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Psychological Review

1993, Vol. 100, No. 4. 674-701



Adolescence-Limited and Life-Course-Persistent
Antisocial Behavior:
A Developmental Taxonomy

Terrie E. offitt

A dual taxonomy is presented to reconcile !
incon"ruous facts a#out antisocial #ehavior:
$a% &t sho's impressive continuity over a"e(
#ut $#% its prevalence chan"es dramatically
over a"e( increasin" almost )*-fold
temporarily durin" adolescence. This article
su""ests that delin+uency conceals !
distinct cate"ories of individuals( each 'ith
a uni+ue natural history and etiolo"y: A
small "roup en"a"es in antisocial #ehavior
of ) sort or another at every life sta"e(
'hereas a lar"er "roup is antisocial only
durin" adolescence. Accordin" to the theory
of 1ife-course-persistent antisocial
#ehavior( children,s neuropsycholo"ical
pro#lems interact cumulatively 'ith their
crimino"enic environments across
development( culminatin" in a patholo"ical
1
personality. Accordin" to the theory of
adolescence-limited antisocial #ehavior( a
contemporary maturity "ap encoura"es
teens to mimic antisocial #ehavior in 'ays
that are normative and ad-ustive.



.or/ on this article 'as supported #y the 0iolence and
Traumatic 1tress Branch of the 2ational &nstitute of ental
3ealth $4rants 356758( 359*7*( and 35995:% and #y
the Pro"ram on 3uman Development and Antisocial
Behavior( a -oint pro-ect of the acArthur ;oundation and
the 2ational &nstitute of <ustice. Durin" 'ritin"( & 'as hosted
#y the &nstitute for Personality Assessment and =esearch of
the >niversity of California at Ber/eley
.ithout the persistent help of Avshalom Caspi( this article
'ould not have #een done. ?ther collea"ues also helped to
hone the ideas: Thomas Achen#ach( =o#ert Cairns( ;elton
Earls( David ;arrin"ton( Bill 3enry( Ben Lahev( =ichard
Linster( =olf Loe#er( 4erald Patterson( 1teven =auden#usch(
Al#ert =eiss( <r.( Lee =o#ins( =o#ert 1ampson( =ichard
Trem#lay( Christy 0isher( and <ennifer .hite. Eric/a
?ver"ard prepared the fi"ures and edited the article.
Correspondence concerning this article should #e addressed
to Terrie E. offitt( Department of Psycholo"y( >niversity of
.isconsin at adison( adison( .isconsin 967*8-)8)).

2
There are mar/ed individual differences in the sta#ility of
antisocial #ehavior. any people #ehave antisocially( #ut
their antisocial #ehavior is temporary and situational. &n
contrast( the antisocial #ehavior of some people is very
sta#le and persistent. Temporary( situational antisocial
#ehavior is +uite common in the population( especially
amon" adolescents. Persistent( sta#le antisocial #ehavior is
found amon" a relatively small num#er of males 'hose
#ehavior pro#lems are also +uite extreme. The central tenet
of this article is that temporary versus persistent antisocial
persons constitute t'o +ualitatively distinct types of
persons. &n particular( & su""est that -uvenile delin+uency
conceals t'o +ualitatively distinct cate"ories of individuals(
each in need of its o'n distinct theoretical explanation.
?f course( systems for classifyin" types of antisocial persons
have #een introduced #efore $e.".( American Psychiatric
Association( )@:7A Chai/en B Chai/en( )@:5A 3are( 3art( B
3arpur( )@@)A <esness B 3aapanen( )@:!A Lahey et al.(
)@@*A e"ar"ee( )@78A offitt( )@@*aA Cuay( )@88A .arren(
)@8@%. 3o'ever( none of these classifications has ac+uired
the ascendancy necessary to "uide mainstream criminolo"y
and psycho-patholo"y research. &ndeed( D"eneralD theories
of crime $e.".( 4ottfredson B 3irschi( )@@*%( comparisons of
delin+uent versus nondelin+uent "roups $e.".( ;eehan(
1tanton( c4ee( 1ilva( B offitt( )@@*%( and arrayin"
samples of su#-ects alon" antisocial dimensions $e.".(
;er"usson( 3or'ood( B Lloyd( )@@)% remain the status +uo.
Previous antisocial classification schemes may have failed to
capture the ima"inations of social scientists #ecause(
althou"h they provided more or less accurate #ehavioral
descriptions of antisocial su#types( they offered relatively
little in the 'ay of etiolo"ical or predictive validity $orey(
)@@)%. A classification #ecomes a taxonomy if it en"enders
assertions a#out ori"ins and outcomes #y 'eavin" a
nomolo"ical net of relationships #et'een the taxa and their
correlates $eehl B 4olden( )@:!%. A taxon carries a
3
net'or/ of meanin" over and a#ove a #ehavioral
descriptionA it includes implications for etiolo"y( course(
pro"nosis( treatment( and relations 'ith other taxa. Previous
classifications of antisocial #ehavior have not #een extended
into theories( and Dit is theory that provides the "lue that
holds a classification to"ether and "ives it #oth its scientific
and its clinical relevanceD $illon( )@@)( p. !97A Cuine(
)@77%. &n this article( & ela#orate on the distinction #et'een
temporary and persistent antisocial #ehavior and offer a pair
of ne' developmental theories of criminal #ehavior that are
#ased on this distinction. The theories are accompanied #y
refuta#le predictions.
&f correct( this simple typolo"y can serve a po'erful or"aniE-
in" function( 'ith important implications for theory and re-
search on the causes of crime. ;or delin+uents 'hose
criminal activity is confined to the adolescent years( the
causal factors may #e proximal( specific to the period of
adolescent development( and theory must account for the
discontinuity in their lives. &n contrast( for persons 'hose
adolescent delin+uency is merely one inflection in a
continuous lifelon" antisocial course( a theory of antisocial
#ehavior must locate its causal factors early in their
childhoods and must explain the continuity in their trou#led
lives.
The dual taxonomy $and its t'o theories% that & propose in
this article is #est introduced 'ith reference to the
mysterious relationship #et'een a"e and antisocial #ehavior.
This relationship is at once the most ro#ust and least
understood empirical o#servation in the field of criminolo"y.

Age and Antisocial ehavio!

4
.hen official rates of crime are plotted a"ainst a"e( the
rates for #oth prevalence and incidence of offendin" appear
hi"hest durin" adolescenceA they pea/ sharply at a#out a"e
)7 and drop precipitously in youn" adulthood. The ma-ority
of criminal offenders are teena"ersA #y the early !*s( the
num#er of active offenders decreases #y over 9*F( and #y
a"e !:( almost :9F of former delin+uents desist from
offendin" $Blumstein B Cohen( )@:7A ;arrin"ton( )@:8%.
.ith sli"ht variations( this "eneral relationship #et'een a"e
and crime o#tains amon" males and females( for most types
of crimes( durin" recent historical periods and in numerous
.estern nations $3irschi B 4ottfredson( )@:6%. A prototype
of the empirical curve of criminal offenses over a"e is sho'n
in ;i"ure ).

G;i"ure ).H

5


>ntil recently( research on a"e and crime has relied on
official data( primarily arrest and conviction records. As a
result( the left-hand side of the a"e-crime curve has #een
censored. &ndeed( in many empirical comparisons #et'een
early-onset and late-onset antisocial #ehavior( early has
#een artifactually defined as mid-adolescence on the #asis of
first police arrest or court conviction $cf. ;arrin"ton( Loe#er(
Elliott( et al.( )@@*A Tolan( )@:7%. 3o'ever( research on
childhood conduct disorder has no' documented that
antisocial #ehavior #e"ins lon" #efore the a"e 'hen it is first
encoded in police data #an/s. &ndeed( it is no' /no'n that
the steep decline in antisocial #ehavior #et'een a"es )7 and
6* is mirrored #y a steep incline in antisocial #ehavior
#et'een a"es 7 and )7 $Loe#er( 1touthamer-Loe#er( 0an
6
Iammen( B ;arrin"ton( )@:@A .olf"an"( ;i"lio( B 1ellin(
)@7!%. This extension to the a"e-crime curve is plotted in
;i"ure !. ;urthermore( 'e may venture across disciplinary
#oundaries to add developmental psycholo"ists, reports of
childhood a""ression $Pepler B =u#in( )@@)% and mental
health researchers, reports of conduct disorder $IaEdin(
)@:7% to criminolo"ists, studies of self-reported delin+uency
and official crime. 1o doin"( it #ecomes o#vious that
manifestations of antisocial #ehavior emer"e very early in
the life course and remain present thereafter.
.ith the advent of alternate measurement strate"ies( most
nota#ly self-reports of deviant #ehavior( researchers have
learned that arrest statistics merely reflect the tip of the
deviance ice#er" $3ood B 1par/s( )@7*A Ilein( )@:@%. Actual
rates of ille"al #ehavior soar so hi"h durin" adolescence that
participation in delin+uency appears to #e a normal part of
teen life $Elliott( A"eton( 3uiEin"a( Ino'les( B Canter(
)@:6%. .ith the li#erty of some artistic license( the curved
line plotted in ;i"ure 6 may #e ta/en to represent 'hat is
currently /no'n a#out the prevalence of antisocial #ehaviors
over the life course.

7
G;i"ure !.H



Althou"h there is 'idespread a"reement a#out the curve of
crime over a"e( there are fe' convincin" explanations for
the shape of the curve. >ntil recently( scholars still disa"reed
a#out 'hether the adolescent pea/ represented a chan"e in
prevalence or a chan"e in incidence: Does adolescence #rin"
an increment in the num#er of people 'ho are 'illin" to
8
offend or does the small and constant num#er of offenders
simply "enerate more criminal acts 'hile they are
adolescentJ Empirical evaluations no' su""est that the
former explanation is correct. &n his En"lish study of offense
rates over a"e( ;arrin"ton $)@:6% sho'ed that the
adolescent pea/ reflects a temporary increase in the num#er
of people involved in antisocial #ehavior( not a temporary
acceleration in the offense rates of individuals. This findin"
has #een replicated in American samples $.olf"an"(
Thorn#erry( B ;i"lio( )@:7%. The small human fi"ures under
the curve of ;i"ure 6 portray these chan"es in prevalence.
But 'hence the increase in the prevalence of offendersJ ?ne
possi#ility is that some phenomenon uni+ue to adolescent
development causes thron"s of ne' adolescent offenders to
temporarily -oin the fe' sta#le antisocial individuals in their
delin+uent 'ays. ;i"ure 6 depicts the typolo"ical thesis to #e
ar"ued here. A small "roup of persons is sho'n en"a"in" in
antisocial #ehavior of one sort or another at every sta"e of
life. & have la#eled these persons life-course-persistent to
reflect the continuous course of their antisocial #ehavior. A
lar"er "roup of persons fills out the a"e-crime curve 'ith
crime careers of shorter duration. & have la#eled these
persons adolescence-limited to reflect their more temporary
involvement in antisocial #ehavior. Thus( timin" and duration
of the course of antisocial involvement are the definin"
features in the natural histories of the t'o proposed types of
offenders.

G;i"ure 6.H

9

T'o oft-cited rules of thum# asserted #y =o#ins $)@7:%
seem to simultaneously assert and deny the life-course
sta#ility of antisocial #ehavior: DAdult antisocial #ehaviour
virtually requires childhood antisocial #ehaviour GyetH most
antisocial youths do not #ecome antisocial adultsD $p. 8))%.
&n fact( research has sho'n that antisocial #ehavior is
remar/a#ly sta#le across time and circumstance for some
persons #ut decidedly unsta#le for most other people.
The sta#ility of antisocial #ehavior is closely lin/ed to its ex-
tremity. The extreme fre+uency of crime committed #y a
very fe' males is impressiveA it has #een repeatedly sho'n
that the most persistent 9F or 8F of offenders are
responsi#le for a#out 9*F of /no'n crimes $see ;arrin"ton(
?hlin( B .ilson( )@:8( for a revie'%. &n their study of
)*(*** men( .olf"an" et al. $)@7!% found that 8F of
10
offenders accounted for more than half of the crimes
committed #y the sampleA relative to other offenders( these
hi"h-rate offenders #e"an their criminal careers earlier and
continued them for more years. The relationship #et'een
sta#ility and extremity is found in samples of children as
'ell. &n his analysis of a sample of third-"rade #oys(
Patterson $)@:!% found that the most a""ressive 9F of the
#oys constituted the most persistent "roup as 'ellA 6@F of
them ran/ed a#ove the @9th percentile on a""ression )*
years later( and )**F of them 'ere still a#ove the median.
1imilarly( Loe#er $)@:!% has revie'ed research sho'in" that
sta#ility of youn"sters, antisocial #ehavior across time is
lin/ed 'ith sta#ility across situations
11
and that #oth forms of sta#ility are characteristic of a
relatively small "roup of persons 'ith extremely antisocial
#ehavior.
Thus( in defiance of re"ression to the mean( a "roup of ex-
tremely antisocial persons remain extreme on measures
ta/en at later a"es and in different situations. Amon" other
persons( ho'ever( temporary and situational manifestations
of antisocial #ehavior $even to severe levels% may #e +uite
common.
This point is vividly illustrated in a lon"itudinal investi"ation
of a representative cohort of )(*67 2e' Kealand children
#orn in )@7!-)@76. &n this sample( & compared the #ase
rates of persistent and temporary antisocial #ehavior
pro#lems $offitt( )@@)%. & identified a "roup of #oys 'hose
antisocial #ehavior 'as rated a#ove avera"e at each of
seven #iennial assessments $a"es 6( 9( 7( @( ))( )6( and
)9%. The #oys 'ere also rated as very antisocial #y three
different reportin" a"ents $parents( teachers( and self%. ;ive
percent of the #oys in the sample met these selection
criteria. As a "roup( their mean antisocial ratin"s 'ere more
than a standard deviation a#ove the norm for #oys at every
a"e. &n contrast( fully t'o thirds of the remainin" #oys 'ere
rated a#ove avera"e on antisocial chec/lists as 'ell #ut at
only one or t'o a"es or #y only one reporter( illustratin" that
sta#ility cannot #e inferred from cross-sectional measures of
extremity $3enry( offitt( =o#ins( Earls( B 1ilva( )@@6%. A
disproportionate amount of the measured sta#ility in the
2e' Kealand sample could #e attri#uted to the 9F of #oys
'hose antisocial #ehavior 'as #oth extreme and consistent.
;or example( 'hen these fe' #oys 'ere excluded from
calculations( the :-year sta#ility coefficient for teacher
ratin"s 'as reduced from .!: (R L .*7:% to .)8 (R L .
*!9%( indicatin" that 9F of the sample accounted for 8:F of
the sample,s sta#ility. $&f antisocial #ehavior had #een a
sta#le characteristic throu"hout the sample( 'ith most #oys
12
retainin" their relative standin" in the "roup across time(
then excludin" the top 9F of the sample should not have
affected the sta#ility coefficient.% &n summary( there appear
to #e note'orthy individual differences in the sta#ility of
antisocial #ehavior.
I have already alluded to the small number of persons in the
general population whose antisocial behavior is
life-course-persistent. In fact, epidemiological research has
shown that there is remarkable uniformity in the prevalence
rates of different manifestations of severe antisocial
behavior: Regardless of their age, under 10 of males
warrant an !official! antisocial designation. "or e#ample,
about $ of preschool boys are considered by their parents
or caretakers to be !very difficult to manage! %&c'ee,
(artridge, )illiams, * +ilva, 1,,1-. .he prevalence of conduct
disorder among elementary-school-aged boys has been
found to be between / and , in several countries
%0ostello, 1,1,2 Rutter, .i3ard, * )hitmore, 1,40-. 5bout 6
of boys are first arrested by police as preteens %&offitt *
+ilva, 1,11c2 )olfgang et al., 1,47-2 such early arrest is
important because it is the best predictor of long-term
recidivistic offending. .he rate of conviction for a violent
offense in young adult males is between 8 and 6 %&offitt,
&ednick, * 'abrielli, 1,1,-, and about / of male
adolescents self-report sustained careers of serious violence
%three or more violent offenses per year for $ years2 9lliott,
:ui3inga, * &orse, 1,16-. "inally, the prevalence of men with
antisocial personality disorder is estimated at about / to
$ %;avison * <eale, 1,,02 Robins, 1,1$-.
&t is possi#le( of course( that the persons 'ho constitute
these epidemiolo"ical statistics at different a"es are all
different individuals. 3o'ever( the lon"itudinal data su""est
other'ise: &t is more li/ely that the remar/a#le constancy of
prevalence rates reflects the reoccurrence of the same
life-course-persistent individuals in different antisocial
cate"ories at different a"es. =o#ins $)@88( )@7:% has sho'n
that there are virtually no su#-ects 'ith adult antisocial
13
personality disorder 'ho did not also have conduct disorder
as children. .hite( offitt( Earls( =o#ins( and 1ilva $)@@*%
found nota#le continuity from diso#edient and a""ressive
#ehavior at a"e 6 to later childhood conduct disorder and
thence to arrest #y police in the early teen years. Loe#er
$)@:!% revie'ed research that pinpoints a first arrest
#et'een a"es 7 and )) as particularly important for
predictin" lon"-term adult offendin". 3are and cPherson
$)@:5% have reported that a conviction for violence in the
early !*s is characteristic of almost all men 'ho #ecome
dia"nosed 'ith antisocial $psychopathic% personality
disorder.
There are still "aps in the epidemiolo"ical data#aseA each of
the earlier cited studies connected only t'o or three points
in the life course. 2onetheless( the consistency is
impressive: A su#stantial #ody of lon"itudinal research
consistently points to a very small "roup of males 'ho
display hi"h rates of antisocial #ehavior across time and in
diverse situations. The professional nomenclature may
chan"e( #ut the faces remain the same as they drift throu"h
successive systems aimed at cur#in" their deviance:
schools( -uvenile--ustice pro"rams( psychiatric treatment
centers( and prisons. The topo"raphy of their #ehavior may
chan"e 'ith chan"in" opportunities( #ut the underlyin"
disposition persists throu"hout the life course.
.hereas a fe' males evidence antisocial #ehavior that
emer"es in toddlerhood and is persistent thereafter( the
ma-ority of #oys 'ho #ecome antisocial first do so durin"
adolescence $Elliott( Ino'les( B Canter( )@:)%. This tidal
'ave of adolescent onset has #een studied in the
aforementioned representative sample of 2e' Kealand #oys
$offitt( )@@)%. Bet'een a"es )) and )9( a#out one third of
the sample -oined the delin+uent lifestyles of the 9F of #oys
'ho had sho'n sta#le and pervasive antisocial #ehavior
since preschool. As a "roup( these adolescent ne'comers to
antisocial 'ays had not formerly exceeded the normative
14
levels of antisocial #ehavior for #oys at a"es 6( 9( 7( @( or
)). Despite their lac/ of prior experience( #y a"e )9( the
ne'comers e+ualed their preschool-onset antisocial peers in
the variety of la's they had #ro/en( the fre+uency 'ith
'hich they #ro/e them( and the num#er of times they
appeared in -uvenile court $offitt( )@@)%. ?n the #asis of
such common)y used indexes( of adolescent delin+uency(
the t'o delin+uent "roups 'ere indistin"uisha#le. Thus( if
the sample 'as vie'ed only as an adolescent cross section(
researchers 'ould lose si"ht of the t'o delin+uent "roups,
very different developmental histories( seein" only
delin+uents and nondelin+uents.
&ndeed( researchers and practitioners cannot yet effectively
assi"n individual delin+uent adolescents to meanin"ful su#-
types on the #asis of cross-sectional DsnapshotsD of their
antisocial #ehavior durin" adolescence $Loe#er B LeBlanc(
)@@*A offitt( )@@*a%. A"ain( the 2e' Kealand sample
provides an example: At a"e )9( #oth the
childhood-persistent and adolescent-onset "roups had
mem#ers 'ho scored more than 9 standard deviations
a#ove the mean on self-report delin+uency( and #y a"e )@
#oth "roups had some mem#ers 'ith more than 9*
convictions for crimes in the 2e' Kealand courts. Elliott and
3uiEin"a $)@:5% reported similarly poor classification in a
representative sample of American teens. They attempted to
discriminate( at the time of first arrest( individual future
career offenders from adolescence-limited offenders.
Discrimination could not #e improved #eyond chance #y
enterin" the /inds of information typically availa#le to
officials: type of current offense( a"e( sex( race( class(
involvement 'ith delin+uent peers( and attitudes to'ard
deviance. Addition of measures of the extremity of
self-reported delin+uency and emotional pro#lems improved
prediction only 7F #eyond chance. Earlier( & noted that the
sta#ility of antisocial #ehavior implies its extremity #ut that
extremity does not imply sta#ility( measures of the fre-
+uency or seriousness of adolescent offendin" 'ill not
15
discriminate very 'ell #et'een life-course-persistent and
adolescence-limited delin+uents. ?n the #asis of their study
and others( Elliott and 3uiEin"a concluded that there is Dno
effective means for discriminatin" #et'een the serious
career offenders and nonserious offendersD $p. @:%. A
nota#le feature of the taxonomy introduced in this article is
that /no'led"e of a su#-ect,s preadolescent #ehavior is
required for ma/in" the differential dia"nosis #et'een the
life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited types of
antisocial teena"er. Lon"itudinal desi"ns are needed to
collect the lifetime repeated measures that are needed to
distin"uish individual differences in the developmental
course of antisocial #ehavior.GiH
& have ar"ued in this section that -uvenile delin+uency con-
ceals t'o cate"ories of people. A very lar"e "roup
participates in antisocial #ehavior durin" adolescence. A
much smaller "roup( 'ho continues serious antisocial
#ehavior throu"hout adulthood( is the same "roup 'hose
antisocial #ehavior 'as sta#le across the years from early
childhood. The cate"ories remain hypothetical types(
#ecause no lon"itudinal study has yet repeatedly measured
antisocial #ehavior in a representative sample of the same
individuals from preschool to midlife. & descri#e in the next
sections the t'o hypothetical types of antisocial youth:
life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited. & ar"ue that
the t'o "roups differ in etiolo"y( developmental course(
pro"nosis( and( importantly( classification of their #ehavior
as either patholo"ical or normative. The "oal of this article is
to proffer a description of the t'o types in the form of a set
of testa#le predictions.

