The Early Cistophoric Coinage / by Fred S. Kleiner and Sydney P. Noe

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THE EARLY CISTOPHORIC
COINAGE
BY
FRED S. KLEINER
AND
SYDNEY P. NOE
NUMISMATIC STUDIES
No. 14
THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
NEW YORK
1977
Generated for anonymous on 2015-02-15 19:30 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015066381313

NUMISMATIC STUDIES
No. 14

FOR MARGARET THOMPSON
mentor and friend
and, of course,
FOR DIANA
CONTENTS
Preface 1
Bibliography, Collections and Key to Abbreviations 3
The Beginning of the Cistophoric Coinage 10
Catalogue 19
General Notes 21
Pergamum 22
Ephesus 41
Tralles 60
Sardes-Synnada 78
Apameia 86
Laodiceia 97
KOP 100
Uncertain 102
Aristonicus 103
Hoards 107
The Nature of the Cistophoric Coinage 120

Plates 133
PREFACE
The publication of this corpus of the early cistophoric coinage represents the com-
pletion of nearly 20 years of study by the late Sydney P. Noe. It was begun in the
late 1940s as an attempt to answer the questions of the origin and purpose of the
cistophori. The first fruits of this research were presented in an article in ANSMN in
1950. But Noe soon realized that a definitive answer to the problem of the beginning of
the cistophoric coinage could only come after a painstaking appraisal of all available
material. With this task he was occupied until his death in 1969.
The material presented here is that collected by Noe before 1962, supplemented by
material inaccessible at that time (notably the numismatic collections of Turkey) or
which has appeared between 1962 and 1971. It has proven impossible to take into
consideration the material which has come onto the market in 1972-74, during my resi-
dence in Italy and Greece, thousands of miles from the casts and photographs assem-
bled in New York. I do not think, however, that the conclusions of this study would
be affected in any significant way by the addition of the new coins to the corpus.
The present arrangement was determined and the text composed by me in 1971,
with minor revisions in 1974 to take into account subsequent literature. Noe should
not be held accountable for errors in fact or judgment on my part, especially with
regard to the opinions expressed here on the nature of the cistophoric coinage. Noe's
die study had not progressed to the point of comparing dies among the cistophoric mints,
and the conclusions he would have drawn from the inter-city linkage might have dif-
fered from my own. Full credit, however, belongs to Noe for first formulating the ideas
contained herein as to the beginning of the cistophoric coinage; the date of introduction
of civic badges at the various mints; the identification of the first cistophoric issues of
Pergamum and their relation to the Pergamene regnal coinage; as well as many details
too numerous to mention. This book is very much his own.
In revising Noe's notes for publication, I was able to discover in many cases the

names of those who supplied material and information for his study; inevitably some
names were never recorded and I regret that I cannot acknowledge their assistance.
Those curators who were so generous in making the material under their care available
to Noe or myself are cited in the list of collections, pp. 3-9. I wish to express my
deep gratitude to all those who put material at our disposal and to the following curators
who extended their hospitality when I visited their cabinets in 1970-71 : G. K. Jen-
kins, R. Carson and M. Price (London), G. Pollard and M. Hendy (Cambridge), C.
Kraay (Oxford), 0. Morkholm (Copenhagen), M. Comstock (Boston), F. F. Jones (Prince-
ton), J. Oleson and D. G. Mitten (Harvard), H. von Aulock (Istanbul), M. Caramessini
Oeconomides (Athens), N. Olcay (Istanbul) and S. Taner (Ankara). Several dealers in
this country and abroad generously allowed me to examine and record their stock of
cistophori, most notably, Simon Bendall of A. H. Baldwin, Ltd., Herbert A. Cahn of
The Early Cistophoric Coinage
Miinzen und Medaillen AG, and Sylvia Hurler of Bank Leu's Numismatic Department.
Valuable insights into questions of chronology, metrology, etc. and information regard-
ing unpublished hoards and individual specimens were provided by discussions or cor-
respondence with C. Boehringer, H. A. Cahn, P. R. Franke, H. Seyrig, C. H. V. Suther-
land and H. von Aulock.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge here the grants which aided the collection of the nu-
mismatic material and the publication of this volume: a 1971 grant for travel to Turkey
and Greece from the Penrose Fund of the American Philosophical Society and 1975
publication grants from the Jubilee Fund of the Numismatic Department of Bank Leu
Ltd. to Further Numismatic Publications and the Stiftung der Miinzen und Medaillen
AG zur Forderung Numismatischer und Archaologischer Forschung.
I am also grateful to the members of the staff of the ANS who were always willing to
lend advice on technical matters, to locate books and articles, and to assist in the prep-
aration of my manuscript. Special thanks are due to Geoffrey North and Francis
Campbell, Jr., past and present Librarians of the Society, and Nancy Waggoner,
Associate Curator of Greek Coins. Mrs. Persy Coronis prepared most of the casts from
which the plates of this volume were photographed by Michael Di Biase and Bernadette
Willis.
Above all, I am indebted to Margaret Thompson, who introduced me to the study of
numismatics and patiently supervised my work at every stage. In a very real sense, she
is the third author of this volume.

Fred S. Kleiner
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Trisors Trisors du Levant anciens et nouveaux, Paris, 1973.
SNG Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum.
SNR Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau, Bern.
Sofia Musee National, Sofia. Material and information provided by T. Gerasimov.
Sotheby Sales catalogues of Sotheby and Co., London.
Stack's Sales catalogues of Stack's Inc., New York.
Stahelin F. Stahelin, Geschichle der kleinasiatischen Galater, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1907.
Stockholm Statens Historiska Museum och Kungl. Myntkabinettet, Stockholm. Material and
information provided by U. Westermark.
Stuttgart Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum, Stuttgart. Material and information provided
by E. Nau.
Taner S. Onat (Taner), "Aydin ilinin dalama bucagina bagli Sahnali koyii civarinda bulunmus
olan kistoforiar," Ankara Vniversitesi dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakullesi Dergisi 17 (1959),
pp. 139-44.
Thompson, ANSMN 1966 M. Thompson, "Some Noteworthy Greek Accessions," ANSMN
1966, pp. 1-18.
Thomsen R. Thomsen, Early Roman Coinage, I, Copenhagen, 1957.
Totten Mrs. J. Totten collection, Washington, D.C.
Uncertain provenance Coins of uncertain provenance in the cast or photograph collection of
the ANS.
Vatican Gabinetto Numismatico, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City. Material and
information provided by L. M. Tocci.
Vienna Bundessammlung fiir Miinzen, Medaillen und Geldzeichen, Vienna. Material and in-
formation provided by G. Dembski.
Waddington, RN 1865 W. H. Waddington, "MSmoires et dissertations. Trouvaille de l'ile de
Marmara," RN 1865, pp. 25-28.
Ward Coins at one time comprising the J. Ward collection. J. Ward, Greek Coins and their
Parent Cities, London, 1902.
Weber Coins at one time comprising the H. Weber collection. L. Forrer, Descriptive Catalogue
of the Collection of Greek Coins Formed by Sir Hermann Weber. Part III, 1. Bosporus to
Lydia, London, 1926.

Welles, RC C. B. Welles, Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period, New Haven, 1934.
Westermark U. Westermark, Das Bildnis des Philetairos von Pergamon (Stockholm Studies in
Classical Archaeology 1). Stockholm, 1960.
Wilcken, "Attalos," U. Wilcken, "Attalos," RE 2 (1896), cols. 2168-77.
Will E. Will, Histoire politique du monde hellinistique {323-30 av. J.-C.)
2 vols., Nancy, 1966-67.
Willrich, "Eumenes" H. Willrich, "Eumenes," RE 6 (1909), cols. 1090-105.
Winterthur Munzkabinett, Stadtbibliothek, Winterthur. Material and information provided
by H. Bloesch.
Wulfing Wulfing collection, Department of Classics, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo.
Material and information provided by K. Herbert.
Yale Yale University, New Haven Connecticut. Material and information provided by
A. R. Bellinger and T. V. Buttrey, Jr.
Zagreb ArcheoloSki Muzej, Zagreb.
Zara L. Zara collection, New York.
ZNum Zeitschrift filr Numismatik, Berlin.
Zscheitzschmann W. Zscheitzschmann, "Pergamon," RE 19 (1937), cols. 1235-63.
THE BEGINNING OF THE CISTOPHORIC COINAGE
For nearly two and one-half centuries, the peculiar silver coins known to ancients and
moderns alike as "cistophori" have been discussed by numismatists and historians
without any consensus being achieved as to the time of their introduction. The range
of dates suggested spans almost a century (228-133 B.C.). The only common denomina-
tor is a universal agreement as to the importance of establishing the date within narrow
limits; for the cistophoric coinage was the chief currency of Asia Minor for over 300
years.
Modern study of the cistophori began in 1734 with the publication of A. X. Panel's
De Cistophoris. Fr. Panel was the first to identify the silver tetradrachms weighing
about 121/2 grams and bearing a mystic cista within an ivy wreath on the obverse and
a bow-case entwined by serpents on the reverse with the cistophori mentioned by Livy1,
Cicero,2 and Festus.3 Panel associated the cistophoric types with the cult of Sabazius,4
a deity honored in Lydia and Phrygia particularly, and postulated that the cistophori
were issued on the occasion of the festivals called Sabazia.6 Panel also recognized that
the series of letters marking the cistophori of Ephesus were dates and believed that
they were reckoned from the Era of the Sabazia.*
This opinion was rejected by Eckhel who stressed the commercial, rather than the
medallic, character of the cistophori. Eckhel noted the advantages to the cities in Asia
Minor of issuing coins of uniform weight and type; the use of a common currency would
have facilitated commercial transactions among the cities and contributed to their
mutual welfare.7 This raison d'etre for the cistophori was accepted by du Mersan who
nevertheless felt that the choice of types was motivated by the common religious her-
itage of the cities of Mysia, Ionia, Lydia and Phrygia.8
The firstand onlycorpus of the known varieties of cistophori was published in
1855 by Pinder,9 who was also responsible for identifying the drachms and didrachms
with a lion's skin and club within a wreath on the obverses and a bunch of grapes on an

1 Livy 37.46.3; 37.58.4; 37.59.4; 39.7.1.
* Cicero, ad Alt. 2.6.2; 2.16.4; 11.1.2; de Domo 52.
3 Festus 492L.
* Schaefer, cols. 1540-51; Picard, Rev Arch 1961, pp. 129-76. The cult of Zeus Eisele, "Saba-
zios," pp. 232-64; Sabazius was introduced at Pergamum by the wife of Eumenes II, Queen Strato-
nice of Cappadocia: Inschriften von Pergamon, no. 248, 11. 45-47 ( = Welles, RC no. 67, 11. 1-13);
Hansen, p. 400ff. The Zeus worshipped at Pergamum as Sabazius was Dionysiac in character:
Cicero, de Nat. Deor. 3.23.58.
6 Panel, p. 38ff
Panel, p. 62.
7 Eckhel, p. 364ff.
du Mersan, NC 1846, pp. 1-2.
9 Pinder, pp. 533-635.
10
Beginning of the Cistophoric Coinage
11
ivy leaf on the reverses as fractions of the cistophoric tetradrachms.10 Pinder observed
that the weight, style and flan size of the Pergamene regnal coins (Plate I, 1-3)
differed from that of the cistophori and postulated that the latter succeeded the royal
coins bearing the portrait of Philetaerus. Pinder also recognized that the dates which
were "rarely absent" on the cistophori of Ephesus were reckoned from the formation of
the Province of Asia in 134/133 B.C. Although Pinder did not explicitly state that the
cistophoric coinage began about that time, his discussion implies that this was his
opinion.11 Livy's testimony that cistophori were present in great numbers in the Roman
triumphs of 190 B.C. was discounted as an anachronistic use of the word "cistophorus"
for the coinage then circulating in Asia Minor.11
Theodor Mommsen concurred with Pinder's analysis of Livy and specifically stated
that the cistophorus was first struck in 133 B.C. when the Attalid kingdom passed into
Roman hands.13 Mommsen viewed the cistophorus as the coin of the Province of Asia1*
and sought its raison d'etre in terms of Roman convenience: the cistophoric weight
standard approximated the Rhodian and the cistophoric tetradrachm was easily con-
vertible into three Roman denarii.15 On more subjective grounds, Mommsen felt
that under the Attalid kings civic issues of silver in large quantities would not have
been permitted.19
In 1867, F. Lenormant expressed concern over Pinder's and Mommsen's dismissal of
the testimony of Livy. He, as many subsequent numismatists, regarded Livy's state-
ments as facts, and placed the beginning of the cistophoric coinage around the year 200,
"evidemment sous l'autorite" of the kings of Pergamum. According to Lenormant, the
first cistophoric mints were restricted to Mysia (Pergamum, Adramyteum and Parium);
after the enlargement of the Attalid kingdom in 189 B.C., the number of mints was
expanded to include cities in Ionia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria.17 The success of the

10 Pinder, p. 537.
11 Pinder, p. 553f. and 553, n. 1: "Wenn man mit diesen schonen und zahlreich erhaltene Mtinzen
der Attaler hinsichtlich des Stils des Cistophoren vergleicht, so mochte man letztere gern fiir
j linger halten, und annehmen dass von Rhodos, Carien, Phrygien aus, erst etwa unter gemeinsam
romischer Verwaltung sich der Munzfuss der Cistophoren durch die Provinz Asien verbreitet hatte
. .. Die Jahrzahlen, welche auf ephesicher Cistophoren selten fehlen, bezeugen stets die Pragung
nach dem Ende des pergamenischen Reiches, und geben einen chronologischen Anhalt auch fur an-
dere Cistophoren von gleichem Stile" Cf. p. 540: "Fast von allen lasst sich nachweisen dass sie in
der rmischen Zeit, welcher die meisten Cistophoren angehoren, der Sitz des Conventus iuridicus
waren. Diese CentralstSdte sind es, die fiir ihren Sprengel die gemeinsam Munze, die Cistophoren
pragten."
a Pinder, p. 553f. and 553, n. 1.
13 Mommsen, Geschichte, pp. 704ff. and 706, n. 140. Mommsen's beginning date of 133 was
accepted by W. H. Waddington, "Trouvaille de l'ile de Marmara", RN 1865, pp. 25-28.
14 Mommsen, Geschichte, p. 704: "die Provinz Asia . . . die Cistophorus ist deren Munze."
16 Mommsen, Geschichte, pp. 48-51, 72-74, 704-6. See also Mommsen, ZNum 1887, pp. 40-42;
Keil, ZNum 1920, pp. 52, 57f., 64f.
14 Mommsen, Geschichte, p. 704; "es kaum glaublich ist, dass die Attaler eine so machtige und
compacte stadtische Pragung zugelassen haben sollten."
17 Lenormant, RN 1867, pp. 182-84. See also Lenormant, Monnaie II, pp. 42-44; and Lenormant
"Cistophori," pp. 1211-13.
12
cistophorus was attributed to its "ingenious" weight standard which permitted ex-
change with tetradrachms of Attic weight at the rate of four to three and with the
Roman denarius at the rate of one to three.18
A new solution was put forward in 1880 by B. V. Head in his Coinage of Ephesus.19
He, too, discounted Livy's testimony but felt that the number of undated Ephesian
cistophori attested to a significant period of circulation prior to 133 B.C.,20 and placed
the beginning of the cistophoric coinage in 159 B.C., "perhaps on the occasion of the
accession of Attalus II."21 Head, however, apparently attributed the idea of striking
cistophori to Eumenes II, whose decision was actively supported by the Romans.
In Head's view, the cistophoric coinage was designed to supplant the Rhodian currency
of similar weight in the eastern Mediterranean, further accelerating the decline of
Rhodes after the creation of a free port at Delos in 167 B.C.22
New evidence for a third-century dating of the earliest cistophori was, however, pub-
lished by Imhoof-Blumer in 1884.23 Imhoof cited a series of cistophori bearing the
initials BA-EY (Plate XXXVIII) and dates ranging from B to A, which he assigned
to King Eumenes II and dated 188-186 B.C.24 Since the BA-EY pieces were only issued
by unimportant cities and were not the earliest in the series, to judge from the size of
the flans, the style, and the nature of the reverse marks, the cistophoric coinage must
have been begun elsewhere at an earlier date. Imhoof believed that the cistophori could
only have been introduced at a city already accustomed to the Rhodian weight stan-
dard. Of all the cities which issued cistophori, only Ephesus had previously struck Rho-
dian-weight coins and Imhoof placed the beginning of the cistophoric coinage at Ephesus
about 215-210 B.C. He found confirmation for his hypothesis in the fact that many of
the early Ephesian cistophori bore symbols which were types on the coins struck under
Ptolemaic rule (258-202 B.C.). According to Imhoof, Pergamum, Sardes, Tralles and

Apameia began to strike cistophori shortly after 215-210 "durch Cbereinkommen oder
18 Lenormant, RN 1867, p. 183.
19 Head, NC 1880, pp. 85-173.
20 Head, NC 1880, p. 147: "Supposing the above-described fifteen or more varieties to be the sym-
bols of annual magistrates, like the dated coins which follow, they may very probably be the coinage
of the twenty-five years between B.C. 159 and 133." Bunbury, NC 1883, p. 193ff. believed that the
new varieties he could add attested to an even longer period and justified Lenormant's early da-
ting of the coinage based on Livy. Noe also assumed that the changing symbols corresponded
to successive magistrates having annual terms of office. I have rejected this assumption as in-
valid based on the number of obverse dies used with each variety of reverse symbol; see my discus-
sion under Pergamum Series 16-19, Ephesus Series 29-32 and Tralles Series 2-5.
21 Head, NC 1880, p. 146.
M Head, NC 1880, p. 145f.
23 Imhoof, AbhBerlin 1884, pp. 28-35.
24 The reasons for Imhoof's dating and all other interpretations of the BA EY pieces are cited
and discussed in the catalog under Aristonicus, below p. 103. A BA-EY tetradrachm of Thyatira
had been published as early as 1845 (Borell, NC 1845, p. 13), but the importance of the series for
determining the beginning date of the cistophori was not appreciated until Imhoof's discussion of
1884.
13
aus eigener Initiative."25 Imhoof's solution restored credibility to Livy's statements
and was accepted with little or no modification by all numismatists and historians until
1950.28
In that year, S. P. Noe published his reappraisal of the evidence for the beginning
of the cistophoric coinage.27 Noe contested Imhoof's two most important conclusions:
that the cistophori were introduced ca. 215-200 B.C. and that they were first struck at
Ephesus. Imhoof's chief reason for choosing Ephesus was the cistophoric weight stan-
dard, which approximated the Rhodian standard then in use at Ephesus. Noe, follow-
ing van Hoorn,28 pointed out that the cistophoric types were closely associated with
Pergamum, but omitted any direct reference to Artemis or Ephesus. The cista mystica
itself, and the grapes and ivy leaf on the fractions, are allusions to Dionysus, a deity
highly honored at Pergamum, from whom the Attalids claimed descent. The reverses
of the tetradrachms, with their prominent bow-case, and the club and pelt on the frac-
tional obverses, both refer to Heracles, father of Telephus, the legendary founder and
first king of Pergamum. Noe also pointed out that the cistophori of Sardes, acknow-
ledged even by Imhoof to be among the earliest issues,29 could not possibly have been
struck between 220 and 190 B.C. when Sardes was in Seleucid possession. The rare
cistophori of this city bearing the ethnic in monogram form (X) must have been struck
during the brief period between 228 B.C., when Attalus I captured Sardes after the
death of Antiochus Hierax, and 220 B.C., when the city was lost to Achaeus. The
earliest cistophori of Pergamum, Apameia, Tralles and Ephesus could therefore be
dated ca. 228 B.C. Since the introduction of cistophori at Ephesus in 228 would have
required the consent of the Ptolemies, Noe interpreted the early cistophoric coinage as
evidence for an "economic offensive" on the part of Egypt and Pergamum, in which the
cistophori were "intended to supplant [the Seleucid] currency" in Asia Minor.30

The arguments of Imhoof-Blumer and Noe were founded on a common premise:
that there existed dated cistophori from the early years of the reign of Eumenes II
(197-159 B.C.) and that these pieces were struck some 20 to 30 years after the first
cistophori of Pergamum, Ephesus, Sardes, Tralles, and Apameia. However, in
1954, E. S. G. Robinson established beyond doubt that the BA(ZIAEQZ) EY(MENOY)
25 Imhoof, AbhBerlin 1884, p. 33.
24 The only significant objection was that of von Fritze AbhBerlin, 1910, pp. 15-19, who believed
that the BA-EY pieces were among the earliest cistophori, and that the cistophoric coinage was be-
gun at Pergamum and Ephesus ca. 190 B.C. See. von Fritze, Nomisma, 1910, p. 20ff.; and von
Fritze, Mysien, p. 3ff. All the following place the beginning of the cistophoric coinage in the
late third or early second century, either at Ephesus, or at Pergamum under Attalus I or Eumenes
II: E. Babelon, Traiti l, pp. 511-13; Chapot, pp. 339-40; Cardinali, pp. 240-43; Hill, Historical Greek
Coins, p. 139; Grueber, BMC Rep II, p. 502, n. 2; Head/fiV2,p.534;Regling, "Kistophoren,"col.
524f.; Rostovtzeff, "Pergamum," p. 612; Robert, Villes, pp. 34ff., 48f.; Babelon, "Penetration,"
p. 17f.; Hansen, Attalids, pp. 206-8; Magie II, p.775f.;Seltman.p. 239; McShane, p. 136 andn. 163.
2' Noe, ANSMN 1950, pp. 29-41.
28 van Hoorn, Mnemosyne 1915, pp. 233-37.
29 Imhoof, AbhBerlin 1884, p. 33.
30 Noe, ANSMN 1950, p. 39.
14
referred to on the dated pieces was not Eumenes II, but the pretender Aristoni-
cus.31 The transferral of the BA-EY series from 196-186 B.C. to 132-130 B.C. con-
siderably weakened the arguments for a third-century origin of the cistophoric
coinage and Noe himself immediately abandoned his earlier position. One of the most
important results of the Aristonicus solution, as Robinson realized, was that it was no
longer necessary to postulate that cistophoric and Attic weight silver coins were pro-
duced simultaneously at the Pergamene mint. Robinson believed that the cistophori
replaced the regnal coins. If the date of the last Philetaerus pieces could be deter-
mined, the beginning of the cistophoric coinage would also be established."
The publication of Ulla Westermark's corpus of the Philetaerus tetradrachms fol-
lowed six years later.33 Westermark presented cogent arguments for placing the end of
the Pergamene regnal coinage in 190 B.C., and her thesis was subsequently accepted by
all the reviewers.3* However, Westermark left the question of the beginning of the
cistophoric coinage open, since hoard evidence seemed to indicate that the Attic and
cistophoric weight coins were intended for different markets.35
In 1963, the debate over the date of the earliest cistophori was resumed with the
publication of Henri Seyrig's "Questions cistophoriques."38 Seyrig concurred withNoe's
conclusion that Sardes could not have struck cistophori between 220 and 190 B.C., but
also cited hoard evidence which indicated that no cistophori were struck at Sardes be-
fore 220.37 Seyrig raised other objections to pre-Magnesia issues of cistophori at Ephesus,
Tralles and Apameia and felt that the "federal character" of the cistophori ruled out the
striking of these coins by Pergamum alone in the years prior to the Treaty of Apameia.38
According to Seyrig, the cistophoric coinage replaced the Pergamene dynastic coinage
in 188 B.C., when the Attalid kingdom was enlarged to include Ephesus, Sardes and
Tralles, and when "l'Asie Mineure . . . pour la premiere fois semble mure pour une

tentative d'union monetaire. C'est a ce moment que les conditions semblent reunies
pour la creation d'un numeraire qui. . . allait mettre dans un rapport simple la drach-
me attique et le denier romain."3* Seyrig's thesis has recently been echoed by Colin
31 Robinson, NC 1954, pp. 1-8. See above, p. 12, n. 24.
33 Robinson, NC 1954, p. 7.
33 Das Bildnis des Philetairos von Pergamon, Stockholm, 1960.
84 O. Merkholm, NNUM 5 (May 1961) pp. 122-23; M. Schliiter, HBN 1961, pp. 131-33; C.Boeh-
ringer, JNG 1962, pp. 241-45; P. Naster, RBN 1962, pp. 295-97; R. Rago, RIN 1962, pp. 123-24;
M. Thompson, AJA 1962, p. 108; P. Franke, Gnomon 1962, pp. 589-96; see also Jenkins, Iraq 1958,
p. 161f.; Kleiner, ANSMN 1971, p. 117.
35 M. Rostovtzeff, Studies . . . Buckler, pp. 277-98. Westermark, p. 18: "Es erscheint jedoch
nicht leicht, Anfang und Ende dieser Pragungen in unmittelbare Verbindung miteinander zu brin-
gen, da sie ganz verschiedene Absatzgebiete hatten ... In einigen der anderen Stadte, die Cisto-
phoren pragen, werden zudem auch MUnzen attischen Gewichts gleichzeitig ausgegeben. KSnnte
das nicht auch in Pergamon der Fall gewesen sein?"
38 Seyrig, RN 1963, pp. 22-31.
37 Seyrig, RN 1963, p. 23. The burial date of the hoard in question (IGCH 1299-1300) has been
disputed.
38 Seyrig, RN 1963, pp. 23-24.
39 Seyrig, RN 1963, p. 24. See also Seyrig, Trisors, pp. 35-36, 122.
15
Kraay, with the qualification that the cistophoric coinage was not a federal currency
but "the regal coinage of the kingdom of Pergamum."40
Christof Boehringer has also argued for 190 B.C. as the probable date of inception of
the cistophoric coinage, but in his view, the replacement of Attic weight coinage at
Pergamum by the cistophori was only temporary. Boehringer postulated a revival of
the Philetaerus types from 164 to 140 B.C., with Pergamene Alexander types and
cistophori being struck simultaneously. This hypothesis has little to recommend it and,
as we shall see, there is objective evidence which renders the proposal unacceptable.41
Setting aside for the moment the possibility of the simultaneous issuance of Attic
and cistophoric weight coins by Pergamum, the consensus regarding the beginning of
the cistophoric coinage about 190 must now be brought into question. New evidence
has come to light which once again necessitates a complete reconsideration of the cir-
cumstances which led to the introduction of the cistophorus in Asia Minor.
The most important piece of evidence was published by Seyrig himself only two years
after his "Questions cistophoriques" appeared.42 A hoard of 752 tetradrachms buried at
Mektepini in Phrygia in 190-188 B.C., contained 22 Pergamene Philetaerus and
Alexander tetradrachms of Westermark's Group VI, but not a single specimen from
Group VII. As Seyrig recognized, the Group VII pieces must have been struck after
188 B.C.43 Westermark postulated only seven years for this group, but the minimum
number of 16 variations of reverse marks struck from only 24 obverse dies suggests
an incomplete record. Group VII pieces were probably issued over a longer period
of time, perhaps about two decades.44 In any case, the redating of the latest Phile-
taerus pieces suggests a post-Apameia date for the earliest cistophori, if the cistophori
replaced the regnal coins and the two types were not struck concurrently.
The extensive record of cistophoric reverse die variations presented in this volume

