E M1$6LC, :?PT;6TL. I<. BravMo, by :<HP, +ela'ius +etri, Master of (antia'oE M1$6LC, :?PTQ6TO. I;. (eda, Maio, :<P:, 0rater (imeon (uerii, Master of $vRsE M1$6LC,

:?P<T6<:.

The "uero of Campomaioor 'iven by Bishop +edro of Bada5o in ;: Maio :<HT has military la- very much in the Vvora pattern. THE %A$TA FM-LI%B"$-C"IMB A #AMIL! :. (antar4m, Maio, ::PO, $fonso IE DM1, :?I;P6I:. <. )isboa, Maio, ::PO, $fonso IE DM1, :?II<6IH. ;. Coimbra, Maio ::PO, $fonso IE DM1, :?IIP6LT. I. $lmada /fra'.1, $'gsto, ::OT, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IPL6PP. L. +ovos, 7aneiro, ::OL, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IO:6O;. H. )eiria, $bril, ::OL, (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?IOH6OQ. P. $lcovaZa, c.:<:T, +edro, $bbot of $lcobaZaE M1$6LC, :?LIP6LT. Q. $l5ubarrota, c.:<:T, +edro, $bbot of $lcobaZaE M1$6LC, :?LIP6LT. O. $lvorninha, c.:<:T, +edro, $bbot of $lcobaZaE M1$6LC, :?LIP6LT. :T. Montem&r Velho, Maio, :<:<, Sueen TarasiaE M1$6LC, :?LLP6LO. ::. $lem!uer, Maio, :<:<, (ancha, dau'hter of (ancho IE M1$6LC, :?LLO6H:. :<. )isboa /variant1, Novembro, :<:P, $fonso IIE Documentos do &r9uivo $istrico da CRmara municipal de Lisboa, Livros de Reis, I, :?;6H. :;. Torres Vedras, $'gsto, :<LT, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?H;I6;H. :I. Be5a, 0evereiro, :<LI, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HIT6II. :L. =demira, $bril, :<LH, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHI6HH. :H. Monforte, Maio, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HPT6P<. :P. 2stremo , 7aneiro, :<LQ, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HPO6Q;. :Q. (ilves, $'gsto, :<HH, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?PTH6TQ. :O. $'uiar, 7unho, :<HO, (teuam #odri'ues, caballeroE M1$6LC, :?P:<6:L. <T. Villa ViZosa, 7unho, :<PT, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?P:P6:O. <:. 2voramonte, Maio, :<P:, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?P<:6<;. <<. Castromarim, 7ulho, :<PP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?P;I6;H. :;Q

THE CI0A0GLHE-*E$&$>EL- EB" E0" #AMIL! :. Cidad_lhe, MarZo, :<<I, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?LOO6HTT. <. $li5&, $bril, :<<H, (ancho IIE M1$6LC, :?HTL6TH. ;. +enun3el, $'gsto, :<LI, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HII6IL. -218/ I. #eboredo de Bai3o, 7aneiro, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HIP6IQ. L. 0onsim, $bril, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HIO. H. Bralheira, $bril, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLT. P. Condado, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HL;. Q. Bornes, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLL. O. 2iri , 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLH. :T. (overoso, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLP. ::. Capeludos, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLQ. :<. Villa6Mean, 7ulho, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLO. :;. $scarei, $'gsto, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HLO6HT. :I. V4la, $'gsto, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHT6H:. :L. Builhado, (etembro, :<LL, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HH:. :H. BarvadMes, $bril, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHP6HQ. :P. BouviMes, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHQ6HO. :Q. )a'o6Mau, $bril, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HHO6PT. :O. +aredes, 7unho, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HP<. <T. Tinhela, 7unho, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HPH6PP. <:. Nu edo, .e embro, :<LP, $fonso IIIE M1$6LC, :?HPP6PQ.

:;O

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -215/ A**E$0I> B THE C&E$CA-TE &EL8 C" IA CIMA-C"A A$0 T"LE0" #" M&LA IE% The first task in di'estin' the substantial corpus of %ispanic medieval municipal la- is the identification of the related 'roups of charters, called families, that -ere 'ranted to the to-ns in $ra'on, Castile, )eon, and +ortu'al. My o-n methodolo'y for establishin' the 'roups consists in comparin' the military la-, findin' the identical or nearly identical components of the la-s 'ranted to particular to-ns, and 'roupin' municipal charters -ith such similar la-s into families. This approach is -ell established in Castilian and )eonese studies, but less so in +ortu'al. (ince the )uso6%ispanic kin'doms possessed families of to-n charters that clearly influenced one anotherCs formation across the political frontier, identifyin' and sortin' the military le'al content of the charters and the 'eo'raphical location of the to-ns receivin' them has constituted my basic method for establishin' the relationships discussed in this book. (ome of these families 'roup charters that are so closely related in content that many sections are virtually identical in the la-s received by the to-ns, and in these instances the term formulary is appropriate. 2specially important in the re'ard are the formularies discussed in this appendi3? those of Cuenca6Teruel, Coria Cima6Coa, and Toledo. (cholars have lon' been interested in these families and their interrelationship, and my e3amination of the military la- leads me to discuss the familial 'roupin's of the charters and the le'al interplay amon' them. This is provided as a back'round to the institutional and military evolution of the to-ns in the te3t of my study. "nderstandin' the military system -hich operated in the to-ns of Iberia of the Central Middle $'es re!uires an a-areness of the municipal charters -hich contain our basic information and the le'al back'round in -hich they -ere created. It is not appropriate to undertake an e3tensive discussion in the narrative and or'ani ational chapters of the te3t, since this material necessarily distracts one from the content of the la-s. Nonetheless, the le'al evolution has a role to play in providin' a conte3t for these la-s, particularly -ith re'ard to the interconnections of the la- amon' the 'roups of charters. The royal clerks -ho -220/ -ere the redactors of the charters often borro-ed sin'le la-s and even entire charters from earlier municipal collections. The result -as the creation of several models of municipal charters -hich spread throu'h the various to-ns of a re'ion, each model -ith individual imitations hi'hly similar if not identical to other charters in that 'roup. (uch models -ith their replicas are usually referred to as formularies or families. "rban le'al evolution bet-een ::LQ to ::OT has lon' been overshado-ed by t-o monumental municipal charters -hich appear at the end of this span? the "ueros of Cuenca and Teruel, 'iven by $lfonso VIII of Castile and $lfonso II of $ra'on, respectively. Municipal and le'al historians have lon' sou'ht the ori'ins and purpose of the la- contained in these codes, but the 'reat comple3ity of the variables -hich contributed to their formation has defied easy 'enerali ation. 0ollo-in' the evolution of this la- and the military obli'ations it stipulated is far more difficult than is the case in +ortu'al. The survival rate of municipal "ueros is far poorer, especially in t-elfth6century Castile, and does not present us -ith the ti'ht familial patterns as can be seen -ith NumMo6Trancoso, Vvora and (antar4m. #ecent efforts have been e3tended to assemble a related 'roup of charters for Central Castile focused around Toledo. ,et more comple3 is the investi'ation of the evolution of la- in 2astern Castile, complicated as it is by Muslim6Christian conflict, $ra'onese6Castilian and Navarrese competition, and the territorial traditions native to the Iberian Cordillera. /:1 The pursuit of re'ional la- is yet further complicated by the occasional mi'ration of la-s and even entire codes from one part of a kin'dom to another. #e'rettably, the e3tensive military la- contained in Cuenca and Teruel is not prefi'ured by any clear predecessor in either central Castile or in the eastern Cordillera, or at least none -hich has survived. Moreover, since the (panish historians -ho have studied the sub5ect have tended to presume that the ori'ins of this la-ere Castilian, $ra'onese and Navarrese contributions to the process have tended to be undervalued. In fact, each of these re'ions has produced "ueros -hose accumulation of military precedents bears e3aminin' in the thirty years before Cuenca6Teruel. 0rom the Castilian side, the most recent case has been ar'ued by BarcRa6 Ballo, -ho bases his case on charters similar to those 'ranted to Toledo from the early t-elfth century on-ard. In fact, each of these re'ions produced "ueros -hose accumulation of military precedents in the thirty years before Cuenca6Teruel bears e3aminin'. =f the charters assi'ned to the latter half of the century, the most interestin' are the reconfirmation of the "ueros of Toledo by $lfonso VIII /c. ::HH1 and the portions of the !uero of 2scalona -hich BarcRa6Ballo dates in the later t-elfth -221/ century. $t Toledo a once6a6year service re!uirement is reiterated from earlier Toledan tradition, and a ne- fine often ten solidos established for failin' to serve /a fee repeated in the later additions to 2scalona1. #ules 'overnin' the inheritance of arms received from the kin' and the ri'hts of mothers to be free of :IT