Life-Course-Persistent Antisocial Behavior

16
y account of the life-course-persistent antisocial type fol-
lo's this plan: &n the first section( Continuity of Antisocial
Behavior Defined, & provide a definition and description of
persistent antisocial #ehavior. &n the second section(
Beginnings !europsychological Ris" for Difficult
#emperament and Behavioral $ro%lems, & present the
hypothesis that persistent antisocial #ehavior has its ori"ins
in an interaction #et'een children,s neuropsycholo"ical
vulnera#ilities and crimino"enic environments. &n the third
section( &aintenance and 'la%oration (ver the )ife Course
Cumulative Continuity Contemporary Continuity, and
!arro*ing (ptions for Change, & introduce the cumulative
and contemporary processes that maintain antisocial
#ehavior across time and that expand antisocial #ehavior
into a pervasive adult life-style. &n the fourth section( &
summariEe the theory,s perspective on continuity( and in the
fifth section( & ma/e a case that life-course-persistent
antisocial #ehavior is a form of psychopatholo"y.

Continuity of Antisocial Behavior Defined

As implied #y the la#el( continuity is the hallmar/ of the
small "roup of life-course-persistent antisocial persons.
Across( the life course( these individuals exhi#it chan"in"
manifestations of antisocial #ehavior: #itin" and hittin" at
a"e 5( shopliftin" and truancy at a"e )*( sellin" dru"s and
stealin" cars at a"e )8( ro##ery and rape at a"e !!( and
fraud and child a#use at a"e 6*A the underlyin" disposition
remains the same( #ut its expression chan"es form as ne'
social opportunities arise at different points in development.
This pattern of continuity across a"e is matched also #y
cross-situational consistency: Life-course-persistent
antisocial persons lie at home( steal from shops( cheat at
school( fi"ht in #ars( and em#eEEle at 'or/ $;arrin"ton(
17
)@@)A Loe#er( )@:!A Loe#er B Baic/er-cIee( )@:@A =o#ins(
)@88( )@7:A .hite et al.( )@@*%.
The concept of #ehavioral coherence( or heterotypic
continuity, is invo/ed here to extend o#servations of
continuity #eyond the mere persistence of a sin"le #ehavior
to encompass a variety of antisocial expressions that
emer"e as development affords ne' opportunities.
3eterotypic continuity refers to continuity of an inferred trait
or attri#ute that is presumed to underlie diverse phenotypic
#ehaviors $Ia"an( )@8@%. As Ia"an and oss $)@8!%
su""ested( a specific #ehavior in childhood mi"ht not #e
predictive of phenotypically similar #ehavior later in
adulthood( #ut it may still #e associated 'ith #ehaviors that
are conceptually consistent 'ith the earlier #ehavior.
Examples of heterotypic continuities have #een reported #y
=yder $)@87%( 'ho found that childhood a""ression( physical
adventurousness( and nonconformity 'ere related to adult
sexual #ehavior. Another example of coherence is provided
in a !!-year follo'-up study of men and 'omen 'ho had
#een rated as a""ressive #y their peers in late childhood
$3uesmann( Eron( Lef/o'itE( B .alder( )@:5%. As adults( the
men 'ere li/ely to commit serious criminal acts( a#use their
spouses( and drive 'hile intoxicated( 'hereas the 'omen
'ere li/ely to punish their offsprin" severely. Another
example of personality coherence is the findin" that the
developmental antecedents of erratic 'or/ histories may #e
found in phenotypically dissimilar attri#utes of difficult
temperament in childhood $Caspi( Elder( B Bem( )@:7%. &n
addition( in their hallmar/ study( .est and ;arrin"ton $)@77%
o#served that stealin"( alcohol a#use( sexual promiscuity(
rec/less drivin"( and violence 'ere lin/ed across the life
course. The pro"nosis for the life-course-persistent person is
#lea/: Dru" and alcohol addiction: unsatisfactory em-
ployment( unpaid de#tsA homelessnessA drun/ drivin"A
violent assaultA multiple and unsta#le relationshipsA spouse
#atteryA a#andoned( ne"lected( or a#used childrenA and
18
psychiatric illness have all #een reported at very hi"h rates
for offenders 'ho persist past the a"e of !9 (+arrington ,
-est, )@@*A =o#ins( )@88A 1ampson B Lau#( )@@*%. Thus(
this theory of life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior
predicts continuity across the entire life course #ut allo's
that the underlying disposition 'ill chan"e its manifestation
'hen a"e and social circumstances alter opportunities.
Althou"h reports of the continuity of antisocial styles from
childhood to youn" adulthood a#ound( the outcomes of
antisocial individuals durin" midlife have seldom #een
examined. The pattern of official crime over a"e $;i"ure )%
implies that criminal offendin" all #ut disappears #y midlife(
GiiH #ut there is no reason to expect that
life-course-persistents miraculously assume prosocial
tendencies after an antisocial tenure of several decades.
&ndeed( criminal psychopaths decrease their num#er of
arresta#le offenses at a#out a"e 5*( #ut the constellation of
antisocial personality traits descri#ed #y Clec/ley $)@78%
persists in male samples at least until a"e 8@ $3arpur B
3are( )@@)%. As & ar"ue in the third section of this article
(&aintenance., an analysis of the cumulative developmental
forces underlyin" the continuity of a""ression from
childhood to adulthood 'ill predict continuity on into midlife
as 'ell. Beyond youn" adulthood( the antisocial disposition
of life-course-persistents may #e expressed in a form that is
simply not yet 'ell measured #y epidemiolo"ical surveys of
official crime: ?ne such possi#ility is ne"lect and a#use of
family mem#ers. Consistent 'ith this hypothesis( ;arrin"ton
and .est $)@@*% found that half of the persistent offenders
in the Cam#rid"e lon"itudinal study self-reported havin" hit
their spouses 'hen they 'ere intervie'ed at a"e 6!. ;a"an
and .exler $)@:7% revie'ed studies sho'in" that spouse
#attery is often preceded #y a history of violence a"ainst
stran"ers. Also( crime statistics sho' that( 'hereas property
crimes pea/ in the teen years and drop thereafter( family
violence offenses sho' a steady increase 'ith a"e
$4ottfredson B 3irschi( )@:8%. =esearch is needed that
19
follo's offenders into late adulthood 'hile measurin"
multiple indicators of an antisocial life-style.

Beginnings !europsychological Ris" for Difficult
#emperament and Behavioral $ro%lems

&f some individuals, antisocial #ehavior is sta#le from pre-
school to adulthood as the data imply( then investi"ators are
compelled to loo/ for its roots early in life( in factors that are
present #efore or soon after #irth. &t is possi#le that the
etiolo"ical chain #e"ins 'ith some factor capa#le of
producin" individual differences in the neuropsycholo"ical
functions of the infant nervous system. ;actors that
influence infant neural development are myriad( and many
of them have #een empirically lin/ed to antisocial outcomes.
?ne possi#le source of neuropsycholo"ical variation that is
lin/ed to pro#lem #ehavior is disruption in the onto"enesis
of the fetal #rain. inor physical anomalies( 'hich are
thou"ht to #e o#serva#le mar/ers for hidden anomalies in
neural development( have #een found at elevated rates
amon" violent offenders and su#-ects 'ith antisocial
personality traits $;o"el( ednic/( B ichelson( )@:9A E.
Iandel( Brennan( B ednic/( )@:@A Paulhus B artin( )@:8%.
2eural development may #e disrupted #y maternal dru"
a#use( poor prenatal nutrition( or pre-or postnatal exposure
to toxic a"ents $2eedleman B Berin"er( )@:)A =odnin"(
Bec/'ith( B 3o'ard( )@:@A 1te'art( )@:6%. Even #rain
insult suffered #ecause of complications durin" delivery has
#een empirically lin/ed to later violence and antisocial
#ehavior in carefully desi"ned lon"itudinal studies $E. Iandel
B ednic/( )@@)A 1Eatmari( =eitsma-1treet( B ?fford(
)@:8%. &n addition( some individual differences in
neuropsycholo"ical health are herita#le in ori"in $Borec/i B
20
Ashton( )@:5A artin( <ardine( B Eaves( )@:5A Plomin( 2itE(
B =o'e( )@@*A Tam#s( 1undet( B a"nus. )@:5:
0anden#er"( )@8@%. <ust as parents and children share facial
resem#lances( they share some structural and functional
similarities 'ithin their nervous systems. After #irth( neural
development may #e disrupted #y neonatal deprivation of
nutrition( stimulation( and even affection $Cravioto B Arrieta(
)@:6A Iraemer( )@::A eany( Ait/en( van Ber/el( Bhatna"ar(
B 1apols/y( )@::%. 1ome studies have pointed to child
a#use and ne"lect as possi#le sources of #rain in-ury in the
histories of delin+uents 'ith neuropsycholo"ical impairment
$Le'is( 1hano/( Pincus( B 4laser( )@7@A ilner B cCanne(
)@@)A Tarter( 3e"edus( .insten( B Alterman( )@:5%.
There is "ood evidence that children 'ho ultimately #ecome
persistently antisocial do suffer from deficits in
neuropsycholo"ical a#ilities. & have else'here revie'ed the
availa#le empirical and theoretical literaturesA the lin/
#et'een neuropsycholo"ical impairment and antisocial
outcomes is one of the most ro#ust effects in the study of
antisocial #ehavior $offitt( )@@*#A offitt B 3enry( )@@)A
see also 3irschi B 3indelan"( )@77%. T'o sorts of
neuropsycholo"ical deficits are empirically associated 'ith
antisocial #ehavior: ver#al and DexecutiveD functions. The
ver#al deficits of antisocial children are pervasive( affectin"
receptive listenin" and readin"( pro#lem solvin"( expressive
speech and 'ritin"( and memory. &n addition( executive
deficits produce 'hat is sometimes referred to as a
comportmental learnin" disa#ility $Price( Daffner( 1to'e( B
esulam( )@@*%( includin" symptoms such as inattention
and impulsivity. These co"nitive deficits and antisocial
#ehavior share variance that is independent of social class(
race( test motivation( and academic attainment $offitt(
)@@*#A Lynam( offitt( B 1touthamer-Loe#er( )@@6%. &n
addition( the relation is not an artifact of slo''itted
delin+uents, "reater suscepti#ility to detection #y policeA
undetected delin+uents have 'ea/ co"nitive s/ills too
$offitt B 1ilva( )@::a%.
21
The evidence is stron" that neuropsycholo"ical deficits are
lin/ed to the /ind of antisocial #ehavior that #e"ins in child-
hood and is sustained for len"thy periods. &n a series of
articles $offitt( )@@*aA offitt B 3enry( )@:@A offitt B
1ilva( )@::#%( & have sho'n that poor ver#al and executive
functions are associated 'ith antisocial #ehavior( if it is
extreme and persistent. &n these studies( adolescent 2e'
Kealand #oys 'ho exhi#ited symptoms of #oth conduct
disorder and attention-deficit disorder 'ith hyperactivity
$ADD3% scored very poorly on neuropsycholo"ical tests of
ver#al and executive functions and had histories of extreme
antisocial #ehavior that persisted from a"e 6 to a"e )9.
Apparently( their neuropsycholo"ical deficits 'ere as lon"
standin" as their antisocial #ehaviorA at a"es 6 and 9 these
#oys had scored more than a standard deviation #elo' the
a"e norm for #oys on the Bayley and cCarthy tests of
motor coordination and on the 1tanford-Binet test of
co"nitive performance. Contrast "roups of #oys 'ith sin"le
dia"noses of either conduct disorder or ADD3 did not have
neuropsycholo"ical deficits or co"nitive-motor delays( #ut
neither 'ere their #ehavior pro#lems sta#le over time.
&n a study desi"ned to improve on measurement of
executive functions $.hite( offitt( Caspi( <e"lum( 2eedles(
B 1touthamer-Loe#er( in press%( 'e "athered data on
self-control and impulsivity for 56* Pitts#ur"h youths.
T'elve measures 'ere ta/en from multiple sources $mother(
teacher( self( and o#server% #y usin" multiple methods
$ratin" scales( performance tests( computer "ames( C sorts(
and videotaped o#servations%. A linear composite of the
impulsivity measures 'as stron"ly related to the 6-year
lon"evity of antisocial #ehavior( even after controllin" for &C(
race( and social class. Boys 'ho 'ere very delin+uent from
a"es )* to )6 scored si"nificantly hi"her on impulsivity than
#oth their nondelin+uent and temporarily delin+uent
a"e-mates. Ta/en to"ether( the 2e' Kealand and Pitts#ur"h
lon"itudinal studies su""est that neuropsycholo"ical dys-
functions that manifest themselves as poor scores on tests
22
of lan"ua"e and self-control--and as the inattentive(
overactive( and impulsive symptoms of ADD3--are lin/ed
'ith the early childhood emer"ence of a""ressive antisocial
#ehavior and 'ith its su#se+uent persistence.
!europsychological variation and the /difficult / infant0
Before descri#in" ho' neuropsycholo"ical variation mi"ht
constitute ris/ for antisocial #ehavior( it is useful to define
'hat is meant here #y neuropsycholo"ical. By com#inin"
neuro 'ith psychological, & refer #roadly to the extent to
'hich anatomical structures and physiolo"ical processes
'ithin the nervous system influence psycholo"ical
characteristics such as temperament( #ehavioral
development( co"nitive a#ilities( or all three. ;or example(
individual variation in #rain function may en"ender
differences #et'een children in activity level( emotional re-
activity( or self-re"ulation $temperament%A speech( motor
coordination( or impulse control $#ehavioral development%A
and attention( lan"ua"e( learnin"( memory( or reasonin"
$co"nitive a#ilities%.
Children 'ith neurolo"ical difficulties severe enou"h to con-
stitute autism( severe physical handicap( or profound mental
retardation are usually identified and specially treated #y
parents and professionals. 3o'ever( other infants have
su#clinical levels of pro#lems that affect the difficulty of
rearin" them( variously referred to as difficult temperament(
lan"ua"e or motor delays( or mild co"nitive deficits.
Compromised neuropsycholo"ical functions are associated
'ith a variety of conse+uences for infants, co"nitive and
motor development as 'ell as for their personality
development $=oth#art B Derry#erry( )@:)%. Toddlers 'ith
su#tle neuropsycholo"ical deficits may #e clumsy and
a'/'ard( overactive( inattentive( irrita#le( impulsive( hard to
/eep on schedule( delayed in reachin" developmental mile-
stones( poor at ver#al comprehension( deficient at
expressin" themselves( or slo' at learnin" ne' thin"s
23
$=utter( )@77( )@:6A Thomas B Chess( )@77A .ender(
)@7)%.
3ertEi" $)@:6% has descri#ed an empirical test of the pro-
posed relationship #et'een neurolo"ical dama"e and difficult
#ehavior in infancy. 1he studied a sample of 88
lo'-#irth-'ei"ht infants from intact middle-class families.
1ymptoms of #rain dysfunction detected durin" neurolo"ical
examinations 'ere si"nificantly related to an index of
difficult temperament ta/en at a"es )( !( and 6 $Thomas B
Chess( )@77A the index comprised rhythmicity( adapta#ility(
approach-'ithdra'al( intensity( and mood%. The parents of
the children 'ith neurolo"ical impairment and difficult
temperament more often sou"ht help from child
psychiatrists as their children "re' up( and the most fre-
+uent presentin" complaints 'ere immaturity( overactivity(
temper tantrums( poor attention( and poor school
performance. Each of these childhood pro#lems has #een
lin/ed #y research to later antisocial outcomes $cf. offitt(
)@@*a( )@@*#%. &mportantly( the impairments of the children
'ith neural dama"e 'ere not massiveA their mean &C score
'as @8 $only 5 points #elo' the population mean%. 3ertEi",s
study sho'ed that even su#tle neurolo"ical deficits can
influence an infant,s temperament and #ehavior( the
difficulty of rearin" the infant( and #ehavioral pro#lems in
later childhood.