enables this assumption to be tested objectively for the first time.45 It will be noticed
that in the entire series of Pergamene cistophori there are only two cases where the
reverse marks duplicate those of the Philetaerus tetradrachms (Plate I, 2-9). In
both cases, the supervising magistrate is AZ. The shared marks appear solely on the
latest regnal tetradrachms and on the first Pergamene cistophori. According to the
40 Kraay, pp. 8-9, also felt that the cistophoric standard was incompatible with the Attic stan-
dard of the Seleucids and that the cistophorus of 12.5 gm was designed to complement the Roman
monetary system (three denarii of 4.1 gm). See also Will, II, p. 192 and Carrata Thomes, pp. 11-13.
41 Boehringer, pp. 11-14, 40-50. See also my review, AJA 1973, pp. 353-54. The existence of At-
talid Attic weight silver emissions between 181 and 167 is attested by the presence of two Medusa/
Athena Nikephoros pieces in the Sitichoro hoard (lGCH 237). Le Rider, RN 1973, pp. 66-79, esp.
pp. 68-71.
** Olcay-Seyrig, Le trisor de Mektepini en Phrygie. The validity of Seyrig's argument regarding
the date of the Group VII issues has been doubted by W. Schwabacher, Gnomon 1967, pp. 423-24.
Olcay-Seyrig, pp. 14, 29-31.
44 Westermark, pp. 71ff. Boehringer, p. 13.
45 A full discussion appears in the catalogue of Pergamene cistophori, below pp. 22-40. See my
review in AJA 1973, pp. 353-54.
16
Boehringer chronology, the AZ cistophori would have been struck in 190, the AZ
Philetaerus pieces (Group VII) after 164. This is clearly impossible. The AZ pieces
must be contemporary. The Attic and cistophoric weight systems appear to have over-
lapped for about a year or two, a period barely sufficient to acquaint the populace with
the strange new money. Then the Attic weight emissions ceased. An exact parallel is
to be found in the recent introduction of the decimal system in Great Britain where, for
a few years, shillings and new pence circulated together. During that time both forms
of money were legal tender and prices were quoted according to both systems.
It is impossible to determine from either internal or hoard evidence precisely when
the change in Pergamene types and weight standards took place. The terminus post
quem is ca. 180 B.C., allowing only seven years for Group VII, although ca. 170 B.C.
appears more likely. Hoards buried during the decade 150-140 B.C.48 contain many va-
rieties of cistophori of Pergamum, Ephesus, Sardes, Tralles, Apameia and Laodiceia,
and the new coins must have been introduced before ca. 160 B.C. Within this period
only one set of circumstances seems to fulfill the conditions under which a coinage as
unique as the cistophoric would have been instituted, although it must be remembered
that numismatic changes do not always coincide with political events.
When the Galatians ravaged Pergamene territory in 168 B.C., Attalus II was sent to
Rome to appeal for aid.47 The Romans were, however, unwilling to offer any support to
Eumenes and the deputation sent to discourage the Gauls only served to intensify their
plundering of the Pergamene countryside and slaughtering of captives. Roman animos-
ity toward Eumenes is also recorded in a letter of Attalus II in which he mentions
"the envy and detraction and baneful suspicion" the Romans "felt against my broth-
er."48 Charges of disloyalty and similar Roman efforts to weaken his power caused
Eumenes himself to journey to Italy in 167. The senate refused, however, to receive

him and decreed that henceforth no kings would be allowed to enter the city of Rome.
This rebuff served further to encourage the Asiatic Gauls and Eumenes was forced to
return to Pergamum at once, where without Roman support he was again able to de-
feat the barbarians.
Asia Minor 1876 and 1962 (IGCH 1452 and 1453), below pp. 107-13. The date of the latter
hoard is assured by the presence of datable Attic weight coins as well as cistophori.
47 The historical account which follows is drawn from Polybius 29-31, Livy 45 and the relevant
inscriptions and other ancient sources cited in the notes. I have also relied heavily on the following
modern discussions of these sources: U. Wilcken, "Attalos," RE 2 (1896), cols. 2168-77; G. Cardinali,
// regno di Pergamo, Rome, 1906; F. Stahelin, Geschichle der kleinasiatischen Galater, 2nd ed.
Leipzig, 1907; H. Willrich, "Eumenes," RE 6 (1909), cols. 1090-105; G. De Sanctis, "Eumenes II e
le citta greche d'Asia," RivFil 1925, pp. 68-78; M. Rostovtzeff, "Pergamum" and "Rhodes, Delos
and Hellenistic Commerce," CAH 8 (1930), pp. 590-667 and The Social and Economic History of the
Hellenistic World, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1952; F. Hiller von Gaertringen, "Rhodos," RE Suppl. 5
(1931), cols. 731-840; W. Zscheitzschmann, "Pergamon," RE 19 (1937), cols. 1235 63; E. V.
Hansen, The Altalids of Pergamon, Ithaca, 1947; D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Princeton,
1950; P. M. Fraser and G. E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, Oxford, 1954; E. Badian,
Foreign Clienlelae, Oxford, 1958; R. B. McShane, The Foreign Policy of the Atlalids of Pergamum,
Urbana, 1964, with comprehensive bibliography to date.
Welles, RC no. 61,11.14-15.
17
It is at this time that Eumenes II emerges as the champion of the Greeks of Asia
Minor. According to Polybius, Rome's attempt to nullify Eumenes' victory over the
Galatians by declaring the latter free and independent, and the sending of a commission-
er to Sardes to hear complaints against the king, only united the Greeks behind the
Pergamene ruler. "The more severely the Romans treated Eumenes, the greater was
the friendliness of the Greeks."49 After the rebuff in Italy, the Ionian League declared
Eumenes "common benefactor of the Greeks" and thanked him for his "many great
battles against the barbarians ... in order that the inhabitants of the Greek cities
might always live in peace and prosperity." The Ionians also voted him a golden
wreath, promised to erect a gilded statue of the king in any Ionian city he chose, and
inaugurated games in celebration of their deliverance from the barbarians. In his reply,
Eumenes offered to pay for the statue himself and asked that it be placed at Miletus.50
Sardes and Tralles thanked the king for defeating the Galatians and instituted Pana-
thenaea and Eumeneia in his honor.61 Cos created a priesthood for his worship with
sacred processions in his honor.62 Teos and Cyzicus inaugurated worship of Eumenes'
mother and Teos also created a priest for the worship of the king's wife.63 All these
honors granted to the Pergamene royal family were genuine expressions of gratitude to
the man whom Polybius calls the greatest royal benefactor to the Greek cities of his
time.64
Against this background, the adoption of new coin types celebrating the two deities,
Dionysius and Heracles, from whom the Attalids claimed descent, seems perfectly ap-
propriate. Nor is it surprising to find that the expanded number of cities which now
issued coins of Pergamene design includes Ionian Ephesus, and Tralles and Sardes
which had just inaugurated religious festivals in honor of Eumenes II.
The extravagant honors accorded Eumenes at this time do not, however, account for

the change from the Attic to the cistophoric weight standard. The new system is not
easy to explain. The cistophorus has been described as a silver piece of reduced Chian or
Rhodian weight, as a didrachm on the Aeginetan standard, and as three Attic drachms
or three Roman denarii. Metrological Tables II and III (below pp. 128 and 129) demon-
strate that, at the time of its introduction, the cistophorus was intended to be a silver
tetradrachm of about 12.60 gm; the drachms and didrachms were to weigh about 3.05
and 6.15 gm respectively.66 The new cistophoric tetradrachm was thus equal in weight
49 Polyb. 31.6.6.
60 Welles, RC no. 52. 11. 8-13; Dittenberger, OGIS no. 763. See Holleaux, REG 1924, pp.
305-30.
61 Haussoullier, BCH 1881, p. 385; Dittenberger OGIS no. 305, 11. 7-12; Robert, Rev. Phil 1934
pp. 279-91.
62 Dittenberger, SIG3 no. 1028.
63 Dittenberger, OGIS nos. 308-9, 325.
64 Polyb. 32.8.5.
66 It seems to be a general rule that Hellenistic drachms and didrachms weigh less than one quarter
and one half of the weight of a tetradrachm. This may perhaps be accounted for by the fact that it
was considerably more expensive to produce four drachms than a single tetradrachm. The addition-
18
to three Attic drachms of about 4.2 gm each; the fractional cistophori are nearly equal
in weight to the drachms struck by Rhodes after 166 B.C.6*
Exchange rates for the new coins were consequently easy to calculate, but the ap-
parent flexibility of the cistophoric weight system did not result in the acceptance of
the cistophorus as an international currency to rival the Attic weight coinages of the
second century B.C. On the contrary, the cistophorus is a local currency, rarely found
outside Pergamene territory. Foreign coins are almost unknown in cistophoric hoards.
Eumenes II seems to have created a monetary monopoly by the introduction of the
cistophorus,57 thereby further consolidating his political supremacy in Asia Minor through
economic means. This step was very likely taken after the defeat of the Galatians and
the acceptance of Pergamene dynastic cults in the Greek cities of Asia Minor in 166 B.C.68
al labor cost may have been offset by striking the fractional pieces at slightly less than their
theoretical weight.
58 The connection with the Roman denarius is unlikely and, as Broughton, p. 557 recognized,
fiscally unsound: "Since three denarii normally weighed 180 grains (11.644 grammes) and a
cistophorus (4 Rhodian drachmae) of full weight contained 192 grains (12.441 grammes), the
apparent advantage in exchange lay with the Roman coins and it becomes difficult to explain the
continued popularity and survival of the cistophorus except on the ground of Asian conservatism,
especially as the Romans apparently demanded some other advantages also for the denarius in
exchange." If the cistophoric coinage was begun in 166 B.C., as I have suggested, a weight stan-
dard designed a la romaine, with a built-in profit for the Romans, is even harder to accept, in view
of the strained Roman-Pergamene relations at that time.
57 See below, pp. 124-25. Attic or Rhodian weight pieces which reached cities where cistophoric
mints were located were apparently melted down and restruck. Plates XV,1; XVI,1; XXIII.12
and XXV.9 illustrate cistophori struck over one Thasian and two Macedonian tetradrachms, and a

fractional cistophorus of Tralles struck over a Rhodian didrachm. The Attic pieces were trimmed to
approximate cistophoric weight before restriking; the unaltered Tralles/Rhodes overstrike was
already known to Pinder (pl. l,16) and used as evidence for the compatability of the two weight
standards ("Cistophoren," p. 551). I discussed the four overstrikes in ANSMN 1972, pp. 30-32.
58 The objection might still be raised that Livy mentions cistophori in the triumphs of M. Acilius
Glabrio, Scipio Asiaticus, Gnaeus Manlius Vulso and Aemilius Regillus. However in a less often
quoted passage (34.52.5) Livy states that in the triumph of Flamininus in 194 B.C. "there were
84,000 Attic coins called "tetrachma" and the weight of silver in them is about equivalent to three
denarii each." Since Livy's conception of the Attic tetradrachm is obviously inaccurate, he is a
very unreliabIe witness with respect to the other coins he mentions, especially since he is our only
evidence for a pre-Magnesian cistophorus. See Noe, ANSMN 1950, pp. 29-31. For Livy's reference
to denarii in 340 B.C. (8.11.16), see Thomsen I, p. 31.

THE CATALOGUE
GENERAL NOTES
Tetradrachms
Obv.: Cista mystica with half-open lid, from which a serpent issues to l.; all within
ivy wreath.
Rev.: Two coiled serpents with heads erect; between them an ornamented bow-case
with strap at r., usually containing a strung bow. To l., ethnic, as below;
other marks as indicated.
Didrachms and Drachms
Obv.: Club, over which a lion's skin is draped; all within a wreath.
Rev.: Bunch of grapes, placed upon a vine leaf. To l., ethnic, as below; other marks
as indicated.
The following forms of ethnic are employed:
Pergamum: ^
Ephesus: EOE
Tralles: TRAA
Sardes: X and variants
Synnada: # and variants
Apameia: w
Laodiceia: AAO
Thyatira: GYA
Apollonis: ATTOA
Stratoniceia: ZTPA
For each denomination, Arabic numerals indicate obverse dies, numbered consecu-
tively for all series; lower case letters indicate reverse dies within one series. Entries
preceded by an asterisk are illustrated. All entries are tetradrachms unless otherwise
indicated.

21
PERGAMUM
SERIES la - 8, 166 - 160 B.C.
Series la: To l., 3 ;to r., thyrsus, horizontal.
1-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.50f (Plate I, 5)
Series lb: To r., thyrsus, horizontal.
1- a. *Copenhagen, SNG 413, 12.42f (Plate I, 6)
Series 2: To r., E2
2- a. *Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 8), 12.57 (Plate I, 7);
Vienna, 12.33/. To l., rtE
2- b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 28), 12.46/
Series 3: To r., dolphin, below which, ES or AZ
3- a. * Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 27), 12.69f. ES (Plate I, 8)
3-b. *Hague, 12.41f. AZ (Plate I, 9)
3- c. ANS (Bahkesir 1958,1), 12.43\. AZ
4- d. *Milan, 12.61f. AZ (Plate I, 10)
The first three series of cistophori struck at Pergamum all bear the mark (either E2
or AZ) of the magistrate who supervised the transition from the Attic-weight reg-
nal series to the lighter cistophoric coins. Both S3 and AZ, as well as a third
variant, AZK, occur on the latest Philetaerus types identified by Westermark1
(Plate I, 2-4). The enclosure of AZ in a rectangular frame does not recur in any
other series of either the regnal or the cistophoric pieces, and there can be no doubt that
the cistophori of Series 1-3 are the first to be issued at Pergamum. Further confirma-
tion comes from the use of the thyrsus as symbol in Series 1, a mark also appearing on
the latest Philetaerus pieces* and on the unique tetradrachm with the portrait of Eume-
nes II (Plate I, 1); and from the exact duplication of the AZ and dolphin on the
regnal and cistophoric tetradrachms (Plate I,3-4 and 8). The common markings prob-
ably indicate that for a year or two, the two series were produced simultaneously in

order to acquaint the public with the new type of money.
The first series clearly show the signs of experimentation in format which mark any
new coin type. The very earliest Pergamene pieces (Series la) do not even bear the
1 Westermark, pls. XV, 8-9, 11; XVI, 1-3.
* Westermark, pls. XIII, 10-12; XIV, 1-2.
22
Catalogue: Pergamum
23
mint mark fl" which appears on all subsequent issues. This is not strange, for al-
though it is a unique instance on the cistophori,3 it conforms to the system then in use
at the Pergamene mint. The magistrate's mark is in the left field; no ethnic was used
on the regnal coins because the types themselves proclaimed their Pergamene origin.
It was immediateley realized, however, that in order to distinguish the Pergamene
cistophori from those of the other cities, a mint mark had to be included, for the types
at all mints were identical. The mark chosen was a monogram comprising the first
three or four letters of the ethnic, placed either horizontally (rfE) or on its side ( ^ )
in the initial issues. Series lb retains the thyrsus of Series la but substitutes the ethnic
for B3 . In Series 2, both the ethnic and ES are present, and in Series 3, n$ , ED
or AZ, and a symbol (dolphin) are all used.
In addition to their variations in format, these first experimental strikings vary with
regard to the diameter and thickness of the flan, although the weight is restricted to
the narrow range of 12.4-12.7 gm which is characteristic of all the series discussed in
this volume.4
The first obverse dies were cut by two engravers whose styles are sharply differen-
tiated (compare Plate I, 5-7 with 8-10). Both hands are identifiable on later Perga-
mene series.
The piece from the $ahnah hoard of ca. 128 B.C. is surprisingly well preserved, al-
though the three specimens in the Yesilhisar hoard of 130 B.C. and the Bahkesir hoard
of ca. 135 B.C. show signs of considerable wear.
Series 4: To r., palm branch, horizontal.
2-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.61/ (Plate I, 11); New York, private coll. (Hirsch,
Mar. 8-12, 1971, 193), 12.50/. Palm curved downward
2-b. London, BMC 92, 12.63f. Palm curved downward

2-c. Paris, 12.29f (pierced). Palm curved downward
5-d. *ANS-ETN, 12.56/. Palm curved upward (Plate I, 12)
Series 5: To r., club, upright. Pinder 82.
5- a. *ANS, 12.55f (Plate I, 13)
6- b. Berlin, 12.65
7- c. *Hess-Leu, May 12-13, 1970, 248 = Feuardent Dec. 19,1921,141, 12.56/
(Plate II, 1)
Series 6: To r., eagle l.; placed horizontally.
7-a. ""London, BMC 87, 12.69f (Plate II, 2)
7- b. Copenhagen, SNG 409, 12.54f
8- c. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 30), 12.59\ (Plate II, 3)
3 With the possible exception of Sardes-Synnada Series 7.
* For an analysis of the cistophori prior to 128 B.C. by weight, see Table II, below p. 128.
24
9-d. *ANS-Strauss, 12.56f (Plate II, 4)
9-e. Von Aulock, SNG 1367, 12.29; Berlin 12.60
10- f. *London, 11.97f. Star below eagle (Plate II, 5)
11- g. *Von Aulock, SNG 1368,12.08. Eagle on fulmen, star above (Plate II, 6)
Series 7: To r., caduceus, horizontal.
9-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 1), 12.59f (Plate II, 7)
9-b New York, private coll. 12.43\; Bourgey, March 10, 1976, 92, 12.51
9-c. Berlin
9-d. Lockett, SNG 2715 (Naville, Apr. 4, 1921, 2259), 12.58f
9-e. Stuttgart, 12.44f
12- f. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962,31), 12.66f (Plate II, 8)
12-g. Von Aulock, SNG 7462, 12.41
12-h. Cambridge, SNG 4215, 12.29f
12- i. Vienna, 12.48/
13- j. ANS-Strauss, 12.82f
13- k. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 2), 12.41f (Plate II, 9); Hague, 11.84f
14- l. London, BMC 86, 12.39f (pierced)
14-m. *Paris, 12.10\ (Plate II, 10)
14-n. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 2), 12.60\
14-o. Istanbul
14- p. Bourgey, Dec. 20, 1932, 211
15- q. *Copenhagen, SNG 412, 12.66f (Plate II, 11)
16- r. *ANS-Strauss, 12.67\ (Plate II, 12)
16-s. Istanbul (Yesdhisar 1963, 1), 12.61/ Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 3)
Didrachms:

1-a. *Dewing (Hess-Leu, Apr. 7, 1960, 203), 5.85f (Plate II, 13); Paris, 6.08
Below l., caduceus, upright; below r., rfiE
Series 8: To r., amphora, horizontal.
16-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.69\ (Plate III, 1); von Aulock, SNG 7461, 12.63
16- b. ANS-BYB, SNG 970, 12.68f; Copenhagen, SNG 411, 12.45f; London,
12.59f; Berlin, 12.04
17- c. *London, BMC 91, 12.49f (Plate III, 2)
17- d. Uncertain provenance
18- e. *Gotha, 12.40/ (Plate III, 3)
18- f. Ciani, Feb. 20, 1935, 161
19- g. *Paris, 12.37f (Plate III, 4)
20- h. *Munich, 12.67f (pierced) (Plate III, 5) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 4)
Catalogue: Pergamum
25
Series 4-8 follow the first series in a continuous die-linked sequence. Series 4 (palm
branch) is linked to Series 2 by obverse die P2. Series 5 (club) shares obverse P5 with
Series 4 and P7 with Series 6 (eagle). The latter is known in three variants and is
linked to Series 7 (caduceus) by die P9. Series 7 and 8 (amphora) share obverse P16.
The die linkage confirms what might otherwise be surmised from the common format
of the early issues. With the exception of the club of Series 5, all the symbols are
oriented horizontally, even when this results in a configuration as curious as the eagle
on fulmen placed on its side, or the amphora with its open top to the right. The
horizontal orientation nevertheless parallels the placement of the ethnic () and
perhaps provides the explanation for the position of the symbols. Such an orientation
of marks is much less common on the cistophori of other mints where the ethnic reads
from left to right (EOE, TRAA, etc.), and on the Pergamene fractions where the
ethnic is placed horizontally, the symbol is upright (Plate II, 13).
The eagle and club are common symbols at Tralles (Series 2, 7, 31, 35, 40 and 41).
An upright club is also used on the pieces of Ephesus Series 8 and the caduceus and
dolphin appear on Apameia Series 2 and 7 as well. The horizontal thyrsus, amphora
and upright club are all early symbols on the cistophori of Sardes and Synnada (Series
1, 3 and 5).
Pergamum Series 6, 7 and 8 are struck from five, six and five obverse dies respective-
ly, more than any of the earlier issues. The increase in output perhaps reflects a greater
demand for the cistophori after a cautious introduction in small numbers. Very few
of these early series were still in circulation when the recorded cistophoric hoards were
buried (after 145 B.C.).
SERIES 9-19, 160-150 B.C.
Series 9: To r., owl, placed horizontally.

21-a. *London, BMC 88, 12.55f (Plate III, 6); von Aulock, SNG 7459, 12.47
21- b. Berlin, 12.67
22- c. Kress, Oct. 4, 1962, 155 = Kress, Nov. 30, 1961, 198, 12.3 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 5)
Didrachm:
2- a. *Ankara (ahnah 1952, 9), 6.13. Below l., owl upright; below r., rtE
(Plate III, 7)
Series 10: To l., (*E ; to r., stag (?) r.
Didrachm:
3- a. * Ankara (Plate III, 8)
26
Series 9 is not linked to any other Pergamene series but clearly belongs among the
earliest issues on the basis of the horizontal orientation of the owl. Series 10, represented
only by a unique didrachm, may be an early issue because of the irregular form of the
Pergamene monogram ((*E ) which does not recur elsewhere. On the didrachms of
both series the ethnic and symbol are placed in an upright position.
Series 11a: To r., race-torch, horizontal. Pinder 84a.
23-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.59f (Plate III, 9)
23-b. ANS-Strauss, 12.36\; Munich
23-c. ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 32), 12.64\; Commerce
23-d. London, BMC 90, 12.45f
23-e. Cambridge, SNG 4213, 12.39f
23-f. Berlin
23-g. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 19), 12.55\
23-h. Vienna, 12.35f
23A-L Vienna, 12.30f. Doublestruck
Series lib: To r., race-torch, horizontal; below l., #J . Pinder 84a.
24-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.19f. Obverse die identical to Sardes-Synnada 10
Plate III, 10)
24-b. Munich, 12.66f. Obverse die identical to Sardes-Synnada 10
24- c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 18), 12.51 \. Obverse die identical to Sar-
des-Synnada 10
25- c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 2), 12.53\
25- d. *ANS-Strauss 12.66/ (Plate III, 11); ANS-Strauss 12.78f
26- e. *Fogg (Plate III, 12)
27- f. Leningrad

27-g. ""Commerce, 12.18. Impress of circular die (Plate III, 13)
Series 12: To r., star. Pinder 83.
28-a. *ANS-Strauss (Ratto, Feb. 8, 1928, 590), 12.25f (Plate IV, 1); London,
12.60f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 5), 12.62V Six rays
28-b. ANS-Strauss, 12.57f. Six rays
28-c. Von Aulock, SNG 7463, 12.38. Six rays
28-d. New York, private coll., 12.34f. Six rays Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 6). Six rays
28- e. ANS-Strauss, 12.65\; Berlin, 12.42. Eight rays
29- e. London, 12.64f. Eight rays
29- f. ANS-BYB, SNG 971, 12.61 \. Eight rays
30- g. *ANS-ETN, 10.96\. Eight rays (Plate IV, 2)
Catalogue: Pergamum
27
The two varieties of Series 11 were both known to Pinder. Each has for symbol a
race-torch, placed on its side. Series lib has a small monogram ( Aj ) in the lower left
field which may be expanded as Synnada and is used on the cistophori of that city.
One of the dies used in Series lib (P24, Plate III, 10) is identical to a Sardes-Syn-
nada obverse die (S10, Plate XXX, 3) which is associated with a sword on the reverses.
Pergamum Series 12 has a star in the right field, a mark which is also used on the cisto-
phori of Sardes-Synnada, and is linked to the sword series. The implications of this
inter-city linkage are discussed in the section on Sardes-Synnada.
Series 13: To r., bunch of grapes.
31- a. *London, 12.66f (Plate IV, 3)
Series 14: To r., ear of grain. Pinder 81.
32- a. *Munich, 11.47\ (Plate IV, 4); ANS-Strauss, 12.58f
32-b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 3), 12.67f
32-c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 4), 12.62\
32- d. De Luynes 2499, 12.55
33- e. Hirsch, June 25-28, 1963, 429 (Asia Minor 1962, 33)
Series 15: To r., stylis.
34- a. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 7), 12.52\ (Plate IV, 5)
34- b. ANS-Strauss, 12.54f; Berlin 12.22
35- c. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 8), 12.42/
35-d. London, 12.60f
35-e. Copenhagen, SNG 406, 12.42f
35-f. Cambridge, SNG 4214, 12.57f
Didrachm:
4-a. *Commerce, Above l., stylis, horizontal; rfE omitted or off flan to l.