military payment until their sons mature reappear here /after their prior use in the ::;T version of 2scalonaCs charter1. There is a Toledo la- re'ardin' the ri'hts of -ido-s to retain the le'al status /particularly the ta3 e3emptions1 of their deceased caballero husbands. This may be ne- to central Castile, but had already appeared by mid6century in +ortu'al. The older 2scalona residence re!uirement also reappears in this Toledo charter, specifyin' the portion of the year that a caballero or his mounted substitute must inhabit a house in the to-n, but this -as not a ne- precedent. The only ne- la- in the ::HH Toledo "uero confirmation re'ardin' military matters is that -hich prohibits the takin' of arms or saddle horses into Muslim country, presumably for sale. To this the late t-elfth6century 2scalona additions add a simplified procedure for prisoner tradin', analo's of -hich have already appeared in $ra'on, and a la- 'ivin' those -ho practice archery the status of caballeros, a principle already -ell established in +ortu'al. /<1 Indeed, similar la- appears in the ::;P version of the charter of Buadala5ara, -hich may e3plain the flo- of this material into +ortu'al via (alamanca and >vila. .oubtless these scattered points of military la- find their -ay into the Cuenca6Teruel material, at least in principle. %o-ever, similar concepts are also appearin' else-here, and the elaboration of these ideas in Cuenca6Teruel is so e3tended and detailed that the la- of the Toledan re'ion seems to offer little in the -ay of certainty as to the sources of the Cuencan tradition. 9hat of the re'ional la- of the Cordillera, itself, as a source for the military le'al materials contained in the charters of Cuenca and TeruelY (ince the Iberian Cordillera as a re'ion of le'al creativity touches the southern frontier of Navarre, the eastern frontier of Castile and the -estern frontier of $ra'on, all three of these emer'in' political entities re!uire e3amination. Moreover, some municipalities and their surroundin' territories found themselves at times part of a !uasi6independent se.oro, at other times con5oined -ith one or another of these kin'doms in a political situation -hich remained fluid throu'hout the t-elfth century. 0rom the Castilian side of the Cordillera, the charter -hich seems to be a harbin'er of the la- of Cuenca6Teruel is the "uero of "cl4s, 'ranted by the Master of the =rder of (antia'o and subse!uently confirmed by $lfonso VIII in ::PO. Its la-s re'ardin' indemnification of horses lost in combat and its one6third levy of the militibus /kni'hts1 for "onsato are reminiscent of precedents established at $ra'onese Calatayud, Castilian Buadala5ara and +ortu'uese NumMo in the ::;TCs and Vvora in ::HH. $t the least it 'ives one pause re'ardin' the role of the military orders in the spreadin' of re'ional municipal la-. But there is also a rather complicated, if brief, discussion of the distribution of booty amon' mounted and unmounted residents on 'uard duty and of the ta3es -hich must be paid from this booty to the authorities that stron'ly su''ests the almost obsessive concern for spoils division -hich permeates Cuenca6Teruel. Certainly it indicates a tradition of victorious raidin' -ithout -hich there -ould be no need to be concerned about spoils. This is further reinforced by the re-ard paid by the kin' for a captured leader / alcalde1 from the Muslim side, a tradition that 'oes back to .aroca and Molina in $ra'on and possibly to Buadala5ara in -222/ Castile. The !uero de Lorita de los Canes of ::QT is like-ise often sin'led out as si'nificant, because that to-n subse!uently receives a version of the Cuenca charter, but there is little in the military la- of this early charter -hich is either ne- or -hich presa'es Cuenca in content./;1 In the non6Castilian lands of the Cordillera, there are t-o $ra'onese "ueros -hich are si'nificant, the charters of $lfambra /::PI6PH1 and of Medinaceli /probably 'iven in the form -e no- possess in the ::QTCs1. The latterCs indemnity la-s for lost horses could have their roots in $lfonso ICs Calatayud charter /Medinaceli -as once thou'ht to have received its "uero in the later rei'n of $lfonso el #atallador1, but the la- -hich frees a caballero from testifyin' in a le'al hearin' -hile out on a raidin' cabalgada is ne-. $lfambra is much richer, and here a'ain the Master of a military order /the Templars1 is involved as 'rantor. There is ne- emphasis on the possession of the proper e!uipment for combat and a minimum value re!uired for the horse -hich brin's caballero status and ta3 e3emption, as -ell as a list of compensatory payment for the loss of that e!uipment -hich stron'ly su''ests the near approach /if not the actual e3istence1 of the "uero of Teruel. The Templars maintain a stron' position in the military life of $lfambra, especially since the fifth of booty ta3 normally assi'ned to the kin' 'oes to them instead. Moreover, the $lfambrans -ere re!uired to perform t-o military e3ercises -ith the Templars each year, althou'h the municipal forces -ere permitted to 5oin a royal campai'n over and above that re!uirement./I1 The loss of contact -ith a Muslim frontier earlier in the century did not end the military development of the Navarrese municipal charters. =f these, the most important for our understandin' is the !uero de Estella -hich -as 'ranted by 8in' (ancho VI the )earned in ::HH. 2stellaCs situation hard up a'ainst the #io5an frontier of Castile and its three6day limitation for military service meant that the cause for concern -as the Christian and not the Muslim threat. Much of its military la- -as dra-n from earlier $ra'onese and Navarrese precedents /three6day limit on service -ith food provided by the participants, the sendin' of an armed pen substitute, e3emption of -ido-s from military ta3es1, but there -as si'nificant ne- material. $ resident captured either by the Muslims or by DbadD Christians -as 'iven an e3tension on the payment of his debts. Moreover, the charter contained the lon'est e3emption list from military service yet specified in the peninsular charters, -hich included the illness of the resident, his absence from 2stella durin' the period of service, his ri'ht to remain at home if his -ife is in childbirth or his parents are near death, and his failure to hear the call to service. $ stiff si3ty6solidos fine -as levied for non6appearance for any other reason. /L1 (ince e3emption -as a ma5or area of :I:

detailed concern in the Cuenca6Teruel charters, 2stellaCs "uero seems also to be in the mainstream of the contributin' sources. $nother curious development arose in the "uero 'ranted to )a'uardia in ::HI re'ardin' the rentin' of horses /and other animals1 by one resident from another for the purpose of combat service, includin' a differin' rate for day as a'ainst ni'ht use. This la-, -hich -as subse!uently included in the "ueros of Bernedo /::Q<1 and $ntoUana /::Q<1, -as 'ranted at )a'uardia t-o years before a similar la- appears in the Vvora6>vila family initiated in +ortu'al in -221/ ::HH on the other side of the +eninsula./H1 9hile this second la- does not prefi'ure a Cuencan or Teruelan e3ample, it -as one more remarkable instance of rapid contemporary movement of la- or the astoundin' coincidence that punctuated the history of Iberian charters. Beyond these lon'er charters in Castile, $ra'on, and Navarre, the survivin' military references -ere scattered, brief and offer nothin' that is ne- in the -ay of precedents for the future. /P1 The 'reat body of military material that appeared in the nearly simultaneous "ueros of Cuenca and Teruel to-ard the end of the t-elfth century thus offered tantali in'ly fe- indications of its ori'ins. Not-ithstandin', investi'ators seekin' to advance theories re'ardin' the matter have not been -antin', includin' myself. %avin' surveyed the ar'uments else-here, there seems little need to revie- the primary theories here /see note :1. 9hat can be said is that after a 'eneration of scholars -orked to establish the ar'uments for a Castilian case /that is, for the prior a-ardin' of Cuenca, copied by the redactors of Teruel1 or an $ra'onese case /that is, for the prior a-ardin' of Teruel, copied by the redactors of Cuenca1, my o-n investi'ation alon' -ith the -ork of BarcRa "lecia and MartRne Bi5&n has broadened the base of the ar'ument. 9hile these latter t-o scholars have compared a considerable variety of la-s to better situate the "ueros of Cuenca and Teruel in their proper place in the evolution of municipal institutions, my o-n interests have intensified my comparisons -ithin the frame of la-s pertainin' to the factors -hich tend to militari e the lives of to-nsmen. In this re'ard, both Cuenca and Teruel represent enormous reservoirs -hich 'ather the sprin's and streams of the Iberian Cordilleran le'al traditions and elaborate these alon' -ith formerly un-ritten traditions of Castile, Navarre and "pper $ra'on into full6scale municipal codes. /Q1 The "ueros of .aroca, Molina, "cl4s, $lfambra and 2stella seem especially important in pointin' the -ay for the culmination of municipal military la- at Cuenca and Teruel, charters too similar in content to be effectively separated. Their tradition -as a common one, and $lfonso VIII of Castile and $lfonso II of $ra'on simply framed a mi3ture of re'ional common la- and their o-n frontier policies into municipal codes, both of -hich -ere in place by ::OH. 9hereas before only individual la-s re'ardin' military life survived, Cuenca and Teruel offered lar'e para'raphs of elaboration and specification -hich deal -ith both offensive and defensive e3peditions, security durin' the absence of the militia, the or'ani ation of leadership on campai'n, rules of conduct in the field, and most particularly, the use of campai'n booty to replace losses and to re-ard the victorious. No e3tant 2uropean documents in the Central Middle $'es better clarify the 'eneral outlines of military life for to-n residents. The pressures e3erted by the $lmohad offensive from ::LT to ::P; led the Castilian monarchy to attempt the replication of the capable military establishments of >vila and (e'ovia alon' its southern frontiers, stabili in' their situation by establishin' a military obli'ation as a part of the population a'reement. These e3tended statements of the nature of military activity appear as the products of a le'ally creative people -ho had under'one a century of active frontier e3pansion and combat and sou'ht to for'e the fundamentals of that e3perience into la-. Moreover, the Islamic terminolo'y for some of the command officials and the battle tactics su''est that Christian tradition -as by no means the e3clusive source of the final synthesis. %ere a'ain, the sense of a common la- dra-in' on the conservative traditions of the Cordillera seems compellin' as an e3planation of the source. The Castilian monarchy may have influenced the orderin' and the insertion of some key points, but it certainly -as insufficiently stron' to create and enforce any kind of la- it -ished any-here in its territories. 2ven the very stron' contemporary 2n'lish monarchy -ould not have been easily capable of that. -224/ +olitical and economic 'eo'raphy offers the most solid e3planation determination for the ori'ins of municipal la-. The case for 'eo'raphic determinism of the sources of the la- is stren'then by the situation of $lfonso II /$lfons I1 in his Cro-n of $ra'on, by this time a federated combination of the 8in'dom of $ra'on and the County of Barcelona, to -hich the County of +rovence -as added in ::PH. 0or his upland $ra'onese realm lon' attached to the elaboratin' le'al traditions of the Cordillera, the !uero of Teruel -ith its rich cattle la- and its booty6hun'ry militia provisions -as as natural to $lfonso IICs needs and municipal capabilities as CuencaCs charter -as for the Cordilleran realms of $lfonso VIII in Castile. But as Count of Barcelona and of +rovence, there -as no hope that this la-, even in its military provisions, could have been applied to those Mediterranean coastal territories -ith their very different histories, economies and traditions. The coe3istence of a frontier e3perience and a military threat operated in the Catalan lands, but the frontier pro'ress lacked the accelerated pace -hich characteri ed Castile and $ra'on in the later eleventh and early t-elfth centuries. Indeed, -hat movement there -as had been sharply influenced by $ra'onese frontier e3pansion to the east. The Catalan thrust past Tarra'ona and the drive throu'h Ne- Catalonia to the 2bro #iver and beyond came after the $ra'onese advance upriver -as threatenin' the -estern flank of Catalonia at 0ra'a and )erida. Count #amon Beren'uer IV :I<