Child-environment covariation in nature A source of
interactional continuity0 1p to this point( & have emphasiEed
in this article the characteristics of the developin" child as if
environments 'ere held constant. >nfortunately( children
'ith co"nitive and temperamental disadvanta"es are not
"enerally #orn into supportive environments( nor do they
even "et a fair chance of #ein" randomly assi"ned to "ood
or #ad environments. >nli/e the aforementioned infants in
3ertEi",s $)@:6% study of temperament and neurolo"ical
24
symptoms( most lo'-#irth 'ei"ht infants are not #orn into
intact( middle-class families.
0ulnera#le infants are disproportionately found in environ-
ments that 'ill not #e ameliorative #ecause many sources of
neural maldevelopment co-occur 'ith family disadvanta"e or
deviance.
&ndeed( #ecause some characteristics of parents and
children tend to #e correlated( parents of children 'ho are at
ris/ for antisocial #ehavior often inadvertently provide their
children 'ith crimino"enic environments $1ameroff B
Chandler( )@79%. The inter"enerational transmission of
severe antisocial #ehavior has #een carefully documented in
a study of three "enerations $3uesmann et al.( )@:5%. &n
that study of 8** su#-ects( the sta#ility of individuals,
a""ressive #ehavior from a"e : to a"e 6* 'as exceeded #y
the sta#ility of a""ression across the "enerations: from
"randparent to parent to child. Thus( 'ith re"ard to ris/ for
antisocial #ehavior( nature does not follo' a ! M ! desi"n
'ith e+ual cell siEes.
Parents and children resem#le each other on temperament
and personality. Thus( parents of children 'ho are difficult to
mana"e often lac/ the necessary psycholo"ical and physical
resources to cope constructively 'ith a difficult child $1carr
B cCartney( )@:6A 1nyder B Patterson( )@:7%. ;or
example( temperamental traits such as activity level and
irrita#ility are /no'n to #e partly herita#le $Plomin( Chipuer(
B Loehlin( )@@*%. This su""ests that children 'hose
hyperactivity and an"ry out#ursts mi"ht #e cur#ed #y firm
discipline 'ill tend to have parents 'ho are inconsistent
disciplinariansA the parents tend to #e impatient and irrita#le
too. The converse is also true: Empirical evidence has #een
found for a relationship #et'een variations in parents,
'armth and infants, easiness $Plomin( Chipuer( B Loehlin(
)@@*%.
25
Parents and children also resem#le each other on co"nitive
a#ility. The /no'n herita#ility of measured intelli"ence
$Plomin( )@@*A Loehlin( )@:@% implies that children 'ho are
most in need of remedial co"nitive stimulation 'ill have
parents 'ho may #e least a#le to provide it. oreover(
parents, co"nitive a#ilities set limits on their o'n educational
and occupational attainment $Barrett B Depinet( )@@)%. As
one conse+uence, families 'hose mem#ers have
#elo'-avera"e co"nitive capacities 'ill often #e least a#le
financially to o#tain professional interventions or optimal
remedial schoolin" for their at-ris/ children.
Even the social and structural aspects of the environment
may #e stac/ed a"ainst children 'ho enter the 'orld at ris/.
Plomin and Ber"eman $)@@*% have sho'n that there are
"enetic components to measures that are commonly used #y
developmental psycholo"ists to assess socialiEation
environments. ;or example( the 3ome ?#servation for
easurement of the Environment scale( the oos ;amily
Environment scales( and the
3olmes and =ahe scales of stressful life events all revealed
the influence of herita#le factors 'hen they 'ere examined
'ith #ehavior "enetic research desi"ns $Plomin B Ber"eman(
)@@*%. 0ulnera#le children are often su#-ect to adverse
homes and nei"h#orhoods #ecause their parents are
vulnera#le to pro#lems too $cf. Lahey et al.( )@@*%.
&mportantly( althou"h examples from #ehavior "enetics
research have #een cited in the previous three para"raphs(
the perverse compoundin" of children,s vulnera#ilities 'ith
their families, imperfections does not re+uire that the child,s
neuropsycholo"ical ris/ arise from any "enetic disposition. &n
fact( for my purposes( it is immaterial 'hether parent-child
similarities arise from shared "enes or shared homes. A
home environment 'herein prenatal care is haphaEard(
26
dru"s are used durin" pre"nancy( and infants, nutritional
needs are ne"lected is a settin" 'here sources of children,s
neuropsycholo"ical dysfunction that are clearly
environmental coexist 'ith a crimino"enic social
environment.
$ro%lem child-pro%lem parent interactions and the emer-
gence of antisocial %ehaviors0 & #elieve that the -uxtaposition
of a vulnera#le and difficult infant 'ith an adverse rearin"
context initiates ris/ for the life-course-persistent pattern of
antisocial #ehavior. The ensuin" process is a transactional
one in 'hich the challen"e of copin" 'ith a difficult child
evo/es a chain of failed parent-child encounters $1ameroff B
Chandler( )@79%. The assertion that children exert important
effects on their social environments is useful in
understandin" this hypothetical process $Bell B Chapman(
)@:8%. &t is no' 'idely ac/no'led"ed that personality and
#ehavior are shaped in lar"e measure #y interactions
#et'een the person and the environment $cf. Buss( )@:7A
Plomin( De;ries( B Loehlin( )@77A 1carr B cCartney( )@:6%.
?ne form of interaction may play a particularly important
role #oth in promotin" an antisocial style and in maintainin"
its continuity across the life course: 'vocative interaction
occurs 'hen a child,s #ehavior evo/es distinctive responses
from others $Caspi et al.( )@:7%.
Children 'ith neuropsycholo"ical pro#lems evo/e a chal-
len"e to even the most resourceful( lovin"( and patient
families. ;or example( Tinsley and Par/e $)@:6% have
revie'ed literature sho'in" that lo'-#irth-'ei"ht(
premature infants ne"atively influence the #ehavior of their
careta/ersA they arrive #efore parents are prepared( their
cryin" patterns are rated as more distur#in" and irritatin"(
and parents report that they are less satisfyin" to feed( less
pleasant to hold( and more demandin" to care for than
healthy #a#ies. any parents of preterm infants hold
unrealistic expectations a#out their children,s attainment of
developmental milestones( and these may contri#ute to later
27
dysfunctional parent-child relationships $Tinsley B Par/e(
)@:6%. ore distur#in"( an infant,s neurolo"ical health status
has #een sho'n to #e related to ris/ for maltreatment and
ne"lect $;riedrich B Boris/in( )@78: ;rodi et al.( )@7:A
3unter( Iilstrom( Iray#ill( B Loda( )@7:A ilo'e B Lo'rie(
)@85A 1and"rund( 4aines( B 4reen( )@75%.
2umerous studies have sho'n that a toddler,s pro#lem #e-
haviors may affect the parents, disciplinary strate"ies as 'ell
as su#se+uent interactions 'ith adults and peers $Bell B
Chapman( )@:8A Chess B Thomas( )@:7%. ;or example(
children characteriEed #y a difficult temperament in infancy
are more li/ely to resist their mothers, efforts to control
them in early childhood $Lee B Bates( )@:9%. 1imilarly(
mothers of difficult #oys experience more pro#lems in their
efforts to socialiEe their children. acco#y and <ac/lin
$)@:6% sho'ed that over time these mothers reduce their
efforts to actively "uide and direct their children,s #ehavior
and #ecome increasin"ly less involved in the teachin"
process. &n a study of unrelated mothers and children( I. E.
Anderson( Lytton( and =omney $)@:8% o#served
conduct-disordered and nonpro#lem #oys interactin" 'ith
mothers of conduct-disordered and nonpro#lem sons in
unrelated pairs. The conduct-disordered #oys evo/ed more
ne"ative reactions from #oth types of mothers than did
normal #oys( #ut the t'o types of mothers did not differ
from each other in their ne"ative reactions. &t may 'ell #e
that early #ehavioral difficulties contri#ute to the
development of persistent antisocial #ehavior #y evo/in"
responses from the interpersonal social environment(
responses that exacer#ate the child,s tendencies $4oldsmith(
Bradsha'( B =ieser-Danner( )@:8A Lytton( )@@*%. DThe child
actsA the environment reactsA and the child reacts #ac/ in
mutually interloc/in" evocative interactionD $Caspi et al.(
)@:7( p. 6*:%.
1uch a se+uence of interactions 'ould #e most li/ely to pro-
duce lastin" antisocial #ehavior pro#lems if careta/er
28
reactions 'ere more li/ely to exacer#ate than to ameliorate
children,s pro#lem #ehavior. To my /no'led"e( students of
child effects have not yet tested for interactions #et'een
child #ehavior and parental deviance or poor parentin"(
perhaps #ecause very disadvanta"ed families are seldom
studied 'ith such desi"ns. 2onetheless( some data su""est
that children,s predispositions to'ard antisocial #ehavior
may #e exacer#ated under deviant rearin" conditions. &n the
2e' Kealand lon"itudinal study( there 'as a si"nificant
interaction effect #et'een children,s neuropsycholo"ical
deficit and family adversity on one type of delin+uent actA
a""ressive confrontation 'ith a victim or adversary. Amon"
the 968 #oys in the sample( the 79 #oys 'ho had #oth lo'
neuropsycholo"ical test scores and adverse home
environments earned a mean a""ression score more than
four times "reater than that of #oys 'ith either
neuropsycholo"ical pro#lems or adverse homes $offitt(
)@@*#%. The index of family adversity included parental
characteristics such as poor mental health and lo'
intelli"ence as 'ell as socioeconomic status. Behavior"enetic
adoption studies of antisocial #ehavior often report a similar
pattern of findin"s( 'herein the hi"hest rates of criminal
outcomes are found for adoptees 'hose foster parents( as
'ell as their #iolo"ical parents( 'ere deviant $e.".( ednic/(
4a#rielli( B 3utchin"s( )@:5%. Thus( children,s
predispositions may evo/e exacer#atin" responses from the
environment and may also render them more vulnera#le to
crimino"enic environments.
&f the child 'ho Dsteps off on the 'ron" footD remains on an
ill-starred path( su#se+uent steppin"-stone experiences may
culminate in life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior. ;or
life-course-persistent antisocial individuals( deviant #ehavior
patterns later in life may thus reflect early individual
differences that are perpetuated or exacer#ated #y
interactions 'ith the social environment: first at home( and
later at school. Cuay $)@:7% summariEed this as Dthis youth
is li/ely to #e at odds 'ith everyone in the environment. and
29
most particularly 'ith those 'ho must interact 'ith him on a
daily #asis to raise( educate( or other'ise control him. . . .
This pattern is the most trou#lesome to society( seems least
amena#le to chan"e( and has the most pessimistic pro"nosis
for adult ad-ustmentD $p. )! )%.
3o'ever( inauspicious #e"innin"s do not complete the story.
&n the 2e' Kealand study( for example( a com#ination of
preschool measures of antisocial #ehavior and co"nitive
a#ility 'as a#le to predict 7*F of the cases of conduct
disorder at a"e )) #ut at the cost of a hi"h false-positive
rate $.hite et al.( )@@*%. The next section explores the
specific interactional processes that nourish and au"ment
the life-course-persistent antisocial style #eyond childhood.