(Plate rV, 6)
Series 13-15 are not linked to any other Pergamene series, but their placement in the
sequence is fairly secure. They certainly precede Series 23, in which a complication in
reverse format is introduced, and Series 20-22, which are sequentially die linked to
Series 23. Among the Pergamene issues of single-symbol format, they must come
rather late. The reverse marks are oriented vertically; the two specimens of Series 15
in the Bahkesir hoard are in excellent condition; and the Series 14 piece from the 1962
hoard of ca. 145 B.C. is comparably well preserved. The bunch of grapes and ear of
grain are used as marks on the cistophori of Sardes (Series 10 and 11) and are close in
date to the star series there.5 A bunch of grapes is used later at Pergamum in Series 29
* For the relevance of the Sardes sequence to that of Pergamum, see the discussion under Sardes-
Synnada and Table I, below p. 126.
28
and is the reverse type of the drachms and didrachms of all the cistophoric mints.
The ear of grain also appears on the cistophori of Tralles (Series 12 and 47).
Series 16: To r., bee and flower, placed horizontally.
36-a. *Judd (Plate IV, 7)
Series 17: To r., head of Athena r., in crested helmet.
37- a. *Berlin, 12.68 (Plate IV, 8); ANS-Strauss, 11.79\
37-b. London, 12.63f
Series 18: To r., Nike 1., holding wreath. Pinder 78.
37-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.17\ (Plate IV, 9); Munich
37-b. Copenhagen, SNG 403, 12.22f
37-c. Paris, 11.84\ (pierced)
Series 19: To r., serpent staff.
37-a. *New York, private coll., 12.03\ (Plate IV, 10); Schulman, May 6-7,
1963, 211
Series 16-19 are associated with only two obverse dies, both very close in style and
undoubtedly by the hand that engraved dies P3 and 4. The bee and flower of Series 16
are oriented horizontally as on many of the early Pergamene issues. In Series 17-19,
which were all struck from a single obverse die, the symbols are placed vertically,
henceforth the rule at the Pergamene mint. The flower of Series 16 also appears on the
cistophori of Apameia (Series 13). The Athena head and Nike are both used as symbols
at Tralles (Series 44 and 24); Nike is an Ephesian cistophoric mark as well (Series 23).
The serpent staff of Series 16 becomes the civic badge of Pergamum after 123 B.C.
(Plate X, 10) and is also used on some late dated cistophori of Sardes.'
The use of only one obverse die for Series 17-19 indicates that they were of very short

duration, struck in very small numbers, or both. The contrast with the large output of
Series 6, 7, 8 and 11 is striking. It is unlikely that the reverse symbols which distinguish
the series connote annual (or periodic) emissions and would be synonymous with dates
if the "code" were known. If each symbol represented a period of equal duration, the
fluctuations in numerical terms of the cistophori issued during a single Pergamene
series would be enormousin fact, too great to be accounted for by economic factors.
This interpretation must be rejected. It is here assumed that the Pergamene marks are
the badges of monetary magistrates and connote personal control during varying terms
of office.
SNGCop 461.
Catalogue: Pergamum
29
SERIES 20-24f, 150-140 B.C.
Series 20: Above l., wreath.
38-a. *Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 29), 12.52f. Obverse die identical to Apa-
meia 17 (Plate IV, 11)
Series 21: To r., ivy leaf.
38-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.44f. Leaf on side; obverse die identical to Apameia 17
(Plate IV, 12)
38- b. ANS-Strauss, 12.57f. Leaf downward; obverse die identical to Apa-
meia 17
39- c. *New York, private coll. (Sotheby, Apr. 22, 1970, 190 = Helbing Nov. 8,
1928, 4034), 12.39\. Leaf downward (Plate IV, 13)
40- d. *London, 12.48f (Plate V, 1); Commerce. Leaf upward
41- e. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 3), 12.56f. Leaf downward (Plate V, 2)
Series 22: To r., cornucopiae. Pinder 80.
41-a. *ANS-ETN, 12.50f (Plate V, 3)
41-b. Oslo, 12.11f
41- c. Klagenfurt
42- d. *ANS-Strauss, 12.60/ (Plate V, 4); ANS-Strauss, 12.56/
43- e. Copenhagen, SNG 404, 12.44f
44- f. Berlin, 12.50
44- g. Copenhagen, SNG 405, 12.60f
45- h. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 4), 12.55f (Plate V, 5)
Series 20-22 are linked to each other and to the series which follow and their po-
sition in the Pergamene sequence is certain. Series 20 is known in a single specimen
from the Yesilhisar hoard. Its symbol, a wreath, is irregularly placed in the upper left

field. Due to its scarcity, it is impossible to determine whether this was the format used
for all the reverses of this series or whether the one known die is exceptional and re-
presents only a variant introduced by the engraver. The obverse (P38) is also used in
Pergamum Series 21 and Apameia Series 18, and once again documents the sharing of
dies between cistophoric cities.7 The wreath is also used for Apameia Series 17, Ephesus
Series 30 (where it is similarly located on the reverses) and Tralles Series 8, 9, and 34.
The cornucopiae is likewise a common cistophoric symbol; it appears in Ephesus
Series 24, Tralles Series 13 and Apameia Series 19.
7 The implications of this Pergamum-Apameia linkage are discussed in the section on Apameia.
See also Table I, below p. 126.
30
Series 23a: To r., dolphin.
45- a. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 20), 12.61 \ (Plate V, 6)
46- b. *ANS, 12.44/. Obverse die identical to Apameia 24 (Plate V, 7)
46- c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 5), 12.60/. Obverse die identical to
Apameia 24
47- d. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 7), 12.67f (Plate V, 8)
48- e. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 34), 12.73f (Plate V, 9)
48-f. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 24), 12.53f
48- g. Kastner, Nov. 26, 1974, 95, 12.38
49- h. * ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 6), 12.66f (Plate V, 10)
49- i. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 25), 12.67\
50-j. ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 35), 12.67f
50- k. Von Aulock, SNG 7460, 12.55; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 22), 12.47f
51- l. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 23), 12.53f
52- m. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 9), 12.57/ (Plate V, 11)
53- n. *Copenhagen, SNG 414, 12.33f (pierced) (Plate V, 12)
54- o. *Cambridge, McClean 7697, 12.38f. Obverse die identical to Apameia 28
(Plate VI, 1)
Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 8-13; Bahkesir 1958, 10)
Series 23b: To r., dolphin; in l. serpent coil, prow r.
50-a. *Winterthur, 12.48/ (Plate VI, 2)
50- b. London, 12.35f
51- c. *ANS, 12.37f (Plate VI, 3)
55- d. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 21), 12.68/
56- e. Athens, 12.07/; Kress, Sept. 16-17, 1957, 47

56- f. Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 7), 12.61
57- g. Leningrad
58- h. Berlin, 12.53
Series 23c: To r., dolphin; below l., M; below r., A.8
58-a. *Copenhagen, SNG 415, 12.62f (Plate VI, 4)
Series 24a: To r., filleted thyrsus. Pinder 77.
52- a. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 11), 12.54f (Plate VI, 5);
ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 12), 12.39f
52-b. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 13), 12.70f
52-c. Copenhagen, SNG 407, 12.41f; von Aulock , SNG 1366, 12.38
52-d Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 8), 12.52/
8 Imhoof recorded a variety of this series in his collection with 1+1 in the left serpent coil (SNR,
1913, p. 27, no. 69). This piece was not illustrated and is otherwise unknown.
Catalogue: Pergamum
31
52- e. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 9), 12.50/; New York, private coll., 12.67/
53- f. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 1), 12.50f (Plate VI, 6); Istanbul (Yesilhisar
1963, 10), 12.49f. To l. S
53- g. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963,11), 12.6If
54- h. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 36), 12.69f (Plate VI, 7); Commerce (Asia Minor
1962, 37-40); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 6-7), 12.67f, 12.32f. Obverse die
identical with Apameia 28.
54-i. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 14), 12.68f. Obverse die identical to Apameia 28
59-j. *ANS-ETN, 12.61/ (Plate VI, 8)
60- k. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 12), 12.60f
60- l. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 13), 12.54f
61- m. Copenhagen, SNG 408, 12.37f
61- n. Kress, Nov. 21, 1966, 284
62- o. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 15), 12.55f
62-p. ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 1), 12.47f
62-q. ANS-Strauss, 12.39f
62- r. ANS-Strauss, 12.50f
63- s. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 16), 12.55f (Plate VI, 9)
63- t. London, BMC 89, 12.53f
64- u. *ANS-Strauss, 12.72f (Plate VI, 10)
65- v. Von Aulock, SNG 7457, 12.80
65- w. Munich, 12.74/
66- x. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 14), 12.61f (Plate VI, 11)
66-xx. Seyrig, 12.69f
66- y. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 14), 12.70f

67- z. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 15), 12.54f
68- aa. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 16), 12.62f
69- bb.*ANS-Strauss, 12.37f. Obverse die identical to Apameia 37 (Plate VI, 12)
70- cc. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 17), 12.61f (Plate VII, 1)
70- dd. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 18), 12.71f
71- ee. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 15), 12.59\. To I., S
72- ff. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 2), 12.65f; Berlin, 12.71. To l., ^
73- gg. Berlin, 12.39 (pierced). To l., 3-
73- hh.*Munich, 12.35. To l., ^ (Plate VII, 2)
74-ii. Zara. To l. ^
75- jj. * ANS-Strauss, 12.24f. To l., rft; obverse die identical to Apameia 38
(Plate VII, 3)
76- kk. Paris, 12.74f
77- ll. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 19), 12.59\ Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 16-22)
32
Series 24b: To r., filleted thyrsus; in l. serpent coil, prow r.
76-a. *ANS-Ives, 12.38/ (Plate VII, 4)
76- b. Izmir
77- c. *ANS, 12.56f (Plate VII, 5); ANS (Kress, May 30, 1962, 372=Asia
Minor 1961, 1), 12.47f
77-d. Hirsch, March 22, 1976, 126, 12.45
Series 24c: To r., filleted thyrsus, over which, prow l.
53-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 7458, 12.58 (Plate VII, 6) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 20)
Series 24d: To r., filleted thyrsus; below l., A.9
77-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 7464, 12.62 (Plate VII, 7) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 21)
Series 24e: To r., filleted thyrsus between A and A.
77-a. * Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 26), 12.59/ (Plate VII, 8)
Series 24f: To r., filleted thyrsus, above which, NE
77-a. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 22), 12.37f (Plate VII, 9)
Series 23 and 24 are known in several variants and are by far the most frequently
encountered of the early Pergamene cistophori. The survival rate is not the result
of chance finds, but accurately reflects the production rate in antiquity. The two
series are known in 14 and 22 obverse, and 24 and 45 reverse dies respectively and
probably represent the Pergamene cistophoric issues of nearly a decade. The
linkage between the two series is so frequent and so complicated that the dolphin
and thyrsus symbols must have been used simultaneously rather than consecu-
tively. This is further confirmed by the format of the reverse dies in the two series.
In both cases, magistrates' initials are occasionally placed to left and right in the lower
field of the reverses (Series 23c and 24d). In Series 23b and 24b, a diminutive prow is
added as a secondary symbol and placed in the lower coil of the left serpent; in Series

24c the prow is placed over the thyrsus.
Does the addition of the prow have any significance with regard to the Pergamene
fleet? Five duplicate pieces of Series 24a (54-h) in excellent condition were in the 1962
hoard and are clearly among the latest pieces present. The duplication of paired dies
does not occur elsewhere in that hoard and indicates that the five Pergamene specimens
9 Imhoof recorded a variety of this series in his collection with A below left and A below right
(SNR 1913, p. 27, no. 70). The piece was not illustrated. The Balikesir and von Aulock specimens
were struck partially off flan to the right and may also be thyrsus and A - A types.
Catalogue: Pergamum
33
must have been struck just prior to burial. The datable Attic-weight pieces in the 1962
hoard were struck as late as 150 B.C. and the Pergamene cistophori with thyrsus as
symbol probably date ca. 150-140 B.C. Such a date coincides with the period immediate-
ly following the naval defeat of Andriscus in 148 B.C.10 and it is tempting to associate
the prow on the cistophori with this event. In any case, after the defeat of Prusias of
Bithynia in 154 B.C. and the subsequent payment of the indemnity for war damages,11
Pergamum possessed the most powerful fleet in the Greek east, and it would not be
surprising to find reference to this naval supremacy in the Pergamene coinage.
Series 23 and 24 also document the reintroduction of magistrates' monograms or
initials on the Pergamene silver. Series 23c includes the letters M - A to lower left and
right on the reverses. Series 24d has a A to lower left; possibly a second letter is off
flan to the right. In Series 24e, A and A flank the thyrsus and probably indicate the
same authority, while the NE of Series 24f is above the symbol. Such irregularity in
placement is characteristic of the initial stages of almost any change in format, and has
been noted previously with respect to the design of the earliest cistophoric reverses.
Pergamene obverses P46, 54, 69 and 75 are also used for the cistophori of Apameia
Series 21, 23 and 24.1S A filleted thyrsus is the distinguishing mark of Tralles Series 18.
SERIES 25a-26, 139-136 B.C.
Series 25a: To r., Macedonian helmet facing.
78- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 23), 12.79\ (Plate VII, 10) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 24)
Series 25b: To r., crested helmet l.
79- a. *New York, private coll. (Asia Minor 1971, 1), 12.43\. To l., si ; ob-
verse die identical to Apameia 40 (Plate VII, 11)
80- b. ANS-Strauss (Ratto, Feb. 8, 1928, 589), 12.45\
81- c. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 25), 12.78/. To l., S (Plate VII, 12)

81- d. ANS, 12.59f. To l.,
82- e. *London, 12.64f (Plate VIII, 1)
82- f. Munich, 12.15/. To 1., S
83- g. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 26), 12.65\ (Plate VIII, 2)
84- h. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 17), 12.87t
84-i. Karlsruhe, 12.47f (pierced)
84-j. Oslo, 12.09f (pierced)
10 On the revolt of Andriscus and his defeat by the Romans supported by a Pergamene fleet,
see Strabo 8.6.23; 13.4.2; Pausanias 7.13.1; 16.1.8; and Polybius 36.10; 36.17.13-14.
11 Polybius 33.13.1-6.
12 See the discussion under Apameia and Table I, below p. 126.
34
85- k. *Oslo, 12.44f (Plate VIII, 3)
86- l. *Leningrad (Plate VIII, 4)
86A-m.Peus, Oct. 25-26, 1971, 116, 12.36. To L, Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 27-28)
Series 26: To r., Nl. Pinder 76.
87-a. *Paris, 12.41f (Plate VIII, 5); ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 29), 12.70f.
To L, FR-
Series 25 and 26 do not share obverse dies with any other Pergamene series, but their
place in the sequence is fairly secure. Series 20-24 are all die linked and the style of ob-
verses P78-87 is much closer to that of the dies of 23 and 24 than to any of the series
from 1-19. Moreover, P79 is identical with Apameia obverse A40 (Series 24) which
follows Apameia Series 23. The latter employs two dies of Pergamum Series 23 and 24.
Neither Series 25 nor 26 is present in the Bahkesir or 1962 hoards, although nine of the
eighteen pieces come from hoards buried after 131 B.C.
The NI used in place of a symbol in Pergamum Series 26 is transitional between the
earlier series and those which regularly combine symbols with monograms or initials.
SERIES 27-31b, 135-128 B.C.
Series 27: Above center, ME; to r., club entwined by serpent.
88- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 30), 12.76\ (Plate VIII, 6)
89- b. ANS-Strauss, 12.65f
89- c. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 31), 12.51f (Plate VIII, 7);
London (Asia Minor 1928, 32), 12.65f
90- d. ANS-Strauss, 12.55f ANS-BYB, SNG 972, 12.63f Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 33)
Series 28: Above center, EP; to r., fulmen, vertical. Pinder 86.
91- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 34), 12.53f (Plate VIII, 8)
91-b. ANS-Gans, 12.42\

91- c. Munich, 12.16\
92- d. * ANS-Strauss, 11.97/ (Plate VIII, 9)
93- e. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 35), 12.74f (Plate VIII, 10)
93- f. Munich, 12.19f (pierced)
94- g. Kress, Jan. 22, 1968, 166
95- h. Klagenfurt
95A-i *New York, private coll., 12.58f (Plate VIII, 11) Commerce (Asia Minor 1935, 1)
Catalogue: Pergamum
35
Series 29: Above center, AZ ; to r., ivy leaf, upward, and bunch of grapes.
96-a. Gotha, 12.44/
96-b. Leningrad
96-c. Uncertain provenance
96-d. Dewing
96- e. *Commerce (Plate VIII, 12)
Series 30: Above center, AZ ; to r., gorgoneion. Pinder 85.
97- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 36) 12.69\ (Plate IX, 1)
97- b. Athens, 12.49f; Schulman, June 6-7, 9-11, 1969, 1320
98- c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 37), 12.71/
98-d. ANS-BYB, SNG 973, 12.66f
98-e. ANS-BYB, SNG 974, 12.64f
98-f. Paris, 12.24f
98- g. Peus F.P.L., October 1969, 52.
99- h. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 38), 12.73f (Plate IX, 2)
99-i. London (Asia Minor 1928, 40), 12.70f
99-j. Cahn, Oct. 15ff, 1929, 193, 12.96; Glendining, Oct. 27-28, 1971, 81
100-j. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 39), 12.70f (Plate IX, 3); Oxford, 12.1 If;
Hess-Leu 31, Dec. 6-7, 1966, 410, 12.71f
100- k. Sofia
Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 41-49)
Series 31a: Above center, MH; to r., club with lion's skin; in l. serpent coil, A; in r.
serpent coil, I . Pinder 87.
101- a. * ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 50), 12.70f (Plate IX, 4)
101- b. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 51), 12.72f Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 52)

Series 31b: Above center, MH; to r., club with lion's skin; in central serpent coil, 4* .
Pinder 87.
102- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 53), 12.72/ (Plate IX, 5)
102- b. Berlin, 12.39
103- b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 54), 12.75f (Plate IX, 6)
104- c. Cambridge, SNG 4216, 12.33f
105- d. *Paris, 12.05/ (Plate IX, 7)
Series 27-31 are the latest Pergamene emissions in the 1928 hoard and must date to
the years just prior to 128 B.C. No Pergamene piece with the civic badge of a serpent
staff (Plate X, 10)13 was included in that hoard or in the Yesilhisar or ahnah hoards
u Plate X, 10 = New York, private coll., 12.05/ (unpublished).
36
of 130-128 B.C. There can be no doubt that the introduction of this device must have
occurred after 128 and that the universally accepted date for this change in format
(134/133 B.C.) must be rejected. It is now clear that the only city to begin to employ an
invariable civic symbol in 134 was Ephesus. However attractive, the traditional view,
which associates the Dionysus of Tralles, the flutes of Apameia, etc., with the reorgani-
zation of the Attalid cities by the Romans upon the formation of the Province of Asia,14
is negated by the abundant evidence to the contrary.
Series 27-30 do, however, attest to a less radical change in Pergamene format at about
the time of the creation of the Province of Asia. A periodically changing symbol still oc-
cupies a position in the right field, but a monogram (or initials) now appears between
the serpents' heads. This format was to remain the rule for all subsequent Pergamene
cistophori until the discontinuation of the series in 67 B.C. On the latest Pergamene
pieces (Plate X, 11)1S the initials are associated with the mark of the prytaneis (rtT)1*
and these officials may also have been responsible for the coinage at this date, if not from
its inception.
Series 27 pairs a club entwined by a serpent with M E and Series 28 a fulmen with
EP. Series 29 and 30 combine AZ with a bunch of grapes and ivy leaf and a gorgoneion
respectively. The use of both initials and symbols may indicate dual responsibility for
the series involved. The retention of AZ in Series 30 may point to a longer term of of-
fice for one of the two magistrates.
In Series 31 a further elaboration takes place. A second monogram or pair of initials
is introduced within the coils of the serpents. Whatever the significance of the symbol,
the initials clearly refer to persons associated with the coinage and their relative prom-
inence in the designs undoubtedly corresponds to the degree of their importance in the
mint. (The club and pelt used as symbol in Series 31 is the obverse type of the drachms

and didrachms of all the cistophoric mints.)
SERIES 32-37c, 128-123 B.C.
Series 32: Above center, T ;to r., female head facing; in l. serpent coil, Y ; in r. ser-
pent coil, A .
106- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.32\ (Plate IX, 8)
Series 33: Above center, T ; to r., caduceus-club; in 1. serpent coil, Y; in r. ser-
pent coil, A.
107- a. ""London, BMC 93, 11.67f (Plate IX, 9)
107-b. Paris, 11.73f
14 For example BMCLydia cxxxvif. The misdating of the Tralles pieces with TTTOA and dates
A to H was corrected by Regling, Frankfurter Miinzzeitung 1932, pp. 506-7, 509-10.
15 Plate X, 11 = ANS-Strauss, 12.56f
19 The expansion of rtT as prylaneis was recognized by Panel as early as 1734.
Catalogue: Pergamum
37
Series 34: Above center, t*l ;to r., griffin-crested helmet l.; in l. serpent coil, Y;
in r. serpent coil, A .
108-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 3), 12.75/ (Plate IX, 10)
108- b. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1935, 2), 12.19/
Series 35: Above center, Fta ; to r., branch entwined by serpent; in l. serpent coil,
Y; in r. serpent coil, A.
109- a. *ANS, 12.50\ (Plate IX, 11); Kress, June 30, 1964, 267
109- b. Athens, 12.20\
Series 32-35 continue the format used in Series 31: monogram above, symbol to right,
initials in serpent coils. In both Series 32 and 33 the monogram is T and the initials
are Y - A , although the symbol changes from a facing head to a caduceus-club.
This retention of letters while the symbol changes is analogous to the modification of
Series 29 in Series 30. In Series 34 and 35, the letters (Y - A) remain constant, while
both the monogram and symbols change. None of the rare pieces from these four series
is from a hoard interred prior to 128 B.C., although two of the eight were included in
later hoards. Series 32-35 almost certainly postdate 128 B.C.
Series 36: Above center, PI ;to r., ear of grain entwined by serpent.
110- a. *Gotha, 12.40 (Plate IX, 12)
111- b. *Berlin, 12.49 (Plate X, 1)
111- c. Kress, July 21, 1969, 166
Series 37a: Above center, 161 ;to r., winged caduceus.
112- a. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 4), 12.67f
112-b. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 5), 12.69f
112- c. *Munich, 12.62f (Plate X, 2)
113- d. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 6), 12.57f (Plate X, 3)

114- e. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1935, 3), 12.16f
114- f. *New York, private coll. (Asia Minor 1971, 2), 12.33f (Plate X, 4)
115- g. Cambridge, McClean 7698, 12.40f Commerce (Asia Minor 1935, 4-6)
Series 37b: Above center, Ifl ;to r., winged caduceus.
116- a. * ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1935, 7), 12.45f (Plate X, 5)
117- b. *Berlin, 12.37 (Plate X, 6)
117-c. Berlin, 12.64
117- d. Beirut Univ., 12.44f
118- e. Athens (Delos 1906), 11.49f
118-f. Commerce
38
118- g. *Commerce (Asia Minor 1966, 1), 12.55 (Plate X, 7)
119- h. *Commerce (Asia Minor 1966, 2), 12.54 (Plate X, 8)
Series 37c: Above center, AH; to r., winged caduceus.
120- a. *Copenhagen, SNG 416, 12.57f (Plate X, 9)
The ear of grain entwined by a serpent in Series 36 resembles the similarly entwined
branch in Scries 35 and may follow it. The monogram used ( Pt ) probably refers to
the same official whose mark ( 19 ) appears in Series 37a and whose initials distinguish
the reverses of Series 37c. A winged caduceus is the symbol in Series 37a, b and c.
Although no letters appear in the serpent coils, Series 36 and 37 must follow Series 31.
No pieces from these series are present in the 1928 hoard, but in deposits buried during
the late second or early first centuries B.C. they are frequently included.17 The two series
thus represent a reversion to an earlier format. A similar arrangement is used for the
Pergamene cistophori of 123-67 B.C., (Plate X, 10-11).
155-140 B.C.
Uncertain: To r., symbol off flan: no other marks.
121- a. ""Istanbul. Struck over a Pergamene cistophorus of Series 12 (Plate X, 12)
One piece in the Istanbul Museum must remain unclassified until the appearance of
new evidence. The reverse symbol is off flan and the die cannot be identified with that
of any other known piece. The obverse die is also unique. Because the types are struck
over a Pergamene cistophorus of Series 12, the Istanbul specimen must postdate
155 B.C. Stylistically it appears to date about 155-150 B.C. (compare Plate IV) but in
any case must precede the adjustments in reverse format after 140B.C. It is possible
that the piece in fact belongs to Series 12 and represents immediate restriking after mis-
striking, rather than overstriking in the conventional sense of the word.
SEQUENCE OF ISSUES

166-160 B.C.
r ES and thyrsus
m" and thyrsus
17 The Athens piece of Series 37b from the 1906 Delos hoard is in fine condition. The burial
has been dated ca. 128 B.C. (Thompson), 98 B.C. (Lewis) and 88 B.C. (Hackens). IGCH 290.
Catalogue: Pergamum
i- and 2
dolphin above IaT] or AS
=palm branch
=club
=eagle
=caduceus
-amphora
160-150 B.C.
owl
stag
race-torch (and/or Ai )
star
bunch of grapes
ear of grain
stylis
bee and flower
-Athena head
-Nike
-serpent staff
150-140 B.C.
-wreath
=ivy leaf
=cornucopiae
=dolphin
=dolphin and prow
-dolphin and M - A

-thyrsus
-thyrsus and prow
- prow over thyrsus
- thyrsus and A
- thyrsus and A - A
- thyrsus and
139-136 B.C.
Macedonian helmet
crested helmet
Nl
135-128 B.C.
ME and serpent-entwined club
EP and fulmen
AZ and grapes with ivy leaf
AZ and gorgoneion
MH and club and pelt and A - I or ^
128-123 B.C.
T and female head and Y - A
T and caduceus-club and Y - A
[*3 and griffin helmet and Y - A
Pta and serpent-entwined palm and Y - A
KH and serpent-entwined ear of grain
161 or Ifl and winged caduceus

AH and winged caduceus
EPHESUS
SERIES 1-7, 166-160 B.C.
Series 1: To r., head of leopard r.
1-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.58/ (Plate XI, 1)
1-b. *Hague, 12.61f- Ethnic to r.; symbol to l. (Plate XI, 2)
Series 2: To r., bust of Helios facing.
1- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.67f (Plate XI, 3); Kress, Nov. 30,1961, 207; Commerce
2- b. *Winterthur, 12.50 (Plate XI, 4); ANS-Strauss, 12.64f; Hague-van Rede,
11.07f
3- c. Miinz. u. Med. F.P.L., Jan. 1963, 25
4- d. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 58), 12.57f. Ethnic to r.; symbol to l.
(Plate XI, 5)
4A-e. Vienna, 12.18f. Ethnic to r.; symbol to l.
The first two series of cistophori at Ephesus are linked by a common obverse die
(El) and exhibit features comparable to the contemporary issues of Pergamum. There is
a similar irregularity with respect to the placement of the ethnic and the symbol:
Ed>E appears in both the left and right fields in both series. The use of an animal's
head as symbol, placed almost as if it were an outgrowth of one of the serpents, is
paralleled in the initial series of Apameia. The size of the cista in the earliest Ephesian
obverses is considerably larger than in succeeding decades. Only 1 of the 11 known
coins from Series 1 and 2 comes from a recorded hoard (Asia Minor 1928, 58). As might be
expected, the earliest cistophori had, for the most part, ceased to circulate by the time
the earliest cistophoric hoards were buried.
Series 3: To r., head of Artemis, r., with quiver.
5- a. Jameson, 1500, 12.31
5- b. *Copenhagen, SNG 306, 12.17f (Plate XI, 6)
6- c. *ANS, 12.34/. Ethnic to r.; symbol to l. (Plate XI, 7)

Series 4: To r., bow in case r.
6-a. ""London, 12.66f (Plate XI, 8); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 54), 12.59/;
von Aulock, SNG 7839, 12.40 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 23)
41
42
Series 5: To r., quiver and bow r.
6-a. *London, BMC 148, 12.14f (Plate XI, 9)
6-b. Berlin, 12.24
6- c. Istanbul
Didrachm:
1-a. *London, BMC 153, 5.94f (Plate XI, 10)
Series 6: To r., stag feeding r.
7- a. ANS-Strauss, 11.23f
7-b. *Berlin, 12.03 (Plate XI, 11)
7-c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 59), 12.48f
7-d. Von Aulock, SNG 7831,12.37
7- e. Myers, Apr. 11, 1975, 133, 12.55 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 24)
Didrachms:
1-a. *London (Naville, Apr. 4, 1921, 2438), 6.03f
(Plate XI, 12); Ankara
Series 7: To r., strung bow and arrow r.
8- a. Oxford, 12.46f
8- b. *Vienna, 12.05\ (Plate XI, 13)
Series 3 is the last series to reflect the experimentation with the format of the Ephe-
sian reverses. As in the first two series, the ethnic is variously placed to the left or to
the right. The symbolArtemis with quiveris the first of many allusions on the
Ephesian cistophori to the chief deity of the city. This and the immediately following
issues celebrate Artemis in her role as divine huntress. Series 4 and 5, which share
obverse die E6 with Series 3, have for symbols a bow in case, and a quiver and bow,
respectively. The three issues were either of short duration or small in size, for obverse

E6 does not show any serious signs of wear in any of the recorded specimens. The
feeding stag of Series 6 is another reference to Artemis and is linked to the quiver and
bow of Series 5 on the didrachms only. The bow and arrow used in Series 7 is per-
haps to be associated with these early issues where the instruments of archery are so
prominent. One example each of Series 4 and 6 was present in the Yesilhisar hoard
buried in 130 B.C., and the latter piece bears signs of considerable wear.
SERIES 8-21, 160-150 B.C.
Series 8: To r., club, upright.
9- a. *Berlin, 12.34 (Plate XII, 1)
9-b. Von Aulock, SNG 1855, 12.28
Catalogue: Ephesus
43
Series 9: To r., date palm.
9-a. *Cambridge, SNG 4428, 12.37f (Plate XII, 2)
Series 10: To r., candelabrum.
9-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 6), 12.60f (Plate XII, 3)
9-b. London, 12.60f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 61), 12.37f
Series 11: To r., cock r.
9-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 7834, 12.68; Vienna, 12.36/ (Plate XII, 4) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 25)
Drachm:
1-a. *Berlin, 3.05 (Plate XII, 5)
Series 8-11 must fall in the decade 160-150, since both the earliest issues and those
which postdate 150-145 can be securely identified by format and die linkage. The
placement of these four series before Series 12-21 is arbitrary, as is the sequence from
8 to 11. All four series were struck from a single obverse die (E9) which shows no signs
of wear in any surviving specimen. The club, placed vertically, is an early symbol at
Pergamum (Series 5) and Sardes (Series 3). The cock appears again in Series 38 at
Ephesus. The Yesilhisar piece is only somewhat worn and the ANS piece from the
Asia Minor 1970 hoard (IGCH 1460) is surprisingly well preserved for its burial ca.
95 B.C.
Series 12: To r., forepart of stag r. Pinder 17.
10-a. *Winterthur, 12.68 (Plate XII, 6); Berlin, 12.02 (pierced)
10-b. Munich, 12.65\
10- c. Izmir
11- d. * Istanbul (Plate XII, 7)
12- e. *London, 11.91/ (Plate XII, 8)
Series 13: To r., cult statue of Artemis Ephesia facing. Pinder 19.