proved active in counterin' this threat, and in the later part of his rei'n and that of his son $lfonso II the 2bro -as absorbed and further southern penetrations established. in the vie- of 0ont #Rus, this mid6t-elfth century e3pansion slo-ly moved Catalonia from its conservative aristocratic and feudal base, but the military la- of the "oros and cartas pueblas 'ranted by Count #amon and $lfonso II did not compare in its fre!uency or detail -ith that of Castile6$ra'on. 9hile a small minority of the to-n charters in the last half of the t-elfth century mentioned any type of military obli'ation in Catalonia, there seemed a moderate increase in such re!uirements in the rei'ns of $lfonso II and his brother +edro II /+ere I1. /O1 The ac!uisition of +rovence brou'ht yet more hi'hly urbani ed territories into closer link -ith the municipal centers of Catalonia, but here a'ain the older traditions of aristocratic service only moderately enhanced by an input from to-ns -as the rule. The norms for =ld Catalonia and +rovence -ere lar'ely 'uided by the Carolin'ian re!uirements of hoste and cavalcata, and the charters tell us little of the specifics re'ardin' ho- this force -as to be mustered, or'ani ed or utili ed, to say nothin' of its potential ran'e of operation and -hether to-nsmen had a meanin'ful role to play in the military policies of the po-erful counts of (outhern 0rance. /:T1 In all cases it seems clear that $lfonso II, -hatever the status of his rulin' po-er in each area, could in no -ay impose a uniformity of la- by royal decree. By the same token, therefore, there could have been no uniformity of urban military contribution. $s ruler of the 8in'dom of $ra'on, that portion of the federated Cro-n of $ra'on -hich e3panded from the +yrenees and the upper 2bro Valley into eastern Castile and the Iberian Cordillera, 7aime -as heir to a municipal military tradition similar to that of Castile. This tradition -as, in its o-n -ay, as comple3 as that -hich developed in the Castilian Meseta and like-ise -as rooted in the eleventh century. The culmination of this tradition and its military la-s ripened into the Cuenca6Teruel -222/ "ueros already noted in the discussion of Castilian la-. But unlike Cuenca -ith its lar'e family of copied descendants spreadin' into Ne- Castile, )a Mancha and "pper $ndalusia, TeruelCs e3tended "uero found its -ay to only one other to-n in upland $ra'on, -here it -as a-arded to $lbarracRn around the time of its con!uest in :<<T./::1 This sharp contrast to the e3tensive spread of the hi'hly similar "uero of Cuenca 'enerated by the same re'ional traditions as the charter of Teruel poses !uestions concernin' the differences bet-een Castile and the Cro-n of $ra'on affectin' the manner in -hich $lfonso and 7aime -ould attempt to utili e such forces. In all probability, the to-ns of eastern Castile -hich received the Cuencan charter indicated the directions in -hich frontier resettlement moved from the Cordillera, dominated by the very 'reat importance of livestock mi'ration and 'ra in' areas. =n the other hand, Teruel, con!uered in ::P:, -as for a lon' period a salient in Muslim lands, and nearby $lbarracRn could not be permanently taken until :<<T. Moreover, the Catalan and Valencian coastal plain -hich lay belo- its piedmont settlements -ere not ripe for the e3pansion of the livestock herdin' -hich had loomed so lar'e in Cordilleran la-. /:<1 $ more diversified and richer Mediterranean economy -ould have no need for the shepherd economy -hich dominated the Meseta. %ence, a system of la- based on the traditions of that economy -ould not be likely to penetrate the coastal plain. The second important source of municipal traditions to -hich 7aime -as heir -as that -hich had developed in that eastern coastal plain, e3pandin' out of the old County of Barcelona to the (e're #iver on the -estern frontier -hile spreadin' to the lo-er valley of the 2bro #iver in the mid6t-elfth century. Throu'h the dynastic marria'e of the $ra'onese monarchy to the Counts of Barcelona, 7aime represented the thirteenth6century descent of the common line of the t-o states, -hich -ere diverse in many -ays from each other. The economic differences -ere only a part of the story. 9hereas there -as much evidence for the 'ro-th of a municipal military tradition in the Iberian Cordillera and the upper 2bro Valley, east and south of the (e're #iver the Counts of Barcelona customarily relied upon a more typically feudal military establishment -hich -as slo- to dra- upon to-ns as a military resource. 0or e3ample, of the <;H cartas pueblas included in the lar'e collection of 0ont #Rus for Catalonia prior to 7aimeCs rei'n, only fifteen cite a specific military re!uirement. 9hile there is some evidence that lar'er to-ns and cities such as Barcelona, Berona, )4rida and Tortosa could render some kind of militia, -e have little in the -ay of le'al records and charters to indicate ho- they assembled their forces and the rules by -hich they operated. The Catalan to-ns served their soverei'n as members of a county, a relationship -hich dra-s from the Mediterranean coastal tradition of Catalan6(outhern 0rench civili ation, a unit -hich by its nature did not 'enerate the type of "uero common to the uplands. The lar'e musters of the Catalan municipal militias indicate that these to-ns nonetheless rendered service throu'hout the thirteenth century. =ver a century after 7aimeCs death, the ;nomDstica #arcelonesa of :;QO indicates that a complete military muster for the districts of Barcelona e3ists to defend the -alls, but little to indicate ho- this system survives from the thirteenth century. /:;1 The re'ional differences are rather less strikin' -ithin the )eonese territories than is the case -ith the Cro-n of $ra'on. There is even an ar'ument to be -223/ made for the movement of some elements of Castilian Cordilleran procedures to the nei'hborin' )eonese frontier in the -ake of the "ueros of Cuenca6Teruel. That possibility is tied to the emer'ence of a family of a lar'e6scale charters -hich develop on the frontier of )eon and +ortu'al after ::OT. Indeed, one -ould seem to have the symmetrical opposite of the Cuenca6Teruel family developin' on the )eonese6+ortu'uese frontier, -ith four +ortu'uese and three )eonese variants survivin' for :I;