&aintenance and 'la%oration (ver the )ife Course
Cumulative Continuity, Contemporary Continuity, and
!arro*ing (ptions for Change

&n the previous section( the concept of evocative
person-environment interaction 'as called on to descri#e
ho' children,s difficult #ehaviors mi"ht affect encounters
'ith their parents. T'o additional types of interaction may
help to explain ho' the life-course- persistent individual,s
pro#lem #ehavior( once initiated( mi"ht promote its o'n
continuity and pervasiveness. Reactive interaction occurs
'hen different youn"sters exposed to the same environment
experience it( interpret it( and react to it in accordance 'ith
their particular style. ;or example( in interpersonal
situations 'here cues are am#i"uous( a""ressive children
are li/ely to mista/enly attri#ute harmful intent to others
and then act accordin"ly $Dod"e B ;rame( )@:!%. $roactive
interaction occurs 'hen people select or create
30
environments that support their styles. ;or example(
antisocial individuals appear to #e li/ely to affiliate
selectively 'ith antisocial others( even 'hen selectin" a
mate. 1ome evidence points to nonrandom matin" alon"
personality traits related to antisocial #ehavior $Buss( )@:5%(
and there are si"nificant spouse correlations on conviction
for crimes $e.".( Ba/er( ac/( offitt( B edruc/( )@:@%.
The three types of person-environment interactions can pro-
duce t'o /inds of conse+uences in the life course:
cumulative consequences and contemporary consequences
$Caspi B Bern( )@@*%. Early individual differences may set in
motion a do'nhill sno'#all of cumulative continuities. &n
addition( individual differences may themselves persist from
infancy to adulthood( continuin" to influence adolescent and
adult #ehavior in a proximal contemporary fashion.
Contemporary continuity arises if the life-course-persistent
person continues to carry into adulthood the same
underlyin" constellation of traits that "ot him into trou#le as
a child( such as hi"h activity level( irrita#ility( poor
self-control( and lo' co"nitive a#ility.
The roles of cumulative and contemporary continuities in an-
tisocial #ehavior have #een explored #y Caspi( Bern( and
Elder $)@:@A Caspi et at.( )@:7%( usin" data from the
lon"itudinal Ber/eley 4uidance 1tudy. They identified men
'ho had a history of temper tantrums durin" late childhood
$'hen tantrums are not developmentally normative%. Then
they traced the continuities and conse+uences of this
personality style across the su#se+uent 6* years of the
su#-ects, lives and into multiple diverse life domains:
education( employment( and marria"e. A ma-or findin" 'as
that hot-tempered #oys 'ho came from middle-class homes
suffered a pro"ressive deterioration of socioeconomic status
as they moved throu"h the life course. By a"e 5*( their
occupational status 'as indistin"uisha#le from that of men
#orn into the 'or/in" class. A ma-ority of them held -o#s of
lo'er occupational status than those held #y their fathers at
31
a compara#le a"e. Did these men fail occupationally #ecause
their earlier ill-temperedness started them do'n a particular
path $cumulative conse+uences% or #ecause their current ill-
temperedness handicapped them in the 'orld of 'or/
$contemporary conse+uences%J
Cumulative conse+uences 'ere implied #y the effect of
childhood temper on occupational status at midlife:
Tantrums predicted lo'er educational attainment( and
educational attainment( in turn( predicted lo'er occupational
status. Contemporary conse+uences 'ere implied #y the
stron" direct lin/ #et'een ill-temperedness and occupational
sta#ility. en 'ith childhood tantrums continued to #e
hot-tempered in adulthood( 'here it "ot them into trou#le in
the 'orld of 'or/. They had more erratic 'or/ lives(
chan"in" -o#s more fre+uently and experiencin" more
unemployment #et'een a"es ): and 5*. &ll-temperedness
also had a contemporary effect on marital sta#ility. Almost
half $58F% of the men 'ith histories of childhood tantrums
had divorced #y a"e 5* compared 'ith only !!F of other
men.
Else'here( & descri#e in detail some of the patterns of
interaction #et'een persons and their social environments
that may promote antisocial continuity across time and
across life domains $Caspi B offitt( in press-#%. T'o sources
of continuity deserve emphasis here #ecause they narro'
the options for chan"e. These processes are $a% failin" to
learn conventional prosocial alternatives to antisocial
#ehavior and $#% #ecomin" ensnared in a deviant life-style
#y crime,s conse+uences. These concepts have special
implications for the +uestions of 'hy life-course-persistent
individuals fail to desist from delin+uency as youn" adults
and 'hy they are so impervious to intervention.
A restricted %ehavioral repertoire0 This theory of life--
course-persistent antisocial #ehavior asserts that the causal
se+uence #e"ins very early and the formative years are
32
dominated #y chains of cumulative and contemporary
continuity. As a conse+uence( little opportunity is afforded
for the life-course-persistent antisocial individual to learn a
#ehavioral repertoire of prosocial alternatives. Thus( one
overloo/ed and pernicious source of continuity in antisocial
#ehavior is simply a lac/ of recourse to any other options. &n
/eepin" 'ith this prediction( 0itaro( 4a"non( and Trem#lay
$)@@*% have sho'n that a""ressive children 'hose
#ehavioral repertoires consist almost solely of antisocial
#ehaviors are less li/ely to chan"e over years than are
a""ressive children 'hose repertoires comprise some proso-
cial #ehaviors as 'ell.
Life-course-persistent persons miss out on opportunities to
ac+uire and practice prosocial alternatives at each sta"e of
development. Children 'ith poor self-control and a""ressive
#ehavior are often re-ected #y peers and adults $Coie(
Beldin"( B >nder'ood( )@::A Dod"e( Coie( B Bra//e( )@:!A
0itaro et al.( )@@*%. &n turn( children 'ho have learned to
expect re-ection are li/ely in later settin"s to 'ithdra' or
stri/e out preemptively( precludin" opportunities to affiliate
'ith prosocial peers $Dod"e B 2e'man( )@:)A Dod"e B
;rame( )@:!A La;renier B 1roufe( )@:9A 2as#y( 3ayden( B
DePaulo( )@:*%. 1uch children are ro##ed of chances to
practice conventional social s/ills. Alternatively( consider this
se+uence of narro'in" options: Behavior pro#lems at school
and failure to attain #asic math and readin" s/ills place a
limit on the variety of -o# s/ills that can #e ac+uired and
there#y cut off options to pursue le"itimate employment as
an alternative to the under"round economy $;arrin"ton(
4alla"her( orley( Led"er( B .est( )@:8A au"han( 4ray( B
=utter( )@:9A offitt( )@@*a%. 1imply put( if social and
academic s/ills are not mastered in childhood( it is very
difficult to later recover lost opportunities.
Becoming ensnared %y consequences of antisocial %ehavior.
Personal characteristics such as poor self-control( impul-
sivity( and ina#ility to delay "ratification increase the ris/
33
that antisocial youn"sters 'ill ma/e irrevoca#le decisions
that close the doors of opportunity. Teena"ed parenthood(
addiction to dru"s or alcohol( school dropout( disa#lin" or
disfi"urin" in-uries( patchy 'or/ histories( and time spent
incarcerated are snares that diminish the pro#a#ilities of
later success #y eliminatin" opportunities for #rea/in" the
chain of cumulative continuity $Cairns B Cairns( )@@)A <( C.
.ilson B 3errnstein( )@:9%. 1imilarly( la#els accrued early in
life can foreclose later opportunitiesA an early arrest record
or a D#adD reputation may rule out lucrative -o#s( hi"her
education( or an advanta"eous marria"e $;arrin"ton( )@77A
Ilein( )@:8A .est( )@:!%. &n short( the #ehavior of
life-course-persistent antisocial persons is increasin"ly
maintained and supported #y narro'in" options for
conventional #ehavior.
&nterventions 'ith life-course-persistent persons have met
'ith dismal results $Lipton( artinson( B .il/s( )@79A
Palmer( )@:5A 1echrest( .hite( B Bro'n( )@7@%. This is not
surprisin"( considerin" that most interventions are #e"un
relatively late in the chain of cumulative continuity. The
forces of continuity are formida#le foes $Caspi B offitt( in
press-a%. After a protracted deficient learnin" history( and
after options for chan"e have #een eliminated( efforts to
suppress antisocial #ehavior 'ill not automatically #rin"
prosocial #ehavior to the surface in its place. 2o'-classic
research on learnin" sho's conclusively that efforts to
extin"uish undesira#le #ehavior 'ill fail unless alternative
#ehaviors are availa#le that 'ill attract reinforcement $AErin
B 3olE( )@88%. y analysis of increasin"ly restricted
#ehavioral options su""ests the hypothesis that
opportunities for chan"e 'ill often #e actively transformed
#y life-course-persistents into opportunities for continuity:
=esidential treatment pro"rams provide a chance to learn
from criminal peers( a ne' -o# furnishes the chance to steal(
and ne' romance provides a partner for a#use. This analysis
of life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior anticipates
disappointin" outcomes 'hen such antisocial persons are
34
thrust into ne' situations that purportedly offer the chance
Dto turn over a ne' leaf.D

#he Reason for $ersistence #raits, 'nvironments, and
Developmental $rocesses

Accordin" to some accounts of #ehavioral continuity( an
ever-present underlyin" trait "enerates antisocial outcomes
at every point in the life span $e.".( 4ottfredson B 3irschi(
)@@*%. By other accounts( antisocial #ehavior is sustained #y
environmental #arriers to chan"e $e.".( Bandura( )@7@( pp.
!)7-!!5%. &n this theory of life-course-persistent antisocial
#ehavior( neither traits nor environments account for
continuity.
True( the theory #e"ins 'ith a trait: variation #et'een indi-
viduals in neuropsycholo"ical health. The trait is truly
underlyin" in that it seldom comes to anyone,s attention
unless an infant is challen"ed #y formal examinationsA it is
manifested #ehaviorally as varia#ility in infant temperament(
developmental milestones( and co"nitive a#ilities.
2ext( the theory #rin"s environments into play. Parents and
other people respond to children,s difficult temperaments
and developmental deficits. &n nurturin" environments(
toddlers, pro#lems are often corrected. 3o'ever( in
disadvanta"ed homes( schools( and nei"h#orhoods( the
responses are more li/ely to exacer#ate than amend. >nder
such detrimental circumstances( difficult #ehavior is
"radually ela#orated into conduct pro#lems and a dearth of
prosocial s/ills. Thus( over the years( an antisocial
personality is slo'ly and insidiously constructed. Li/e'ise(
deficits in lan"ua"e and reasonin" are incrementally
ela#orated into academic failure and a dearth of -o# s/ills.
35
?ver time( accumulatin" conse+uences of the youn"ster,s
personality pro#lems and academic pro#lems prune a'ay
the options for chan"e.
This theory of life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior em-
phasiEes the constant process of reciprocal interaction
#et'een personal traits and environmental reactions to
them. The ori"inal attri#ute is thus ela#orated on durin"
development( to #ecome a syndrome that remains
conceptually consistent( #ut that "ains ne' #ehavioral
components $Caspi B Bern( )@@*%. Throu"h that process(
relatively su#tle childhood variations in neuropsycholo"ical
health can #e transformed into an antisocial style that
pervades all domains of adolescent and adult #ehavior. &t is
this infiltration of the antisocial disposition into the multiple
domains of a life that diminishes the li/elihood of chan"e.
.hen in the life course does the potential for chan"e
d'indle to nilJ 3o' many person-environment interactions
must accumulate #efore the life-course-persistent pattern
#ecomes setJ & have ar"ued that a person-environment
interaction process is needed to predict emer"in" antisocial
#ehavior( #ut after some a"e 'ill the DpersonD main effect
predict adult outcomes aloneJ An ans'er to these +uestions
is critical for prevention efforts. The 'ell-documented
resistance of antisocial personality disorder to treatments of
all /inds seems to su""est that the life-course-persistent
style is fixed sometime #efore a"e ): $1uedfeld B Landon(
)@7:%. 1tudies of crime careers reveal that it is very unusual
for males to first initiate crime after adolescence( su""estin"
that if an adult is "oin" to #e antisocial( the pattern must #e
esta#lished #y late adolescence $Elliott( 3uiEin"a( B enard(
)@:@%.GiiiH At the same time( efforts to predict antisocial
outcomes from childhood conduct pro#lems yield many
errors $e.".( .hite et al.( )@@*%. These errors seem to
su""est that antisocial styles #ecome set sometime after
childhood.
36
>nfortunately( the extant lon"itudinal data#ase does not
provide a sound #asis for conclusions. Typically( childhood
#ehavior pro#lems are assessed at only one time point from
a sin"le source( there#y lumpin" the many children 'ho are
temporarily or situationally a""ressive 'ith the fe' children
'ho are on a persistent and pervasive tra-ectory. ?utcomes
are also typically assessed at a sin"le point( often durin" late
adolescence 'hen temporary delin+uents and future
persisters are lumped to"ether. Accordin" to my theory( such
predictive desi"ns should yield lar"e num#ers of false
positives and false ne"atives. Analyses should as/( 'hen
#et'een preschool and late adolescence can
sta%le-pervasive antisocial #ehavior pro#lems #est predict
antisocial outcomes amon" adultsJ

)ife-Course-$ersistent Antisocial Behavior as
$sychopathology

The life-course-persistent antisocial syndrome( as descri#ed
here( has many characteristics that( ta/en to"ether( su""est
psychopatholo"y. ;or example( the syndrome is statistically
unusualA much research conver"es to su""est that it is
characteristic of a#out 9F of males $=o#ins( )@:9%. &ts rarity
is thus consistent 'ith a simple statistical definition of
a#normality.
The theoretical syndrome is also characteriEed #y tenacious
sta#ility across time and in diverse circumstances. This hi"h
pro#a#ility response style is relied on even in situations
'here it is clearly inappropriate or disadvanta"eous $Caspi B
offitt( in press-#%( especially if there is a very limited
repertoire of alternative conventional #ehaviors $Trem#lay(
)@@)%. Life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior is thus
37
maladaptive in the sense that it fails to chan"e in response
to chan"in" circumstances.
The syndrome of life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior
descri#ed here has a #iolo"ical #asis in su#tle dysfunctions
of the nervous system $offitt( )@@*#%. $& reiterate my
assertion that #iolo"ical ori"ins are in no 'ay deterministic.
=ather( individual variations in nervous system health
provide ra' material for su#se+uent person-environment
interactions.%
The syndrome is associated 'ith other mental disorders.
There is "ood evidence that such Dcomor#idityD is associated
'ith lon"-term continuity. An impressive #ody of research
documents an overlap #et'een persistent forms of antisocial
#ehavior and other conditions of childhood such as learnin"
disa#ilities and hyperactivity $cf. offitt( )@@*a%. Three
studies $Elliott( 3uiEin"a( B enard( )@:@A ;arrin"ton(
Loe#er( B 0an Iammen( )@@*A offitt( )@@*a% have no'
sho'n that the presence of multiple #ehavioral disorders
predicts persistence of ille"al #ehavior over the course of
years. This proliferation of mental disorders is common
amon" life-course-persistent antisocial persons. ;or
example( in the Epidemiolo"ical Catchment Area $ECA% study
of mental disorders amon" )@(*** adults( over @*F of the
cases 'ith antisocial personality disorder had at least one
additional psychiatric dia"nosis. $Evidence of onset #efore
adulthood is re+uired for the dia"nosis of antisocial
personality disorder( confirmin" persistence in the ECA
cases.% The comor#id conditions that disproportionately
affected antisocial adults 'ere mania( schiEophrenia( dru"
and alcohol a#use( depression( and anxiety disorders
$=o#ins B =e"ier( )@@)%.
?f course( no one or t'o of these parameters is enou"h to
'arrant the classification of life-course-persistent antisocial
#ehavior as psychopatholo"y. 2onetheless( 'hen ta/en
to"ether they form a more persuasive ar"ument that
38
persons 'hose antisocial #ehavior is sta#le and pervasive
over the life course may constitute a cate"ory that is distinct
from persons 'hose antisocial #ehavior is short term and
situational.

Adolescence- Limited Antisocial Behavior

y account of the adolescence-limited antisocial type 'ill
follo' this plan: &n the first section( Discontinuity #he &ost
Common Course of Antisocial Behavior, & provide a definition
and description of this u#i+uitous form of antisocial #ehavior.
&n the second section( Beginnings &otivation, &imicry, and
Reinforcement, & present three etiolo"ical hypotheses.
Adolescence-limited antisocial #ehavior is motivated #y the
"ap #et'een #iolo"ical maturity and social maturity( it is
learned from antisocial models 'ho are easily mimic/ed( and
it is sustained accordin" to the reinforcement principles of
learnin" theory. &n the third section( & ans'er the +uestion(
.hy doesn2t every teenager %ecome delinquent3 &n the
fourth section( Desistence +rom Crime
Adolescence-)imiteds Are Responsive to 4hifting
Reinforcement Contingencies, & explain ho' temporary
delin+uents come to #e exempted from the processes of
continuity. &n the fifth section( Adolescence-)imited
Delinquency and 4ecular Change, & locate
adolescence-limited delin+uency in its recent historical
context. &n the sixth section( & ma/e a case that the
antisocial #ehavior of adolescence-limited delin+uents is #est
re"arded as adaptive social #ehavior.