12- a. *Paris, 11.93f (Plate XII, 9); Stockholm, 11.70f (pierced)
14- c. London, BMC 143, 11.78f; von Aulock, SNG 1852, 12.64; Munich, 12.37f
14- d. Berlin, 12.63
15- e. *ANS (Kress, March 19-21, 1959, 239), 12.59\ (Plate XII, 10)
15- f. Berlin, 12.59
16- g. *Boston 64.1360, 12.56\ (Plate XII, 11); Uncertain provenance
16- h. Hirsch, June 26-29, 1967, 3202
17- i. Stack's, June 10-11, 1970, 344, 12.8
44
Series 14: To r., Artemis facing, holding torches.
18-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 7830, 12.54
18-b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 40), 12.62\
18-c. Wulfing, 12.50f (Plate XII, 12) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 26)
Series 15: To r., Artemis r., drawing arrow from quiver with r., holding bow in ex-
tended l., with hound (?)
18-a. *London, BMC 150, 12.50f (Plate XIII, 1)
18-b. Cambridge, SNG 4429, 12.51; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 53), 12.29\
Series 16: To r., temple key.
18-a. *London, 12.45f (Plate XIII, 2)
18-b. Von Aulock, SNG 1854, 12.10
Series 17: To r., bee within wreath.
18-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.50f (Plate XIII, 3)
18-b. ANS-ETN, 12.03f; ANS-Strauss, 12.66/; Zara
18-c. ANS-Strauss, 12.05f (pierced)
18-d. London, BMC 152, 12.70/
18-e. Copenhagen, SNG 309, 12.60f; von Aulock, SNG 7838, 12.70
18-g. Paris, 12.41f
18-h. Ratto, Apr. 4, 1927, 1933, 12.50
18-i. Hamburger, May 29ff., 1929, 362, 12.67
18-j. Budapest, 12.52f
18-k. Brussels
18-l. Vienna, 12.41/
18- m. Berlin, 12.58

19- m. *ANS-Strauss, 12.64/ (Plate XIII, 4)
Drachms:
2-a. *London, BMC 155, 3.05f (Plate XIII, 5); Berlin, 2.91; Berlin, 2.99
Series 12-17 bear symbols which make almost exclusive reference to Artemis or to
the city itself. Series 13-15 depict Artemis herself; Series 16 has as symbol the key to
the temple of Artemis; and the bee in wreath of Series 17 is distinctly civic in nature,
the bee being an Ephesian coin type in its own right. Obverse ElO has the curved cista
lid characteristic of the earliest Ephesian dies, and the large size of the cista of obverse
El 1 is likewise an early feature. Series 12 and 13 share obverse die El 2 and the Artemis
with torches of Series 14 is so close to the Artemis Ephesia of Series 13 that the two are
very likely contemporary series. (The Artemis with torches reappears in Series 38 in
Catalogue: Ephesus
45
conjunction with the cock of Series 11.) Series 14-17 all share obverse E18. None of the
24 surviving pieces struck from this die shows any sign of die wear or breakage. If the
four series were not issued simultaneously they must have been short in duration,
very small in quantity, or both. The three pieces from the Yesilhisar hoard are in
worn to fine condition. Obverse E19 is undoubtedly by the same hand as E18.
Series 18: To r., bee.
20-a. *Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 43), 12.59f (Plate XIII, 6)
Series 19: To r., bow case with strap r. Pinder 18.
20-a. *Paris, 12.56f (Plate XIII, 7)
Series 20: To r., stag r.
20-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 59), 12.45f (Plate XIII, 8)
20-b. ANS-BYB, SNG 1055, 12.56f; ANS, 12.57f
20-c. Gotha, 11.29f
Series 21: To r., stag r., behind which, palm tree.
21- a. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 27), 12.43f (Plate XIII, 9)
22- b. ANS, 12.48f; Berlin, 12.70
22-c. ANS-Strauss, 12.36f
22-d. Berlin, 12.17
22-e. Von Aulock, SNG 1853, 12.40; Munich, 12.12f (pierced)
22-f. Cambridge, SNG 4430, 12.61f
22- g. London, BMC 151, 12.7If
23- h. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 60), 12.40f (Plate XIII, 10) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 61)
Drachms:
3- a. *Munich (Plate XIII, 11)
4- a. *Paris, 3.06\ (Plate XIII, 12)

Series 18 (bee), which survives in a unique specimen from the Yesilhisar hoard, may
merely be a variant of the bee within wreath of Series 17. It is linked to Series 19
(bow-case) and 20 (stag) by obverse E20. Signs of die wear and a few small breaks in
the obverses of the four examples of Series 20 establish it as the last of the three.
In Series 21 a palm is placed behind the stag. This is a major coin type at Ephesus,
as is the bee of Series 18. The stag and palm piece from the Bahkesir hoard is rather
worn; the London specimen from the 1928 hoard is better preserved although buried
about a decade later.
46
SERIES 22-32 150-140 B.C.
Series 22: To r., Artemis slaying stag r.
24- a. *London, BMC 147, 12.18f (pierced) (Plate XIV, 1)
25- a. Oxford, 12.66f
25-b. Von Aulock, SNG 7832, 12.55
25-c. ANS-Strauss, 12.24t
25- d. *Paris, 12.28f (Plate XIV, 2)
26- d. *ANS-Strauss, 11.90f (Plate XIV, 3)
26- e. Klenau, Dec. 11, 1971, 277
27- d. Kress, Nov. 29, 1962, 305,12.3 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 28)
Series 23: To r., Nike r., holding wreath. Pinder 16.
25-a. *London, 12.62f (Plate XIV, 4)
25- b. Madrid
26- c. *ANS-Strauss, 12.41f (Plate XIV, 5); Paris, 12.23f (pierced)
26-d. Paris, 11.78f; Istanbul (YesUhisar 1963, 55), 12.54t
Didrachm:
2-a. *Copenhagen, SNG 313, 5.56f (Plate XIV, 6)
Series 24: To r., cornucopiae.
28- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 41), 12.65f (Plate XIV, 7); Istanbul (YesUhisar
1963, 39), 12.62f
28-b. Istanbul (YesUhisar 1963, 38), 12.63\
28- c. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 29), 12.53\
29- d. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 30), 12.55/
29-e. Von Aulock, SNG 7840, 12.50
29-f. Vienna, 12.25\

Series 22 is the last of the early issues which directly refers to or depicts the patron
goddess of Ephesus. The reverses, which show Artemis slaying a stag, are struck in
conjunction with two obverse dies (E25 and 26) used in Series 23, which has for symbol
Nike with wreath. Die breaks which develop in the left field of E25 and in the right
field of E26 in Series 23 establish that series as the later of the two. (A Nike with wreath
is also used as symbol in Pergamum Series 18 and Tralles Series 24.) Series 24, which
bears a cornucopiae on its reverses survives in seven specimens, five of which come from
recorded hoards. The ANS piece from the 1962 hoard, buried about 145-140 B.C., is
fairly well preserved, the two from the Bahkesir hoard are very well preserved, and
the two YesUhisar specimens are somewhat worn. If the varying condition of the
Catalogue: Ephesus
47
hoard coins is contradictory, the high frequency of the cornucopiae pieces in the hoards
suggests a fairly late placement in the Ephesian sequence. Series 24 is probably one
of the last to be struck before the format of the Ephesian reverses was made more
complex by the addition of secondary symbols or control marks. (The cornucopiae
is also used in Pergamum Series 22, Tralles Series 13 and Apameia Series 19.)
Series 25: To r., eagle r., fillet in beak.
30- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 62), 12.48f (Plate XIV, 8)
31-c. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 42), 12.69f (Plate XIV, 9)
31-d. ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 7), 12.46\
31-e. Copenhagen, SNG 310, 12.3If; Berlin, 12.59
31-g. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 49), 12.54/
31-h. Frankfurt, 11.98
31- i. Ratto, Apr. 4, 1927, 1934, 12.59f
Series 26: To r., filleted hand l.
32- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 43), 12.65f (Plate XIV, 10)
32-b. Von Aulock, SNG 7836, 12.52; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 44), 12.69f
32-c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 45), 12.38/
32- d. Paris, 11.59| (pierced)
33- e. London, BMC 149, 12.59f
33-f. Copenhagen, SNG 311, 12.33f; Berlin, 12.50
33-g. *Berlin, 12.06 (pierced) (Plate XIV, 11)
33- h. Vienna, 12.16/
Series 27: Above l., star; to r. laurel branch, filleted. Pinder 21.

34- a. *London, BMC 146, 12.53f (Plate XIV, 12)
34- b. Uncertain provenance; Commerce
35- c. *ANS, 12.11f. Struck over a tetradrachm of Thasos (Plate XV, 1)
35-d. ANS-Strauss, 12.48f
35-e. Berlin, 12.64
35-f. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 46), 12.70\
35-g. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 47), 12.48f
35-h. New York, private coll., 12.00f
35- i. BollN vol. 7 no 6., Dec. 1970, 151
36- i. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 64), 12.58/
36-j. ANS-ETN, 12.34f
36- k. Kress, Feb. 10, 1969, 223
37- k. *Hirsch, Dec. 11-14, 1967, 2171 (Plate XV, 2) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 65)
48
Series 28: Above l., bee; to r., coiled serpent on cista. Pinder 22.
37-a. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 31), 12.56f
37- b. * Vienna, 12.19f (Plate XV, 3)
38- c. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 66), 12.57\ (Plate XV, 4)
38-d. Kastner, Nov. 26, 1974, 100 (ex Jacoby), 12.51
38- e. Berlin, 12.35
39- e. *Berlin, 12.53 (Plate XV, 5)
39-f. ANS-Strauss, 12.23f; von Aulock, SNG 7837, 12.68
39-g. Istanbul
39- h. Commerce
40- i. ANS-BYB, SNG 1056, 12.38/ Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 32)
Drachms:
5- a. *Paris, 3.04f (Plate XV, 6); ANS-Stephens, 3.06f
6- a. *Berlin, 3.09 (Plate XV, 7)
Series 25-28 document the transition from a simpler to a more elaborate system of
reverse control marks at Ephesus. The first three of these series are closely related al-
though there is no die linkage among the known specimens. Obverse dies E30-35 are
very close in style and each of the three reverse marks is a prominently filleted object:
Series 25, eagle with fillet in beak; Series 26, filleted left or right hand (of Artemis?);
and Series 27, filleted branch. In the last-mentioned series, a second control mark is
added: a star, placed in the upper left field. Two similarly located marks are also used in
Series 28, which shares obverse E37 with Series 27. In the latter series, the bee to the
left is an appropriate Ephesian device and the serpent on cista to the right is a variation
on the obverse type itself. Series 26 is the latest Ephesian issue to appear in the 1962
hoard; Series 27 is the latest in the Bahkesir hoard.

One example of Series 27 (Plate XV, 1) is struck over a tetradrachm of Thasos of the
Heracles Soter type. The piece, which weighs only 12.11 gm, is the result of reducing
the size and hence the weight of the flan of the originally Attic-weight piece, before
restriking it with the cistophoric dies. The Thasian tetradrachms are traditionally
dated after 146B.C., but this date has recently been questioned by M.Thompson, who
prefers to place the beginning of the Heracles series a few decades earlier.1 The evi-
dence of the Ephesian overstrike does not unequivocably rule out the traditional chronol-
ogy, but renders it unlikely. The cistophorus can be dated about 145 B.C. and it is
improbable that the undertype is a Thracian tetradrachm of the very earliest variety
which had been brought to Ephesus from Thasos and restruck in the very year it
entered into circulation. Enough is visible of the Thasian undertype that a systematic
1 Thompson, ANSMN 1966, p. 61 and n. 4; see also Le Rider, Thasos, p. 190. I discussed the
Ephesus/Thasos overstrike in ANSMN 1972, pp. 30-32.
Catalogue: Ephesus
49
comparison with other Thasian pieces might lead to an identification of the dies. If
the issue marks were found to be rather late in the series, as seems likely, Thompson's
suggestion would be confirmed and the Thasian chronology placed on firm ground.
Series 29: Below l., coiled serpent; above l. and r., Dioscuri caps surmounted by
stars.
41- a. *Gotha, 12.04f (Plate XV, 8)
42- b. *ANS-ETN, 12.45\ (Plate XV, 9)
Series 30a: Above l., wreath; to r., aplustre r.
41-a. *Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 52), 12.37\ (Plate XV, 10)
Series 30b: Above l., wreath; to r., aplustre r.; within 1. serpent coil, prow r.
41-a. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 67), 12.56\ (Plate XV, 11)
Series 31: To r., prow facing, within wreath.
43- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 7843, 12.33 (Plate XV, 12)
Series 32: To l., prow r.; to r., Ed>E.
43-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.29\ (Plate XV, 13)
Series 29 employs as a secondary symbol the coiled serpent (minus cista) of Series 28,
which perhaps indicates a common authority, partially responsible for both issues.
The transfer of the symbol to the left field may signify a subsidiary role during the
second term of office. Further speculation is unwise. The phenomenon is not paralleled
elsewhere on Ephesian cistophori prior to 133B.C., unless the bee of Series 18 represents
a continuation into a second year of the bee in wreath authority, or the addition of a
palm tree in Series 21 to the stag of Series 20 indicates a comparable extended tenure of
office. After the Ephesian mint comes under Roman control in 133, the carrying over of
control marks in two or more consecutive years can be documented with certainty.
For the undated issues, it is impossible to calculate the length of time any specific

symbol remained in use. As noted above, Series 8-11 are all struck from a single obverse
die, whereas Series 2, 22, 27 and 28 each make use of four obverse dies. A similarly pro-
nounced fluctuation in the number of dies used in a single series has also been noted at
Pergamum.
Series 30a and 30b share obverse E41 with Series 29 and are likewise dual symbol
issues. It is tempting to see some significance in the addition of the prow in Series 30b
and the overall reference to naval prominence in the aplustre, wreath and prow of
Series 30a-32. If the sequence presented here is correct, these issues are contemporary
with Series 23 and 24 at Pergamum, where a diminutive prow is similarly inserted in
the coil of the left serpent. The Pergamene issues have been tentatively associated
with the naval victory over Andriscus in 147 B.C. and the Ephesian series may com-
memorate the same occasion.
50
SERIES 33-36, 140-137 B.C.
Series 33: Above l., K (year 20=140/139 B.C.); to r., bust of Artemis r., with quiver.
Pinder 24.
44-a. ANS, 12.50/
44-b. *London, BMC 145, 12.55f. Struck over a Macedonian tetradrachm of
the first district (Plate XVI, 1)
44-c. London, 12.26f
44-d. Von Aulock, SNG 7833, 12.58
44- e. New York, MMA (Ward 661), 12.46; Schlessinger, Feb. 4, 1935, 1264,
12.30; Vienna, 12.25/
45- f. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 68), 12.68/ (Plate XVI, 2)
45- g. Paris, 12.32f; Winterthur, 11.89
Didrachm:
3-a. *Naville, Apr. 4, 1921, 2439, 6.02 (Plate XVI, 3)
Drachm:
6A-a. *Copenhagen, SNG 315, 2.83f (Plate XVI, 4)
Series 34a: Above l., A; above r., K (year 21 = 139/138 B.C.); to r., double cornu-
copiae.
46- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.54f (Plate XVI, 5); Boston 54.1040, 12.67
46-b. Copenhagen, 12.66f
46- c. Oxford, 12.30f
47- d. Bern, 12.52
47-e. London, 12.65f
47-f. London, 12.65f
47-g. Von Aulock, SNG 1857, 12.45; Kress, July, 21, 1969, 171

47-h. Berlin, 12.39
Series 34b: Above l., A; above r., K (year 21 = 139/138 B.C.); above center, bee;
to r., double cornucopiae. Pinder 23.
47-a. *Paris, 12.40f (Plate XVI, 6); von Aulock, SNG 7841, 12.74
47- b. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 69), 12.67/. K erased
Series 35: Above l., A (year 1 = 139/138 B.C.); above center, bee; to r., double
cornucopiae.
48- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.35f (Plate XVI, 7); ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 70),
12.51f; ANS, 12.45f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 42), 12.65f; Berlin, 12.68
48-b. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 16), 12.59f; Kress, June 30, 1964, 286
Catalogue: Ephesus
51
Didrachm:
4-a. *ANS-Stephens, 6.15f. No date; to L, bee on side (Plate XVI, 8)
Drachm:
7-a. *Berlin, 2.73. No date; to l., bee on side (Plate XVI, 9)
Series 36: Above r., B (year 2 = 138/137 B.C.); to r., bust of Artemis Ephesia facing,
with lofty headdress. Pinder 20.
48- a. * Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 58), 12.67/ (Plate XVI, 10)
49- b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 57), 12.60f; Hirsch, June 27, 1973, 104, 12.43
49-c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 71), 12.43f; von Aulock. SNG 7842, 12.65
49-d. London, BMC 144, 12.65f; Kress, June 30, 1964, 285
49-e. Berlin, 12.52 (pierced); Vienna, 12.38/
49-f. Serrure, Apr. 10,1911, 43; Kress, Nov. 10,1969, 243
49- g. Lockett, SNG 2813 (Naville, April 4, 1921, 2435), 12.64f
50- g. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 72), 12.71/; Paris, 12.30f
50-h. Von Aulock, SNG 1858, 12.59
50- i. Helbing, Apr. 12, 1927, 1774 = Helbing, March 22, 1920, 111
51-j. *ANS-Strauss, 12.65f (Plate XVI, 11); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 56),
12.74f
51-k. Istanbul
51- l. Kress, Nov. 30, 1961, 208
52- m. ANS-BYB, SNG 1057, 12.46/; Kress, March 15, 1966, 188, 11.95
52-n. ANS-BYB, SNG 1058, 12.58/; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 60), 12.50/;
Commerce
Series 33-36 are the only known issues of Ephesian cistophori which bear dates prior

to the formation of the Province of Asia in 134/133 B.C. Five of the pieces come from the
YesUhisar hoard, buried in 130 B.C., and 12 others from the 1928 hoard, buried in
128 B.C. In both hoards these dated pieces are well represented and only those bearing
provincial era dates outnumber them. None of these series is present in the Bahkesir and
1962 hoards buried ca. 135 and ca. 140 B.C. respectively. Series 33 (year 20) must post-
date 158 B.C., since one surviving specimen (Plate XVI, 1) was struck over a Macedo-
nian tetradrachm of the first district, a series securely dated to 158-149 B.C.*. Part
of the legend MAK . . . rfPQ and the end of the club are still visible beneath the
cistophoric obverse. Series 34 and 35 (years 21 and 1) are extremely close in style and
format. Both have a double cornucopiae as principal symbol; the A is placed to the
left in both cases; and in Series 34b and 35 a bee appears between the serpents' heads.
1 The Macedonian issues of 168-146 B.C. have been discussed most recently by MacKay, pp.
256-64, with earlier bibliography.
52
Although there are no die links among the known specimens, it seems certain that
several of the dies of years A and A K were executed contemporaneously by the same
man, rather than 20 years apart. On one of Newell's^pieces (47-b), where the K is
erased, the two series appear almost identical, and on the didrachms and drachms,
where the dates are omitted, the two series are indistinguishable. Series 36 shares ob-
verse die E48 with Series 35 and replaces the double cornucopiae with a bust of Artemis;
the date is shifted to the upper right field. No early Ephesian cistophori are known
bearing the dates T to 10.
I have suggested elsewhere* that the four series are dated for the twentieth and
twenty-first regnal years of Attalus II(140/139 and 139/138) and the first and second reg-
nal years of Attalus III (139/138 and 138/137). This would explain why pieces marked A K
and A are so close in style and format. They were issued in the same calendar year, but
commemorate different regnal years. The erased K on Newell's piece may represent an
adjustment made by the Ephesian mint officials after the death of Attalus II. In order
to avoid restriking still unissued, and now misdated, A K pieces, the K was simply re-
moved, rendering the coins indistinguishable from those shortly to be struck from the
new year A dies.
SERIES 37-39, 137-134 B.C.
Series 37: Above 1., A; above center, circular altar with three legs; to r., owl r.
53-a. *ANS, 12.39f. Doublestruck (Plate XVII, 1)
Series 38: Above center, Artemis facing, holding torches; to r., cock.
53-a. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 17), 12.40f
53-b. London (Asia Minor 1928, 81), 12.47f
53- c. 'Berlin, 12.61 (Plate XVII, 2)
54- d. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 80), 12.52/ (Plate XVII, 3)

54-e. ANS, 12.28f
54-f. Berlin, 12.38
54-g. Von Aulock, SNG 7835, 12.72; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 51), 12.52/
54-h. Vienna, 12.52/
54- i. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 50), 12.65f
55- i. Kress, Oct. 23, 1963, 480
Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 82)
Series 39: Above center, nude man facing, leaning on spear held in r.; to r., hippocamp.
56- a. *ANS-ETN, 11.75f (Plate, XVII, 4)
3 ANSMN 1972, pp. 17-23.
Catalogue: Ephesus
53
Series 37-39 are the only three series which appear to postdate the dated issues of
140-137 B.C., since they alone have reverse symbols placed between the serpents' heads.
It is tempting to assign them on an annual basis to the three years 137/136,136/135,135/
134, but because two of the series survive in only a single specimen it is unwise to assume
that the record is complete. Series 37 most closely resembles the dated issues: the mono-
gram A occupies the position formerly reserved for the date, the circular altar replaces
the bee of years A K and A, and the owl is in the right field. Series 37 shares obverse
E53 with Series 38, which employs two symbols already used at Ephesus: the Artemis
with torches of Series 14 appears between the serpents' heads, and the cock of Series 11
is placed to the right. Series 39 replaces Artemis with a nude warrior leaning on a spear,
and the cock with a hippocamp. The four pieces of Series 38 from the Yesilhisar and
1928 hoards are all well preserved.
All following series, all denominations:
Obv.: As above.
Rev.: As above, except to l., E<DE; to r., torch; other marks as indicated.
SERIES 40-42a, 134-131 B.C.
Series 40:
Above l., A (year 1 =134/133 B.C.); above center, bee. Pinder 25.
57-a.
ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 83), 12.47/
58-b.
Madrid
59~c
*ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 18), 12.45f (Plate XVII, 5); Paris, 12.08
59-d.
59-e.