present analysis. =ne -ho studies these "ueros and "orais soon discerns, ho-ever, that the military la- contained therein does not represent the balance of +ortu'uese and )eonese contributions across the political frontier that -e can observe in Cuenca6Teruel. #ather, the la- is almost e3clusively )eonese, and all of the survivin' e3amples -ere ori'inally 'ranted by )eonese6Castilian monarchs durin' the thirteenth century. $lthou'h four of the places receivin' these charters have been absorbed into +ortu'al after that time, but there is little evidence that they influenced the subse!uent la- of +ortu'al or that prior +ortu'uese la- influenced the content of the foral family. MartRne .Re has recently -orked out a relationship amon' the survivin' charters and entitles the 'roup the Coria Cima6Coa family. The )atin ori'inal 'ranted to Ciudad #odri'o after ::OT does not survive, but a copy made from it for $lfaiates e3ists and a copy made for Castelo #odri'o after :<;T survives in t-o direct descendants from the thirteenth century at Castelo #odri'o and Castelo Melhor, althou'h these last t-o offer their o-n reorderin' of the military la-s. By :<<P the to-n of Coria had been a-arded a )atin version of this charter, leadin' to subse!uent versions at Cast_lo Bom, Cceres and "sa're, and a late survivin' vernacular version of Coria./:I1 The ori'inal -as almost certainly 'ranted to Ciudad #odri'o by $lfonso IW of )eon -ith the e3tensive model of Cuenca6Teruel in mind, and desi'ned to summari e territorial la- in the same manner. Certainly much of the military la- bears a surface similarity to that of Cuenca6Teruel, althou'h lackin' much of the detail of campai'n mana'ement and booty auctioneerin'. The Coria Cima6Coa 'roup does indicate an intensification of the emphasis first si'naled by Benavente /::HI6Q;1 on the securin' of e3emptions from military service by the possession of a municipal office or the provision of e!uipment, an emphasis not found in Cuenca6Teruel. ,et the ne- model e3erted little influence on the charters of other )eonese to-ns throu'h :<:P, and no impact at all on the military la- of +ortu'al, -hich still possessed its most e3tensive statements in the spreadin' of the -ell6 established families of Trancoso, Vvora and (antar4m./:L1 It seems that the military pressures -ere 'eneratin' many of the practices and precedents -hich led to 'rand summations of re'ional municipal la-66of -hich Cuenca6Teruel and Coria Cima6Coa -ere the most len'thy66 and -hich -ere re6'ranted in nearly identical form to other to-ns durin' the course of the thirteenth century. This places $lfonso IW of )eon on a level -ith his cousin $lfonso VIII of Castile and $lfonso II of $ra'on in their mutual effort to meet that need. $t the same time these e3tensive compilations tremendously e3pand our available information re'ardin' military service for the period. The mere absence of similar compilations before the thirteenth century may 'ive a false impression that military development -as slo-er in Catalonia and +ortu'al. In -224/ fact, even in Castile the rei'ns of $lfonso VIII and his son 2nri!ue /:<:I6:P1 provided little ne- la- in the "ueros they issue re'ardin' the elaboration of militia service outside of the spread of CuencaCs formulary./:H1 0ernando III established a clear interest in continuin' royal e3pectations of service both on the advancin' frontier in )a Mancha and $ndalusia as -ell as the comparatively secure rear areas of =ld Castile and the Cantabrians. +rior to :<;T, 0rRas and (an 2meterio in the far north, +alen uela /near Bur'os1 and $r4valo in the Trans6.uero all received charters from 0ernando III stressin' the obli'ation to render military service -ith the kin'. In :<<<, >vila and +eUafiel in the Trans6.uero and "ceda and Madrid in the upper Ta5o Valley accepted a re!uirement for royal military service once a year outside Castile and -ithout limit -ithin the kin'dom. /:P1 In :<<;, $lcal de %enares, Brihue'a, (an 7usto and Talamanca had their military service re!uirement specified at t-o to three months to assure their campai'n availability over time. Ta3 e3emptions for the possession of a horse and proper arms and the residence for a sufficient portion of the year in the to-n -ere available at Buadala5ara, +alen uela, Talamanca and "cl4s, -hile $lcal de %enares received a lon' charter from the $rchbishop 7im4ne de #ada in -hich offensive and defensive service -ere re!uired. /:Q1 Biven the possibilities openin' up in $ndalusia, 0ernando -as probably concerned about an ade!uate body of available in the more northerly sections of his kin'dom, fearin' that he mi'ht over-ork the militias closer to the frontier. Moreover, there e3isted potential threats from his Christian nei'hbors in military musters those rear areas, and at least as late as :<<< 0ernando 'ranted strate'ic lands to $rchbishop 7im4ne de #ada in order to better or'ani e the defenses of Toledo. 2ven then the kin' remained concerned for the dan'er of a Muslim assault in the central Ta5o Valley. /:O1 2ven after :<;T -hen 0ernando possessed both )eon and Castile and the Muslim frontier -as collapsin' in $ndalusia, military service -as re!uired in to-ns as far north as Nora a Nora /in $sturias1, TNy /in Balicia1 and Castro5eri /near Bur'os1./<T1 (uch -ere the memories of past insecurities on the Meseta plain and the a-areness of the Muslim potential for resur'ence. But the most interestin' municipal institutional activity took place closer to the frontier. 0ernando had the three basic formularies for municipal charters at his disposal for the selection of municipal frontier la-, especially military la-. The Coria Cima6Coa format, inherited from )eon after :<;T, mi'ht have been utili ed. %o-ever, save for re'rantin' it to Cceres after his fatherCs death and for permittin' the =rder of (antia'o to 'rant it to "sa're sometime after :<I<, 0ernando failed to utili e it thereafter in )eon6Castile. The Coria Cima6Coa family thus became e3tinct. The second family of "ueros at his disposal -as that of Cuenca, the most e3tensive body of medieval municipal la- produced in Iberia prior to the mid6thirteenth century. .urin' the course of 0ernandoCs rei'n the Cuenca format -as 'ranted initially or rene-ed at a considerable number of to-ns. /<:1 The 'eo'raphic :II

situation of these to-ns can lar'ely be or'ani ed into three 'roups. =ne 'roup e3tended alon' the Cordilleran frontier -ith $ra'on /%aro, Moya, Jorita de los Canes, %uete, $larc&n and $lcara 1. $nother -as established in the )a Mancha and Calatrava area north of the (ierra Morena /Consue'ra, -228/ $renas, %erencia, $lc ar, Madride5os and Montiel1. 0inally, as pressure increased on 7a4n and upper $ndalusia -as absorbed, a salient of Cuencan charters -as 'ranted in the upper Buadal!uivir /Bae a, I natoraf, (e'ura, $ndN5ar, [beda, (abiote and Suesada1. $s -as the case in )eon and +ortu'al, the Cuenca pattern -as 'ranted by military orders and bishops as -ell as by the kin'. If there is any effective e3planation for the movement of this Cordilleran municipal laacross the Meseta into )a Mancha /and even +lasencia on the )eonese frontier1, as -ell as its penetration into upper $ndalusia, it probably lies -ith the 'reat body of livestock and 'ra in' la-s in the pattern -hich tied the 'ra in' ones of )a Mancha and "pper $ndalusia to the Cordilleran frontier to-ns -hich settled them after their con!uest. The rather considerable number of freedoms 'ranted and the sense of municipal independence connoted by the Cuenca6Teruel "ueros posed problems for 0ernando III, ho-ever, leadin' him to develop simultaneously his third charter pattern, the family of Toledo. $ number of his early 'rants appear to have stron' ties to the t-elfth6century Toledan pattern delineated by BarcRa6Ballo, especially those to Buadala5ara, +alen uela, Talamanca, >vila, "ceda, +eUafiel and Madrid. The la-s re!uirin' kni'htly residence in the to-n -ith his horse and e!uipment alon' -ith a yearly obli'ation to serve and a ten6solido fee for failure to serve appear -idely in central Castile, indicatin' that the Toledo format -as still very much alive. The capture of C&rdoba in :<;H provided the opportunity to amplify the si e and content of the Toledan format. It -as the lar'est to-n captured in the #econ!uest since the takin' of Toledo in :TQL, and 5ustified a re-orkin' of the Toledo charter structure in order to 'ive the ne- populace of settlers a proper "uero. C&rdobaCs ne- charter also marked an effort to provide a more effective and updated counterpoise to the more liberal and rapidly6spreadin' pattern of Cuenca6Teruel to the east and southeast. Thus, in :<I: a "uero -as 'ranted to C&rdoba initially in a shorter #omance version of March ; and subse!uently in a more e3tensive )atin version of $pril Q -ritten in the Toledo chancery. /<<1 9ith re'ard to its military si'nificance, the Cordoban charter included a carefully -ritten introduction -hich linked the obli'ation of the caballero class for hueste or e3peditionary service -ith the kin' to the re!uirements established in the precedin' decades for the caballeros of Toledo. The charter then summari es and restates much of the military la- of the Toledo format not seen in one document since $lfonso VIII reconfirmed the "ueros of Toledo c. ::HH. C&rdoba then offers some ne- material 'ivin' ta3 e3emptions for prisoners of -ar and 'uaranteein' the landed possessions of those -ho lose them to Muslim counter6con!uest, assurin' them of the reinstatement of their lands once the enemy is driven out./<;1 =ne interestin' aspect should be pointed out here. $ number of to-ns -ould be a-arded a version of the charter of C&rdoba in the remainin' years of 0ernandoCs rei'n, particularly Mula /:<IL1, Carta'ena /:<IH1, 7a4n /:<IQ1, $r5ona /c. :<IQ1, (eville /:<L:1 and finally Carmona /:<L<1. /<I1 =f all of these, only Carmona contained the full summation of the military la-s of C&rdoba. Carta'ena, located on the southern coast and retaken for the first time since the mid6t-elfth century, did contain a special la- e!uatin' naval activity -ith a conventional land6 based hueste. This la- -as present only in (eville amon' the other Cordoban charters, but Carta'ena lacked the remainder of the military la-s stated in -225/ the ori'inal./<L1 The Cordoban format -as apparently intended to serve as an all purpose charter for the anticipated con!uests in $ndalusia, a ne- model of frontier royalist la-. %o-ever, even in its e3tensive form, the C&rdoba format lacked the comprehensiveness of the Cuenca pattern in its overall covera'e and in its military content. The competition bet-een the Cuenca and Toledo patterns outlived (an 0ernando and continued into the rei'n of his son, $lfonso W. Notes for $ppendi3 B :. BarcRa6Ballo, D)os fueros de Toledo,D IL?;LL6IQQ. BarcRa6Ballo, D$portaci&n al estudio de los fueros,D I;T6 II. BarcRa "lecia, Los "actores de di"erenciacin, ;LL6IQQ. MartRne Bi5&n, D)a familia del 0uero de Cuenca,D I:L6;O. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition and )e'al Creativity,D L<?IHL6QP. Barrero BarcRa, D+roceso de formaci&n,D I:6LQ. Bacto 0ernnde , emas de historia del derecho , Q<6:TT. $rvi u, D)es fors espa'nols au Moyen $'e,D LP?;PL6QQ. The $ra'onese case for TeruelCs primacy has most recently been made by Barrero BarcRa, El "uero de eruel, ;6:;P. <. D#ecopilaci&n de los fueros de Toledo, /hacia ::HH1,D IL?IPI6PL, IPO. D0uero de 2scalona, ::;T,D IL?IHL6HH. ;. D0uero de "cl4s, ::PO,D <?L:O6<T. DCarta de fueros otor'ada al conce5o de Jorita por el rey .on $lfonso VIII, ::QT,D I:Q6<T, I<;. JoritaCs carta puebla includes a reference to one6third of the caballeros servin' in "onsado, for -hich there is no pen re!uirement, a notification of a royal fifth booty ta3, and a ta3 e3emption for maintainin' a house and a horse in the to-n. This latter la- may -ell be in the material added in the confirmation of this charter by 0ernando III in :<:Q. D0ernando III confirma el fuero de Jorita, :<:Q,D <?;P6;O. Nothin' in any of these military la-s is precedent6makin'. =ne can note that $lfonso VIII did free the noe3tinct to-n of $r'an &n /near Miranda del 2bro1 from e3peditionary service that did not include a field battle, a reminder that Castilian kin's could still couch their military re!uirements in thorou'hly $ra'onese