Discontinuity #he &ost Common Course of Antisocial
Behavior
39

As implied #y the proffered la#el( discontinuity is the hall-
mar/ of teena"ed delin+uents 'ho have no nota#le history
of antisocial #ehavior in childhood and little future for such
#ehavior in adulthood. 3o'ever( the #rief tenure of their
delin+uency should not o#scure their prevalence in the
population or the "ravity of their crimes. &n contrast 'ith the
rare life-course-persistent type( adolescence-limited
delin+uency is u#i+uitous. 1everal studies have sho'n that
a#out one third of males are arrested durin" their lifetime
for a serious criminal offense( 'hereas fully four fifths of
males have police contact for some minor infrin"ement
$;arrin"ton( ?hlin( B .ilson( )@:8%. ost of these police
contacts are made durin" the adolescent year. &ndeed(
numerous ri"orous self-report studies have no' documented
that it is statistically a#errant to refrain from crime dur-
40
in" adolescence $Elliott et al.( )@:6A 3irschi( )@8@A offitt B
1ilva( )@::c%.
Compared 'ith the life-course-persistent type(
adolescence-limited delin+uents sho' relatively little
continuity in their antisocial #ehavior. Across a"e( chan"e in
delin+uent involvement is often a#rupt( especially durin" the
periods of onset and desistence. ;or example( in my
aforementioned lon"itudinal study of a representative
sample of #oys( )!F of the youn"sters 'ere classified as
ne' delin+uents at a"e )6A they had no prior history of
antisocial #ehavior from a"e 9 to a"e )). Bet'een a"e ))
and a"e )6( they chan"ed from #elo' the sample avera"e to
).9 standard deviations a#ove avera"e on self-reported
delin+uency $offitt( )@@*a%. By a"e )9( another !*F of
this sample of #oys had -oined the ne'comers to
delin+uency despite havin" no prior history of antisocial
#ehavior $offitt( )@@)%. Barely into mid-adolescence( the
prevalence rate of mar/edly antisocial #oys had s'ollen from
9F at a"e )) to 6!F at a"e )9. .hen intervie'ed at a"e
):( only 7F of the #oys denied all delin+uent activities. By
their mid-!*s( at least three fourths of these ne' offenders
are expected to cease all offendin" $;arrin"ton( )@:8%.
Adolescence-limited delin+uents may also have sporadic(
crime-free periods in the midst of their #rief crime Dcareers.D
Also( in contrast 'ith the life-course-persistent type( they
lac/ consistency in their antisocial #ehavior across
situations. ;or example( they may shoplift in stores and use
dru"s 'ith friends #ut continue to o#ey the rules at school.
Because of the chimeric nature of their delin+uency( different
reporters $such as self( parent( and teacher% are less li/ely
to a"ree a#out their #ehavior pro#lems 'hen as/ed to
complete ratin" scales or clinical intervie's $Loe#er( 4reen(
Lahey( B 1touthamer-Loe#er( )@@*A Loe#er B 1chmalin"(
)@:9%.
41
These o#servations a#out temporal insta#ility and cross-sit-
uational inconsistency are more than merely descriptive.
They have implications for a theory of the etiolo"y of
adolescence-limited delin+uency. &ndeed( the flexi#ility of
most delin+uents, #ehavior su""ests that their en"a"ement
in deviant life-styles may #e under the control of
reinforcement and punishment contin"encies.
>nli/e their life-course-persistent peers( 'hose #ehavior 'as
descri#ed as inflexi#le and refractory to chan"in" circum-
stances( adolescence-limited delin+uents are li/ely to
en"a"e in antisocial #ehavior in situations 'here such
responses seem profita#le to them( #ut they are also a#le to
a#andon antisocial #ehavior 'hen prosocial styles are more
re'ardin". They maintain control over their antisocial
responses and use antisocial #ehavior only in situations
'here it may serve an instrumental function. Thus(
principles of learnin" theory 'ill #e important for this theory
of the cause of adolescence-limited delin+uency.
A theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency must account
for several empirical o#servations: modal onset in early
adolescence( recovery #y youn" adulthood( 'idespread
prevalence( and lac/ of continuity. .hy do youn"sters 'ith
no history of #ehavior pro#lems in childhood suddenly
#ecome antisocial in adolescenceJ .hy do they develop
antisocial pro#lems rather than other difficultiesJ .hy is
delin+uency so common amon" teensJ 3o' are they a#le to
spontaneously recover from an antisocial life-style 'ithin a
fe' short yearsJ
<ust as the childhood onset of life-course-persistent
persons compelled me to loo/ for causal factors early in their
lives( the coincidence of pu#erty 'ith the rise in the
prevalence of delin+uent #ehavior compels me to loo/ for
clues in adolescent development. Critical features of this
developmental period are varia#ility in #iolo"ical a"e( the
increasin" importance of peer relationships( and the #uddin"
42
of teena"ers, self-conscious values( attitudes( and
aspirations. These developmental tas/s form the #uildin"
#loc/s for a theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency.

Beginnings &otivation, &imicry, and Reinforcement

.hy do adolescence-limited delin+uents #e"in delin+uencyJ
The ans'er advanced here is that their delin+uency is Dsocial
mimicryD of the antisocial style of life-course-persistent
youths. The concept of social mimicry is #orro'ed from
etholo"y. 1ocial mimicry occurs 'hen t'o animal species
share a sin"le niche and one of the species has cornered the
mar/et on a resource that is needed to promote fitness
$oynihan( )@8:%. &n such circumstances( the DmimicD
species adopts the social #ehavior of the more successful
species to o#tain access to the valua#le resource. ;or
example( co'#ird chic/s( 'ho are left #y their mothers to #e
reared in the nests of unsuspectin" parent #irds( learn to
#ehave li/e the parent #irds, o'n true chic/s and thus
stimulate the parents to drop food their 'ay. 1ocial mimicry
may also allo' some species to safely pass amon" a more
successful "roup and thus share access to desired resources.
;or example( some mon/ey species have learned to mimic
#ird calls. ?ne such species of mon/eys( rufous-naped
tamarins( is a#le to share the deli"hts of ripe fruit after a
tree has #een located #y tyrant flycatchers( 'hose superior
avian capacities in fli"ht and distance vision #etter e+uip
them to discover #earin" trees. 1imilarly( Ee#ras are
sensitive to the social si"nals of impalas and "aEelles and
thus #enefit from the latter species, superior sensitivity to
approachin" predators $E. *. .ilson( )@79%.
&f social mimicry is to explain 'hy adolescence-limited de-
lin+uents #e"in to mimic the antisocial #ehavior of their
43
life-course-persistent peers( then( lo"ically( delin+uency
must #e a social #ehavior that allo's access to some
desira#le resource. & su""est that the resource is mature
status( 'ith its conse+uent po'er and privile"e.
Before moderniEation( #iolo"ical maturity came at a later
a"e( social adult status arrived at an earlier a"e( and rites of
passa"e more clearly delineated the point at 'hich youths
assumed ne' roles and responsi#ilities. &n the past century(
improved nutrition and health care have decreased the a"e
of #iolo"ical maturity at the rate of three tenths of a year
per decade $Tanner( )@7:A .ysha/ B ;risch( )@:!%.
1imultaneously( moderniEation of 'or/ has delayed the a"e
of la#or-force participation to ever later points in
development $Empey( )@7:A 3oran B 3ar"is( )@@)A Panel on
Nouth of the President,s 1cience Advisory Committee( )@75%.
Thus( secular chan"es in health and 'or/ have len"thened
the duration of adolescence. The ensuin" "ap leaves modern
teena"ers in a 9- to )*-year role vacuum $Eri/son( )@8*%.
They are #iolo"ically capa#le and compelled to #e sexual
#ein"s( yet they are as/ed to delay most of the positive
aspects of adult life $see Buchanan( Eccles( B Bec/er( )@@!(
for a revie' of studies of the compellin" influence of
pu#ertal hormones of teens, #ehavior and personality%. &n
most American states( teens are not allo'ed to 'or/ or "et
a driver,s license #efore a"e )8( marry or vote #efore a"e
):( or #uy alcohol #efore a"e !)( and they are admonished
to delay havin" children and esta#lishin" their o'n private
d'ellin"s until their education is completed at a"e !!(
sometimes more than )* years after they attain sexual
maturity. They remain financially and socially dependent on
their families of ori"in and are allo'ed fe' decisions of any
real import. Net they 'ant desperately to esta#lish intimate
#onds 'ith the opposite sex( to accrue material #elon"in"s(
to ma/e their o'n decisions( and to #e re"arded as
conse+uential #y adults $Csi/sEentmihalyi B Larson( )@:5%.
Contemporary adolescents are thus trapped in a maturity
44
gap, chronolo"ical hosta"es of a time 'arp #et'een
#iolo"ical a"e and social a"e.
This emer"ent phenomenolo"y #e"ins to color the 'orld
for most teens in the first years of adolescence. 1tein#er"
has sho'n that( #et'een a"es )* and )9( a dramatic shift in
youn"sters, self-perceptions of autonomy and self-reliance
ta/es place. oreover( the timin" of the shift for individuals
is connected 'ith their pu#ertal maturation $1tein#er"(
)@:7A 1tein#er" B 1ilver#er"( )@:8A >dry( )@::%. At the
time of #iolo"ical maturity( salient pu#ertal chan"es ma/e
the remoteness of ascri#ed social maturity painfully
apparent to teens. This ne' a'areness coincides 'ith their
promotion into a hi"h school society that is numerically
dominated #y older youth. Thus( -ust as teens #e"in to feel
the discomfort of the maturity "ap( they enter a social
reference "roup that has endured the "ap for 6 to 5 years
and has already perfected some delin+uent 'ays of copin"
'ith it. &ndeed( several researchers have noted that this
life-course transition into hi"h school society may place
teens at ris/ for anti-social #ehavior. &n particular( exposure
to peer models( 'hen coupled 'ith pu#erty( is an important
determinant of adolescence-onset cases of delin+uency
$Caspi( Lynam( offitt( B 1ilva( )@@6A a"nusson( )@::A
1immons B Blyth( )@:7%.
Life-course-persistent youn"sters are the van"uard of this
transition. 3ealthy adolescents are capa#le of noticin" that
the fe' life-course-persistent youths in their midst do not
seem to suffer much from the maturity "ap. $At a
prevalence rate of a#out 9F( one or t'o such experienced
delin+uents in every classroom mi"ht #e expected.% Already
adept at deviance( life-course-persistent youths are a#le to
o#tain possessions #y theft or vice that are other'ise
inaccessi#le to teens 'ho have no independent incomes
$e.".( cars( clothes( dru"s( or entry into adults-only leisure
settin"s%. Life-course-persistent #oys are more sexually
experienced and have already initiated relationships 'ith the
45
opposite sex.GivH Life-course-persistent #oys appear
relatively free of their families of ori"in: they seem to "o
their o'n 'ay( ma/in" their o'n rules. As evidence that
they ma/e their o'n decisions( they ta/e ris/s and do
dan"erous thin"s that parents could not possi#ly endorse.
As evidence that they have social conse+uence in the adult
'orld( they have personal attorneys( social 'or/ers( and
pro#ation officersA they operate small #usinesses in the
under"round economyA and they have fathered children
$.eiher( 3uiEin"a( LiEotte( B 0an Iammen( )@@)%. 0ie'ed
from 'ithin contemporary adolescent culture( the anti-social
precocity of life-course-persistent youths #ecomes a coveted
social asset $cf. ;inne"an( )@@*a( )@@*#A <essor B <essor(
)@77A 1il#ereisen B 2oac/. )@::%. Li/e the aforementioned
#ird calls that 'ere mimic/ed #y hun"ry tamarin mon/eys(
antisocial #ehavior #ecomes a valua#le techni+ue that is
demonstrated #y life-course-persistents and imitated
carefully #y adolescence-limiteds. The effect of peer
delin+uency on the onset of delin+uency is amon" the most
ro#ust facts in criminolo"y research $Elliott B enard( in
pressA <essor B <essor( )@77A =eiss( )@:8A 1arnec/i( )@:8%.
3o'ever( is there evidence consistent 'ith a social mimicry
interpretationJ & descri#e the evidence in the next section.
4ocial mimicry and the relationships %et*een
life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited delinquents0
?ne hypothesiEed #y-product of the maturity "ap is a shift
durin" early adolescence #y persistent antisocial youth from
peripheral to more influential positions in the peer social
structure. This shift should occur as aspects of the antisocial
style #ecome more interestin" to other teens. &n terms of its
epidemiolo"y( delin+uent participation shifts from #ein"
primarily an individual psychopatholo"y in childhood to a
normative "roup social #ehavior durin" adolescence and
then #ac/ to psychopatholo"y in adulthood. Consider that
the #ehavior pro#lems of the fe' pioneerin" antisocial
children in an a"e cohort must develop on an individual
#asisA such early childhood pioneers lac/ the influence of
46
delin+uent peers $exceptin" family mem#ers%. 3o'ever(
near adolescence( a fe' #oys -oin the life-course-persistent
ones( then a fe' more( until a critical mass is reached 'hen
almost all adolescents are involved in some delin+uency 'ith
a"e peers. Elliott and enard $in press% have analyEed
chan"e in peer "roup mem#ership from a"e )) to a"e !5 in
a national pro#a#ility sample. Their data sho' a "radual
population drift from mem#ership in nondelin+uent peer
"roups to mem#ership in delin+uent peer "roups up to a"e
)7: the trend reverses thereafter. ;or example( 7:F of
))-year-olds reported no or minimal delin+uency amon"
their friends. &n contrast( 88F of )7-year-olds reported
su#stantial delin+uency on the part of the friends in their
"roup.
The 'ord friends in the previous sentence seems to imply a
personal relationship #et'een life-course-persistents and
adolescence-limiteds that is implausi#le. uch evidence
su""ests that( #efore adolescence( life-course-persistent
antisocial children are i"nored and re-ected #y other children
#ecause of their unpredicta#le( a""ressive #ehavior $Coie et
al.( )@::A Dod"e et al.( )@:!%. After adolescence has
passed( life-course-persistent adults are often descri#ed as
lac/in" the capacity for loyalty or friendship $Clec/ley( )@78A
=o#ins( )@:9%. At first( these o#servations may seem
contrary to my assertion that life-course-persistents assume
social influence over youths 'ho admire and emulate their
style durin" adolescence. 3o'ever( it is important to recall
that social mimicry re+uired no exchan"e of affection
#et'een the successful #irds and their mon/ey mimics. &n
this theory( adolescents 'ho 'ish to prove their maturity
need only notice that the style of life-course-persistents
resem#les adulthood more than it resem#les childhood.
Then they need only o#serve antisocial #ehavior closely
enou"h and lon" enou"h to imitate it successfully. .hat is
contended is that adolescence-limited youths should re"ard
life-course-persistent youths as models( and
life-course-persistent teens should re"ard themselves as
47
ma"nets for other teens. 2either perception need involve
reciprocal li/in" #et'een individuals.
A modelin" role 'ould imply that measures of exposure to
delin+uent peers $e.".( /no'led"e of their delin+uent
#ehavior or time spent in proximity to them% should #e
#etter predictors of self-delin+uency than measures of
relationship +uality $e.".( shared attitudes or attachment to
delin+uent peers%. ;e' studies have parsed
peer-delin+uency effects into separate components( #ut t'o
findin"s consistent 'ith this prediction have #een reported
from the 2ational Nouth 1urvey( a representative sample of
more than )(9** teens. A"ne' $)@@)% examined
relationship characteristics in interaction 'ith levels of peer
delin+uency. 3e ar"ued that attachment to peers should
encoura"e deviance if peers are delin+uent #ut discoura"e it
if they are not. A"ne',s results sho'ed that such interaction
terms 'ere "ood predictors. 3o'ever( the results also
sho'ed that time spent 'ith delin+uent peers 'as a
stron"er uni+ue predictor of self-delin+uency than the
interaction #et'een peer attachment and peer crime. .arr
and 1tafford $)@@)% found that the /no'led"e of friends,
delin+uent #ehavior 'as !.9 to 9 times more important for
self-delin+uency than friends, attitudes a#out delin+uency.
$This pattern has #een replicated in another sample #y
2a"in B Paternoster( )@@).% oreover( the effect of peer
delin+uency 'as directA it 'as not mediated #y influencin"
the respondents, attitudes to #e more li/e those of deviant
peers. These findin"s are not consistent 'ith the notion that
teens ta/e up delin+uency after pro-delin+uency attitudes
are transferred in the context of intimate social relations.
=ather( .arr and 1tafford concluded that the data on peer
effects are #est interpreted in terms of imitation or vicarious
reinforcement.
A ma"net role 'ould imply that children 'ho 'ere re-ected
and i"nored #y others should experience ne'found Dpopular-
ityD as teens( relative to their former re-ected status. That is(
48
life-course-persistent youth should encounter more contacts
'ith peers durin" adolescence 'hen other adolescents dra'
near so as to imitate their life-style. 1ome research is
consistent 'ith this interpretation. ;or example( in a study
of 59* students in middle school( a""ressive youths 'ho
'ere re-ected #y their peers reported that they did not feel
lonely( 'hereas su#missive re-ected youths did feel lonely
$Par/hurst B Asher( )@@!%. 1imilarly( a""ressive
seventh-"raders in the Carolina Lon"itudinal 1tudy 'ere
rated as popular as often as nona""ressive youths #y #oth
teachers and themselves and 'ere as li/ely as other youths
to #e nuclear mem#ers of peer "roups $Cairns( Cairns(
2ec/erman( 4est( B 4ariepy( )@::%. &n their revie' of
peer-relationship studies( Coie( Dod"e( and Iupersmidt
$)@@*% noted that the relationship #et'een overt a""ression
and peer re-ection is 'ea/er or a#sent in adolescent samples
compared 'ith child samples. ;indin"s such as these
su""est that a""ressive teens experience re"ular contacts
'ith peers( ho'ever short-lived. 1imilarly( in the ?re"on
Nouth 1tudy( re-ection #y peers at a"e )* 'as pro"nostic of
"reater involvement 'ith delin+uent peers ! years later
$Dishion( Patterson( 1toolmiller( B 1/inner( )@@)%. Althou"h
the ?re"on researchers interpreted their results as
su""estin" that a""ressive children see/ delin+uent friends(
their data are e+ually consistent 'ith my interpretation that
a""ressive youths #e"in to serve as a ma"net for novice
delin+uents durin" early adolescence. Definitive sociometric
research must follo' up a""ressive-re-ected children to test
'hether they develop net'or/s in adolescence that include
late-onset delin+uents of the adolescence-limited type.
=esearchers from the Carolina Lon"itudinal 1tudy have care-
fully documented that #oys 'ith an a""ressive history do
participate in peer net'or/s in adolescence #ut that the
net'or/s are not very sta#le $Cairns et al.( )@::%.
Consistent 'ith a social mimicry hypothesis( delin+uent
"roups have fre+uent mem#ership turnover. &n addition( the
interchan"es #et'een net'or/ mem#ers are characteriEed
49
#y much reciprocal antisocial #ehavior $Cairns et al.( )@::%.
=eiss and ;arrin"ton $)@@)% have sho'n that the most
experienced hi"h-rate youn" offenders tend to recruit
different co-offenders for each offense.
Life-course-persistents serve as core mem#ers of revolvin"
net'or/s( #y virtue of #ein" role models or trainers for ne'
recruits $=eiss( )@:8%. They exploit peers as dru"
customers( as fences( as loo/outs( or as sexual partners.
1uch interactions amon" life-course-persistent and
adolescence-limited delin+uents may represent a sym#iosis
of mutual exploitation. Alternatively( life-course-persistent
offenders need not even #e a'are of all of the
adolescence-limited youn"sters 'ho imitate their style.
>nli/e adolescence-limited offenders( 'ho appear to need
peer support for crime( life-course-persistent offenders are
'illin" to offend alone $Ini"ht B .est( )@79%. The point is
that the phenomena of Ddelin+uent peer net'or/sD and
Dco-offendin"D durin" the adolescent period do not
necessarily connote supportive friendships that are #ased on
intimacy( trust( and loyalty( as is sometimes assumed. 1ocial
mimicry of delin+uency can ta/e place if experienced
offenders actively educate ne' recruits. 3o'ever( it can also
ta/e place if motivated learners merely o#serve antisocial
models from afar.
Reinforcement of de1inquency %y its /negative/
consequences0 ;or teens 'ho #ecome adolescence-limited
delin+uents( antisocial #ehavior is an effective means of
/nifin"-off childhood apron strin"s and of provin" that they
can act independently to con+uer ne' challen"es $Eri/son(
)@8*%. 3ypothetical reinforcers for delin+uency include
dama"in" the +uality of intimacy and communication 'ith
parents( provo/in" responses from adults in positions of
authority( findin" 'ays to loo/ older $such as #y smo/in"
ci"arettes( #ein" tattooed( playin" the #i" spender 'ith
ill-"otten "ains%( and temptin" fate $ris/in" pre"nancy(
drivin" 'hile intoxicated( or shopliftin" under the noses of
50
cler/s%. 2one of these putative reinforcers may seem very
pleasura#le to the middle-a"ed academic( #ut each of the
aforementioned conse+uences is a precious resource to the
teena"er and can serve to reinforce delin+uency. Bloch and
2iederhoffer $)@9:% have offered an anthropolo"ical
perspective: D&t is almost as if the contemporary youn"
person( in the a#sence of pu#erty rituals and ordeals( is
moved to exclaim: &f you don,t care to test us( then 'e 'ill
test ourselvesOD $p. !:%.
& su""est that every curfe' violated( car stolen( dru" ta/en(
and #a#y conceived is a statement of personal independence
and thus a reinforcer for delin+uent involvement.
Ethno"raphic intervie's 'ith delin+uents reveal that provin"
maturity and autonomy are stron" personal motives for
offendin" $e.".( 4oldstein( )@@*%. 1uch hypothetical
reinforcin" properties have not #een systematically tested
for most types of delin+uent acts. 3o'ever( epidemiolo"ical
studies have confirmed that adolescent initiation of to#acco(
alcohol( and dru" a#use are reinforced #ecause they
sym#oliEe independence and maturity to youth $D. Iandel(
)@:*A ausner B Platt( )@7)%.
&n summary( in this narrative account of the etiolo"y of ado-
lescent-onset delin+uency & have emphasiEed three
conditions: motivation( mimicry( and reinforcement. & have
su""ested that a secular chan"e in the duration of
adolescence has "enerated an a"e-dependent motivational
state. &n addition( life-course-persistent antisocial models
must #e availa#le so that their delin+uent #ehaviors can #e
imitated. ;inally( adolescents, fled"lin" attempts to mimic
antisocial styles 'ill continue if they are socially reinforced
#y the Dne"ative conse+uencesD of crime.