London, 12.58f
Berlin, 12.49
59-f.
Munich, 12.62f; Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 4), 12.70
59-g.
Von Aulock, SNG 7844, 12.50
59-h.
Klenau, July 10, 1971, 87
Didrachm:
5-a. *Munich, 6.22 (Plate XVII, 6)
Drachm:
8-a.
""Von Aulock, SNG 1859, 3.00/ (Plate XVII, 7)
Series 41:
Above l., B (year 2=133/132 B.C.); above center, bee. Pinder 26.
59-a.
*Cambridge, SNG 4431, 12.44f (Plate XVII, 8)
60-b.
ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 85), 12.64/; London (Asia Minor 1928, 86),
12.67/
61-c.
Paris, 12.61/
61-d.
Munich, 12.55/
54
61- e. Vienna, 12.60/
62- f. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 19), 12.55/
62-g. Orlandos
62- h. Artemis Antiquities F.P.L. 6, 1972, 41
62A-i. Vatican, 12.06\ (pierced)
63-j. *Hague, 12.41/ (Plate XVII, 9); ANS-Strauss, 12.03/
63-k. Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 3), 12.62; de Luynes 2597, 12.60 Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 87-89)
Series 42a: Above l., T (year 3=132/131 B.C.); above center, bee. Pinder 27.
63- a. Istanbul (Plate XVII, 10)
64- b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 90), 12.71f (Plate XVII, 11)
64- c. New York, private coll., 12.58f
65- d. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 20), 12.43/
65-e. London (Asia Minor 1928, 91), 12.35/; Vienna, 12.42/
65- f. Oxford, 12.18T
66- g. Von Aulock, SNG 7846, 12.62
67- h. Berlin, 12.45; Commerce (Asia Minor 1966, 22), 12.61 Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 92)
Series 40-42a are the first three annual emissions of the Ephesian mint under Roman
control, and bear dates reckoned from the formation of the Province of Asia in 134/133
B.C. Their sequence is confirmed not only by the marks A, B, T, but by die linkage
as well. The format of these earliest provincial issues is identical. In all three series the
date is placed in the upper left field and a bee is included between the serpents' heads.
Series 40-42a have many points of resemblance with the earlier dated series, especially
Series 34a and 35 where a bee is similarly located on the reverses. Apart from style, the
emissions of years 139/138 (Series 35) and 134/133 (Series 40) are distinguishable only by
the substitution of the torch for the double cornucopiae. Whatever function the changing

symbols served prior to 134, the bee and torch have no comparable significance. The
torch, which remains the civic symbol of the Ephesian mint until the introduction of
cistophori of new types under Mark Antony, is in actuality a subsidiary type, not a
control mark; the bee also seems to lack any temporal significance. The introduction of
civic badges on the Ephesian cistophori predates the parallel phenomenon atfPergamum
by at least eight to ten years, and that at Tralles and Apameia by several decades.
There is no apparent explanation for this disparity in time, although with the removal
of direct Pergamene supervision upon the death of Attalus III, one would not expect
uniformity at the various mints. The immediate decision at Ephesus to date the coinage
from the Roman provincial era possibly reflects a readier acceptance of Roman domina-
tion than in the other Attalid cities. It is perhaps significantr'that it was an Ephesian
fleet that turned back the pretender Aristonicus, while other cities opened their gates to
him as the rightful heir to the Attalid throne.4
4 Strabo 14.1.38.
Catalogue: Ephesus
55
SERIES 42b-44b, 131-129 B.C.
Series 42b: Above l., T (year 3 = 132/131 B.C.)
68- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 93), 12.65/ (Plate XVIII, 1)
69- b. ANS-Strauss, 12.13/
69-c. ANS-Strauss, 11.80/; Vienna, 12.29/
69-d. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 21), 12.44f
69-e. Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 6), 12.54
69- f. *New York, private coll., 12.57/ (Plate XVIII, 2)
70- g. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 94), 12.71 f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 65),
12.62f
70- h. Von Aulock, SNG 7845, 12.58
71- i. FANS (Asia Minor 1955, 22), 12.63/
71-j. f Athens, 12.37/
71- k. \ Kress, October, 4, 1962, 165, 12.7
72- l. London, 12.68f
73- m. London, BMC 156, 12.52/
73- n. Copenhagen, SNG 317, 12.12f
74- o. Glasgow, Hunter, 26
74-p. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 62), 12.65/
74-q. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 63), 12.68/
74-r. Vienna, 12.58/
74- s. Moshniagin, 12.65f
75- t. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 64), 12.57/ Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 95-96)
Series 43a: Above l., A (year 4=131/130 B.C.); above center, bee.
76- a. *Copenhagen, SNG 319, 12.38 (Plate XVIII, 3)

Series 43b: Above center, A (year 4 = 131/130 B.C.). Pinder 28.
77- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 23), 12.43/ (Plate XVIII, 4)
77- b. Kress, July, 5, 1971, 178 = Hirsch, July 1-4, 1969, 2357a
78- c. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 24), 12.73/
78-d. *London, 12.60/ (Plate XVIII, 5)
78- e. Gotha, 11.94/
79- e. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 66), 12.65f
80- f. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 97), 12.63f
81- g. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 25), 12.33/
82- h. ANS-Strauss, 12.60/
83- i. ANS-Strauss, 12.38f
84- j. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 26), 12.43/
56
85-k. Copenhagen, SNG 318, 12.26f; Berlin, 12.60
85- l. Schulman, June 6-7, 9-11, 1969, 1476
86- m. Von Aulock, SNG 7847, 12.55
86-n. Munich, 12.64/
86- o. Miinster, 12.24/
87- p. Berlin, 11.16
88- q. Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 5), 12.69
88-r. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 67), 12.67/
88- s. Vienna, 12.41/
89- t. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 68), 12.40/
90- u. Budapest, 11.86f
91- v. Karlsruhe, 12.1 If
Series 44a: Above center, E (year 5 = 130/129 B.C.)
92- a. ANS-Strauss, 12.61/(pierced)
92-b. *Amsterdam, 12.19f (Plate XVIII, 6); von Aulock, SNG 1860, 12.55;
Kress, Nov. 24, 1966, 546
92-c. Frankfurt, Bundesbank (Button, Oct. 2-3, 1958, 55), 12.43/
92- d. Helbing, Mar. 20, 1928, 344, 12.65
93- e. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 102), 12.54f;
New York, private coll., 12.68/
93-f. Hannover 201, 12.13
93-g. Aberdeen, SNG 272, 12.56/; Glendining, Apr. 7, 1971, 89, 12.70
93- h. New York, private coll., 12.53f
94- i. ANS-Strauss, 12.62/

94- j. Berlin, 12.51
95- k. London, BMC 157, 12.27f; Paris, 12.28f
96- l. Copenhagen, SNG 320, 12.40f
97- m. Vienna, 12.67f
97- n. ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 8), 12.44f
98- n. ""Cambridge, McClean 8087, 12.44f (Plate XVIII, 7) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 103-6)
Series 44b: Above l., lyre; above center, E (year 5 = 130/129 B.C.); above r., ME .
98-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.60f (Plate XVIII, 8); Gotha, 12.58/
98-b. London, 12.73/
Series 42b-44b reflect a brief period of uncertainty with regard to the format of the
cistophoric reverses and to the inclusion or omission of marks indicating personal
control. Series 42b, 43b and 44a omit the civic bee as secondary symbol, although in
43a the format of the first three emissions is retained. The removal of the bee in 42b did
Catalogue: Ephesus
57
not affect the location of the date, but in Series 43b and 44a, it was thought preferable
to place the A and E between the serpents' heads where formerly the bee had been.
Finally, in Series 44b, personal marks make their appearance. The date is between the
serpents' heads as before, but a symbol and a monogram (lyre and NE ) have been add-
ed in the upper left and right fields respectively. The use of a personal monogram in
conjunction with a symbol is characteristic of Pergamene emissions from Series 27 on,
as well as of the latest issues of Tralles, Apameia and Sardes. The monogram plus symbol
format was, however, quickly rejected at Ephesus, and Series 44b is the only surviving
instance of its occurrence on the Ephesian cistophori before or after 133 B.C.
SERIES 44c-45, 129-128 B.C.
Series 44c: Above l., E (year 5= 130/129 B.C.); above center, stag r.
99-a. Berlin, 12.43
100-b. *ANS-Strauss, 12.67/ (Plate XVIII, 9); Vienna, 12.36/ Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 107)
Series 45: Above l., L" (year 6 = 129/128 B.C.); above center, stag r.
100-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 108), 12.73f (Plate XVIII, 10)
100-b. ANS-Strauss, 12.54\
100-c. Hirsch, Nov. 22-24, 1971, 194, 12.59 Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 109)
With Series 44c a format is selected which remains the norm for all other Ephesian
cistophoric emissions through 67 B.C. The date is again placed in the upper left field,
but the position formerly occupied by the Ephesian bee or the date is now reserved for a
symbol of purely temporal and probably personal significance. That the format was
arrived upon late in 130/129 B.C. is confirmed by the use of obverse E100 in both Series
44c and 45, the latter issued in 129/128 B.C. In these two series the symbol between the
serpents' heads is a stag, which is also reused on the coins of year H.5 The survival and
revival of symbols on the late Ephesian cistophori is an interesting phenomenon which,

however, is beyond the scope of this volume.8
SEQUENCE OF ISSUES
166-160 B.C.
i-leopard head
L-Helios bust
6 SNG von Aulock 1861.
8 I discussed these late issues in a summary fashion in ANSMN 1972, pp. 23-30.
58
-Artemis head
-bow in case
=quiver and bow
-stag feeding
bow and arrow
160-150 B.C.
-club
-date palm
-candelabrum
-cock
i-forepart of stag
L-Artemis Ephesia
.-Artemis with torches
-Artemis with hound
-temple key
-bee within wreath
i-bee
-bow case with strap
-stag
stag and palm
150-140 B.C.
i-Artemis slaying stag
L-Nike
cornucopiae
eagle with fillet

hand with fillet
i-star and filleted branch
L-bee and serpent on cista
-serpent and Dioscuri caps
-wreath and aplustre
-wreath and aplustre and prow
i-prow within wreath
Lprow
140-137 B.C.
K and Artemis with quiver
i-A K and double cornucopiae
L-A K and bee and double cornucopiae
r-A and bee and double cornucopiae
L-B and Artemis with headdress
Catalogue: Ephesus
137-134 B.C.
r-A and altar and owl
-Artemis with torches and cock
nude man and hippocamp
134-128 B.C.
-A and bee and torch
=B and bee and torch
- T and bee and torch
T and torch
A and bee and torch
A and torch
i-E and torch
\-E and lyre and and torch
i-E and stag and torch

l-L" and stag and torch
TRALLES
SERIES la-8, 166-160 B.C.
Series la: To l., humped bull l., placed vertically; to r. TPA.
1-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 118), 12.42f. Impress of circular die (Plate
XIX, 1)
Series lb: To l., TPA A; to r., humped bull r. Pinder 141.
1-a. *London, BMC 12, 12.43/ (Plate XIX, 2)
1-b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 84), 12.69/
1- c. Sofia
2- d. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 119), 12.63f (Plate XIX, 3)
3- e. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 34), 12.14f (Plate XIX, 4)
Series 1c: To l., TPA A; to r., forepart of humped bull r.
4- a. Von Aulock, SNG 3251, 12.52
4-b. *Paris, 12.12f (Plate XIX, 5) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 35)
The earliest cistophoric issues of Tralles are readily identifiable by the irregular
placement of the symbol and the occurrence of both three- and four-letter ethnics.
The first series, which is known in three variants, appropriately depicts the humped
bull which is an important coin type in its own right at Tralles. In Series la, known
in a unique specimen, the three-letter ethnic TPA is located in the right field, and the
symbol is awkwardly placed in a vertical position in the left field. This orientation
is characteristic of many of the earliest Pergamene symbols, and the irregular place-
ment of the ethnic is a feature of the earliest cistophori of both Pergamum and Ephesus.
In Series lb and lc, the ethnic assumes its standard four-letter form and the symbol
is in the right field. Whether the distinction between the humped bull and the fore-
part alone is merely a variation in die cutting or has some chronological significance
is indeterminable. The four specimens which were present in the hoards of 135-128 B.C.
are all worn.

Series 2: To r., eagle r. with head reverted, on fulmen.
4- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.55f (Plate XIX, 6)
5- b. ANS-Strauss, 12.2l|
5-c. *New York, private coll., 12.53f (Plate XIX, 7)
60
Catalogue: Tralles
61
6- d. Von Aulock, SNG 8282, 12.55
6A-e. Bourgey, March 10, 1976, 98, 12.58
7- f. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 120), 12.60f (Plate XIX, 8)
7-g. London, BMC 10, 12.25f
Series 3: To r., laureate head of Zeus r. with scepter.
7- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 121), 12.45f (Plate XIX, 9)
8- b. London, BMC 2, 12.63f
8-d. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 82), 12.52f
8-e. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 83), 12.63\
8- f.j * Vienna, 11.70/ (Plate XIX, 10)
9- g. Cambridge, McClean 8725, 12.80f
9-h. Berlin, 12.47
10- i. *London, BMC 1, 12.64f. No scepter (Plate XIX, 11)
11- j. Copenhagen, SNG 636, 12.37f. No scepter
11-k. Sofia. No scepter
11- l. Leningrad. No scepter
12- m. *Budapest, 12.55f (Plate XIX, 12); ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 44), 12.60f.
No scepter
12-n. ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 45), 12.58f; ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 36), 12.52f;
Copenhagen, SNG 637, 12.55f. No scepter
Didrachms:
1- a. *Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 13), 6.07 (Plate XX, 1); ANS (Asia Minor 1970,
13), 5.97f. No scepter

2- b. *Berlin, 6.17. To l., TPA (Plate XX, 2)
3- b. *Von Aulock, SNG 3265, 6.00. To l., TPA (Plate XX, 3)
4- c. *London, BMC 21, 5.81f (Plate XX, 4)
Series 4: To r., hehnet l., below which, fulmen. Pinder 147.
12-a. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 37), 12.46f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 86), 12.55\
12-b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 123), 12.66\ (Plate XX, 5); ANS-Strauss,
12.57f; London, BMC 8, 12.64f
12-c. ANS-Strauss, 12.68f
12-d. Copenhagen, SNG 639, 12.56f; von Aulock, SNG 3246, 12.44
12-e. Paris, 11.42f; Grahm, June 9, 1930, 521; Stuttgart, 12.55f
Series 5: To r., maeander. Pinder 143.
12- a. *London, BMC 5, 12.40f (Plate XX, 6)
13- b. *Leningrad (Plate XX, 7)
62
15- c. Yale
16- c. Naville, June 18, 1923, 2685
16-d. London, BMC 4, 12.52f
16-e. Von Aulock, SNG 3245, 12.69f
16-f. Berlin, 12.29
16- g. *Berlin, 12.45 (Plate XX, 8); Commerce
16A-h. Vienna, 12.56/
Series 2-5 follow Series 1 in an unbroken die-linked sequence. Series 2 utilizes
obverse T4, also used for Series lc; Series 2 and 3 share die T7; and Series 3, 4 and 5
were all struck during the lifetime of T12. The eagle on fulmen of Series 2 and the
laureate Zeus head of Series 3 are, like the humped bull, major coin types at Tralles,
and appropriate symbols for the city of Zeus Larasius. The cistophori of Tralles are
comparable to those of Ephesus in the repeated reference on them to the chief deity
of the city. The maeander of Series 5 is also civic in nature and recalls the favorable
position of Tralles in the rich Maeander valley.
Because of the continuous die linkage, the first series at Tralles present a rare op-
portunity to observe the pattern of die production at this early period. The first
series employs four obverse dies, one of which (T4) was in sufficiently good condition
to be reused in Series 2 which ultimately required three additional dies. Series 3 was
struck from six different obverses, one of which (T7) was carried over from the preceding
series, while another (T12) was retained for Series 4 and 5. The latter eventually
required four additional dies. It is unlikely that Series 3 and 5 represent periods from
four to six times as long as that of Series 4, but whether the varying number of dies
corresponds to economic or to chronological factors cannot really be ascertained. It

has been shown at Pergamum and Ephesus that the symbols almost certainly do not
carry chronological connotations. (The dolphin and thyrsus are employed at Perga-
mum (Series 23 and 24) for almost a decade; Series 8-11 at Ephesus may all have been
struck in the same year; and Series 33-35 at Ephesus exactly correspond to three
annual issues using one symbol per year.) Tralles Series 1-5 appear to substantiate
a similarly erratic pattern for that mint.
Series 6: To r., bucranium.
13-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 46), 12.57f (Plate XX, 9)
13-b. ANS-ETN, 12.03f; ANS-Strauss, 12.09f; London, BMC 3, 12.51f
13-c. ANS-Strauss, 12.56f; Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 89), 12.65\
17- d. *Winterthur, 12.58/ (Plate XX, 10); von Aulock, SNG 3244, 12.55
Series 7: To r., eagle with spread wings, head reverted.
16-a. *Yale (Plate XX, 11)
18- b. *London, BMC 9,12.60f; ANS-ETN, 12.53f (Plate XX, 12); Berlin, 12.68
Catalogue: Tralles
63
Series 8: To r., wreath.
18- a. *ANS (Kress, Nov. 29, 1962, 302), 12.19f (Plate XX, 13); Petsalis
19- b. *Kress, July 21, 1969, 182a (Plate XXI, 1)
20- c. *Booth, 12.21f (Plate XXI, 2)
Drachms:
1-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 14), 3.08f (Plate XXI, 3); von Aulock, SNG
8285, 2.98; Berlin
Series 6-8 are the last of the early die-linked issues at Tralles. Both Series 6 (bu-
cranium) and Series 7 (eagle) share obverse dies with Series 5, and therefore do not seem
to be sequential but contemporary. The simultaneous use of different symbols further
complicates the pattern discussed above and may indicate two minting authorities
with overlapping or identical terms of office. In the later issues of both Pergamum
and Ephesus the doubling of symbols or pairing of symbols and monograms on a
single piece is common. If, as has been suggested, this connotes multiple control,
the simultaneous use of symbols on different pieces may signify a similar condition
for the earlier emissions.
Series 8 shares obverse T18 with Series 7. The wreath is used again at Tralles in
Series 9 and 34, and is also the symbol for Pergamum Series 20, Ephesus Series 30
and Apameia Series 14.
SERIES 9-12, 160-155 B.C.
Series 9: To r., wreath, below which, fulmen.
21-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 15), 12.41f (Plate XXI, 4); ANS-BYB, SNG
1144, 12.58\. Doublestruck
Series 10: To r., fulmen, horizontal.
22- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 124), 12.52\ (Plate XXI, 5)

23- b. *Paris, 12.38f (Plate XXI, 6); London, BMC 6, 12.59f
23-c. Naville, July 2, 1929, 394, 12.76
Series 11: To r., fulmen, vertical.
24-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.15\ (Plate XXI, 7); London, BMC 7, 12.48f
Drachm:
2-a. *ANS-ETN, 2.99f (Plate XXI, 8)
61
Series 12: To r., ear of grain.
25-a. *ANS, 12.47\ (Plate XXI, 9)
25- b. London, BMC 16, 12.49f; Oxford (Weber 6937), 12.62f
26- c. Copenhagen, SNG 643, 12.38f
27- d. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 75), 12.45^
27-e. *Vienna, 12.54\ (Plate XXI, 10)
Drachms:
2- a. *London, BMC 42, 3.02f (Plate XXI, 11); Istanbul
3- b. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 16), 3.02f (Plate XXI, 12)
Series 9-12 are not linked to the previous issues, but may be placed next in the se-
quence on the basis of style and on the character of the reverse symbols. Series 9-11
have as distinguishing marks a wreath over fulmen, a horizontal fulmen and a vertical
fulmen respectively, which seem to be variations on the wreath of Series 8 and the
eagle on fulmen and helmet above fulmen of Series 2 and 4. The position in the sequence
of Series 9-11 is confirmed to a degree by the affinity in style between dies T19 and
20 (Series 8) and T21 (Series 9). Series 11 and 12 are linked by the drachms. The
style of tetradrachm obverses T24 (Series 11) and T25 and 27 (Series 12) is also very
close. The ear of grain has no special significance for Tralles and is also used in Per-
gamum Series 14 and Sardes Series 11.
SERIES 13-32, 155-145 B.C.
28- a. *London, BMC 18, 11.81f (Plate XXI, 13); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963,
79), 12.57f
Series 14: To r., coiled serpent on cista.
29- a. *Leningrad (Plate XXI, 14)

29-b. Von Aulock, SNG 8280, 10.97
Series 15: To r., humped bull r., filleted, on maeander. Pinder 142.
30-a. *Winterthur (Kress, Dec. 4-6, 1957, 42), 12.58 (Plate XXII, 1); Paris,
12.23/
30-b. Glasgow, Hunter 1, 12.32 (pierced); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 85), 12.33f
30-c. Berlin, 11.93
Didrachm:
5-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 17), 5.62f (Plate XXII, 2)
Catalogue: Tralles
65
Series 16: To r., draped female (?) figure facing.
31- a. *ANS-ETN, 12.37f (Plate XXII, 3); ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 31), 12.49f
32- b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 125), 12.63f (Plate XXII, 4)
32- d. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 74), 12.70\ Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 126)
Drachm:
4-a. *London, BMC 43, 3.06f To l., 7R (Plate XXII, 5)
The sequence of emissions from Series 13 to Series 28 is almost entirely arbitrary,
for die linkage is rare. However, there can be little doubt that these series follow
Series 1-12, which are unquestionably the earliest, and precede Series 29-47, in which
the reverse format is complicated by the multiplication of symbols and the addition
of monograms or initials.
Series 13-16 have as symbols a cornucopiae, coiled serpent on cista, humped bull
on maeander and draped female of uncertain identity. The cornucopiae, as the ear
of grain of Series 12, is a symbol of prosperity and fertility. The serpent on cista is
a variation on the cistophoric obverse type itself, while the bull on maeander is distinct-
ly civic in nature. The latter combines two of the earliest Tralles symbols (Series 1
and 5) but is neither linked nor stylistically close to the dies of those series. The
cornucopiae is also used as a symbol in Pergamum Series 22, Ephesus Series 24 and
Apameia Series 19, and the serpent on cista is employed for Ephesus Series 28. Series
16 appears in worn condition in the 1928, Yesilhisar and 1955 hoards.
Series 17: To r., Athena Promachus.
33- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.33/ (Plate XXII, 6); Naville, Apr. 4, 1921, 2734,
12.35

Series 18: To r., filleted thyrsus.
34- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 18), 12.42f (Plate XXII, 7)
34A-b. *ANS, 12.54f. To l., TPAAAI (Plate XXII, 8)
Series 19: To r., round shield. Pinder 146.
35- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 127), 12.55f (Plate XXII, 9)
35- b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 80), 12.53f
36- c. *ANS-Strauss, 12.53f (Plate XXII, 10); London, 12.54f
36- d. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 32), 12.49f
37- e. Berlin, 10.55 (plated)
38- f. Von Aulock, SNG 3248, 12.52
39- g. Naville, July 2, 1930, 1030 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 38)
66
Series 20: To r., warrior striding r., shield in l., sword in r. Pinder 140.
40-a. ANS, 12.45f
40-b. London, BMC 14, 12.55/
40-c. Von Aulock, SNG 3249, 12.40; Paris, 11.96f (pierced)
40- d. *Berlin, 12.55 (Plate XXII, 11)
41- e. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 33), 12.27f (Plate XXII, 12)
41-f. Totten; Vienna, 12.52/
Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 39)
Didrachm:
6-a. *Cambridge, McClean 8728, 5.44f. Bow (?) in l. (Plate XXII, 13)
Series 21: To r., poppy head. Pinder 144.
41- a. *London, BMC 15, 12.50f (Plate XXIII, 1)
42- b. *Berlin, 12.55 (Plate XXIII, 2); ANS-Strauss, 12.22f; Vienna, 11.83/
42- c. Oxford, 12.34/
43- d. Von Aulock, SNG 3243, 12.45
43-e. Copenhagen, SNG 642, 12.14f; Paris, 12.33/
43-f. Princeton Library
43-g. Zagreb, 12.24
43- h. New York, private coll. (Asia Minor 1971, 9), 12.33/
44- h. Commerce
Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 40)
Didrachms:
7- a. *Copenhagen, SNG 645, 6.12f (Plate XXIII, 3); Ankara (Sahnah 1952,
12), 6.08
8- b. *Uncertain provenance (Plate XXIII, 4)

Drachms:
5-a. *Oxford 2.69f (Plate XXIII, 5); Berlin, 3.05. To l., TPA
Series 22: To r., covered loutrophorus.
45-a. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 41), 12.39f
45-b. Paris, 12.05f
45- c. *Dresden, 12.37/ (Plate XXIII, 6)
46- d. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 128), 12.63f
46-e. London (Asia Minor 1928, 129), 12.53/
46- f. Hirsch, June 25-28, 1963, 441 (Asia Minor 1962, 48)
47- g. ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 47), 12.62/
47-h. Copenhagen, SNG 641, 11.92f; von Aulock, SNG 3247, 12.32
47-i. Vienna, 12.08/
Catalogue: Tralles
67
48-j. *Berlin, 12.54 (Plate XXIII, 7); Oxford, 12.19/
48- k. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 76), 12.62f
49- l. *London, BMC 17, 12.34f (Plate XXIII, 8); Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963,
77-78), 12.70f, 12.52f
50- m. ANS, 12.56/
Didrachms:
9-a. *ANS, 6.18f (Plate XXIII, 9)
10-a. *Berlin, 5.89. To L, TPA (Plate XXIII, 10)
Drachm:
6-a. *Berlin, 3.05 (Plate XXIII, 11)
Series 17 survives in only three specimens, all struck from the same obverse die,
and has as symbol the armed Athena. A helmeted head of Athena is used later for
Tralles Series 44. The filleted thyrsus of Series 18 makes reference to the cult of
Dionysus, which the cistophoric types themselves commemorate. It is also used for
Pergamum Series 24 and Sardes Series 13. One of the reverse dies used in Tralles
Series 18 (b) presents the ethnic in a unique form: TPAAAI. There is no other early
cistophorus with a six-letter ethnic.
The round shield of Series 19 is one of several military symbols on the cistophori of
Tralles. One piece of this series was in the 1958 Bahkesir hoard buried about 135 B.C.
The pieces from the Yesilhisar and 1928 hoards are somewhat worn. Series 20 has as
symbol an armed warrior and is likewise present in the Bahkesir hoard. It shares
obverse T41 with Series 21. The poppy head of this series is shown with an ear of
grain in Tralles Series 47 and is another reference to the agricultural prosperity of the
city. Series 21 is among those in the Bahkesir hoard, as is Series 22 which has as symbol
a covered loutrophorus. The ANS piece from that hoard is rather worn, while the two

specimens from the 1962 hoard, buried ca. 145-140 B.C. are in better condition.
Series 23: To r., filleted tripod. Pinder 148.
51- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 130), 12.53f. Struck over a Macedonian
tetradrachm of the first district (Plate XXIII, 12); ANS-ETN (Asia
Minor 1928, 131), 12.39f
51-b. London, BMC 13, 12.16f
51-c. Glasgow, Hunter 2, 12.08
51-d. Von Aulock, SNG 3252, 12.48
51-e. Berlin, 12.40
Series 24: To r., Nike l., holding wreath.
51- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3250, 12.55 (Plate XXIII, 13); Athens, 11.91f
52- b. *ANS-Strauss, 12.53f (Plate XXIII, 14)
68
52-c. Gotha, 11.98f
52- d. Klenau, Dec. 11, 1971, 284 = Klenau, July 9, 1971, 103
Series 23 and 24 are linked by obverse T51. The tripod of the former series is also
the symbol of Apameia Series 7; the Nike with wreath of Series 24 is used for Pergamum
Series 18 and Ephesus Series 23. Three pieces having a tripod as symbol were in the
1928 hoard, one of which (Plate XXIII, 12) was overstruck on a Macedonian tetra-
drachm of the first district. Part of the legend QTHZ (reading downward)
is still visible in the left field of the reverse. Like the Ephesian cistophorus struck
over a similar Macedonian piece (Plate XVI, 1), the coin must postdate 158 B.C. and
is probably somewhat later.1 In both cases the Attic weight piece was trimmed in
order to approximate the size and weight of a cistophoric flan.
Series 25: To r., cuirass.
53- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 133), 12.53f (Plate XXIV, 1); New York,
private coll., 11.60f
53-b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 87), 12.59 f
53- c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 88), 12.35f
Didrachm:
11-a. *Ankara ($ahnah 1952, 11), 6.05 (Plate XXIV, 2)
Series 26: To r., eagle l. on cuirass.
54- a. Vienna, 12.40/
54-c. Von Aulock, SNG 8283, 12.54
54- d. *Berlin, 12.38 (Plate XXIV, 3)
Series 27: To r., eagle r. on prow.
55- a. *London, BMC 11, 12.70f (Plate XXIV, 4)

Series 28: To r., torch.
56- a. *ANS-ETN, 12.62f (Plate XXIV, 5)
57- b. ANS-BYB, SNG 1145, 12.43f
57-c. New York, private coll., 12.53\
Series 25-28 survive in very few specimens. The cuirass of Series 25 is another of
the military symbols used at Tralles. All four tetradrachms and the didrachm from
1 This series has been discussed most recently by MacKay. The Tralles/Macedonia overstrike
was published by me in ANSMN 1972, pp. 30-32.
Catalogue: Tralles
69
the hoards of 130-128 B.C. are considerably worn. Series 26 adds an eagle to the
cuirass, a combination which appears later in Series 38. In Series 27, which is known
in a unique piece, an eagle perched on a prow is the symbol. Series 25 and 26 may
therefore be very close in time; the style of dies T54 and 55 is similar. Series 28 has
a torch for symbol, previously used by Pergamum (Series 11) and subsequently adopted
by Ephesus (Series 40-45) as the civic badge on its cistophori. The torch is also a
subsidiary symbol in Tralles Series 30 and a second term of office may be implied by
its recurrence there.
Series 29: To r., winged caduceus.
58-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 134), 12.71f (Plate XXIV, 6)
Series 30: Above center, torch; to r., lyre.
58- a. *London, BMC 22, 12.36f (Plate XXIV, 7)
59- b. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 34), 12.34f (Plate XXIV, 8)
Didrachm:
12-a. *New York, private coll. (Naville, June 18, 1923, 2480 = Ratto, Apr. 26,
1909, 3584), 5.77f. No torch (Plate XXIV, 9)
Drachms:
7-a. *New York, private coll. (Miinz. u. Med. F.P.L., Jan. 1963, 36), 2.82/
(Plate XXIV, 10); Copenhagen, SNG 648, 2.57f. Torch to l.
Series 31: To r., star, below which, club.
60- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.1 If (Plate XXIV, 11)
Series 32: To r., star, below which, fulmen; below center, rti.
61- a. *ANS (Kress, May 30, 1962, 386 = Asia Minor 1961, 25), 12.27f (Plate
XXIV, 12)

Series 29-32 document a change at Tralles from a single to a dual symbol format,
a change which is paralleled at Ephesus at the same date in Series 25-28. Tralles
Series 29 has a winged caduceus in the right field, a symbol also used in Pergamum
Series 37-38. It is adopted at a later date at Laodiceia as the civic badge on its cistophori.
The Tralles piece shares a die with Series 30 which uses two symbols: a torch, placed
between the serpents' heads, and a lyre, in the right field. Both symbols also appear
on the drachms, although on the didrachm the torch is omitted. While this omission
may be attributable to the smaller size of the flan, the inclusion of the torch on the
even smaller drachms of Series 30 makes this explanation doubtful. If the omission
70
of the torch is intentional, it may indicate that the two minting authorities shared
responsibility for certain denominations, but not for others. The phenomenon is
repeated in Series 41, although in Series 43 the initials ZT are both present and absent
on coins of the same denomination struck from a common obverse die. The fractional
cistophori of Tralles are far more numerous than those of the other mints but they do
not survive in a quantity sufficient to determine whether the presence or absence of
symbols carries any significance or is merely due to variations in die cutting.
Series 31 and 32 have much in common although they are not linked. Both are
dual-symbol types with the two marks placed one above the other in the right field.
In the former series a star is placed above a club; in the latter the star is over a fulmen.
An extended magistracy may be implied by the retention of one symbol. In Series
32 a monogram is added to the reverse symbols. Although its form, rTi, is strikingly
similar to the mark of the prytaneis, rfT, which appears on first-century Pergamene
cistophori,* in this case it must refer to the same official whose initials, YTT, appear in
Series 33, 35 and 37. The inconspicuous addition of initials to the reverse dies has
already been observed in Pergamum Series 23 and 24 (ca. 147-140 B.C.).
SERIES 33-38, 145-140 B.C.
Series 33: To r., Tyche holding cornucopiae in l., below which, various initials. Pinder
165.
62- a. *Berlin, 12.39. Below Tyche, YTT (Plate XXIV, 13)
Didrachms:
13-a. *ANS, 5.45f. Below Tyche, OA (Plate XXV, 1)
13- b. Ankara. Below Tyche, OA
Series 34: To l., below TPAA, wreath; to r., Tyche holding cornucopiae in l., below
which, various initials.