:IL

phraseolo'y should the re'ion, location and the tradition of a to-n so re!uire. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a la nueva puebla de $r'an &n, ::O:,D ;?OP. I. !uero de &l"ambra, :O, <:, <;, <L, ;;, ;L6;H, ;Q. D0ueros de Medinaceli,D I;O, II:, II;. 0or the more likely datin' of this charter in the ::QTCs, see BarcRa6Ballo, D)os fueros de Medinaceli,D ;:?O6:H, -ith a c. ::QT date and $lfonso VIII as the potential re6'rantor. 7aca also received a ne- charter in ::QP -hich specified rules for the apelitum defense force, includin' fines for lateness. D$lfonso II confirma los anti'uos fueros y costumbres de 7aca, ::QP,D P<. L. D0uero de 2stella,D QP, :TH6TP, ::;, :II6IL. H. D0uero de )a'uardia, ::HI,D :?<<<. D0uero de Bernedo,D :?<;<. D0uero de $ntoUana, D::Q<,D :?<<O. P. There are other charters from this period -hich have la-s relatin' to the military obli'ation, primarily dealin' -ith the simple statement of an obli'ation to serve or the fee in lieu of service. In Castile the to-ns -ith such "ueros are? (e'ovia /::HH1, Madri'al /::HQ1, $lh&ndi'a /::PT1, +ancorbo /::PH1, Calahorra /::PP ` ::Q:1, Villasila and Villamelandro /::QT1, Villavaru /::Q:1, %aro /::QP1 and $ceca /::QQ1. 0or Navarre, the to-ns are? (an (ebastin /::L;6LP or ::HO6OI1, (an Vicente de la (osierra /::P<1, )os $rcos /::PH1, Vitoria /::Q:1, ,an'uas /::QQ ` ::O<1, Buyllina /modern Bulina, ::O<1, =dieta /::O<1, )rra'a /::O;1 and $rta5ona /::O;1. These charters offer no ne- precedents -hich e3pand the present discussion. 2ven if -e e3tend our search beyond ::OT and reach into the later and le'ally more productive period of (ancho VII the (tron' of Navarre /::OI6:<;I1, -e find the emphasis on older trends still the dominant theme. 0or e3ample, the fact that each household must send one man to the royal e3pedition is noted in Mendi'orrRa /::OI ` :<TQ1, Miranda de $r'a /:<TQ1, Vi'uera y Val de 0unes and the )a Novenera collection /both probably thirteenth6century in form1E the rentin' of animals for the e3pedition appears a'ain at )a'uardia and Burunda /both :<TQ1 as -ell as Viana and $'uilar /both :<:O1E the old $ra'onese6Navarrese la- re!uirin' a field battle if the militia is summoned can be found at In ura /:<T:1, )a'uardia, Burunda, Viana and $'uilar. (ome ne- la- does surface in (ancho VIICs rei'n. Theft durin' the royal e3pedition can be punished by han'in' at )a'uardia, Burunda and $'uilar, and those -ho possess a horse, shield and helmet are free of the obli'ation of !uarterin' royal troops in Miranda de $r'a and the :<TQ version of Mendi'orrRa. )acarra, DNotas para la formaci&n,D :T?<T;6P<. DConfirmaci&n de los fueros de Mendi'orrRa, ::OI,D <Q6<O. D0uero de "rro ,D <?LO. D0uero de )abra a,D :?<I<. D0uero de In ura,D LH6 HT. D0uero concedido a Miranda de $r'a,D :T?<PT. D2l #ey .on (ancho reba5a la pecha de Mendi'orrRa,D QP. D0ueros de )a'uardia, :<TQ,D Q:. D0uero de la Burunda,D QL6QH. D0uero de Viana, :<:O,D ;L?I:P. D0ueros y privile'ios de $'uilar, :<:O,D :LO. Tilander, Los "ueros de la Aovenera , QP., and also see )acarra, DNotas,D :T?<IT6I:. The most interestin' sin'le collection for Navarre in the a'e is entitled the !uero de Viguera % Val de !unes, a charter ostensibly 'iven to these t-o places by $lfonso el Batallador in the early t-elfth century, but ar'ued convincin'ly by )acarra to be a thirteenth6century combination of la- -hich only survives in a fifteenth6 century copy. To me, the military la- seems a clear mi3 of t-elfth6century Navarrese6$ra'onese material blended -ith la- -hich is almost certainly post6Cuencan in its ori'ins. D0uero de Vi'uera y Val de 0unes,D I, L, :<, :Q, <L, IO6L:, and also )acarra, DNotas,D :T?<<P, <;<6;O. Q. 0or some of the more important points in this discussion of Cordilleran municipal charter la- not already cited, see? Molho, D.ifusi&n del derecho pirenaico,D <Q?;LT6L<. )alinde $badRa, Los "ueros de &ragn, <P6I:. "reUa y (men5aud, !uero de Cuenca, l33363ciii. Bibert, D2studio hist&rico65urRdico,D ;LQ6H<. Bibert, D2l derecho municipal de )e&n y Castilla,D ;:?P;Q6L<. +escador, ;;6;I?:PT6P<. Caruana B&me , D)a prioridad cronol&'ica del 0uero de Teruel,D <L?PO:6OP. Caruana B&me , D)a aut4ntica fecha del 0uero de Teruel,D ;:?::L6 :O. Caruana B&me , DCatlo'o de +er'aminos del $rchivo Municipal de Teruel,D IT?:T:. MartRn ClaverRa, D+onencia,D :<;. +o-ers, D0rontier Competition and )e'al Creativity,D IQ;6QP. The military materials are lar'ely collected in one body in the 'reat )atin and vernacular versions of the charters of Cuenca and Teruel. (ee? !C"s, ;T?:6HL, ;:?:6:O. !Cmsp, ;T?:6H<, ;:?:6:L. !Ccv, III, :I?:6;Q, III, :L?:6:<. ! L, I<H6L<. ! R, LHO6 H<L. %o-ever, there are numerous other la-s relatin' the military service in these codes. (ee? !C"s, :?H, :L6:H, <;E <?H, O6:TE ;?<OE :<?:P6:QE :;?I, <TE :H?:6I, <Q, L;E <;?:<, :I6:LE <L?<E <H?:I6:LE <O?:OE ;;?<:E ;L?PE ;H?;E ;Q?OE IT?:<, :IE I:?<E I;?:P. !Cmsp, :?P, :P6:Q, <LE <?H, O6:TE ;?<OE :<?:P6:QE :;?I, <<E :H?:6H, ;T, LIE <;?:<, :I6:LE <L?<E <H?:T6::E <O?<PE ;;?:OE ;L?PE ;H?;E ;Q?OE IT?:<, :LE I:?;E I;?:<. !Ccv, I, :?H, ::, :QE I, <?H, <IE I, ;?:OE II, <?O6:TE II, ;?I, <TE II, H?Q, :O, ;IE III, P?IE III, O?<E III, :T?:TE III, :;?:OE IV, <?OE IV, I?IE IV, L?;E IV, P?OE IV, :T?P, OE IV, ::?;E IV, :;?:<. ! L, P, Q6:T, QI, :TH, :<O6;<, :QQ6QO, <;P, <LP, <OQ, ;T:, ;QP, ;O:, I:T, I:;, I<:, I<L, IHT, IH;, IHL, LTT, LTL, LTP, LII. ! R, L6H, Q, HO, QO, ::I, :;<, :;P6IT, :OI, <LO, <P<, ;QI6QL, I:I, IOO, LT;, L<:, L<H, L;I, LH;, HI;, HHL, HPP, PTO, P:H, P:Q, P;T6;<, PQT. O. 0ont #Rus, !ran9uicias urbanas medievales , Q6;Q. =f the <;H charters listed from QII do-n to :<:T in the collection of 0ont #Rus, only :L make any reference to a military obli'ation, and a number of these 'rant e3emption from it. In the rei'n of $lfons I and his brother +ere I, the follo-in' charters make reference to a military obli'ation in Catalonia, almost al-ays a simple citation of e8ercitum6hostem or cavalgatam -ith little or no amplification of -hat the service entails? DCarta de (an 0eliu de BuR3ols,D :?<<P. DCarta de fran!uicias otor'ada por de +ui'cerd, ::Q:,D :?<;<. DCarta de fran!uicias otor'ada por de +ui'cerd, ::Q<,D :?<;I. DCarta6 puebla de Villa'rassa,D Q?P;. DCarta de poblaci&n de Castellet,,D :?<PI. DCarta puebla de +inell,D <I?LO;. DCarta :IH