-hy Doesn2t 'very #eenager Become Delinquent3
51

The proffered theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency re-
"ards this sort of delin+uency as an adaptive response to
contextual circumstances. As a conse+uence( the theory
seems to predict that every teen 'ill en"a"e in delin+uency.
Data from epidemiolo"ical studies usin" the self-report
method su""est that almost all adolescents do commit some
ille"al acts $Elliott et al.( )@:6%. &n addition( even studies
usin" official records of arrest #y police find surprisin"ly hi"h
prevalence rates $for a revie' see ;arrin"ton( ?hlin( B
.ilson( )@:8%. 2evertheless( some youths commit less
delin+uency than others( and a small minority a#stains
completely. >nfortunately( almost no research sheds li"ht on
the characteristics of teens 'ho a#stain from antisocial
#ehavior alto"ether. 1peculations are thus ill-informed #y
empirical o#servations. 3o'ever( some predictions may #e
derived from the present theory of adolescence-limited
delin+uency. The predictions center on t'o theoretical
prere+uisites for adolescent-onset delin+uency: the
motivatin" maturity "ap and antisocial role models. 1ome
youths may s/ip the maturity "ap #ecause of late pu#erty or
early initiation into adult roles. ?thers may find fe'
opportunities for mimic/in" life-course-persistent delin+uent
models.
1ome youths 'ho refrain from antisocial #ehavior may( for
some reason( not sense the maturity "ap and therefore lac/
the hypothesiEed motivation for experimentin" 'ith crime.
Perhaps such teens experience very late pu#erty so that the
"ap #et'een #iolo"ical and social adulthood is not si"naled
to them early in adolescence. ;or example( Caspi and offitt
$)@@)% have sho'n that "irls 'ho do not menstruate #y a"e
)9 tend not to #ecome involved in delin+uencyA in fact they
evidence fe'er than normal #ehavior pro#lems as teens.
Perhaps other a#stainers #elon" to cultural or reli"ious
su#"roups in 'hich adolescents are "iven le"itimate access
to adult privile"es and accounta#ility. &n his vivid
52
ethno"raphic account of Dold headsD and teena"ed #oys in a
poor #lac/ nei"h#orhood( Anderson $)@@*% descri#ed ho'
mature community leaders dre' certain #oys into their o'n
'or/ and social lives( deli#erately and pu#licly initiatin" the
#oys into manhood $and preventin" delin+uent
involvement%.
1ome nondelin+uent teens may lac/ structural opportunities
for modelin" antisocial peers. Adolescent crime rates are
"enerally lo'er in rural areas than in inner-city areas
$1/o"an( )@7@( )@@*%. Teens in ur#an areas are surrounded
#y a "reater density of a"e peers $and have readier
unsupervised access to them throu"h pu#lic transportation
and meetin" venues such as par/s and shoppin" malls% than
are teens in relatively isolated rural areas. ;or instance(
1ampson and 4roves $)@:@% determined that the stron"est
community-level correlate of local rates of ro##ery and
violence 'as the presence of Dunsupervised "roups of
teena"ers han"in" out and ma/in" a nuisanceD $p. 7:@%. &n
that study( more traditional community correlates of crime(
such as socioeconomic status( residential mo#ility( and
ethnicity( 'ere mediated #y the teena"ed social scene.
1chool structures may also constrain or facilitate access to
life-course-persistent models. Caspi et al. $)@@6% found that
early pu#erty 'as associated 'ith delin+uency in "irls #ut
only if they had access to #oys throu"h attendin" coed hi"h
schools. 4irls 'ho 'ere enrolled in "irls, schools did not
en"a"e in delin+uency. &n that study( the difference in
delin+uent involvement #et'een coed and sin"le-sex school
settin"s could not #e explained #y any personal or family
characteristics that may have influenced ho' the "irls came
to #e enrolled in their schoolsA access to delin+uent role
models 'as clearly the #est explanation for the "irls,
#ehavior pro#lems.
Nouths may also #e excluded from opportunities to mimic
antisocial peers #ecause of some personal characteristics
that ma/e them unattractive to other teens or that leave
53
them reluctant to see/ entry to ne'ly popular delin+uent
"roups. 1hedler and Bloc/ $)@@*% found such an effect on
the use of ille"al dru"s. They compared the personality
styles of three adolescent "roups: teens 'ho a#stained from
tryin" any dru"( teens 'ho experimented 'ith dru"s( and
teens 'ho 'ere fre+uent heavy dru" users. Adolescents 'ho
experimented 'ere the #est ad-usted teens in the sample.
As expected( fre+uent users 'ere trou#led teens 'ho 'ere
alienated and antisocial. 3o'ever( the a#stainers 'ere also
pro#lem teens: They 'ere Drelatively tense( overcontrolled(
emotionally constricted(. . . sorne'hat socially isolated and
lac/in" in interpersonal s/illsD $p. 8):%. This personality
style 'as not a conse+uence of failin" to try dru"s. =ather( it
'as an endurin" personality confi"uration. At a"e 7( these
a#stainers had #een prospectively descri#ed #y raters as
Dovercontrolled( timid( fearful and morose . . . ( they 'ere
not 'arm and responsive( not curious and open to ne'
experience( not active( not vital( and not cheerfulD $pp.
8)@-8!*%. 1imilarly( ;arrin"ton and .est $)@@*% reported
that #oys from crimino"enic circumstances 'ho did not
#ecome delin+uent seemed nervous and 'ithdra'n and had
fe' or no friends. These provocative findin"s remind us that
deviance is defined in relationship to its normative context.
Durin" adolescence( 'hen delin+uent #ehavior #ecomes the
norm( nondelin+uents 'arrant our scientific scrutiny.
&n summary( this theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency
su""ests that adolescents 'ho commit no antisocial
#ehavior at all have either $a% delayed pu#erty( $#% access to
roles that are respected #y adults( $c% environments that
limit opportunities
for learnin" a#out delin+uency( $d% personal characteristics
that exclude them from antisocial peer net'or/s( or $e% all
four. =esearch is needed to determine 'hether or not
54
a#stainin" from delin+uency is necessarily a si"n of "ood
adolescent ad-ustment.

Desistence +rom Crime Adolescence-)imiteds A re
Responsive to 4hifting Reinforcement Contingencies

By definition( adolescence-limited delin+uents "enerally do
not maintain their delin+uent #ehavior into adulthood. The
account of life-course-persistent persons & made earlier in
this article re+uired an analysis of maintenance factors. &n
contrast( this account of adolescence-limited delin+uents
demands an analysis of desistence: .hy do
adolescence-limited delin+uents desist from delin+uencyJ
This theory,s ans'er: 3ealthy youths respond adaptively to
chan"in" contin"encies. &f motivational and learnin"
mechanisms initiate and maintain their delin+uency( then(
li/e'ise( chan"in" contin"encies can extin"uish it.
Preoccupied 'ith explainin" the ori"ins of crime( most theo-
ries of delin+uency have ne"lected to address the massive
shift in the prevalence of criminal involvement #et'een
adolescence and adulthood. 4ove $)@:9% revie'ed six of the
most influential theories of deviance: la#elin" theory( conflict
theory( differential association theory( control theory( anomie
theory( and functional theory. 3e concluded( DAll of these
theoretical perspectives either explicitly or implicitly su""est
that deviant #ehavior is an amplifyin" process that leads to
further and more serious devianceD $p. )):%. A "eneral
application of an amplifyin" process to all delin+uency is
inconsistent 'ith the empirical o#servation that desistence
from crime is the normative pattern.
-aning motivation and shifting contingencies0 &n contrast
'ith amplifyin" theories( the present maturity-"ap theory
does anticipate desistence. .ith the inevita#le pro"ression
55
of chronolo"ical a"e( more le"itimate and tan"i#le adult
roles #ecome availa#le to teens. Adolescence-limited
delin+uents "radually experience a loss of motivation for
delin+uency as they exit the maturity "ap. oreover( 'hen
a"in" delin+uents attain some of the privile"es they coveted
as teens( the conse+uences of ille"al #ehavior shift from
re'ardin" to punishin"( in their perception0 An adult arrest
record 'ill limit their -o# opportunities( dru" a#use /eeps
them from "ettin" to 'or/ on time( drun/ drivin" is costly(
and #ar fi"hts lead to accusations of unfit parenthood.
Adolescence-limited delin+uents have somethin" to lose #y
persistin" in their antisocial #ehavior #eyond the teen years.
There is some evidence that many youn" adult offenders
'ei"h the relative re'ards from ille"al and conventional
activities 'hen they contemplate future offendin". &n a
study of three samples( the effect of a"e on criminal
participation 'as mediated #y youn" men,s expectations
a#out 'hether ille"al earnin"s 'ould exceed earnin"s from a
strai"ht -o# $Piliavin( Thornton( 4artner( B atsueda( )@:8%.
&mportant for this theory( research sho's that Dcommitment
costsD are amon" the factors 'ei"hed #y youn" adults 'hen
they decide to discontinue offendin". &n the criminolo"ical
su#field of perceptual deterrence research( commitment
costs are defined as a person,s -ud"ment that past
accomplishments 'ill #e -eopardiEed or that future "oals 'ill
#e foreclosed $.illiams B 3a'/ins( )@:8%. Criminal #ehavior
incurs commitment costs if it ris/s informal sanctions
$disapproval #y family( community. or employer% as 'ell as
formal sanctions $arrest or conviction penalty%. 4iven that
very fe' delin+uent acts culminate in formal sanctions(
perceptual deterrence theories consider informal sanctions
as /eys to deterrence. Paternoster and collea"ues have
tested the proposed effects of commitment costs and
informal sanctions in a follo'-up study of 6** youn" adults.
They found that criminal offendin" ) year later 'as #est
predicted #y prospective indexes of commitment costs (r 5
-067% and informal sanctions (r L -.5*%. Those varia#les
56
outdid "ender( perceived ris/ of arrest( "rade point avera"e(
and peer attachment $Paternoster( 1altEman( .aldo( B
Chiricos( )@:6%.GvH
(ptions for change0 Consistent 'ith this motivational anal-
ysis( the antisocial #ehavior of many delin+uent teens has
#een found to decline after they leave hi"h school $Elliott B
0oss( )@75%( -oin the army $Eider. )@:8A attic/( )@8*%(
marry a prosocial spouse $1ampson B Lau#( )@@*%( move
a'ay from the old nei"h#orhood $.est( )@:!%( or "et a
full-time -o# $1ampson B Lau#( )@@*%. As these citations
sho'( lin/s #et'een the assumption of adult roles and
criminal desistence have #een o#served #efore. The issue
left unaddressed #y theory is 'hy are some delin+uents a#le
to desist 'hen others are notJ .hat ena#les
adolescence-limited delin+uents to ma/e these $often
a#rupt% transitions a'ay from crimeJ .hy do
adolescence-limited delin+uents come to realiEe that they
have somethin" to lose( 'hereas life-course-persistent
delin+uents remain undeterredJ 3ere( t'o positions are
advanced: >nli/e their life-course-persistent counterparts(
adolescence-limited delin+uents are relatively exempt from
the forces of $a% cumulative and $#% contemporary
continuity.
;irst( 'ithout a lifelon" history of antisocial #ehavior( the
forces of cumulative continuity have had fe'er years in
'hich to "ather the momentum of a do'nhill sno'#all.
Before ta/in" up delin+uency( adolescence-limited offenders
had ample years to develop an accomplished repertoire of
prosocial #ehaviors and #asic academic s/ills. These social
s/ills and academic achievements ma/e them eli"i#le for
postsecondary education( "ood marria"es( and desira#le
-o#s.
The availa#ility of alternatives to crime may explain 'hy
some adolescence-limited delin+uents desist later than
others. $As sho'n in ;i"ure )( the desistence portion of the
57
a"e-crime curve slopes more "radually than the a#rupt
criminal initiation portion.% Althou"h the forces of cumulative
continuity #uild up less momentum over the course of their
relatively short crime careers( many adolescence-limited
youths 'ill fall prey to many of the same snares that
maintain continuity amon" life-course-persistent persons.
Those 'hose teen forays into delin+uency inadvertently
attracted dama"in" conse+uences may have more difficulty
desistin". A dru" ha#it( an incarceration( interrupted
education( or a teen pre"nancy are snares that re+uire extra
effort and time from 'hich to escape. Thus( this theory
predicts that varia#ility in a"e at desistence from crime
should #e accounted for #y the cumulative num#er and type
of ensnarin" life events that entan"le persons in a deviant
life-style.
1econd( in star/ contrast 'ith the earlier account of life--
course-persistent offenders( personality disorder and
co"nitive deficits play no part in the delin+uency of
adolescence-limited offenders. As a result( they are exempt
from the sources of contemporary continuity that pla"ue
their life-course-persistent counterparts. &n "eneral( these
youn" adults have ade+uate social s/ills( they have a record
of avera"e or #etter academic achievement( their mental
health is sturdy( they still possess the capacity to for"e close
attachment relationships( and they retain the "ood
intelli"ence they had 'hen they entered adolescence. ?ne
study of "irls 'ho "re' up in institutional care has illustrated
that individual differences influence 'hich adolescents are
a#le to attain prosocial outcomes in youn" adulthood
$Cuinton B =utter( )@::%. &n that study( some "irls reared in
institutions 'ere a#le to escape adversity for advanta"e
throu"h marria"e to a supportive hus#and( #ut a
constellation of individual psycholo"ical attri#utes
determined 'hich "irls 'ere a#le to marry 'ell.
At the crossroads of youn" adulthood( adolescence-limited
and life-course-persistent delin+uents "o different 'ays. This
58
happens #ecause the developmental histories and personal
traits of adolescence-limiteds allo' them the option of
explorin" ne' life path'ays. The histories and traits of
life-course-persistents have foreclosed their options(
entrenchin" them in the antisocial path. To test this
hypothesis. research must examine conditional effects of
individual histories on opportunities for desistence from
crime.