63- a. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 90), 12.62\; *ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 49),
12.63f. Below Tyche, AAI; Tyche without cornucopiae (Plate XXV, 2)
Didrachm:
14- a. *Berlin, 5.83 (pierced). Below Tyche, AAI (Plate XXV, 3)
Drachm:
8-a. *Copenhagen, SNG 653, 2.94f. Below Tyche, TIE (Plate XXV, 4)
* The expansion of rfT as prytaneis was recognized by Panel as early as 1734.
Catalogue: Tralles
71
Series 35: To l., below TPAA, eagle l. on fulmen; to r., Tyche holding cornucopiae
in l., below which, various initials. Pinder 166.
64- a. Copenhagen, SNG 652, 11.89f. Below Tyche, AA
65- b. *Berlin, 12.15. Below Tyche, AA (Plate XXV, 5)
66- b. *ANS, 12.24f. Below Tyche, AA (Plate XXV, 6)
Didrachms:
14-a. Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 14), 6.25. Below Tyche, AA
14- b. *New York, private coll., 5.91f. Below Tyche, uncertain initials (Plate
XXV, 7)
15- c. *Berlin, 6.14. Eagle above TPA; below Tyche, OA (Plate XXV, 8)
15- d. *Berlin. Struck over a didrachm of Rhodes (Plate XXV, 9); London,
BMC 39, 6.16f. Eagle above TPA; below Tyche, YT7
16- d. *London, BMC 40, 6.22f (Plate XXV, 10); Berlin, 6.21. Eagle above
TPA; below Tyche, YTT
Drachm:
9-a. *ANS-Strauss, 3.05f. Eagle above TPAA; below Tyche, (Plate
XXV, 11)
Series 36: To l., above TPAA, double cornucopiae; to r., Tyche holding cornucopiae
in l., below which, AV
66- a. *Paris (Plate XXV, 12); von Aulock, SNG 8281, 12.82; Miinz. u. Med.
F.P.L., Jan. 1963, 32; Commerce (Asia Minor 1962, 50)
Didrachm:
17- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3266, 6.06 (Plate XXV, 13)
Series 37: To l., above TPAA, star, below which, double cornucopiae; to r., Tyche
holding cornucopiae in l., below which, various initials.

67- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3253, 12.53. Below Tyche, YTT (Plate XXVI, 1)
67-b. ""London, BMC 19, 12.48f. Below Tyche, uncertain initials (Plate
XXVI, 2)
67-c. Berlin, 11.95 (pierced). Below Tyche, uncertain initials
Didrachms:
16-a. *ANS-ETN, 5.91f (Plate XXVI, 3); Munich, 6.10. Below Tyche, HAN
18- b. *London, BMC 20, 6.04f (pierced). Initials off flan (Plate XXVI, 4)
Series 38: To l., above TPAA, eagle r. on cuirass; to r., Tyche holding cornucopiae
in l., below which ATT.
67-a. *Vienna, 12.65f (Plate XXVI, 5)
72
Series 33-38 are closely related die-linked issues. All have Tyche in the right field
and most are multiple symbol plus initials types. Two pieces from Series 34 and 36
are probably the latest in the 1962 hoard and may be dated with some confidence to
the years around 145 B.C.
Series 33 is the simplest in format. Tyche is in the right field and two initials appear
below her. Two variants are known: OA and YTT. The first is known only on the
fractions and the second is represented by a unique tetradrachm. The record is there-
fore very likely incomplete. The presence of a variety of initials or monograms in
conjunction with an invariable symbol in the right field is paralleled on the contem-
porary cistophori of Pergamum (Series 23c and 24d-f).
In Series 34 a wreath is added in the left field. The two surviving varieties of initials
are AAI and FIE; TTE appears only on the drachms, AAI only on the tetradrachms
and didrachms. In Series 35 the secondary symbol is an eagle on fulmen; the various
initials are OA and YTT as in Series 33, AA as in Series 34 and 35. Series 36 has a
double cornucopiae as subsidiary mark; AV is the only known variety. In Series 37
a star is added to the cornucopiae; EAN and YTT are the only variants of which the
reading is certain. Series 38 pairs an eagle on cuirass with ATT. The wreath, eagle on
fulmen and eagle on cuirass used as secondary symbols in these series were previously
used as sole symbols in Series 2, 8 and 26 respectively.
The pattern of die linkage and the repetition of initials suggests that the six issues
are probably not strictly sequential but more or less contemporary emissions of the
period ca. 145-140 B.C. Surprisingly, these series are almost unrepresented in the
hoards buried during the revolt of Aristonicus.
SERIES 39-41, 140-135 B.C.
Series 39: Above center, star; to r., head of Helios r.; below r., W or variant.

68- a. *London, BMC 26, 12.28/ W (Plate XXVI, 6)
69- b. *ANS-ETN, 12.51f W (Plate XXVI, 7)
69- c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 135), 12.67f; Davis, GCNAC 234, 12.54f;
Hirsch, May 28-30, 1962, 161 *
70- d. *Berlin, 12.30 (Plate XXVI, 8); Hirsch, Apr. 1, 1974, 158, 11.46 * Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 136)
70- e. Cambridge, SNG 4900, 12.51/; von Aulock, SNG 3257, 12.63 *
71- f. *Berlin, 12.76 * (Plate XXVI, 9)
Drachms:
10- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 19), 2.94f (Plate XXVI, 10); Aberdeen, SNG
311, 3.08f. Above r., star; below r., Helios above M
11- a. *Berlin, 3.15. Above r., star; below r., Helios above M (Plate XXVI,
11)
Catalogue: Tralles
73
Series 40: Above center, fulmen, vertical; to r.f eagle r.; below l., (or AIOTE,
if indicated)
70-a. *Totten. AlOrE (Plate XXVI, 12)
70-b. Berlin, 12.40. AlOrE
72-b. *Paris, 11.95f. AlOrE (Plate XXVI, 13)
70-c. Copenhagen, SNG 650, 12.61f
72-d. Berlin, 12.32
72- e. Kress, Apr. 2, 1973, 333 = Kress, June 30, 1964, 300
73- f. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 137), 12.60f; ANS, 12.68f; von Aulock,
SNG 3256, 12.44
73- g. London, BMC 28, 12.34f
74- h. ANS-BYB, SNG 1146, 12.76f
74- i.i Uncertain provenance
75-j." *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 35), 12.38/" (Plate XXVII, 1)
76- k.' Cambridge, SNG 4898, 12.10\
77- l. *Berlin, 12.11 (Plate XXVII, 2).
77A-m. *Vienna, 12.43/ (Plate XXVII, 3) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928,138-43)
Didrachm:
19- a. *ANS-BYB, SNG 1147, 6.17\. Monogram off Han (Plate XXVII, 4)
Drachm:
12-a. *Egger, May 11, 1914, 1573 (Plate XXVII, 5)
Series 41: Above center, star; to r., eagle r.
78- a. *Berlin, 12.47 (Plate XXVII, 6)
Didrachm:
20- a. *Berlin, 5.78. No star (Plate XXVII, 7)

Series 39-41 are also complex in format, combining two symbols and a monogram.
In each series a symbol is placed between the serpents' heads and a second symbol
is in the right field. A monogram or abbreviated name usually appears below, even on
the drachms. None of the series is present in the 1962 or Bahkesir hoards, although
11 pieces are known in the hoards buried after 130 B.C. The series therefore almost
certainly follow Series 33-38.
In Series 39 the primary symbol is a Helios head, the secondary symbol a star, and
the monogram W, , f+1 or M . The sun deity is also present in Series 45 and on the
cistophori of Ephesus (Series 2). In Series 40, the chief and subsidiary symbols are
eagle and fulmen respectively, both attributes of Zeus Larasius and commonly used
on the coinage of Tralles; the monogram is &E which must refer to the official who also
74
signs as AIOTE. Series 41, represented by only one tetradrachm and one didrachm,
omits a monogram and substitutes a star for the fulmen, but retains the eagle. The
star is absent on the didrachm. For the possible significance of this omission, see
the discussion of Series 29-32.
SERIES 42-47, 134-128 B.C.
Series 42: Above center, ;to r., head of eagle r.
79- a. *Cambridge, SNG 4899, 12.48f (Plate XXVII, 8)
Series 43: Above center, ST; to r., headdress of Isis.
80- a. *Berlin, 12.26 (Plate XXVII, 9)
Drachms:
*Commerce, 3.02f (Plate XXVII, 10)
13-a. Boston, 62.559, 3.04f. Z to l., T to r.
13- b. *Copenhagen, SNG 646, 2.94f- No initials (Plate XXVII, 11)
Series 44: Above center, A; to r., head of Athena r. in crested helmet.
81- a. *ANS, 12.50f (Plate XXVII, 12)
81- b. Vienna, 12.50/
82- c. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 36), 12.44f
83- d. *London, BMC 23, 12.60f (Plate XXVII, 13); Berlin (pierced)
84- e. Berlin, 12.34
85- f. Frankfurt, Bundesbank (Hess-Leu, Apr. 16, 1957, 282 = Naville, July 2,
1929, 395), 12.77\; Kastner, Nov. 26, 1974, 98, 12.47
Series 45: Above center, A; to r., bust of Helios facing.
86- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 144), 12.62f (Plate XXVIII, 1)
87- b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 145), 12.55f (Plate XXVIII, 2)
87- c. Vienna, 12.25f

88- d. ANS-Strauss, 11.73/; Berlin, 12.30
88-e. Von Aulock, SNG 3255, 12.52
88- f. Commerce
89- g. *London, BMC 24, 12.4If (Plate XXVIII, 3)
90- h. ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 20), 12.30f
91- i. *Sofia (pierced) (Plate XXVIII, 4) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 146-48)
Drachm:
14- a. *Cambridge, McClean 8729, 2.89. Monogram off flan (Plate XXVIII, 5)
Catalogue: Tralles
75
Series 46: Above center, A ; to r., helmet l.
92-a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 149), 12.62f (Plate XXVIII, 6); London
(Asia Minor 1928, 150), 12.61f
92-b. ANS-Strauss, 12.44f
Drachm:
15- a. *New York, private coll., 2.58f. Monogram off flan (Plate XXVIII, 7)
Series 47: Above center, A; to r., poppy head and ear of grain.
92- a. * Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 15), 12.56 (Plate XXVIII, 8)
93- b. *New York, private coll., 12.53f (Plate XXVIII, 9)
94- b. Berlin, 11.52
95- c. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 151), 12.67f
95- d. Von Aulock, SNG 3254, 12.55
96- e. *London, BMC 25, 12.54f (Plate XXVIII, 10)
97- f. Schulman, Nov. 10-12, 1966, 797 Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 152)
Uncertain: To r., illegible symbol; no other marks.
Drachm:
16- a. *Vienna, 2.58/ (Plate XXVIII, 11)
Series 42-47 are clearly the latest Tralles series. Many of the pieces are in optimum
condition in the hoards buried during the revolt of Aristonicus. They are all alike in
format: a monogram is placed between the serpents' heads and a single symbol is
located in the right field. This is the formula introduced at Pergamum about 134 B.C.
which persists there until 67 B.C. It is also the system used in the Sardes cistophori
struck between 134 and 128 B.C.
Series 42 and 43 are extremely rare and do not appear in any hoards. Their place-
ment in the sequence is somewhat arbitrary; it is also possible that they follow Series

47 and date to the period immediately following 128 B.C., the date of burial of the 1928
hoard. In Series 44 the letter A appears between the serpents' heads; it may refer to
the same magistrate whose monogram, A is similarly placed on the tetradrachms of
the succeeding series.
The cistophori of Series 45-47 are the most numerous of the Tralles pieces in the
hoards buried during the revolt of Aristonicus. Series 45 may be the earliest of the
three since it is present in the Yesilhisar hoard, whereas Series 46 and 47 are absent.
All three series have the monogram A. The symbols (Helios, helmet, poppy head
and ear of grain) were all used on earlier cistophori of Tralles (Series 4, 12, 21 and 39).
The Tralles cistophori of 128-85 B.C. are not within the scope of this volume,
but it should be mentioned that their format is little different from that of Series 42-
76
47, the only change being that the monogram is replaced by a name always reduced
to its first four letters (Plate XXVIII, 12).' The symbols in the right field, unlike
the contemporary issues of Pergamum, Ephesus and Laodiceia continue to change on a
regular basis, usually with each change of name. This similarity in format is an-
other confirmation that Series 42-47 are the latest of the early cistophori struck at
the mint of Tralles.
166-160 B.C.
-humped bull
=eagle on fulmen
=Zeus head
-helmet above fulmen
i- =maeander
bucranium
Lwreath
160-155 B.C.
wreath above fulmen
fulmen, horizontal
pfulmen, vertical
L-ear of grain
155-145 B.C.
cornucopiae
serpent on cista
bull on maeander
draped female
Athena Promachus

filleted thyrsus
round shield
.-warrior
Lpoppy head
loutrophorus
i-filleted tripod
LNike
cuirass
Plate XXVIII, 12 = ANS (Glendining, Apr. 7, 1971, 102), 12.38f; otherwise unpublished.
SEQUENCE OF ISSUES
Catalogue: Tralles
eagle on cuirass
eagle on prow
torch
i-winged caduceus
l-torch and lyre
star above club
star above fulmen and rfi
145-140 B.C.
Tyche and initials
-Tyche and wreath and initials
=Tyche and eagle on fulmen and initials
Tyche and cornucopiae and initials
=Tyche and star above cornucopiae and initials
-Tyche and eagle on cuirass and initials
140-135 B.C.
i-star and Helios and W
L-fulmen and eagle and &E
star and eagle
134-128 B.C.
dAf and eagle head
ZT and Isis headdress
A and Athena head
A and Helios
i-A and helmet

l-A and poppy and grain
SARDES-SYNNADA
SERIES 1-4, 166-160 B.C.
Series 1: To l., X ; to r., thyrsus, horizontal.
1-a. ANS-BYB, SNG 1142, 12.65f
1- b. *Von Aulock, SNG 3121, 12.53 (Plate XXIX, 1)
2- c. Vienna, 11.70/
3- d. *Berlin, 12.47 (Plate XXIX, 2)
3- e. Weber 6898, 12.14
4- f. Von Aulock, SNG 8253, 11.78
4A-g. Kress, Nov. 1971, 296, 12.12 Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 33)
Didrachms:
1-a. *Paris, 6.00f (Plate XXIX, 3); Copenhagen, SNG 460, 5.29f; London,
BMC Ephesus 154, 5.89\ (pierced); Berlin, 5.84; Ankara; Hess, Dec. 1,
1931, 613, 5.85; ANS-Strauss, 5.86\; ANS, 6.37\. Below L, thyrsus, up-
right; below r., X
1- b. Vienna, 5.80\. Below l., thyrsus, upright; below r., X
2- c. *London, BMC 3, 6.05. Below l., thyrsus, upright; below r., X (Plate
XXIX, 4)
Series 2: To l., X; to r., spear-head (?), horizontal. Pinder 132.
5- a. *London, BMC 1, 12.67\ (Plate XXIX, 5); Milan, 12.63f
Series 3: To L, X; to r., club, upright. Pinder 131.
6- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.21/ (Plate XXIX, 6)
7- b. *London, BMC 2, 12.63f (Plate XXIX, 7); ANS, 11.99f
7-c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 71), 12.67\
Series 4: To l., X ; to r., wing.
7-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3122, 12.56 (Plate XXIX, 8)

The earliest cistophori of Sardes bear a mint mark in monogram form (X) which
incorporates the first three or four letters of the ethnic. Cistophori of this type were
known to Pinder and attributed to Sardes.
78
Catalogue: Sardes-Synnada
79
In Series 1, the symbol is a thyrsus, placed horizontally. This mark, similarly
oriented, is used for the first series of Pergamum, which also employs an ethnic in
monogram form. The didrachms also parallel the Pergamene fractions in format:
the symbol is to the left and placed upright, and the ethnic is to the right. No other
Sardes fractions are recorded. However, because of the rarity of the cistophori of
this city, it is unwise to conclude that drachms were never struck or that there were
no subsequent didrachm issues.
Series 2 survives in a unique reverse die, which bears a symbol which resembles a
spear head but may merely be a variant of the thyrsus of Series 1. Series 3 has an
upright club as symbol, a mark also used on the early reverses of Pergamum (Series 5)
and Ephesus (Series 8). The Heracles club is an appropriate cistophoric symbol, as is
the thyrsus of Series 1, which alludes to Dionysus. The wing which distinguishes the
cistophori of Series 4 is present on only one specimen, which shares obverse S7 with
Series 3.
The style, as well as the format, of these early Sardes pieces is very close to that of
several Pergamene dies. Sardes tetradrachm obverses Sl-7 appear to be products of
the same man that engraved Pergamum dies P12-15, 18 and 20 (Plates II, 8-11;
III, 3 and 5). This stylistic affinity, and details such as the nature and orientation of
the reverse ethnic and symbols, substantiates Noe's early observation that "the
[Sardes obverse] cista, though not quite so large as at Pergamum, is of the same propor-
tions. The reverses are so close as to seem copied one from the other. There is little
room for doubt that they are contemporaneous, or nearly so."1
SERIES 5-11, 160-150 B.C.
Series 5: To l., Sj or #; to r., amphora, horizontal.
8-a. * Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 72), 12.71f. Si (Plate XXIX, 9)

8-b. *London, 12.50f. # (Plate XXIX, 10)
Series 6: To l., 2j, ft or to r., sword in sheath, horizontal; below l., r*i.
8- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.69f. S, (Plate XXIX, 11)
9- b. *Ankara (sahnah 1952, 10), 12.55. Si; r*i off flan (Plate XXIX, 12);
Bourgey, March 10, 1976, 12.45. rti.
9-c. *Vienna, 12.07/. Si on side (Plate XXX, 1)
9-d. *Von Aulock, SNG 3971 (Kress, June 30, 1964, 299), 12.82. ft; r*l omitted
(Plate XXX, 2)
10-e. *Von Aulock, SNG 8443, 12.15. r*l omitted; obverse die identical to
Pergamum 24 (Plate XXX, 3)
1 Noe, ANSMN 1950, pp. 35f.
80
The Early Cistophorig Coinage
Series 5 and 6 survive in only eight specimens, yet three different monograms are used
in the left field. Sj, which is certainly a variant of the X (= ZAP) of Series 1-4,
must also indicate Sardes. $ and ft have usually been interpreted as Synnada,
although Bunbury thought the monogram on his piece, now in London (Plate XXIX,
10), was a magistrate's monogram.2 I am of the opinion that the two monograms denote
Synnada, although Noe, upon discovering the common use of dies and symbols among
Sj, # and ft felt compelled to interpret all three monograms as standing for Sardes.
It is inconceivable that these cistophori of Sardes and Synnada, which bear identical
reverse control marks, and are struck from common obverse dies, were produced in
two distinct mints, one in Lydia, the other in Phrygia. It is also improbable that either
Sardes or Synnada was responsible for striking silver for both cities. More likely, a
third, central mint produced coins for the two smaller cities. That this is the case,
and that the central mint was Pergamum, is substantiated by several considerations.
First, obverse die S10 and sword) is identical to Pergamum obverse P24 (Series
lib, Plate III, 10). Second, the Pergamene obverse is associated with three reverse
dies all bearing the monogram (= CYNNAAA) in the lower left field. All the pieces
of Pergamum Series lib should therefore be considered as joint issues of Pergamum
and Synnada. Third, the two symbols used in Sardes-Synnada Series 5 and 6 are
oriented horizontally, as are many of the early Pergamene symbols. The amphora of
Series 5 is in fact used on the reverses of Pergamum Series 8. (On one specimen of
Series 6 (9-c; Plate XXX, 1) the ethnic is also placed on its side, as the of Per-
* Bunbury, NC 1883, pp. 187f. Bunbury's perceptive remarks, based on very little material,
are worth quoting in their entirety, in light of the interpretation proposed below. "The absence
on this coin of the unfailing monogram in the place usually occupied by that or by some other
monogram indicative of the city where the coin was struck, as in the cases of Adramyttium and

Parium, seem at first sight to leave no doubt that here also the monogram, though otherwise
unknown, must be so interpreted. But repeated attempts, both on my own part, and on those of
my numismatic friends, failed to suggest any plausible solution, and the field of conjecture is
materially narrowed by the circumstance that Cistophori certainly appear to have been issued
only by cities of considerable importance. In this state of doubt, I observed that Dr. Pinder cites
from the Museum at Munich, a coin which bears indeed the ordinary monogram of Pergamum
[Series lib], but has beneath it one which, though not identical with that on my coin, closely
resembles it, especially in the position of the lunated sigma, and this suggested to my mind the
possibility that the monogram which had so long puzzled me was merely that of a magistrate,
which had been placed by an error of the moneyer in the space which ought to have been occupied
by the name of the city, and that the latter had inadvertently been omitted altogether. Strong
confirmation of this idea is found in the position of the diota that forms the accessory symbol
in the field to the right, which is precisely similar to [the amphora, Pergamum Series 8] already
described. The same singularity of the accessory symbol being placed in a horizontal position or
direction if the coin is viewed in the ordinary manner, is found in several other instances on
Cistophori of Pergamumin the case of the caduceus [Series 7], the flaming torch [Series 11], and
even the eagle [Series 6]but as far as I have observed on <hose of no other city. Hence its oc-
currence on the coin in question appears 1 o be almost conclusive as to its attribution [to Pergamum]
notwithstanding the omission of the otherwise universal characteristic of the monogram of Per-
gamum."
81
gamum.) Fourth, the style of Sardes-Synnada obverses S8 and 9, which are not du-
plicated in the recorded Pergamene series, is very close to that of S10/P24 and many
other Pergamene dies (compare Plate III).
It seems, therefore, very likely that all the early cistophori of Sardes and Synnada,
which so often share symbols with the cistophori of Pergamum (Table I, below p. 126),
were produced at the Pergamene mint rather than at either Sardes or Synnada.
Series 7: To l., BA; to r., ZY and sword in sheath; below l., A P.
9-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 8444, 12.74. Sword horizontal (Plate XXX, 4)
9-b. *Munich (Kress, June 22, 1970, 185), 11.98f. Sword vertical (Plate
XXX, 5)
Series 7 is the most curious variety of cistophori known. The symbol used is the
sword in sheath of Series 6, oriented horizontally on von Aulock's piece and vertically
on the Munich specimen. In the left field, where one would expect the mint mark of
Sardes or Synnada, (because Series 6 and 7 share obverse S9), one finds the two letters
BA. To the right, near the symbol, ZY appears. A third pair of letters, AP, is situated
in the lower left field.
The apparent absence of a mint mark, and the presence of other letters in the left
and right fields, makes interpretation of this series difficult. The resemblance of the
BA - ZY format to the BA - EY cistophori of Aristonicus (Plate XXXVIII), and the
sharing of dies between these pieces and the ft, piece of Series 6 led Franke to at-
tribute the von Aulock specimen to Synnada (ZY) and to interpret BA - AP as an
abbreviation for BA(ZIAEOZ) AP(IZTONl KOY). His suggestion has subsequently
been accepted by Colin Kraay.* Unfortunately, however, the shared die between
BA - ZY-AP and Sardes-Synnada Series 6, and the linkage between the latter and
Pergamum Series lib (ca. 160-155 B. C.), rule out King Aristonicus as a possible reading.

I regret that I can offer no alternative solution, but one detail seems clear: AP
is not to be read in conjunction with BA or ZY; it either represents the initials of a
Pergamene mint official, for it is located in the same place as the r*i of Series 6 and the
rti of Series 8 (Plates XXIX, 11 and XXX, 6) or it is the abbreviated ethnic of a
city, as the j in this position on reverses of Pergamum Series lib.
Series 8: To l., X, # or ZAP; to r., star; below l., rti.
9-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.77/ (Plate XXX, 6); ANS-Strauss, 12.56f. $
11- b. *Copenhagen, SNG 458, 12.78f (Plate XXX, 7); Vienna, 11.50f; Com-
merce. X; rti omitted
12- c. ""London, BMC 4, 11.97f. ZAP; rti omitted (Plate XXX, 8)
13- d. Hirsch, Dec. 11-14, 1967, 2191. ZAP; rti omitted
* Kraay, p. 7.
82
Series 9: To l., ZAP; to r., fulmen, vertical.
11- a. *Berlin, 12.64 (Plate XXX, 9)
Series 10: To l., ZAP; to r., bunch of grapes.
12- a. *Berlin, 12.36 (Plate XXX, 10)
13- a. *ANS, 12.71f (Plate XXX, 11)
Series 11: To I., X ; to r., ear of grain.
14- a. *Copenhagen, SNG 459, 12.45f (Plate XXX, 12)
Series 8 is the last series in which $ appears, and presumably no other cistophori
were issued for or by Synnada until after 128 B.C., when the ethnic ZYN appears on
a few recorded pieces (Plate XXXI, 10).4 This change in mint mark exactly parallels
the substitution of ATTA for m on the late cistophori of Apameia. Two other mint
marks appear on coins of Series 8: X which is the earliest form of the Sardes mono-
gram, and ZAP, which, as ZYN and ATTA, eventually replaces the monogram form,
although at a much earlier date (Ed>E and TPAA were employed at Ephesus and
Tralles from the outset.). The symbol used in Series 8, a star, also appears on
the contemporary cistophori of Pergamum (Series 12; Table I, below p. 126). The
rtl which is present on one reverse die of this series (Plate XXX, 6) undoubtedly
refers to the same official as the r*i of Series 6, with which Series 8 shares obverse
S9, a die also used for Series 7.
Series 9 and 10 are both linked to Series 8 and employ the ZAP form of mint mark.
The bunch of grapes of Series 10 is also used as symbol in the contemporary Series
13 of Pergamum. Sardes Series 11 also employs a contemporary Pergamene mark:
the ear of grain of Pergamum Series 14. The unique reverse die of Series 11 is marked
X; the ethnic in monogram form does not subsequently appear on the cistophori of
Sardes.