de poblaci&n del Valle de +orrera,D :?<O<. DCarta de poblaci&n de Batea,D :?;T<. DCarta de poblaci&n de +inell, :<TP,D :?;TP. DCarta de fran!uicias de Colliure,D :?;TO. DCarta de poblaci&n de (alvatierra, :<TQ,D Q?OO. DCarta de $'ramunt,D :?;<;. DCa5&n I, documento L, $rchivo municipal de Tarra'ona, :<::,D :?LIH. DCarta de fran!uicias de (alses,D :?;;:. DCarta de fran!uicias de (an )oren o de (alanc,D :?;;I. 0our charters datin' from the rei'n of +edro II for the 8in'dom of $ra'on also comment upon military obli'ations, but add nothin' to earlier precedents. DCarta de poblaci&n de la villa de (arn4s,D <?LTP6TQ. =liveros de Castro, $istoria de Monzn, :;H6;P. DConvenio del rey con los vecinos de Calatayud, :<TQ,D Q?:T;6TI. D+rivile'io de Jara'o a, :<:T,D <<. :T. .evelopment of military service in the to-ns of southern 0rance seems to have been analo'ous to that of Catalonia both before and after the ac!uisition of +rovence by the Counts of Barcelona. (upport for -all buildin' pro'rams and the hoste et cavalcata obli'ations -ere present, -ithout the supplementary e3planations -hich appear in Castile and the 8in'dom of $ra'on. DConfirmation de privil4'es au3 habitants de +erpi'nan, ::PH,D HT. DCarta pacificationis et transactionis !uam fecit inclitus Ildefonsus, re3 $ra'onensium, cum consulibus et omni populo Nicensi /Nice, 7une, ::PH1,D <?;LH, interestin' in that the demand for cavalcata is made in a numerical levy of fifty kni'hts, not the common household levy of $ra'on. D+rivil4'e pour les habitants de Thuir,D P:. halamus parvus? Le petit thalamus de Montpellier , I<6I;. 0or the developin' military obli'ation of the citi ens of Toulouse in the t-elfth and thirteenth centuries, see? Mundy, Libert% and 1olitical 1oBer in oulouse, IH6IP, P:, :L;, <H:, ;H;, n. :T, ;HH6HP, n. <P. ::. !&lbL, Q?IQI6OL. !&lbR, :PO6O;. $bad, Estudio histrico6poltico de Daroca, HI6HL. :<. Bishko, DThe Castilian as +lainsman,D IP6HO. $lso Nelson, D)and "se in 2arly $ra'&n,D ;?::L6<P. :;. These are the Cartas 1ueblas 'iven to Barcelona /QII1, Cardona /OQH1, Bell6lloch /OOT1, $lbiUana /:TIT1, Castell& /:TQL1, $lmenar /::IP1, (an 0eliu de BuR3ols /::Q:1, +ui'cerd /=ct., ::Q: and 7une, ::Q<1, Castellet /::OI1, Valle de +orrera /:<T:1, Batea /:<TL1, +inell /:<TP1, Colliure /:<TP1 and $'ramunt /:<:T1. 0ont #Rus, Cartas, :?I6P, :I6<T, ;O6I:, HQ6HO, :TI6TH, <<L6<P, <;:6;L, <P;6PI, <O:6O;, ;T:6T;, ;TH6:T, ;<<6<I. Barcelona -as 'iven ta3 e3emptions in the aftermath of its assistance in the takin' of Mallorca. D7aime I enfran!uece a los habitantes de Barcelona,D :?<H;6HI. D7aime I mand& e3ercitum civitatibus, <O mar o :<PL,D ::LT. D=rden del #ey por carta a las ciudades, Q abril :<PL,D ::L<. DMisit litteras dominus #e3 7acobus hominibus villarum, :; 5unio :<PL,D ::LQ. Misit litteras dominus Re8 1etrus hominibus villisU 2762E "ebrero 23V4 , #e'. I;, ff. :THr6 :TQv, ::Qr6::Qv. Mars, ed., ;nomDstica #arcelonesa del siglo XIV, ;6<:<. :I. 0or a discussion of the interrelationship of the survivin' copies of the Coria Cima6Coa family of "ueros, see? MartRne .Re , D)os fueros de la familia Coria Cima6Coa,D :;?;I;6P;. 0or the la- related to the militias in the Coria Cima6Coa family, see? !&, le%es <:,LL, :::, ::O, :HO, :PO6Q;, :QP6O:, <<H, <;L, <LP, <QT, <Q;6QI, ;I<, ;L<, ;LL6LH, ;H<, ;PQ, ;Q:, ;QI, ;O:6O<, IL:. !C;, le%es ;T, PT, ::T, ::<, :<L, :H;, :P:6Q<, :QH, <:L, <<I, <;I, <;H, <QT6Q<, ;<Q, ;;H, ;I:6I<, ;LP, ;HT6H:, ;HI, ;HO, ;PQ, ;QQ, ;O<, ;OI. !CR, le%es I?<P, II?LP, III?LL, IV?O, <;6<I, V?<;, IQ, VI?:I, VII?<, Q, :Q, VIII?:<6:I, :Q, <<6<I, I:6I<, IO6LH, H;6HL, PT. !CM, le%es IP, P;, :<H, :I:, :L;6LL, :QO, <TI, <I;, <PI, <PP, <QI, ;:T6:<, ;:H, ;<T6<<, ;;O6IT, ;IP6LI, ;H:, ;H;. !C#, le%es ;<, P:, Q:, :TH, :TQ, :<;, :HP, :PH6QP, :O:6O<, <:P, <<I, <;<, <;I, <IO, <PO6Q:, ;<P, ;;L, ;I;, ;IH6IP, ;L<, ;PT, ;P;6PI, ;PO6QT, ;OT, ITT, IT<, ITI. !C&, le%es ;:, PP, QO, ::P, :;<, :HL, :PL6QL, :QO, <:P, <<L, <;P, <;O, <L;, <PO6Q:, ;<:, ;;H, ;;O6IT, ;II, ;H:, ;HI6HL, ;P:6P<, ;PO6QT, ITT, IIQ, IPL, IQI, IO:. !@, le%es ;<, PO, O:, ::O, :;I, :HP, :PH6QQ, :O<, <<<, <;:, <I;, <IL, <LO, <QP6QO, ;;T, ;IL, ;IQ6IO, ;L;, ;PT, ;P;6PI, ;QT6Q:, ;QQ6QO, ITO, I:P, IP:, IOP, LTL. :L. JamoraCs "uero /:<TQ1 deals -ith securin' e3emptions for peones from service, MilmandaCs /::OO1 'rants e3cuses to the ill, the a'ed and to those on pil'rima'e, -hile $bel'as /:<:P1 contains fees and payment dates for the apellido and the "onsadera. =n the other hand, Villafranca /::O<1, 2spinosa /late t-elfth century1, 0rieyra /:<TH1 and Carracedo /:<:;1 e3empt their d-ellers from the "onsado service. D0uero de Villafranca,D <?PO. D0uero de Milmanda,D <?:Q:. D0uero de 2spinosa,D :H?HI:. D0uero de la tierra de 0rieyra,D :I?LHH. !uero de Lamora, IT. D0uero de Carracedo,D :I?LHP. D0uero de $bel'as,D :H?HIH6IP. 0or +ortu'al, the rei'n of (ancho I sa- the Trancoso6(alamanca family issued to Bouveia /::QH1, 0el'osinho /::QP1, Valhelhas /::QQ1, +enedono /::OL1, CastreiZMo /::OH1, Buarda /::OO1 and Villafranca /::QL6:<::1. In the same period the Vvora6>vila prototype -as issued to Covilhan /::QH or ::QO1, Centocellas /::OI1, (an Vicente da Beira /::OL1, Belmonte /::OO1, Benavente /:<TT1, Cesimbra /:<T:1, $lpedrinha /:<T<1, Monte6M&r /:<T;1, Teiseiras e (outo6#&ri'o /:<TH1, +enamacor /:<TO1 and +inhel /:<TO1. The editors of the M1$ 'ive the date of ::QH for the !oral de Covilhan, but #icardo Blasco su''ests ::QO. (ee his D2l problema del fuero de >vila,D HT?P6;<. The (antar4m 'roup -as e3tended to $lmada /::OT1, +ovos /::OL1 and )eiria /::OL1, -hile $lcobaZa, $l5ubarrota and $lvorninha received incomplete versions of that pattern c. :<:T. The remainin' "orais of (anchoCs rei'n present us -ith already established precedents re'radin' payments in lieu of service, e3peditionary and defensive re!uirements, time limits for service and the need for nobles to replace their horses, all of -hich -ere -ell established as precedents by the rei'n of $fonso I. Nothin' emer'es to su''est the movement of the contents of the comprehensive Coria Cima6Coa materials into +ortu'uese foral la- at least in the area of the military obli'ation and related la-. (ee +o-ers, DThe Creative Interaction of +ortu'uese and )eonese Municipal Military :IP

)a-,D 'peculum, forthcomin'. The published editions of the above6mentioned members of the Trancoso, Vvora and (antar4m families can be found in the M1$6LC, :?IL;6LLI. :H. The relevant charters present rather conventional statements of the obli'ation to 'ive military service or conditions of e3emption from service andbor payment in lieu of service, 'ivin' supplies to royal e3peditions and royal claims to the fifth of booty ta3. D$lfonso VIII concede al conce5o de (alinas /de $Uana1, ::OI,D ;?:<<. D0uero de Torrecilla de Cameros,D ;;?:;;. D0ueros in4ditos de Belinch&n,D Q?:IP. D$lfonso VIII confirma los fueros de BuipN coa,D ;?<<I6<P. D$lfonso VIII e3ime de tributos, salvo de la obli'aci&n de ir en fonsado, a los !ue vivieren todo el aUo con casa poblada dentro de los muros de (epNlveda, /Q $u'ust :<T:1,D IT6I<. D2l obispo de Calahorra don 7uan, el prior y el conce5o de $lbelda acuerdan,D ;?<T;. D$lfonso VIII concede al conce5o de >vila los t4rminos !ue indica, /:<TL1,D ;?;HT, and rene-ed by 2nri!ue I, :<:L, ;?HO;6OI. D23cusa de tributaci&n los moradores de $lc ar, :<TQ,D ;?III. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero de +amplie'a,D ;?IHL6HP. D$lfonso VIII confirma una concordia entre la =rden de (antia'o e el conce5o de =caUa, :<:T,D :P?HLO6H:, and DNoticia, sin fecha, sobre la concordia entre la =rden de (antia'o y el conce5o de =caUa,D :P?HLO6H<. D$lfonso VIII concede fuero a Ibrillos,D ;?HLT6LI. D$lfonso VIII determina el tributo de los vecinos de .e a,D ;?H;H. D2nri!ue I e3cusa de tributaci&n al conce5o de Carrascosa,D ;?P;;. :P. D0ernando III concede a 0rRas el fuero, :<:P,D <?:H. D2l fuero de la villa de (an 2meterio,D PH?<;O. D0ernando III confirma el convenio de $r4valo, :<:O,D <?HP. D0uero de la villa de +alen uela, :<<T,D <:Q6:O. D0ernando III otro'a al conce5o de >vila un fuero, :<<<,D <?<T<. D0ernando III concede al conce5o de "ceda un fuero,D <?<TI. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de +eUafiel el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TH. D0ernando III otor'a al conce5o de Madrid el fuero, :<<<,D <?<TQ. :Q. D0ueros de la villa de $lcal de %enares,D 0ita, ed., O?<;P. D+rivile'ium de los fueros de Brio'a /Brihue'a1, /c. :<<;1,D Q?I<T. !uero de 'an (usto, /:<<;1, M(( :;.TOI, f. L:v. D+acto foral de Talamanca,D Q?I:Q. !uero de +uadala/ara, 232G, O, :P. !1alenzuela 2335, <:Q. ! alamanca, I:P. D0uero de "cl4s, c. :<<P,D :I?;;I. This is the lon'er version of the "cl4s charter, -ith additions probably added in the early thirteenth century. BarcRa "lecia points out its similarities to the !uero de +uadala/ara of :<:O cited above, and it almost certainly dates from the early part of 0ernandoCs rei'n. BarcRa "lecia, Los "actores de di"erenciacin, ;OO6IT:. D0uero de $lcal de %enares,D (nche , ed., <QH6QP. This charter -as 'ranted in :<<;. :O. D0ernando III concede al $r obispo .on #odri'o 7im4ne de #ada ... Toledo, :<<<,D :?No. P. +escador, ;;6 ;I?:QL. <T. D$rrendamiento hecho por el conce5o de Nora Nora,D :LI. ! >%, ;PT. D0uero de Castro5eri , :<;I,D ;Q. <:. Bon le , !ernando III, :?I:;6:H. <<. Bon le , !ernando III, :?I:;6:P, ;?<::6:I, ;?<:O6<L. BarcRa6Ballo, D)os fueros de Toledo,D IL?IT:6TH. <;. !Crdoba Lat, ;?<<T6<;. !Crdoba Rom, ;?<:<6:;. <I. Bon le , !ernando III, :?I:P6:Q. <L. D0uero de Carta'ena,D <;6<I. !'evilla, ;?ITO6:T. D0uero de Carmona, /Q May :<L<1,D I6H.