Adolescence-)imited Delinquency and 4ecular Change

& have su""ested that adolescence-limited delin+uency is a
#yproduct of moderniEation( an adolescent adaptation to a
maturity "ap en"endered #y the opposin" social forces of
improved health and a smaller( #etter educated 'or/ force.
&f this theory is correct( then secular chan"es should have
rendered the a"e-crime curve relatively steeper 'ith
increasin" moderniEation. The theory predicts that( in
contemporary preindustrial nations and in earlier historical
periods( the a"e-crime curve should have a flatter /urtosisA
in other 'ords( it 'ill lac/ the characteristic sharp pea/
#et'een the a"es of )9-):.
Empirical data support this prediction. 4reen#er" $)@:9%
compared crime statistics from the mid-):**s to )@:*s in
the >nited 1tates( ;rance( 2or'ay( and 3olland. 3e also
made cross-cultural comparisons #et'een &ndia and >"anda
and more industrialiEed nations. The results sho' that the
steepness of the a"e-crime curve is indeed "reatest durin"
recent times and amon" modem nations. ;arrin"ton $)@:8%
compared the relationship #et'een a"e and crime for
En"lish males usin" British 3ome ?ffice statistics from )@6:(
)@8)( and )@:6. 3is results( reproduced in ;i"ure 5( sho'
59
that the rate of offendin" #y adolescents increased
considera#ly over this historical period.
Diverse factors may #e influential in accountin" for the
chan"in" nature of the a"e-crime curve $<. C. .ilson( )@:6%.
3o'ever( & su""est that many of these factors are the very
features of moderniEation and modernity invo/ed in this
theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency. The earlier a"e of
pu#erty and the extension of the period of childhood are
"enerally overloo/ed as #y-products of moderniEation( #ut
they have important implications for the experience of
youths. The years #et'een )@6: and )@:6( covered in the
study #y ;arrin"ton $)@:8%( also 'itnessed an incremental
displacement of sons #y their mothers as the family,s
secondary #read'inners $odell( ;ursten#er"( B 3ersh#er"(
)@78%. The shift of 'or/ a'ay from farms( trades( and small
family #usinesses to factories and service industries has
stopped adolescents from sharin" the daily lives of older
relatives. As Anderson $)@@*% has o#served( fe'er and
fe'er Dold headsD are initiatin" youn" protP"Ps into the
adult 'orld. Teens are less 'ell-inte"rated 'ith adults than
ever #efore. .hat has emer"ed is an a"e-#ounded "hetto
$1ch'endin"er B 1ch'endin"er( )@:9% from 'ithin 'hich it
seems advanta"eous to mimic deviant #ehavior.
&mportant for this theory( additional data su""est that
secular chan"es may have influenced the a"e pattern of
some crimes #ut not all. A comparison of the a"e-crime
curve for data from the ;ederal Bureau of &nvesti"ation,s
1niform Crime Reports for )@5*( )@8*( and )@:* sho'ed
that the adolescent pea/edness of the curves for most
crimes increased in a linear fashion over the 5*-year period
$1teffensmeier( Allan( 3arer( B 1treifel( )@:@%. 3o'ever( the
authors noted that

60
the shift to'ard more pea/ed distri#utions is "reater
for some types of offenses than for others. The shifts
are comparatively small for the person crimes and for
those property offenses primarily involvin" older
offenders $e.".( fraud and for"ery%( 'hile the shifts are
moderate to su#stantial for the youth-oriented(
lo'-yield property offenses $e.".( ro##ery and
#ur"lary%( pu#lic order offenses( and the
su#stance-a#use offenses. $p. :!6%

1teffensmeier,s findin" of different curves for different offen-
ses is consistent 'ith the distinction & have made #et'een
t'o hypothetical types of offenders. ?n the one hand(
life-course-persistent offenders $'ith mild
neuropsycholo"ical impairment( poor self-control(
patholo"ical interpersonal relationships( 'ea/ connections to
other people( and a lifelon" antisocial personality
confi"uration% should account for violence a"ainst persons as
'ell as for crimes committed in late life. ?n the other hand(
adolescence-limited offenders should account primarily for
crimes that serve to meet adolescents, lust for
ac/no'led"ment and privile"e: theft( vandalism( pu#lic
order( and su#stance a#use.

G&21E=T ;&4>=E 5 3E=E.H

61


Adolescence-)imited Antisocial Behavior 8s !ot $athological
Behavior

&n an earlier section( it 'as contended that
life-course-persistent antisocial #ehavior represented an
especially pernicious and tenacious form of psychopatholo"y.
y vie' of adolescence-limited delin+uency is stri/in"ly
different: &ts prevalence is so "reat that it is normative
rather than a#normal. &t is flexi#le and adapta#le rather
than ri"id and sta#le: most delin+uent careers are of
relatively short duration #ecause the conse+uences of crime(
althou"h reinforcin" for youths cau"ht inside the maturity
62
"ap( #ecome punishin" to youths as soon as they a"e out of
it. &nstead of a #iolo"ical #asis in the nervous system( the
ori"ins of adolescence-limited delin+uency lie in youn"sters,
#est efforts to cope 'ith the 'idenin" "ap #et'een
#iolo"ical and social maturity. oreover( neither this theory
nor the empirical evidence su""ests that there are lin/s
#et'een mental disorders and short-term adolescent
delin+uency.
Accordin" to this theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency(
the #ehavior of youths 'ho ma/e the transition to
delin+uent "roups near adolescence is readily understood as
a "roup social phenomenon( it does not represent
individual-level deviance. Cuay $)@:7% concurred:

A second pattern . . . involves #ehavior of a less overtly
a""ressive and interpersonally alienated nature. &n
fact( "ood peer relations in the context of delin+uency
are at the core of this pattern. . . . There is little( if any(
reason to ascri#e psychopatholo"y to youths
manifestin" this pattern: it may 'ell represent an
ad-ustive response to environmental circumstances. $p.
)6)%

&t is my stance that individual characteristics 'ill not predict
adolescence-limited offendin"A it is a product of an
interaction #et'een a"e and historical period. True( past
studies have reported lo' to moderate correlations #et'een
adolescent delin+uency and individual difference varia#les
$such as &C%. 3o'ever( none of these studies excluded
life-course-persistent su#-ects #efore analysis. Thus( it
remains unclear 'hether the o#tained correlations represent
linear monotonic relationships #et'een varia#les or DoutlierD
effects of the extreme scores of life-course-persistent
63
su#-ects. ;or example( in the 2e' Kealand sample( the
often-reported :-point &C difference $3irschi B 3indelan"(
)@77% #et'een delin+uents and nondelin+uents o#tains( #ut
it is the pooled result of a )-point mean deficit for
adolescence-onset delin+uents and a )7-point mean deficit
for childhood-onset delin+uents. The same pattern o#tains
for measures of readin" achievement and impulsivity
$offitt( )@@*a: .hite et al.( in press%.

#he 'vidence and the Alternatives

&n this theory of adolescence-limited delin+uency( & have
made several novel propositions. & have su""ested that
adolescence-onset delin+uency constitutes social mimicry of
a patholo"ical type of antisocial child. & have su""ested that
the motivation for such mimicry follo's from a maturity "ap
#et'een #iolo"ical adulthood and ascri#ed adulthood. & have
su""ested that delin+uent mimicry is reinforced #y its o'n
conse+uences 'hile a youth is inside the maturity "ap. &
have su""ested that those conse+uences lose their
re'ardin" properties after youths a"e out of the "ap(
extin"uishin" delin+uency. All three of the components of
this theory are needed to support my assertion that
adolescence-limited delin+uency is not psychopatholo"y.
Because of the ne'ness of this set of hypotheses( there is
yet no literature of studies specifically desi"ned to test
them. 2onetheless( it 'as possi#le to "lean from the
existin" literature empirical evidence in support of most
aspects of the theory.
There is some evidence for the mimicry component. A drift
into delin+uent peer relationships does match the timin" of
the maturity "ap. As predicted( most teens appear to
en"a"e in delin+uency #ecause they are simply a'are of
64
delin+uent peer #ehavior( not #ecause they share attitudes
or close friendships 'ith delin+uents. Conversely( the most
experienced early-onset delin+uents do interact 'ith other
adolescents( al#eit #riefly-and 'ith their trademar/
antisocial style.
There is some evidence for the motivational component. The
maturity "ap has 'idened durin" this century( and( as
predicted #y the theory( the chan"e has coincided 'ith a
differential increase in teen crime. After pu#erty( youn"sters,
thou"hts do turn increasin"ly to provin" their o'n adultness(
and( as predicted #y the theory( the particular types of
crimes that increased amon" adolescents this century are
ones that satisfy 'ishes for adult privile"es.
There is less evidence for the reinforcement component. =e-
search su""ests that youn"sters ta/e up dru" and alcohol
use #ecause it ma/es them feel independent( #ut studies of
the sym#olic re'ard value of other delin+uent acts have not
yet #een reported. There is #etter evidence that the informal
conse+uences of crime #ecome deterrents after youn" adults
exit the maturity "ap. As predicted( youn" adults, desistence
from crime is influenced #y their expectancies of informal
sanctions from family( employer( and community.
To date( almost no studies have discriminated
childhood-onset persistent delin+uents from
adolescence-onset delin+uents and then examined the
specific correlates of delin+uency in the latter "roup.
Because the availa#le literature mixes the t'o types of de-
lin+uents. it is difficult to evaluate the predictions from this
theory a"ainst extant findin"s. 3o'ever( in evaluatin" the
empirical foundation for this theory of adolescence-limited
delin+uency( it is( helpful to contrast the theory 'ith its most
favored predecessors: control theories and social learnin"
theories.
65
Control theories of delin+uency point to 'ea/ social controls(
such as lax supervision #y adults or 'ea/ #onds to parents(
as the causes of #ur"eonin" delin+uency $e.".( 3irschi(
)@8@%. The data#ase for control theories is a cross-sectional
correlation #et'een measures of delin+uency and
supervision in adolescent samples. =esearch has yet to
demonstrate that parentin" practices chan"e #efore teen,s
interest in pro#lem #ehavior #e"ins.GviH ore critical( control
theories do not explain 'hy antisocial #ehavior per se is the
outcome of 'ea/ened social control systems. .hy do
unsupervised teens not mo' la'ns for the elderlyJ .hy
don,t 'ea/ly attached youths "ather in "roups to do more
al"e#ra home'or/J &n ans'er( social control theories rely on
the philosophical assumption that all humans are inherently
antisocialA crime must thus emer"e spontaneously( #y
default( 'henever social controls are 'ea/ened. A
taxonomic theory cannot afford the luxury of this
philosophical premise a#out the universal mainsprin"s of
human #ehavior. & offer instead an ans'er that lin/s
individual motivation for crime to its ecolo"ical context:
Al"e#ra home'or/ does not ma/e a statement a#out
independenceA it does not assert that a youth is entitled to
#e ta/en seriously. Crime does. 3o' do pu#escent teens
come to /no' a#out antisocial #ehavior and its effectsJ &
have su""ested that they vicariously o#serve the life-styles
of the life-course-persistent youths in their midst. Control
theories assert that( in the a#sence of any such models(
innocents 'ould invent delin+uency.
Callin" on learnin" theory to explain -uvenile delin+uency( as
& have done in this section( is not uni+ue. 1ocial learnin"
theories have su""ested that delin+uency follo's the
learnin" of attitudes conducive to crime $e.".( 1utherland B
Cressey( )@7:%. 3o'ever( social learnin" theories of
delin+uency have not as/ed( 'hy do so many people learn
the attitudes at the same life sta"eJ .hy do they learn them
so rapidlyJ .hat suddenly motivates that learnin"J .hat
reinforces itJ .ho are the DteachersDJ .hy are deviant
66
attitudes unlearned so readily a fe' years laterJ 1ocial
learnin" theories descri#e aspects of the process #y 'hich
an individual ac+uires delin+uent s/ills. 3o'ever( 'ithout a
motivational component( social learnin" theories do not
address the inescapa#le epidemiolo"ical facts a#out
adolescent delin+uency. This developmental analysis of
adolescence-limited delin+uency invo/es the maturity "ap as
an explanation for the motivation and timin" of
adolescence-limited delin+uency. The concept of social
mimicry is #orro'ed to explain 'hy healthy adolescents
adopt the style of youths 'ho have #een antisocial since
early childhood. Thus( this narrative attempts to ans'er
some +uestions #e""ed #y earlier theories.

Comparin" These T'o Theories .ith ?thers

1tudents of antisocial #ehavior have #een #lessed 'ith a
num#er of thou"htful theories. As a "roup( the theories have
tended to #e D"eneralD theories of crimeA each extends its
causal explanation to all offenders.
4eneral theories that summon sociolo"ical processes to ex-
plain crime and delin+uency have provided valua#le insi"hts
a#out the proximal mechanisms that promote -uvenile delin-
+uency $e.".( Bec/er( )@8:A Clo'ard B ?hlin( )@8*A 3a"an(
)@:7A 3irschi. )@8@A Lemert( )@87A 1ha' B cIay( )@5!A
1utherland B Cressey( )@7:%. 3o'ever( sociolo"ists have
trained their lenses on the adolescent a"e period( 'hen the
pea/ prevalence of criminal involvement occurs( and 'hen
antisocial #ehavior is most easily studied 'ith survey
methods $3a"an( 4illis( B 1impson( )@:9A 1ampson B Lau#(
)@@!%. 3istorically( reliance on le"al definitions of antisocial
#ehavior and record sources of data /ept delin+uency
researchers focused on the adolescent onset of ille"al
67
#ehavior. Conse+uently( many delin+uency theories have
failed to address the sta#ility of antisocial #ehavior that
#e"ins %efore adolescence( durin" early childhood. &n
addition( most sociolo"ical theories invo/e amplifyin" causal
mechanisms that seem to i"nore the empirical facts a#out
the enormous amount of desistence from crime that hap-
pens soon after adolescence $4ove( )@:9%. Causal factors
such as lo' social class( unemployment( cultural approval
for violence( and deviant la#els do not seem to remit
contemporaneously 'ith that undenia#le do'n'ard shift in
the prevalence of offenders durin" early adulthood.
4eneral theories that invo/e causal varia#les from personal-
ity psycholo"y or #iolo"y have tau"ht researchers much
a#out ho' individual differences predispose to'ard crime
$e.".( Bo'l#y( )@::A Bui/huisen( )@:7A Clonin"er( )@:7A
Eysenc/( )@77A 4orenstein B 2e'man( )@:*A ednic/(
)@77%. 3o'ever( these theories( too( fail to provide a
satisfyin" account( Because such theorists have trained their
lenses on early childhood and adulthood $often to the
ne"lect of adolescence%( they have failed to anticipate the
enormous sur"e in the prevalence of antisocial involvement
that occurs during adolescence. 1uch theories typically rely
on the sta#ility of individual differences in traits such as
impulsivity( neuroticism( autonomic nervous system reactiv-
ity( or lo' intelli"ence. Psycholo"ical theories cannot explain
the onset and desistence of adolescent delin+uency 'ithout
positin" compellin" reasons for a sudden and dramatic
population shift in crimino"enic traits follo'ed #y return to
#aseline a fe' years later.
Despite the imperfect fit of many existin" theories to the
epidemiolo"ical facts( data in partial support of each theory
a#ound. The resultin" stalemate has en"endered amon" stu-
dents of crime a "entlemen,s a"reement to disa"ree. The
dual taxonomy descri#ed in this article ar"ues that this
compromise may #e needless. The competin" theories may
all #e correct( #ut the processes they descri#e may fit #etter
68
for different types of delin+uents or may operate at different
developmental sta"es in the natural history of antisocial
#ehavior. Amon" the many mechanisms touted #y this
developmental taxonomy( fe' are #rand ne'. .hat is ne' is
the 'ay in 'hich many different theories of delin+uency
have #een inte"rated under a taxonomic um#rella.
&ndeed( this developmental taxonomy may serve to reconcile
disa"reements( controversies( and misunderstandin"s in re-
search on antisocial #ehavior. ;or example( the
developmental taxonomy may account for effects that
appear( disappear( and reappear as a function of the a"e of
research su#-ects. Behavior"enetic studies have sho'n that
childhood a""ression and adult crime are herita#le( 'hereas
-uvenile delin+uency is much less so $DiLalla B 4ottesman(
)@:@: Edel#roc/( =ende( Plomin( B Thompson( in press%.
?ther correlates sho' also stron" relationships to antisocial
#ehavior 'hen it is measured in children and adults #ut only
'ea/ relationships to antisocial #ehavior measured durin"
adolescence. 1uch a"e-related fluctuations in effect siEe
have #een noticed for the associations amon" antisocial
#ehavior and social class $Elliott B 3uiEin"a( )@:6%( "ender
$1mith B 0isher( )@:*%( and readin" pro#lems $B. au"han(
personal communication( ?cto#er )@@*A urray( )@78%.
These disappearin" effects yield $unnecessary% controversyA
they may #e an inadvertent conse+uence of mixin" apples
'ith oran"es 'hen usin" adolescents as research samples. &
have here proposed that the ratio of life-course-persistents
to their social mimics 'ill differ as a function of the a"e of
the research sample. 1amples of antisocial children and
adults should contain relatively more life-course-persistent
su#-ects( #ut in samples of delin+uent teens(
adolescence-limited su#-ects 'ill far outnum#er their
persistent peers. Conse+uently( effect siEes for the correlates
of persistent antisocial #ehavior should #e attenuated in
adolescent samples( and developmental interpretations of
cross-sectional data 'ill #e confounded. 2ote one
69
implication: <uvenile delin+uents may not #e the #est "roup
to study if researchers 'ish to detect the correlates of
persistent crime or antisocial psychopatholo"y.