SERIES 12-14, 150-135 B.C.
Series 12: To I., ZAP; to r., scallop shell (?).
15- a. ""London, BMC 5, 12.60f (Plate XXXI, 1)
Series 13: To l., ZAP; to r., filleted thyrsus.
16- a. *Glasgow, Hunter 1, 12.58 (Plate XXXI, 2)
16-b. Berlin, 12.75
4 Plate XXXI, 11 = ANS (Kress, May 30,1962, 389), 12.27f
83
Series 14: To l., !?; to r., serpent around omphalus. Pinder 130.
17-a. *Paris, 11.33f (Plate XXXI, 3); Boston (Miinz. u. Med. F.P.L., Jan.
1963, 31 = Kress, May 30, 1962, 387), 12.44f
17-b. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 110), 12.41/
17- c. London, BMC 6, 12.65f
Series 12 and 13 survive in only three specimens, all employing ZAP as mint mark.
Series 13 (filleted thyrsus) may be contemporary with Pergamum Series 24 which
bears the same symbol. Series 14 presents the mint mark in a new form: . The
orientation of the ethnic is the same as that of Pergamum. The position of these three
series in the Sardes sequence is arbitrary. The condition of the ANS piece from the
1928 hoard (no. 110, Series 14) is poor; the coin shows signs of long circulation.
SERIES 15-18, 135-128 B.C.
Series 15: To l., CAP; to r., Tyche, holding cornucopiae in l., wreath (?) in r.; below
r., $.
18- a. *ANS (Miinz. u. Med., June 18-19, 1970, 249), 12.47f (Plate XXXI, 4)
Series 16: To l., ZAP; to r., Apollo nude, holding bow (?) in r.; above center, $.
18- a. *ANS (Hess-Leu, Mar. 24, 1959, 266), 12.53f (Plate XXXI, 5)
Series 17a: To l., ZAP; to r., Zeus, holding eagle in r.; above center, 13. Pinder 128.
19- a. ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 112), 12.59/
19-b. *Boston 59.311, 12.08t (Plate XXXI, 6); ANS-BYB, SNG 1143, 12.12f
19-c. London (Asia Minor 1928, 113), 12.72/ (Plate XXXI, 7); Cambridge,
SNG 4879, 12.45/; New York, private coll., 12.58/. Above center, p|.
19-d. Von Aulock, SNG 3123, 12.63
19- e. Schweizerischer Bankverein F.P.L., Spring 1976, 55, 12.64

20- f. *Paris, 12.28f (Plate XXXI, 8) Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 114-16)
Series 17b: To l., ZAP; to r., Zeus, holding eagle in r.; above center, ^; in l. serpent
coil, C (year 6 = 129/128 B.C.)
21- a. *London, BMC 7, 12.26f (Plate XXXI, 9)
Series 18: To l., ZAP, above which, eagle r. on fulmen; to r., standing female figure
wearing polos, with bird on l. shoulder; above center, ^.
22- a. *Berlin (Naville, July 2, 1929, 393), 12.64 (Plate XXXI, 10)
84
Series 15 and 16 share obverse die SI8, yet each of the two surviving specimens bears
a different form of ethnic: Series 15 employs CAP, oriented horizontally unlike the
> of Series 14; Series 16 uses the more common ZAP form. The linkage confirms
that even at this late date, more than one form of ethnic was still being used simul-
taneously on the cistophori of Sardes.
Tyche is also used as symbol in Tralles Series 33-38; Apollo is prominent on'theiautono-
mous bronze of Sardes. The $ of Series 15 is undoubtedly a personal monogram,
as the rtl and Itl of Series 6 and 8 and probably the AP of Series 7. In Series 16 the
magistrate's monogram, $, is placed between the serpents' heads. This is a feature of
all Pergamene cistophori after 134 B.C. and an identical monogram, similarly located
on the reverses, appears on the cistophori of Pergamum Series 32 and 33 (ca. 128 B.C.).
Series 17 and 18 continue the format used for Series 16. In both series, SAP is
the ethnic and a monogram is placed between the serpents' heads: 13, fel or ^ in Series
17; l?l in Series 18. As in Series 15 and 16, a standing deity of local significance is
used as the symbol in the right field. In Series 18 an eagle on fulmen is added above
ZAP - an allusion to Zeus, who appears in Series 17. A similarly located eagle was
also used on the earlier cistophori of Tralles Series 35 (in conjunction with Tyche) and
the designer of the Sardes cistophori has almost certainly taken those coins as his
model.
The ANS and BM pieces of Series 17a from the 1928 hoard are very well preserved
and must have been struck shortly before their burial in 128 B.C. Such a date is con-
firmed by the inclusion of a diminutive C in the left serpent coil of the unique specimen
of Series 17b. The C, which had long before dropped out of the Greek alphabet, can
only be a date. As suggested in BMC, the only suitable possibility is year 6 of the
provincial era beginning in 134/133 B.C., i.e., 129/128 B.C.

SEQUENCE OF ISSUES
166-160 B.C.
thyrsus
spear-head
iclub
Iwing
160-150 B.C.
- amphora
= sword in sheath
- BA-ZY-AP and sword in sheath
= r-star
L-fulmen
- bunch of grapes
ear of grain

150-135 B.C.
scallop
filleted thyrsus
serpent around omphalus
135-128 B.C.
i-Tyche and A
L-^ and Apollo
1 or | and Zeus
^ and Zeus and C
f?l and eagle and female deity
APAMEIA
The early cistophori of Apameia are distinguished by the monogram w which is
located in the left field of the reverses. This mark was interpreted as Parium for many
years, a city in Mysia, but is universally accepted today as denoting Apameia. Later
cistophori bearing ATTA on the reverses are known and are certainly products of
Apameia (Plate XXXVI, 8).1 It is unlikely that Parium (w) struck cistophori only
before 133 B.C. and Apameia (ATTA) only after 133 B.C. Although there are no die
links between the two series, a flute is used as symbol on four of the latest series of
pre-133 W cistophori, and a double flute appears on all of the post-133 ATTA pieces.
m and AFIA must both refer to a single city, namely Apameia.
SERIES 1-7, 166-160 B.C.
Series 1: To r., head of lion r.
1-a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.67f (Plate XXXII, 1)
1-b. ANS-BYB, SNG 1150, 12.64. Impress of circular die
Series 2: To r., dolphin.
1-a. *Hague, 12.70 (Plate XXXII, 2)
1-b. London, BMC 8, 12.69
The first series of cistophori of Apameia is strikingly similar to the initial emission
of Ephesus. In both cases the symbol is an animal head so placed as to appear almost
as an outgrowth of one of the serpents which entwines the bow-case. However, unlike
the cistophori of Ephesus, and of Pergamum and Tralles also, the earliest dies exhibit
no signs of experimentation in format. From the start, the ethnic appears in the left
field and the symbol is to the right. In this respect, the early Apameia issues are com-
1 Plate XXXVI, 7 = ANS-Strauss, 12.501. Mionnet's attribution of the fsj pieces (nos.
219ff.) to Apameia was first objected to by du Mersan, NC 1846, p. 8. Pinder catalogued the
[E] cistophori under Parium (nos. 69ff.) but expressed doubts as to du Mersan's attribution (p. 539,
n. 2). The Parium reading was upheld by Bunbury, NC 1883, p. 184, but rejected by Imhoof,

AbhBerlin 1884, p. 33. Imhoof later cited a group of [zq pieces having a flute in the right field
(Series 26-29) as transitional between the early issues and the later AfTA pieces bearing a double
flute. The differing format, flan size, etc. were attributed to chronological rather than geo-
graphical factors (Imhoof, Kleinasiatische Munzen, p. 206).
86
Catalogue: Apameia
87
parable to those of Sardes-Synnada where an ethnic in monogram form, placed in
an upright position, is also used.
Apameia Series 2 employs a dolphin as distinguishing mark. This symbol also ap-
pears in the contemporary Pergamum Series 3 and the later Pergamum Series 23.
None of the four known specimens of Series 1 and 2 comes from a recorded hoard.
Series 3: To r., seated sphinx r.
2-a. *London, BMC 4, 12.73f (Plate XXXII, 3)
2-b. *ANS-Strauss, 12.64f (Plate XXXII, 4); ANS-ETN, 12.37f. Sphinx on
club
2-c. Von Aulock, SNG 3449, 12.66. Sphinx on club
2-d. *ANS, 12.65f- Sphinx on caduceus (Plate XXXII, 5)
2-e. ANS (Asia Minor 1962, 51), 12.60f. Sphinx on caduceus
Series 4: To r., herm r.
3-a. *Paris, 12.39f. Herm on caduceus (Plate XXXII, 6)
3-b. Von Aulock, SNG 3452, 12.39. Herm on caduceus
Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 42). Herm on caduceus
3-c. Berlin, 12.68. Herm on club
3- d. Athens, 11.82f (pierced). Herm on club
4- e. *Leningrad. Herm on club (Plate XXXII, 7)
Series 3 and 4 are not linked, but are extremely close in format and style. Obverse
dies A2 (Series 3) and Al (Series 1 and 2) are so similar as to be nearly indistinguish-
able, and A4 (Series 4) is clearly a contemporary product of the same die engraver.
The primary symbol in Series 3 is a seated sphinx; in Series 4, a herm. In both cases
the marks are variously placed on a club or a caduceus; one die of Series 3 (a) bears
only the primary mark. These variations must have served some control function

at the mint. They can hardly be die cutters' signatures, for the same hands can be
seen to have produced dies of each type. The caduceus is an early symbol in its own
right at Apameia (Series 5) and the club is used in the contemporary series of Perga-
mum and Sardes-Synnada (Series 5 and 3 respectively).
Two of the pieces from these series come from hoards buried between 145 and 135
B.C. but none is present in the hoards buried after 130 B.C. As was the case with the
mints already discussed, most of the earliest cistophoric issues had disappeared from
circulation by the time the Province of Asia was formed.
Series 5: To r., caduceus, upright.
5- a. *Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 98), 12.62\ (Plate XXXII, 8)
88
Series 6: To r., harpa, upright.
5- a. *Karlsruhe, 11.94f (pierced) (Plate XXXII, 9)
6- b. *ANS, 12.49\ (Plate XXXII, 10); Seyrig, 12.57
6-c. Commerce
Series 7: To r., tripod. Pinder 73.
6-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3453, 12.74 (Plate XXXII, 11)
6-b. Paris, 11.48f (pierced)
The sole distinguishing mark of Series 5 is a caduceus. The symbol may denote the
same authority or serve the same control function as the smaller caduceus added to
the sphinx and herm of Series 3 and 4. The caduceus is also an early cistophoric mark
at Pergamum (Series 7), but the orientation of the symbol differs for the two cities.
The caduceus of the Apameia tetradrachms is in an upright position whereas on the
Pergamene tetradrachms it is placed horizontally. It has, however, been noted that
the horizontal orientation at Pergamum parallels the downward placement of the
ethnic, and that on the fractional cistophori of Series 7, where the ethnic is upright,
so too is the caduceus. At Apameia, the vertical position of the symbol also parallels
the upright placement of the monogram.
This similarity in format, and identity in marks, is complemented by a remarkable
affinity in style. The obverse die used in Apameia Series 5 (A5) is very close to Perga-
mum dies P23-27 and Sardes-Synnada S8-10. In my opinion, they are all products
of the same hand and the coins were all struck at the same mint, i.e., Pergamum.
The single surviving specimen of Series 5 is from the Yesilhisar hoard of 130 B.C.
and shows signs of wear. Series 6 and 7 are linked to each other and to Series 5. The
symbols (harpa and tripod) are not known at Pergamum, but dies A5 and 6 are clearly
products of the Pergamene workshop. None of the surviving specimens from these

two series is from a recorded hoard.
SERIES 8-16, 160-150 B.C.
Series 8: To r., sword in sheath. Pinder 74.
7- a. *Paris, 12.80\ (Plate XXXII, 12)
Series 9: To r., star.
8- a. *Winterthur, 12.33 (Plate XXXIII, 1)
8-b. Berlin, 12.34
Series 8 and 9 survive in only three specimens. The unique piece of Series 8 was
known to Pinder and has a sword in sheath on the reverse. The distinguishing mark
of Series 9 is a star. Both the sword in sheath and star are used on the contemporary
Catalogue: Apameia
89
cistophori of Sardes-Synnada (Series 6-8) and are die linked there. The star is also a
contemporary Pergamene symbol (Series 12), (Table I, below p. 126). The two obverse
dies used in the Apameia series (A7 and 8) are certainly products of the engraver of
Apameia A5-7, Pergamum P23-27 and Sardes-Synnada S8-10. None of the three
Apameia pieces is from a recorded hoard.
Series 10: To r., fulmen, vertical.
9-a. *London, BMC 2, 10.64f (Plate XXXIII, 2)
10-b. *Berlin, 11.99 (Plate XXXIII, 3)
Series 11: To r., prow, r. Pinder 72.
10-a. * Vienna, 12.60 (Plate XXXIII, 4)
10-b. Gotha, 12.67/
10- c. Copenhagen, SNG 148, 11.84f
Series 12: To r., trident, horizontal.
11- a. *ANS-ETN, 12.46^ (Plate XXXIII, 5)
Series 13: To r., flower.
11- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 38), 12.33\ (Plate XXXIII, 6)
Didrachm:
1-a. *Copenhagen, SNG 149, 5.79f (Plate XXXIII, 7)
Series 14: To r., filleted bucranium. Pinder 70.
12- a. *Paris, 12.15f (Plate XXXIII, 8)
12- b. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 97), 12.62
Series 15: To r., human ear r.
13- a. * Glasgow, Hunter, Parium 8 (pierced) (Plate XXXIII, 9); ANS (Asia
Minor 1955, 39), 12.50
Series 16: To r., omphalus.

14- a. *ANS-BYB, SNG 1151, 12.76f (Plate XXXIII, 10)
Series 10-16 are probably to be placed in the decade 160-150 B.C., although the
relative sequence is arbitrary. The issues which precede and follow this group may be
fairly securely identified on the basis of internal die linkage, dies shared with Perga-
mum, and the use of symbols and monograms found on cistophori of Pergamum and
Sardes-Synnada (Table I, below p. 126).
90
The obverses of Series 10-16 are very close in style to those of Series 5-9. Series
10 and 11 share obverse A10. The vertically-oriented fulmen of Series 10 is also used
as symbol in the roughly contemporary Sardes Series 9. The fulmen is a common
feature of the cistophori of Tralles (Series 2, 4, 10, 11, 35 and 40). Series 12 and 13
share obverse All. The flower of Series 13 is perhaps related to the approximately
contemporary bee and flower of Pergamum Series 16.
The unique didrachm of Apameia Series 13 has the ethnic in the left field and the
symbol to the right. This arrangement conforms to the format of the tetradrachms,
but reverses the normal positions of ethnic and symbol on the fractions of Pergamum
and Sardes-Synnada. As was the case with Pergamum and Sardes, no drachms of
Apameia survive. The record is, however, too fragmentary to determine whether it
is an accurate reflection of the fractional emissions in antiquity.
The Series 14 piece from the Yesilhisar hoard is quite worn and the two pieces of
Series 13 and 15 from the 1955 Asia Minor hoard (IGCH 1458, burial ca. 95 B.C.) bear
signs of very long circulation; almost all details of the obverse cista and reverse bow-
case have been effaced.
SERIES 17-25, 150-140 B.C.
Series 17: To r., wreath.
15- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.73\ (Plate XXXIII, 11); von Aulock, SNG 3448,
12.62; Vienna, 12.30
16- b. *London, BMC 1, 12.69f (Plate XXXIII, 12) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 43)
Series 18: To r., bee.
17- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 8331, 12.60. Obverse die identical to Pergamum 38
(Plate XXXIV, 1)
18- b. London, BMC 3, 12.32

18- c. *Boston, 12.59 (Plate XXXIV, 2)
19- a. *Geneva (Miinz. u. Med., June 5-6, 1959, 504), 12.49f (Plate XXXIV, 3)
19-b. Berlin, 12.63
Series 17-19 are not die linked, but their position in the sequence of Apameia cisto-
phori may be determined by reference to the order of emissions at Pergamum. Apameia
Series 18 has a bee as distinguishing mark. Although this symbol is not used on any
of the known cistophori of Pergamum, one obverse of this series (A17) is identical with
Pergamene die P38. The Pergamene obverse is associated with reverses bearing a
Catalogue: Apameia
91
wreath or ivy leaf. Apameia Series 18 is thus exactly contemporary with Pergamum
Series 20 and 21.
Apameia Series 17, which has a wreath as reverse symbol, is struck from two dies
(A15 and 16) which are very close in style to A18 the second die used in the bee series.
The Apameia wreath series is probably contemporary with the wreath series of Perga-
mum. The symbol which follows the Pergamene wreath and ivy leaf series in die
linked sequence is a cornucopiae. This mark is also used at Apameia and probably
is to be placed immediately after the bee in the Apameia series (Table I, below p. 126).
Series 20: To r., round cap (pileus?).
20-a. ANS-Strauss, 12.41f
20-b. London, BMC 7, 12.40f
20-c. *Commerce, 12.36 (Plate XXXIV, 4)
20-d. Schulman, May 6-7, 1963, 219
20-e. Dresden, 12.65/
Series 21: To r., Dioscurus cap surmounted by star. Pinder 75.
21-a. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 44), 12.30f
21-b. ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 45), 12.43f
21-c. Cambridge, SNG 4934, 12.79\
21-d. Oxford, 12.00f
21-e. Meletopoulos
21- f. *London (Weber 5144), 12.68f (Plate XXXIV, 5)
22- f. * ANS-Strauss, 12.05f (Plate XXXIV, 6)
23- g. Von Aulock, SNG 8333, 12.63
23- h. Berlin, 12.49
24- i. *Von Aulock, SNG 3451, 12.48 Obverse die identical to Pergamum 46

(Plate XXXIV, 7)
Didrachms:
2-a. *Vienna, 6.20f (Plate XXXIV, 8); Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 2), 6.07
Series 20 has a round cap as symbol, which may be a variant of the pileus with star
of Series 21. The style of obverse dies A20 (Series 20) and A21 (Series 21) is very close.
The position of the latter series in the Apameia sequence may be ascertained since
obverse A24 is identical with Pergamum die P46 (Plate V, 7). The Pergamene obverse
is associated with a dolphin on the reverses, a series linked both to the cornucopiae
(Series 22) which precedes it, and to the thyrsus (Series 24) which follows it. The
Pergamene cornucopiae, dolphin and thyrsus series were struck during the decade
150-140 B.C. The two Apameia pieces with Dioscurus cap as symbol from the Bah-
kesir hoard (burial ca. 135 B.C.) are quite worn.
92
Series 22: To r., bunch of grapes.
25-a. *Gotha, 12.59f (Plate XXXIV, 9)
Didrachm:
3-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3456, 6.18. Grapes and ivy leaf? (Plate XXXIV, 10)
Series 23: To r., head of elephant r. Pinder 69.
25-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 29), 12.07/ (Plate XXXIV, 11); Leningrad
25- b. Athens, 12.30/
26- c. *ANS, 12.28f (Plate XXXIV, 12)
26- d. Berlin, 12.43
27- e. *Leningrad (Plate XXXIV, 13)
28- f. *Von Aulock, SNG 3450, 12.69 (Plate XXXV, 1); Commerce. Obverse
die identical to Pergamum 54
28- g. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 96), 12.58. Obverse die identical to Per-
gamum 54
29- h. Von Aulock, SNG 8332, 12.73
30- i. *London, BMC 6, 12.55f (Plate XXXV, 2)
31-j. London, BMC 5, 12.30f
31-k. Cambridge, SNG 4933, 12.60/
31-l. Oxford, 12.53f
31-m. Athens, 11.44f
31-n. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 92), 12.55/
31- o. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 93), 12.56/. Impress of circular die
32- p. Berlin, 11.65
32-q. Berlin, 12.01
32- r. Naville, July 2, 1930, 1031

33- s. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 46), 12.63f (Plate XXXV, 3)
33- t. Sofia
34- u. Cambridge, SNG 4932, 12.69/
34- v. Vienna, 12.54
35- w. Copenhagen, SNG 147, 12.50f; Boston, 12.40f
35- x. ANS (Asia Minor 1970, 30), 12.52f
36- x. *ANS-Strauss, 12.67f (Plate XXXV, 4); ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928,
153), 12.38f; Sofia
36- y. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 94), 12.68f
Commerce (Asia Minor 1928, 154; Bahkesir 1958, 47)
Series 24: To r., head of elephant r. in rectangular frame.
37- a. * Ankara (Sahnah 1952, 1), 12.67. Obverse die identical to Pergamum
69 (Plate XXXV, 5)
38- b. * Istanbul. Obverse die identical to Pergamum 75 (Plate XXXV, 6)
Catalogue: Apameia
93
39- c. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 95), 12.50f
40- d. *Glasgow, Hunter, Parium 7 (pierced). Obverse die identical to Perga-
mum 79 (Plate XXXV, 7)
Series 25: To r., owl facing in rectangular frame, below which, various letters. Pin-
der 71.
40- a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 40), 12.50f. Below owl, M; obverse die identical
to Pergamum 79 (Plate XXXV, 8)
41- b. Gotha, 12.60f. Below owl, A
41-c. *Paris, 12.55f. Below owl, A (Plate XXXV, 9)
Series 22-25 may be dated with confidence to ca. 145-139 B.C. Series 22 and 23
and Series 24 and 25 are linked to each other, and Series 23, 24 and 25 share dies with
the Pergamene series of the same period (Table I, below p. 126). Moreover, Apameia
Series 26-28 bear dates from 138-135 B.C.
Series 23 is by far the most extensive of the Apameia issues, to judge from the number
of obverse dies employed. Twelve dies are known for this one series, whereas the total
for the previous 22 series is only 25 obverses, with no more than 2 dies connect-
ed with any issue except Series 21, which has 4 obverses. One notes a parallel
situation at Pergamum: Series 23, 14 obverse dies; Series 24, 22; Series 1-22, 45,
dies. Since the contemporaneity of Pergamum Series 23-25 and Apameia Series
21-25 is established by inter-city die linkage, the reason for the common pattern of
production becomes clear: the cistophori of Pergamum and Apameia were struck at a
single mint.
Series 24 and 25 bear symbols enclosed in a rectangular frame, the former carrying
over the elephant head of Series 23, the latter having an owl as symbol. This framing
device is unknown in any other cistophoric series, before or after 128 B.C., with one

exception: the enclosure of AZ in a rectangular frame on the earliest emissions of
Pergamum. The inclusion of letters beneath the framed owl of Series 25 parallels
the cautious introduction of initials and monograms on the contemporary cistophori
of Pergamum (Series 23c, 24d, e and f).
Series 23-25 are frequently found in the cistophoric hoards buried after 140 B.C.:
Bahkesir, two pieces; Yesilhisar, five; Sahnah, one; Asia Minor 1928, two; Asia Minor
1955, one; and Asia Minor 1970, two specimens.
SERIES 26-28, 139-135 B.C.
Series 26: Above l., ft (year 21 = 139/138 B.C.); above r., Al; to r., flute; inr. serpent
coil, A P.
42-a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3454, 12.92 (Plate XXXV, 10) Commerce (Bahkesir 1958, 48)
94
Series 27: Above l., r (year 3 = 137/136 B.C.); to r., flute; in l. and r. serpent coils,
AI.
43- a. *ANS-Strauss, 12.40f (Plate XXXV, 11); London (Asia Minor 1928,
156), 12.59f
44- b. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 155), 12.80/. Above r., flute; to r., AI;
below l., AI (Plate XXXV, 12)
44-c. *Berlin, 12.53. Above l., AI; above r., T; in l. serpent coil, AI (Plate
XXXVI, 1)
Series 28: Above l., AI; above r., A (year 4 = 136/135 B.C.); to r., flute; in l. serpent
coil, A I.
45-a. *London, BMC 9, 12.13f (Plate XXXVI, 2)
In Series 26-28 the symbol in the right field is a flute,2 which unites the group in the
absence of die linkage. In each series, a variety of initials and dates also appears,
documenting a complex system of controls for the silver issued in the name of Apa-
meia by Pergamum.
Two sets of initials are used in Series 26: AP, placed in a serpent coil, as the prow
in Pergamum Series 23b and 24b;3 and A I, located above the symbol, as the monogram
in Pergamum Series 24f. In the upper left field appears. Apameia Series 27 and
28 are marked AI twice on each reverse die; AP does not recur, nor does . Instead,
in the upper left or right field, a single letter is used, l~ or A. Since these letters oc-
cur on cistophori datable on other criteria to about 140-135 B.C., < , T and A must
surely be dates reckoned according to the regnal years of Attalus II and III as in
Ephesus Series 33-35. (year 21) is thus thelastyearof the reign of the former, 139/138
B.C., and V and A the third and fourth years of Attalus III, 137/136 and 136/135 B.C.
While it is perhaps only an accident of survival, it is worthy of note that years T

and A do not appear on the known cistophori of Ephesus, while A and B do occur
on the Ephesian coins but not on those of Apameia. The appearance of Attalid regnal
dates on the Apameia silver is not as surprising as for Ephesus, since its cistophori
were produced at the Pergamene mint. It remains a mystery, however, why some
cistophori of Ephesus and Apameia are dated by the regnal years of the last two
Attalid kings when the silver coins of Pergamum itself bear no dates whatsoever.
2 A double flute is later adopted as the standard civic symbol of Apameia on its first century
cistophori (Plate XXXVI, 7). See Imhoof, Kleinasialische Miinzen, p. 206.
3 Imhoof, SNR 1913, p. 27, no. 69 records a variety of Pergamum Series 23 in his collection with
a monogram(t+i) in the left serpent coil. The piece was not illustrated and is otherwise unknown.
Catalogue: Apameia
95
SERIES 29-31, 135-133 B.C.
Series 29: Above l., El; above r., flute; in l. serpent coil, A I.
46-a. *ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 41), 12.70f (Plate XXXVI, 3); Istanbul (Ye-
silhisar 1963, 99), 12.4If
46-b. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 42), 12.52f; von Aulock, SNG 8334, 12.60
46-c. Paris, 12.22f
Series 30: To r., club with pelt; in r. serpent coil, H Tl.
46- a. *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 157), 12.64f (Plate XXXVI, 4); ANS
(Bahkesir 1958, 49), 12.62\
47- b. *Princeton Museum, 12.33f. H"l in lower l. serpent coil; AH in upper r.
serpent coil (Plate XXXVI, 5)
Series 31: To l., cornucopiae; to r., m; in l. and r. serpent coils, MH.
48- a. *Von Aulock, SNG 3455, 12.37 (Plate XXXVI, 6)
48-b. Paris, 12.25f
Series 29-31 are the last of the early cistophoric emissions of Apameia. Series 29
is clearly related to the previous three series: the flute is retained as symbol and AI
is again placed in a serpent coil. In the upper left field, where one might expect a
date, El appears. Unless this mark in some way denotes year 5, it must be the initials
of a second magistrate. (In Series 26-28 two sets of initials were used on each reverse
die: Al and AP or Al and Al.)
Series 29 shares obverse A46 with Series 30, which has a club and pelt as symbol;
HTI, alone or with AH, replaces AI in the serpent coils. The final emission of Apa-
meia, Series 31, pairs a cornucopiae with MH. In this series, the magistrate's initials
appear twice, as Al in Series 27 and 28. Thus, despite the irregular placement of
the ethnic to the right and to the left, as in the early series of Pergamum, Ephesus

and Tralles, Apameia Series 31 must come late in the sequence of issues.4
The fortuitous presence of a specimen from Series 30 in fdc condition in the Bahkesir
hoard enables one to fix with some confidence the date of the latest Apameia cisto-
phori marked with w. The piece is the latest in the hoard and since it is linked to
Series 29 (El and flute and A I) and, by inference, to the dated pieces of 139-135
B.C., Series 30 must have been struck around 134 B.C. It thus seems likely that the
early cistophori of Apameia ceased when the Province of Asia was formed in 134/133
B.C. Whether the decision was Roman or Pergamene cannot be determined from either
the literary or numismatic evidence.
4 Further confirmation comes from the presence of MH (as well as the club and pelt of Series
30 and the AI of Series 26-29) on the cistophori of Pergamum Series 31, datable to ca. 129 B.C.,
(Plate IX, 4-7). See also Table I, below p. 126.
96
SEQUENCE OF ISSUES
166-160 B.C.
i-leopard head
Ldolphin
sphinx
herm
i-caduceus
=harpa
-tripod
160-150 B.C.
sword in sheath
star
i-fulmen
Lprow
ptrident
Lflower
bucranium
human ear
omphalus
150-140 B.C.
wreath
bee
cornucopiae
round cap
Dioscurus cap