:IQ

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$ LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -211/ A**E$0I> C &LE % "# LE"$-CA%TILE8 A A7"$8 $A6A E8 *" T&7AL A$0 THE C"&$T! "# BA CEL"$A H1000 - 1284I LE"$ $lfonso V /OOO6:T<Q1 Vermudo III /:T<Q6;P1 0ernando I /:T;P6HL1 $lfonso VI /:THL6::TO1 "rraca /::TO6<H1 $lfonso VII /::<H6LP1 0ernando II /::LP6QQ1 $lfonso IW /::QQ6:<;T1 0ernando III /:<;T6L<1 $lfonso W /:<L<6QI1 A A7"$ (ancho III /:TTT6;L1 #amiro I /:T;L6H;1 (ancho I #amRre /:TH;6OI1 +edro I /:TOI6::TI1 $lfonso I /::TI6;I1 #amiro II /::;I6;P1 #amon Beren'uer IV /::;P6H<1 $lfonso II /::H<6OH1 +edro II /::OH6:<:;1 7aime I /:<:;6PH1 +edro III /:<PH6QL1 -212/ C"&$T% "# BA CEL"$A A$0 C"&$T-CI$7% "# A A7"$-CATAL"$IA #amon Borell I /OQ<6:T:Q1 Beren'uer #amon I /:T:Q6;L1 #amon Beren'uer I /:T;L6PH1 #amon Beren'uer II /:TPH6Q<1 Beren'uer #amon II /:TQ<6OP1 #amon Beren'uer III /:TOP6::;:1 #amon Beren'uer IV /::;:6H<1 $lfons I /$lfonso II in $ra'on1 /::H<6OH1 +ere I /+edro II in $ra'on1 /::OH6:<:;1 7aume I /7aime I in $ra'on1 /:<:;6PH1 +ere II /+edro III in $ra'on1 /:<PH6QL1 CA%TILE $lfonso V /OOO6:T<Q1 Vermudo III /:T<Q6;L1 0ernando I /:T;L6HL1 (ancho II /:THL6P<1 $lfonso VI /:TP<6::TO1 "rraca /::TO6<H1 $lfonso VII /::<H6LP1 (ancho III /::LP6LQ1 $lfonso VIII /::LQ6:<:I1 2nri!ue I /:<:I6:P1 0ernando III /:<:P6L<1 $lfonso W /:<L<6QI1 $A6A E

(ancho III /:TTT6;L1 BarcRa III /:T;L6LI1 (ancho IV Barc4s /:TLI6PH1 (ancho V #amRre /:TPH6OI1 +edro I /:TOI6::TI1 $lfonso I /::TI6;I1 BarcRa IV /::;I6LT1 (ancho VI /::LT6OI1 (ancho VII /::OI6:<;I1 Thibault I /:<;I6L;1 Thibault II /:<L;6PT1 %enry I /:<PT6PI1 7eanne I /:<PI6:;TL1

*" T&7AL

$fonso I %enri!ues /::<Q6QL1 (ancho I /::QL6:<::1 $fonso II /:<::6:<<;1 (ancho II /:<<;6IQ1 $fonso III /:<IQ6PO1 .enis /:<PO6:;<L1

:IO

THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -211/ ABB E6IATI"$% #" # EJ&E$TL! &%E0 %"& CE% AEM &nuario de Estudios Medievales. Barcelona. AHDE &nuario de $istoria del Derecho Espa.ol. Madrid. Alart Bernard 7. $lart, ed., 1rivil:ges et titres relati"s au8 "ranchises , institutions et propri:t:s communales de Roussillon de de Cerdagne, depuis le XIe siScle /us9u)a l)an 2775. +erpi'nan? C. )atrobe? 2diciones 2l $lbir, :QPI. AMC D2l $n&nimo de Madrid y Copenha'ue, Te3to rabe y traducci&n,D $mbrosio %uici Miranda, ed. ` trans. &nales del Instituto +eneral % :cnico de Valencia /:O:P1 <?:6;QQ. AM@M $bu Muhammad c$bd al69ahid al6MarrakusA. D8itab al6mucRib fi tal5is a5abar al6Ma'rib.D %uici. Crnicas Drabes. Volume I. Tetun, :OLL. B+;arull8 Coleccin Bofarull y Mascar&, +r&spero de. ed. Coleccin de documentos in:ditos del &rchivo +eneral de la Corona de &ragn. I: vols. Barcelona, :QIP6:O:T. BRAH #oletn de la Real &cademia de la $istoria. Madrid. Burriel8 Memorias $ndr4s Marcos Burriel, Memorias para la vida del 'anto Re% Don !ernando III ? &notados % editados, Mi'uel de Manuel #odrR'ue , ed. +ublished Madrid, :QTTE reprint of :QQT edition. Barcelona? 2diciones de 2l $lbir, :OPI. CAI Cronica &de"onsi Imperatoris. )uis (nche Belda. ed. Madrid? .iana $rtes Brficas, :OLT. -214/ CHE Cuadernos de $istoria de Espa.a. Buenos $ires, $r'entina. CLRC Crnica latina de los re%es de Castilla. M. .esamparados Cabanes +ecourt, ed. Valencia, :OHI. C+r+(inas 7. Corominas. Diccionario crtico etimolgico de la lengua castellana. I vols. Madrid? Bredos, :OLI. C A Crnica de la poblacin de Nvila. $mparo %ernnde (e'ura. ed. Valencia? $nubar, :OHH. DM Documentos medievais portugueses . #ui +into de $ evedo. ed. Volume I, tomos : e <, Documentos r:gios. Documentos dos condes portugalenses e de DW &"onso $enri9ues &W DW 25G4622V4 . )isboa? 2ditorial $tica, :OIQ6H<. EEMCA Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de &ragn. Jara'o a. ES Espa.a sagrada? heatro geogrD"ico6histrico de la iglesia de Espa.a . 2nri!ue 0l&re et al. eds. L< vols. Madrid? M. 0. #odrR'ue , :PIP6:O:Q. FA DCostumes e foros de $lfaiates, ::QQ6:<;T.D M1$6LC, :?PO:6QIQ. FAl!L D2l fuero latino de $lbarracRn /fra'mentos1.D $n'el Bon le +alencia and Inocenta Bon le +alencia. eds. &$DE /:O;:1 Q?I:L6OL. FAl!R Carta de poblacin de la ciudad de 'anta Mara de &lbarracn . Carlos #iba y BarcRa. ed. Jara'o a? +edro Cabra, :O:L. FAln D0uero de $larc&n.D 7ean #oudil. ed. Les "ueros d)&lcaraz et d)&larcn . < vols. +aris? )ibrarie C. 8lincksieck, :OHQ. FAlr !uero de &lcDzar. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. Manuscripts. Ms. ::LI;. FAl" D0uero de $lcara .D 7ean #oudil. ed. Los "ueros d)&lcaraz et d)&larcn. < vols. +aris? )ibrarie C. 8lincksieck, :OHQ. FBa El "uero de #aeza. 7ean #oudil. ed. The %a'ue? B. B. Van Boor Jonen, :OH<. FBe !uero de #:/ar. 7uan Buti4rre Cuadrado. ed. (alamanca? Calatrava, :OPL. -212/ FCA D0ueros romanceados de Cceres.D +edro )umbreras Valiente. ed. Los "ueros municipales de CDceres ? 'u derecho p>blico. Cceres? (ucesores de #ivadeneyra, (. $., :OPI. FCB DCostumes e foros de Castello6Bom, ::QQ6:<;T.D M1$6LC, :?PIL6OT. FCc# D0uero de Cuenca, C&dice Valentino.D #afael de "reUa y (men5aud. ed. !uero de Cuenca. Madrid? Tipo'rafRa de $rchivos, :O;L. FC$s D0orum Conche, forma sistemtica.D #afael de "reUa y (men5aud. ed. !uero de Cuenca. Madrid? Tipo'rafRa de $rchivos, :O;L. FCM DCostumes e foros de Castello6Melhor, :<TO.D M1$6LC, :?QOP6O;O. FCms% D0orum Conche, +aris Ms.D Beor'e %. $llen. ed. D0orum Conche, fuero de Cuenca? The )atin Te3t of the Municipal Charter and )a-s of the City of Cuenca, (pain.D @niversit% 'tudies 1ublished b% the @niversit% o" Cincinnati. (eries T-o. No. I /Nov6.ec, :OTO1 L?L6O<. No. : /7an60eb, :O:T1 H?;6:;I.