1trate"ies for =esearch

'pidemiological $redictions

Accordin" to the theory( natural histories of antisocial #ehav-
ior should #e found at predicta#le prevalence rates in
samples follo'ed from childhood until adolescence. Less
than )*F of males should sho' extreme antisocial #ehavior
that #e"ins durin" early childhood and is thereafter
sustained at a hi"h level across time and across
circumstances( throu"hout childhood and adolescence. A
much lar"er num#er of males( a ma-ority( should sho'
similar levels of antisocial #ehavior durin" the adolescent
a"e period #ut should fail to meet research criteria for a
childhood history of sta#le and pervasive pro#lem #ehavior.
Teena"ed males 'ho a#stain from any and all delin+uency
should #e relatively rare. ;alse-positive su#-ects( 'ho meet
criteria for a sta#le and pervasive antisocial childhood
history and yet recover $esche' delin+uency% after pu#erty(
should #e extremely rare.
A specific research desi"n is needed to evaluate 'hether
these epidemiolo"ical parameters 'ill #e #orne out. 1amples
should #e representative to tap the population ran"e of
natural histories. The same individuals should #e studied
lon"itudinally to descri#e the tra-ectories of individuals as
opposed to population shifts. =eports of antisocial #ehavior
should #e "athered from multiple sources to tap
pervasiveness across circumstances. Antisocial #ehavior
70
should #e assessed repeatedly from childhood throu"h
adolescence to capture sta#ility and chan"e across time.
easures of antisocial #ehavior should #e sensitive to de-
velopmental hetero"eneity to tap individual differences 'hile
allo'in" for the emer"ence of ne' forms of antisocial
#ehavior $e.".( automo#ile theft% or for the forsa/in" of old
forms $e.".( tantrums%.
&f appropriate research desi"ns fail to yield the predicted in-
dividual natural histories $or "ro'th curves%( at or near the
predicted #ase rates( then the theory is 'ron". 3o'ever( if
su#-ects are found 'ho match the natural histories of this
taxonomy( then the follo'in" hypotheses may #e tested
a#out differential predictors and outcomes(

$redictions A%out Differential Correlates of )ife-Course-
$ersistent and Adolescence-)imited Antisocial Behavior

Accordin" to the theory( the life-course-persistent type has
its ori"ins in neuropsycholo"ical pro#lems that assume
measura#le influence 'hen difficult children interact 'ith
crimino"enic home environments. Be"innin" in childhood(
discipline pro#lems and academic failures accumulate
increasin" momentum( cuttin" off opportunities to practice
prosocial #ehavior. As time passes( recovery is precluded #y
maladaptive individual dispositions and narro'in" life
options( and delin+uents are channeled into antisocial adult
life-styles. Thus( the stron"est prospective predictors of
persistent antisocial #ehavior are anticipated to #e measures
of individual and family characteristics. These measures
include health( "ender( temperament( co"nitive a#ilities(
school achievement( personality traits( mental disorders
$e.".( hyperactivity%( family attachment #onds( child-rearin"
71
practices( parent and si#lin" deviance( and socioeconomic
status( %ut not age0
Accordin" to the description of adolescence-limited delin-
+uency( youths 'ith little ris/ from personal or
environmental disadvanta"e encounter motivation for crime
for the first time 'hen they enter adolescence. ;or them( an
emer"in" appreciation of desira#le adult privile"es is met
'ith an a'areness that those privile"es are yet for#idden.
After o#servin" their antisocial peers, effective solution to
the modern dilemma of the maturity "ap( youths mimic that
delin+uent solution. Perversely( the conse+uences of
delin+uency reinforce and sustain their efforts( #ut only until
a"in" into adulthood #rin"s a su#-ective shift in the valence
of the conse+uences of crime. Then such offenders readily
desist from crime( su#stitutin" the prosocial s/ills they
practiced #efore they entered adolescence. This narrative
su""ests a direct contrast 'ith the predictions made for
persistent antisocial #ehavior. &ndividual differences should
play little or no role in the prediction of short-term
adolescent offendin" careers. &nstead( the stron"est
prospective predictors of short-term offendin" should #e
/no'led"e of peer delin+uency( attitudes to'ard adulthood
and autonomy( cultural and historical context( and age0
&f life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited delin+uents(
defined on the #asis of their natural histories( do not sho'
the predicted differential patterns of correlates( then the
theory is 'ron".

$redictions A%out #ypes of (ffenses

Accordin" to the theory( the t'o types 'ill en"a"e in
different patterns of offendin". Adolescence-limited
offenders should en"a"e primarily in crimes that sym#oliEe
72
adult privile"e or that demonstrate autonomy from parental
control: vandalism( pu#lic order offenses( su#stance a#use(
DstatusD crimes such as runnin" a'ay( and theft.
Life-course-persistent offenders should spa'n a 'ider
variety of offenses( includin" types of crimes that are often
committed #y lone offenders. Thus( in addition to the
aforementioned crime types( they should commit more of
the victim-oriented offenses( such as violence and fraud.
&f "roups of life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited
delin+uents( defined on the #asis of their natural histories(
do not sho' the predicted differential patterns of antisocial
#ehaviors( then the theory is 'ron".

$redict ions A%out Desistence +rom Crime

Accordin" to this theory( transition events in the life course
are not unconditional determinants of desistence from
crime. &ndeed( events such as marria"e( employment( or
military service can provide opportunities for desistence( #ut
such events can also provide opportunities for continuity.
Accordin" to this theory( individuals, reactions to
life-transition events 'ill vary predicta#ly( dependin" on
their personal antisocial histories. Adolescence-limited
delin+uents can profit from opportunities for desistence(
#ecause they retain the option of successfully resumin" a
conventional life-style. Life-course-persistent delin+uents
may ma/e transitions into marria"e or 'or/( #ut their
in-urious childhoods ma/e it less li/ely that they can leave
their past selves #ehindA they should select -o#s and
spouses that support their antisocial style( and they should
express antisocial #ehavior at home and at 'or/.
&f life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited delin+uents(
defined on the #asis of their natural histories( do not sho'
73
the predicted differential responses to youn"-adulthood
transitions( then the theory is 'ron".

$redictions A%out #eenagers -ho A%stain +rom
Delinquency

& have proposed that adolescence-limited delin+uency does
not constitute patholo"y. =ather( it is social activity that is
normative as 'ell as understanda#le from the perspective of
contemporary teens. &f this assertion is true( the existence
of people $ho'ever fe'% 'ho a#stain from all delin+uency
durin" their adolescent years re+uires explanation. Earlier( &
su""ested that adolescents 'ho commit no antisocial
#ehavior have either $a% patholo"ical characteristics that
exclude them from peer net'or/s( $#% structural #arriers
that prevent them from learnin" a#out delin+uency( or $c%
no experience of the maturity "ap $#ecause of late pu#erty
or early access to adult roles%.
&f adolescence-limited delin+uents and a#stainers( defined
on the #asis of their natural histories( do not differ in these
predicted 'ays( then that part of the theory is 'ron".

$redictions A %out the )ongitudinal 4ta%ility of
Antisocial Behavior

& have proposed that most adults 'ho #ehave in an
antisocial fashion are the same individuals 'ho #e"an
antisocial #ehavior in early childhood. Durin" the pea/(
74
participation period of adolescence( those persistent
individuals 'ill #e mas/ed #y the DnoiseD of their more
numerous mimics. ;ollo'in" from this o#servation(
estimates of the individual sta#ility of antisocial #ehavior are
expected to violate the longitudinal la* 'hich states that
relationships #et'een varia#les #ecome 'ea/er as the time
interval #et'een them "ro's lon"er $Clar/e B Clar/e( )@:5%.
?ne study has found evidence that the lon"itudinal la' is
violated in this 'ay 'hen antisocial #ehavior is studied in
the same individuals over time. 1tattin and a"nusson
$)@:5% reported that adult crime 'as predicted more
stron"ly #y #ehavior at a"e )* than #y #ehavior #et'een
a"es )9 and )7. This prediction a'aits additional
corro#oration.

Conclusions

The #ul/ of research( includin" the lon"itudinal research( on
antisocial #ehavior continues to #e performed on adolescent
su#-ects. This is unfortunate. &f the taxonomy introduced
here has merit( then studyin" offenders at the pea/
participation a"e offers the least favora#le prospects for
understandin" the sort of antisocial su#-ect 'ho 'ill develop
an adult career of crime and violence. =esearchers 'ill learn
more a#out the etiolo"y of severe( persistent antisocial
#ehavior if they sin"le out childhood-onset persistent cases
for study and if they #e"in their studies durin" infancy( or
even prenatally( and follo' the same individuals to
adulthood. &n the past( cross-sectional comparisons that
lumped all delin+uents to"ether may have resulted in
attenuated effect siEes. This pro#a#ly o#scured some
potential causal factors from vie' and produced
underestimates of the importance of others. &ndeed( it is
li/ely that most of the research findin"s cited in this article
75
'ere attenuated. &f the theory is correct( then the empirical
footin" for it could have #een clearer if the distinction
#et'een persistent and temporary delin+uents had #een
made in past research. &n our past efforts to uncover the
causes of persistent predatory crime( 'e have #een studyin"
many of the ri"ht varia#les #ut in the 'ron" su#-ects and at
the 'ron" point in the life course.
Also unfortunate is that almost none of the contemporary
theories of delin+uency do a "ood -o# explainin" delin+uency
that #e"ins in adolescence and ends soon after. ?ur failure
as a field to reco"niEe the hetero"eneity of adolescent
delin+uency may have caused us to overloo/ important
theoretical varia#les( such as #iolo"ical a"e( or structural
factors in schools and nei"h#orhoods that determine access
to antisocial models. =esearch is needed that analyEes the
roles of #iolo"ical a"e and attitudes a#out maturity in the
onset of teena"ed delin+uency. Delin+uency theories are
'oefully ill-informed a#out the phenomenolo"y of modern
teena"ers from their o'n perspective. & fear that 'e cannot
understand adolescence-limited delin+uency 'ithout first
understandin" adolescents.

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GiH It may be countered that research has distinguished delinquent subtypes that are based on crosssectional in!ormation" #or
e$ample% the delinquent beha&iors o! the li!ecoursepersistent type may be distinguished by relati&ely more o&ert aggression% 'hereas
the adolescencelimited type may sho' relati&ely more co&ert o!!ending under peer in!luence" I agree" #actoranalytic studies ha&e
re&ealed an aggressi&e (undersociali)ed( !actor and a (sociali)ed( peeroriented !actor *+uay% 1964a% 1964b" 1966,% and metaanalytic
studies ha&e re&ealed (o&ert( and (co&ert( o!!ense patterns *-oeber . /chmaling% 1985," 0o'e&er% such scale pairs are highly and
positi&ely correlated in adolescent samples% in 'hich the e&idence !or o!!ense &ersatility out'eighs e&idence !or o!!ense speciali)ation
*1lein% 19842 3obins% 1978," 4rosssectional classi!ication has not pro&en e!!ecti&e at the le&el o! the indi&idual" 5y assertion that
de&elopmental history is needed !or con!ident classi!ication is buttressed by the repeated !inding that ape o! onset o! antisocial
beha&ior problems is the single best predictor o! adult criminal outcomes *#arrington% -oeber% 6lliott% et al"% 1990,"
103

GiiH 7he conclusion that crime ceases in midli!e may be premature8 it is based on crosssectional age comparisons o!
arrest and con&iction rates" 7here are al least !our reasons to doubt the conclusions that ha&e been based on this
method" #irst% o!!icial records underestimate the amount o! true crime" /econd% there may be 9usticesystem biases
to'ard underarrest and prosecution o! older persons" 7hird% death and imprisonment may selecti&ely remo&e persistent
o!!enders !rom o!!icial crime statistics" #ourth% crosscohort comparisons may mista:e generational e!!ects !or age
e!!ects *3o'e . 7ittle% 1977," 7hus% until longitudinal researchers collect sel!reports o! crime in the same indi&iduals
!rom adolescence to old age% the midli!e disappearance o! crime 'ill remain an empirical question"

GiiiH ;et'een 9< and 22< o! males not arrested as 9u&eniles are arrested as adults%
suggesting that adultonset o!!enders constitute bet'een 5< and 15< o! all males *!or a
re&ie' see #arrington% =hlin% . >ilson% 1986," 0o'e&er% estimates that are based on
such o!!icial data are too high because most o!!enders engage in crime !or some time
be!ore they are !irst arrested" -ongitudinal studies o! sel!report delinquency sho' that
only 1< to 4< o! males commit their !irst criminal o!!ense a!ter age 17 *6lliott% 0ui)inga% .
5enard% 1989," ?dultonset crime is not only &ery unusual% but it tends to be lo' rate% non&iolent *;lumstein . 4ohen%
1987,% and generally not accompanied by the many complications that attend a persistent and per&asi&e antisocial
li!estyle *#arrington% -oeber% 6lliott% et al"% 1990,"

GivH /e&eral longitudinal studies ha&e sho'n that a history of antisocial beha&ior predicts early se$ual e$perience !or
males relati&e to their age peers *6lliott . 5orse% )@:7A @essor% 4osta% @essor% . Aono&an% )@:6A >eiher% 0ui)inga%
-i)otte% . Ban 1ammen% )@@)%. /peci!ically% almost all of the se$ual e$perience of an early adolescent cohort is
concentrated among the most seriously delinquent 9F of its boys *6lliott . 5orse% 1987,"

GvH Aeterrence e!!ects on crime are contro&ersial" 0o'e&er% most past studies o! deterrence ha&e !e' implications !or my theory o!
desistence among adolescencelimited delinquents !or se&eral reasons2 *a, /ome compare aggregatele&el crime rates across places or
periods that di!!er on se&erity o! !ormal penalties" /uch designs ignore the in!luence o! indi&idualsC perceptions about the certainty o!
sanctions" *b, /ome use crosssectional correlations bet'een past o!!ending and current perceptions o! sanction certainty" /uch designs
e&aluate the e!!ects o! e$perience on perceptions% not the e!!ect o! perceptions on !uture o!!ending" 7hey sho' only that e$perienced
criminals :no' that the ris: o! arrest is inconsequential" *c, 5ost !ocus on the se&erity and certainty o! !ormal legal sanctions%
ignoring in!ormal sanctions !rom the broader social conte$t" Deople ha&e concerns about nonlegal problem consequences o! illicit
beha&iors% 'hether they e$pect to get caught or not *Eagin . Daternoster% 1991," *d, 5ost !ail to study general samples during the age
'hen the desistence process pea:s% instead studying high school students or midli!e prison inmates" =nly the study by Daternoster et
al" *1983, has compared prospecti&e measures o! indi&idual perceptions o! !ormal and in!ormal sanctions on the later o!!ending
beha&ior o! young adult sub9ects"

GviH Indeed% some research indicates that changes in parental beha&ior may be a child effect" /teinberg *1981% 1987,
has sho'n that pubertal maturation precedes emotional distance and less authoritarian parenting" 7here is much
e&idence !or the acti&ational e!!ects o! pubertal hormones on problem beha&ior and on escalation o! parentchild con!lict
*;uchanan% 6ccles% . ;ec:er% 1992," In the =regon Fouth /tudy% parental monitoring and discipline !ell to
insigni!icance as predictors o! delinquent outcome 'hen the childCs prior antisocial beha&ior 'as entered !irst *Aishion%
Dattersonm% /toolmiller% . /:inner% 1990,"

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