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FCO D2l fuero de Coria.D 2milio (e . ed. El "uero de Coria. 7os4 Maldonado y 0ernnde del Torco. 'en. ed. Madrid? (ilverio $'uirre, :OIO. FCR D0oros de Castel #odri'o, :<TO.D )uis 0. )indley Cintra. ed. & linguagem dos "oros de Castelo Rodrigo . )isboa? es. n.f, :OLO. FH !uero de $uete. #eal $cademia de la %istoria. Madrid. Manuscripts. <6P6;, Ms. ;P. FI D0uero de I natoraf.D #afael de "reUa y (men5aud. ed. !uero de Cuenca. Madrid? Tipo'rafRa de $rchivos, :O;L. F El "uero de 1lasencia. 7os4 Benavides Checa. ed. #ome, :QOH. Ne- edition? !uero de 1lasencia. 7esNs Ma5ada Neila. ed. (alamanca? Brficas Cervantes, :OQH. FTL D0orum Turolii.D 7aime Caruana B&me de Barreda. ed. 2l "uero latino de eruel. Teruel? Talleres Brficos, :OPI. FTR El "uero de eruel. Ma3 Borosch. ed. (tockholm? $lm!vist ` 9iksells Boktryckeri $B., :OLT. F& !uero de @sagre Fsiglo XIIII anotado con las variantes d:l de CDceres . #afael de "reUa y (men5aud and $dolfo Bonilla y (an Martin. eds. Madrid? %i5os de #eus 2ditores, :OTP. -213/ F&! !uero de [beda. 7uan Buti4rre Cuadrado. ed. Valencia? $rtes Brficas (oler, :OPO. FZ El "uero de Lorita de los Canes . #afael de "reUa y (men5aud. ed. Madrid? 2stablecimiento Tipo'rfico de 0ortanet, :O::. #+nt ius8 Car'as 7os4 MarRa 0ont #Rus. ed. Cartas de poblacin % "ran9uicia de Catalu.a . < vols. Madrid ` Barcelona, :OHO. Huici8 Crnicas (ra!es $mbrosio %uici Miranda. ed. ` trans. Coleccin de crnicas Drabes de la Recon9uista. I vols. Tetun, :OL:6LL. IIM Ibn cId@rA al6MarrakNshA. D$l6Bayan al6Mu'rib fi i5tisar $5bar Muluk al6$ndalus -a al6Ma'rib.D %uici. Crnicas Drabes. Volumes < ` ;. Tetun, lOL;6LI. IIM, N$a Ibn cIdari al6MarrakNshA. D$l6Bayan al6Mu'rib.D $mbrosio %uici Miranda. ed. and trans. Ibn cIdari? &l6#a%an al6Mugrib, Auevos "ragmentos almorDvides % almohades. Valencia? $nubar, :OH;. I%% Ibn h@ib al6sal@. &l6Mann bil6imRma. $mbrosio %uici Miranca. ed. and trans. Valencia? $nubar, :OHO. Lacarra8 Doc 7os4 MarRa )acarra. ed. Documentos para el estudio de la recon9uista % repoblacin del Valle del Ebro. :st series. Jara'o a? Casana, :OIH. <nd series. Jara'o a? Casana, :OIO. ;rd series. Jara'o a? Casana, :OL<. LK9i-*r+9enLal8 )nins*le 2. )4vi6+rovenZal, La 1:ninsule Ib:ri9ue au Mo%en Nge d)aprSs le ,itRb ar6raB al6 MicRr "\ habar al6&]Rr d)Ibn c&bd al6Muncim al6\m%ar\. )eiden? 2. 7. Brill, :O;Q. LFS Los "ueros de 'ep>lveda. 2dici&n crRtica y ap4ndice documental por 2milio (e . +amplona? 2ditorial B&me , :OL;. M0 Bon alo MartRne .Re . ed. !ueros locales en el territorio de la 1rovincia de #urgos . Bur'os? Ca5a de $horros Municipal de Bur'os, :OQ<. MHE Memorial histrico espa.ol? Coleccin de documentosU op>culos % antigKedades 9ue publica la Real &cademia de la $istoria. Madrid? )a $cademia, :QL:. Vols. :6<. M H+LC Monumenta 1ortugaliae $istoricaU a saeculo octavo post Christum us9ue ad 9uintum decimum ? Leges et consuetudines. $le3andre %erculano and 7oa!uim 7. da (ilva Mendes )eal, eds. < vols. )isboa, :QLH6HQ. -214/ M H+S Monumenta 1ortugaliae $istoricaU a saeculo octavo post Christum us9ue ad 9uintum decimum ? 'criptores. $le3andre %erculano and 7oa!uim 7. da (ilva Mendes )eal, eds. )isboa, :QLH. MS,--. DMs Q;;:, Biblioth*!ue dC$rsenal de +aris.D 7ean #oudil. ed. D2l manuscrito espaUol Q;;:. de la Biblioteca del $rsenal de +arRs.D Vo8 Romanica /7an67une, :OH;1 <<?:<P6PI. /7uly6.ec, :OH;1 <<?<:O6;QT. M: Toms MuUo y #omero. ed. Coleccin de "ueros municipales % cartas pueblas de los reinos de CastillaU LenU Corona de &ragn % Aavarra^ coordinada % anotada. Madrid? .on 7os4 MarRa $lonso, :QIP. CG 1rimera crnica general de Espa.aU 9ue mand componer &l"onso el 'abio % se continuaba ba/o 'ancho IV en 23VG. #am&n Men4nde +idal. ed. < vols. Madrid? 2ditorial Bredos, :OLL. *escad+r Carmela +escador, D)a caballerRa popular en )e&n y Castilla,D C$E /:OH:1 ;;6;I?:T:6<;Q, /lOH<1 ;L6 ;H?LH6<T:, /:OH;1 ;P6;Q?QQ6:OQ, /:OHI1 ;O6IT?:HO6<HT. RABM Revista de &rchivosU #ibliotecas % Museos. Madrid. # 7ustiniano #odrR'ue 0ernnde . ed. Los "ueros del Reino de Len. < vols. )e&n? "ni'raf, :OQ:. +drMgueN8 Col Ildefonso #odrR'ue de )ama, ed., Coleccin diplomDtica medieval de la Rio/a FG3H62334I. I vols. )o'roUo? Bon alo de Bercero, :OPH6QO. %+lde9ila8 Cr/ni0*es 0erran (oldevila, ed., Les 9uatre grans cr0ni9uesX (aume IU #ernat DesclotU Ramon MutanerU 1ere III. Barcelona? (electa, :OP:.

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THE LIB A ! "# IBE IA$ E%"& CE% "$LI$E A SOCIETY ORGANIZED FOR WAR 'a(es #) *+,ers -105/ 7L"%%A ! &lcalde. 7ud'e. .erived from $rabic alcaide, the chief fi'ure in each parish of the to-n. &ldeano. #esident of the countryside or aldea, surroundin' a municipality. &l"oz. Territory administrated by a to-n. &lgara. Mounted raid, often detached from a lar'er force on an e3tended e3pedition. &nubda. +robably a form of vi'ilance service re!uired of to-n residents /debate e3ists about the meanin' of the -ord1. &pellido. /)atin apellitum, also #omance apelido1. Military service summoned in an emer'ency usually for defensive purposes. Caballero. Member of the lo-est level of the kni'htly class, ac!uirin' status and ta3 e3emptions by the o-nership of a horse and its use in combat. The caballero villano -ere members of the class -ith established households in to-ns. Castellara. Castle maintenance service. Cavalgada. /)atin cabalcada or cavalcata, #omance cabalgada, cavalguet or cavallcade1. Mounted military service -idely re!uired in $ra'on and Castile. Collacin. .istrict or -ard -ithin a municipality, usually defined by parish lines. Conce/o. Municipal council made up of all the house6holdin' citi ens in a municipality. Corredura. (mall, s-ift mounted raid, literally a runnin' over of the countryside. E8ercitus. /also e8peditio1. =ffensive service. (ee "onsado. !onsadera. /)atin "ossatera1. +ayment in lieu of offensive military service or "onsado. !onsado. /)atin "ossatum1. =ffensive military service, planned in advance, often carried out as a part of a royal army. -110/ !uero. /)atin "orum, +ortu'uese "oral, Catalan "urs1. Charter of immunities and freedoms 'ranted to to-ns by royal or other authority. =ccasionally elaborated by the later t-elfth century into full municipal codes of la-. $ueste. /)atin host or hostis1. =ffensive military service, used more commonly in $ra'on and Catalonia, mi'ratin' to Castile by thirteenth century. (ee also "onsado. (uez. 7ud'e /in some -ays analo'ous to the 2n'lish 5ustice of the peace1, the chief official of a to-n. =ri'inally appointed by the kin' but by the later t-elfth century often elected by the to-n council. Merino. #oyal official, usually in char'e of a lar'er district than that a-arded to a se.or. 1en. Non6noble person -ho customarily served on foot in military service. Ra"ala6esculca. Cattle 'uard and escort duty for livestock bein' herded from one site to another. 'e.or. #oyally appointed official rulin' a district /se.oro1, -ith some 5urisdiction over the to-ns in the re'ion. Vecino. #esident of a municipality, usually re!uired to o-n a house -ithin the to-nCs -alls and reside in that house for a portion of each year.

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