Cbunch of grapes
elephant head
Celephant in frame
owl in frame
139-135 B.C.
(t and flute and AI
T and flute and AI
A and flute and AI
135-133 B.C.
i-EI and flute and AI
l-pelt over club and H Tl
cornucopiae and MH
LAODICEIA
SERIES 1-7, 160-145 B.C.
Series 1: On obv. cista, AAOA; to r., wolf r.
1-a. ANS-BYB, SNG 1153, 12.49/
1-b. ANS (Asia Minor 1955, 43), 12.25/
1-c. ANS, 12.27f
1-d. *Von Aulock, SNG 3796, 12.54 (Plate XXXVII, 1)
1- e. Istanbul (Yesilhisar 1963, 100), 12.66f
2- 1. *Berlin, 12.19 (Plate XXXVII, 2)
Didrachms:
1-a. *Dewing (Plate XXXVII, 3)
1-b. Istanbul. Symbol off flan to r.
Series 2: On obv. cista, AAOA; to r., wolf r., above which, ivy leaf.
1-a. *Kastner, Nov. 26, 1974, 97, 12.38 (Plate XXXVII, 4)
Series 3: On obv. cista, AAOA; to r., wolf r., below which, lyre.
1-a. *Berlin, 11.67 (Plate XXXVII, 5)
1- b. Von Aulock, SNG 8405, 12.64
2- b. *London, BMC 2, 12.52f (Plate XXXVII, 6)
Series 4: On obv. cista, AAOA; to r., forepart of wolf, below which, turreted head
of city goddess r. Pinder 58.
1-a. *Brussels, de Hirsch 1578, 12.24f (Plate XXXVII, 7); von Aulock,
SNG 8404, 12.65
2- b. *London, BMC 1, 12.30f (Plate XXXVI, 8)
2-c. *ANS (Bahkesir 1958, 50), 11.83f (Plate XXXVII, 9)
Series 5: On obv. cista, AAOA; to r., crater.
2- a. *Vienna, 12.27/ (Plate XXXVII, 10)

Series 6: On obv. cista, AAO; to r., owl r.
3- a. *ANS-ETN, 12.35\ (Plate XXXVII, 11)
3-b. ANS-Strauss, 12.23f
97
98
Series 7: On obv. cista, AAO; to r., head of Aphrodite (?) wearing stephane.
3-a. *London, BMC 3, 12.5If (Plate XXXVII, 12)
3- b. Copenhagen, SNG 486, 11.851
4- c. *Von Aulock, SNG 3797, 12.55 (Plate XXXVII, 13)
Didrachm:
2-a. Bern (de Luynes 2738), 5.85 (Plate XXXVII, 14)
The symbols used on the early cistophori of Laodiceia are, for the most part, distinct-
ly civic in nature. The wolf, which appears in four of the seven series, is often used
on the bronze coinage and is a canting type: Laodiceia is bounded on one side by the
river Avxoq. The Aphrodite head of Series 7 is an obverse type on the Laodiceian
bronzes and the turreted head of the city goddess in Series 5 is another local reference.
The rarity of these early Laodiceia cistophori accurately reflects the very small
number of pieces struck in antiquity. Only four tetradrachm obverse dies survive,
two of which (LI and 2) were each used for four of the seven known series; a third
(L3) was used for two of the seven series.1 The small number of dies and the frequent
linkage both confirm that the seven series were produced during a very brief span in
the history of the city. Hoard evidence is not sufficient to identify this period within
narrow limits. However, the ANS piece of Series 4 from the Bahkesir find (burial
ca. 135 B.C.) attests to a long period of circulation before the coin was deposited in
the hoard (Plate XXXVII, 9).2 It is likely that Series 6 and 7 were also struck well
before 135 B.C. although they are not linked to Series 1-5. They may actually precede
Series 1-5.
Internal evidence confirms the indications of the Bahkesir hoard. The seven series
consist of four single- and three dual-symbol types. In the latter, the two marks are
placed one above the other in the right field. Precisely this format is employed at

Tralles between 160 and 145 B.C. (Series 4, 9, 31 and 32). The style of the Laodiceia
dies is also comparable to that of Tralles: compare tetradrachm obverse LI with T27
(Plates XXXVII, 1, 4, 5, 7 and XXI, 10), L2 with T18 (Plates XXXVII, 2, 6, 8-10
and XX, 12-13), and L4 with T61 (Plates XXXVII, 13 and XXIV, 12). The style
of the didrachm obverses is also close: compare LI and 2 (Plate XXXVII, 3 and 14)
with Tl, 2, 3, 5, 8 and 12 (Plates XX, 1-3; XXII, 2; XXIII, 4; XXIV, 9). There is
also a striking stylistic affinity between the reverse dies of the two cities. Although
die linkage between tetradrachms of Laodiceia and Tralles is impossible because the
Laodiceia obverses are marked AAO or AAOA,s inter-city die linkage may one day
be demonstrated with the fractional obverse dies.
1 The two surviving didrachm obverse dies thus represent a very high proportion of fractions
struck in comparison with tetradrachms. The only other instance where this occurs is at Tralles.
* See also the discussion under Asia Minor 1876, below p. 107f.
3 The presence of AAO or AAOA on the obverse cistas may in fact be a labelling device de-
signed to differentiate easily the dies of the two cities.
Catalogue: Laodiceia
99
In my opinion, the early cistophori of Laodiceia were produced at the Tralles mint
sometime between 160 and 145 B.C. Such an arrangement for Tralles and Laodiceia
would parallel the striking of cistophori for Sardes, Synnada, Apameia and KOP by
Pergamum.4 In each case, it is the larger city that coins silver for the smaller town
or towns, while the right of striking bronze coins for local circulation is retained by
the latter.
SEQUENCE OF ISSUES
160-145 B.C.
i-wolf
-wolf and ivy leaf
-wolf and lyre
-wolf and turreted head
-crater
i-owl
l-Aphrodite head

* The cistophori of Synnada were also issued for a very brief time, probably ca. 160-150 B.C_
KOP
SERIES 1, 137-136 B.C.
Series 1: To l., KOP; to r., fish l.; in l. serpent coil, AP; above r., T (year 3 = 137/
136 B.C.).
1-a. *Berlin, 12.40f (Plate XXXVI, 8)
A unique cistophorus in Berlin, formerly in the collection of Imhoof-Blumer, poses
a special problem in interpretation. In the left field, where the ethnic of the issuing
city normally appears, are the three letters KOP. In the initial publication of this
"Cistophor alteren Stils" Imhoof attributed the coin to an unidentified city of the
Province of Asia, the name of which began with the letters KOP. (Coryphantis was
excluded as "Namen unbedeutender Ortschaften konnen hier nicht in Betracht kom-
men.") The AP placed in the left serpent coil was interpreted as the initial letters of
a magistrate's name.1
In 1929, K. Regling suggested that KOP denoted an unknown Asian city named in
honor of a member of the gens Cornelia and that the T in the upper right field signi-
fied year 3 of the Roman provincial era, i.e., 132/131 B.C.2
Recently H. Seyrig reopened the discussion of this "cistophore enigmatique" and
suggested that KOP and AP be read in conjunction as Corragus, son of Aristomachus,
who served under Eumenes II. Seyrig placed the piece among the earliest cistophori,
struck shortly after the extension of the Pergamene kingdom in 188 B.C. The excep-
tional character of the piece, issued not by a city but by the governor of Phrygia, was
thought to be consistent with "les d6buts d'un monnoyage encore imparfaitement
etabli." Seyrig rejected the letter T as representing year 3, for such dates were un-
known on other cistophori "d'ancien style."*
Seyrig's thesis must, however, be rejected for three reasons. First, if the cistophori
did not begin until 166 B.C., as I have suggested, the association of KOP with a
provincial governor of ca. 188 B.C. must be excluded. Second, the KOP cistophorus

is not among the earliest of the series. The style of the obverse is most comparable
to that of dies used for Pergamum and Apameia between 140 and 135 B.C. (Plates
VI-VII and XXXV). The format of the reverse, with a pair of initials placed in one
of the serpent coils, is also characteristic of many cistophori after 140 B.C. Finally,
1 Imhoof, SNR 1905, p. 162 = Imhoof, MQnzkunde, p. 2 and n. 4.
2 Regling, Bronzen, p. 386.
H. Seyrig, RN 1963, pp. 29-31.
100
Catalogue: KOP
101
cistophori of this period are often datedby the regnal years of the Attalid kings.
T is undoubtedly year 3 of the reign of Attalus III, 137/136 B.C.
In my opinion, the KOP cistophorus is a product of the Pergamene mint. It is
dated according to the reign of an Attalid king, as are the contemporary cistophori
of Apameia (issued by Pergamum). This view is substantiated by the magistrate's
signatureAP also placed his initials in the serpent coil of an Apameia cistophorus
dated fi , 139/138 B.C. (Series 26, Plate XXXV, 10).
The identification of KOP remains problematical. Although the letters are unques-
tionably the initials of a city of the Attalid kingdom, only the insignificant village of
Coryphantis fits this description. The identification with Coryphantis is, however,
not as unlikely as Imhoof believed, since one must no longer postulate the existence of
a mint in the town. The fish would also be an appropriate symbol for this coastal
village near Adramyteum.4 Perhaps the inhabitants of the town rendered a special
service to the Attalids or paid an unusually large sum in taxes in 137/136 B.C., in order
to receive such recognition from the royal government.6
However, it is best to leave the question of KOP open. Regrettably, the discovery
of a hoard of KOP cistophori of certain provenance might not aid in an identifica-
tionthe city KOP might be located anywhere in Attalid territory; the coins marked
KOP were minted in Pergamum and their circulation may not have been concentrated
in the region of KOP.
* Strabo 13.1.51 (C607).

5 See my remarks on the nature of the cistophoric coinage, below pp. 120ff.
UNCERTAIN
SERIES 1, 134-128 B.C.
Series 1: To 1., illegible ethnic (?); above center, ; to r., female (?) head r.; below
center,
1-a. *London (Asia Minor 1928, 158), 12.72f (Plate XXXVI, 9)
One piece from the Asia Minor 1928 hoard must remain unclassified until the ap-
pearance of additional evidence. The ethnic is illegible as a result of die wear and the
combination of symbol and monograms is otherwise unknown. The arrangement of
marks on the reverse die indicates a date after 134 B.C. for the piece, which accords
well with the very fine condition of the coin in the 1928 hoard (burial 128 B.C.).
Any connection between the w of this piece and the cistophori of Apameia is doubt-
ful; the style, format, and monogram are foreign to the coins of that city. An
expansion of wc as Heracleia is also unlikely; is almost certainly a personal
monogram. What remains of the ethnic suggests that it comprises three or four letters
placed horizontally, which excludes Pergamum, as well as Apameia, as possibilities;
the absence of AAOA on the obverse cista and the late style eliminates Laodiceia.
The placing of a monogram or symbol between the serpents' heads is characteristic of
the cistophori of Ephesus, Tralles and Sardes after 134 B.C. Ephesus, however, is to
be eliminated as its post-134 tetradrachms all bear dates as well as a torch on the re-
verses. Sardes remains a candidate, but the style of the obverse is alien. The cistophori
of Tralles Series 45-47 (Plate XXVIII) are, however, quite comparable in both style
and format, and a subsidiary monogram also frequently appears in the lower field of
the reverses of that city (Plates XXIV-XXVII).

102
ARISTONICUS
Letters in brackets are the die combinations in NC 1954, pp. 7-8.
Thyatira
Series 1: To L, 6YA; above center, fulmen, horizontal; to r., beardless head of
Dionysus (?) r.; in l. and r. serpent coils, BA and EY; on lower part of
bow-case, B (year 2 = 133/132 B.C.). Pinder 136.
1-a. [A/c] *ANS, 12.42f (Plate XXXVIII, 1)
1-b. [A/b] Commerce, 12.28f
1-c. Oxford (Kircheldorf, October 7, 1957, 338), 12.42f
1-d. Copenhagen; Grabow, July 27-28, 1939, 499
1- e. [A/a] London, 12.08f (pierced); Istanbul
2- e. [B/a] *ANS-ETN (Asia Minor 1928, 117), 12.52/. Impress of circular
die (Plate XXXVIII, 2); Paris, 12.1 Of
2-f. Von Aulock, SNG 3198, 12.65
2- g. Miinz. u. Med., June 18-19, 1970, 250, 12.54f
3- h. [C/d] *Berlin (Naville, April 4, 1921, 2733), 12.55f (Plate XXXVIII,
3); ANS-Strauss (Naville, July 2, 1930, 1028), 12.66f
3-i. Artemis Antiquities F.P.L. 6, 1972, 76
Apollonis
Series 2: Below, ATTOA; above center, fulmen, horizontal; to l., bearded head of
Zeus(?) l.; to r., beardless head of Dionysus (?) r.; in l. and r. serpent
coils, BA and EY; on lower part of bow-case, T (year 3 = 132/131 B.C.).
2-a.
[B/e]
London, 12.43f
2-b.
[B/f]
2-c.

Robert, Villes \ pl. II, 7
[B/g]
Paris, 12.35f; Commerce, 12.67f
2-d.
[B/h]
Sofia
2-e.
[B/i]
Von Aulock, SNG 2897 (Cahn, January 1952, 110), 12.75f
2-f.
Von Aulock, 12.64f
2-g-
""Commerce, 12.47f (Plate XXXVIII, 4)
3-h.
[C/j]
ANS-ETN, 12.50f (Plate XXXVIII, 5)
Series 3: Below, ATTOA; above center, fulmen, horizontal; to l., bearded head of
Zeus(?) l.; to r., beardless head of Dionysus (?) r.; in I. and r. serpent
103
104
coils, BA and EY; on lower part of bow-case, A (year 4 = 131/130 B.C.).
Pinder 137.
2-a. ""Commerce, 12.53f (Plate XXXVIII, 6)
2-b. Miinz. u. Med., June 18-19, 1970, 247, 12.60f
2- c. Copenhagen
3- c. [C/k] *London, BMC 1, 12.47f (Plate XXXVIII, 7)
3- d. Gottingen (Glendining, Apr. 7, 1971, 101), 12.54f
4- e. [D/l] *Vatican, 12.21/ (Plate XXXVIII, 8); Munich, 12.40f
Stratoniceia
Series 4: Below, ZTPA; above center, fulmen, horizontal; to l., beardless head of
Dionysus (?) l.; to r., bearded head of Zeus (?) r.; in l, and r. serpent coils,
BA and EY; on lower part of bow-case, A (year 4 = 131/130 B.C.).
5- a. [E/m] *London, BMC 1, 12.54f (Plate XXXVIII, 9); Oxford, 12.67f;
Klagenfurt, 12.12f
The cistophori of Thyatira, Apollonis and Stratoniceia, three small Lydian cities,
posed an apparently insurmountable problem to numismatists for many years. These
rare coins all bear dates commemorating the second through fourth regnal years of
a BA(ZIAEftl) EY(MENOY), who was universally assumed to be Eumenes II of Per-
gamum (197-159 B.C.).
Cistophori of two of these cities (Thyatira and Apollonis) were known to Pinder,
and included without commentary in his enumeration of cistophoric variants
(nos. 136 and 137). Imhoof was the first to discuss the series and point out the
problems involved in interpreting the numismatic evidence. Despite the absence
of die linkage, Imhoof was convinced that the similarity in format and style of the
few specimens known to him was sufficient grounds for attributing all three variants

to a single mint. Thyatira was chosen for only on its pieces was 9YA located in the
position normally occupied by the ethnic; ATTOA and ZTPA, which were placed below
the bow-case, were regarded as abbreviated magistrates' names.1 (A similar assump-
tion had been made by both Pinder and Bunbury.)* Since Thyatira did not become
an Attalid possession until 189 B.C. when Eumenes "invaded the territory around
Thyatira,"3 the dates on the cistophori must have been reckoned from the enlargement
of the Pergamene kingdom after the Peace of Apameia. Imhoof later modified this
thesis and accepted AFTOA and ZTPA as referring to Apollonis and Stratoniceia,
but the admission of three cities only seemed to reinforce his dating, for Stratoniceia
1 Imhoof, AbhBerlin 1884, pp. 28ff. A cistophorus of Thyatira was first published by Borell,
NC 1845, p. 13.
2 Pinder, p. 565; Bunbury, NC 1883, p. 195f. See Imhoof, AbhMunchen 1890, p. 773f.
* Livy 37.8.
Catalogue: Aristonicus
105
was named after Stratonice, a Cappadocian princess whom Eumenes II did not marry
until 188 B.C.
Imhoof's solution was generally accepted by numismatists and historians alike until
Louis Robert reopened the discussion in 1935.4 Robert argued that the conjunction
of dates with the legend BA - EY could only refer to regnal years, since there is no sur-
viving document which refers to an era beginning in 188, although there are many
inscriptions dated by the regnal years of Eumenes II. This serious objection to Im-
hoof's dating had, however, grave implications for the cities involved. The text
which relates Eumenes' invasion of the "territory around Thyatira" must now be
understood to mean that Antiochus' occupation of Thyatira and its territory was
temporary. Eumenes must have been attempting to regain Attalid territory, rather
than initiating a raid designed to capture Seleucid Thyatira, the traditional interpreta-
tion. Moreover, Stratoniceia must have been a much earlier Seleucid foundation in
honor of the other Stratonice, wife of Antiochus III.
All these difficulties surrounding the dating of the BA - EY coins were eliminated
when, in 1954, E. S. G. Robinson reexamined the numismatic evidence in a now-
famous essay in NC.B Robinson noticed that the cistophori of Thyatira were confined
to year two; that those of Apollonis were struck only in years three and four, using
two dies of Thyatira year two; and that the only known Stratoniceia pieces were dated
year four. This evidence for a mobile mint under the direction of King Eumenes was
confirmed by the unified format of all three cities: the Dionysus and Zeus heads and
the fulmen are really sub-types, not symbols; the only variables are the date and place
of mintage. Robinson proposed that BA - EY be identified with the pretender Aris-
tonicus. It was Aristonicus who, after the bequest of Attalus III in 134 B.C., rose
up in revolt against Rome, claiming the throne of Pergamum for himself as Eumenes

III. In the course of his revolt, Aristonicus had occupied Thyatira and Apollonis in
succession, and was trapped at Stratoniceia in the fourth and final year of his "reign."*
Robinson's identification of BA - EY as Aristonicus and his dating of the coins to
133-130 B.C. are universally accepted today, and there is little that can be added to
his masterly discussion of the series. Nevertheless, it is interesting to compare the
Aristonicus cistophori with the tetradrachms of the other cities. The first obverse die
employed for the cistophori of Aristonicus (Plate XXXVIII, 1) is so close in style
to Ephesus dies E47-52 (Plate XVI, 5-11) that the same designer may have worked
first at Ephesus (140-137 B.C.) and later for Aristonicus. Not only are the form and
proportions of the cistas of both mints similar, but so are the movement of the writhing
serpent and the shape of the wreath as well. Whether or not the Thyatira engraver is
to be identified with the designer of E47-52, the Ephesian dies were clearly his model.
It is also these Ephesian tetradrachms that provided a precedent for placing regnal
dates on the cistophori. The format of the reverses is a composite of that used by
* Robert, Villas1, pp. 31-40, 48-49.
6 Robinson, NC 1954, pp. 1-8. See Robert, Villes *, pp. 252-60.
8 F. Carrata Thomes, La rivolta di Aristonico e le origini della provincia romana d'Asia, Turin, 1968.
106
several cities. The placing of a symbol between the heads of the serpents was first
introduced at Tralles about 145 B.C. (Series 30), but is also characteristic of most of the
Ephesian cistophori after 139 B.C. A fulmen was so placed on the reverses of Tralles
Series 40 (ca. 140-135 B.C.). The pairing of symbols to left and right on the cistophori
of Apollonis and Stratoniceia are paralleled by the earlier reverses of Ephesus Series
27-29 and Tralles Series 34-38, although on none of these is the ethnic transferred
from the left field to below the bow-case. Symbols had also previously been placed
in the serpent coils of Pergamum Series 23 and 24 and Ephesus Series 30, and pairs
of letters were similarly located in Apameia Series 26-31 (139-134 B.C.) and on the
cistophorus of KOP. It is thus clear that in both style and format the cistophori
struck for Aristonicus were modelled on the tetradrachms issued by the other cistophoric
mints between 140 and 134 B.C.
Although the above catalogue records 25 die combinations, nearly twice the
number known to Robinson, no new obverse dies have appeared, nor have any
new hands been detected. Obverse dies 1-3 and all the reverse dies of Series 1 and 2
as well as dies a-d of Series 3 are products of a single hand; obverses 4 and 5 and the
reverse dies associated with them were engraved by a second man. The expanded die
record thus reconfirms what Robinson had already noticed: that no more than one
die cutter was employed by Aristonicus at any given time.' The "mobile mint" of
the Attalid pretender obviously consisted of only one skilled artist and a few other
workmen responsible for preparing the flans and striking the coins.
A unique specimen recently seen on the U.S. market (Plate XXXVIII, 10) presents
a special problem. Several experts have assured me that the antiquity of the piece is
not in question, but its status as official issue or copy is open to discussion. The coin
is an undated cistophoric tetradrachm of poor style marked 6YA on the reverse. It

is possible that this piece was struck for Aristonicus during the first year of his "reign"
and that the pretender-king was at first only able to secure the services of an unskilled
die cutter, who was replaced in year two. Nevertheless, it seems more likely that the
piece is a barbarous imitation of a cistophorus of Thyatira. The obverse die very
closely copies Aristonicus obverse 1 (Plate XXXVIII, 1), but the reverse die is a
crude, misunderstood imitation of its Thyatiran model. The Dionysius (?) head
is considerably enlarged and EY is misplaced in the upper right serpent coil. The
ethnic and BA are mostly off flan; the A of 9YA is correctly located in the left field,
but the A of BA is similarly misplaced in the upper rather than lower coil. The date
is omitted. The flan is smaller and thicker than its model, but the weight (12.63 gm)
is normal; the die axes (|), however, reverse the usual upright convention of the At-
talid and Aristonicus cistophori. It is doubtful that the engraver of these crude dies
set the pattern for the subsequent BA - EY strikings. If the piece is a copy, it is still
possible that undated cistophori of Thyatira year one were struck in antiquity, but do
not survive.
7 Robinson, NC 1945, p. 2.
HOARDS
ASIA MINOR 1876 (IGCH 1452)
Burial ca. 150-145 B.C.
The hoard was recorded by E. H. Bunbury, who received a single lot of 54 cisto-
phoric tetradrachms from Mr. Lawson of Smyrna in 1876. Bunbury described the
contents as:
Pergamum 14
Ephesus 20
Sardes 2
Tralles 11
Apameia 6
Laodiceia 1
with the qualification that "none of the pieces bore a date or the name of a magistrate."1
The majority of the pieces was purchased by Bunbury, but in his publication specific
reference was made to only 21 tetradrachms. Some of these pieces were probably
among those acquired by the British Museum from Bunbury's collection, and are
so indicated.
Pergamum
1. eagle
2. caduceus
3. amphora (BM: 12.59, very fine)
4. bunch of grapes (BM: 12.66, very fine)
5. stylis (BM: 12.60, extra fine)
6. ivy leaf (BM: 12.48, extra fine)
Ephesus
7. leopard head
8. palm tree

9. "rudder" (= temple key?)
1 Bunbury, JVC 1883, pp. 181-201.
107
108
The Early Cistophorig Coinage
10-18. bee in wreath (NC 1883, pl. X,l, extra fine)
19. bee
20. "stag standing, with a column behind it, which supports a small figure of the
Greek Artemis" (= stag and palm tree?)
21. Artemis slaying stag
The single Laodiceia piece is almost certainly the wolf above lyre variety described
by Bunbury, although the symbols on the hoard specimen were not mentioned. Bun-
bury's Laodiceia piece is now in the British Museum (12.52, very fine).
The presence of nine Ephesian cistophori having a bee in wreath as symbol (Series
17, ca. 150 B.C.) suggests that these pieces are among the latest in the hoard. (Bunbury
does not mention duplication of marks in any other instance.) The 12 other vari-
eties of Pergamene and Ephesian symbols are also early marks at their respective
mints. The Pergamene pieces only run through Series 21, ca. 150 B.C.; the remaining
Ephesus cistophori through Series 22, also ca. 150 B.C. The hoard may therefore have
been deposited about 150-145 B.C. If this burial date is accurate, the presence of an
early Laodiceia piece in very fine condition indicates that its seven series of cistophori
were struck shortly before 150 B.C.*
Burial ca. 145-140 B.C.
The hoard is said to have been found in Asia Minor in 1962 and to consist of 71 Attic-
cistophoric-weight tetradrachms:
Bithynia, Prusias I and II 11
Mysia, Pergamum 5
Pamphylia, Side 5
Syria, Antioch, Demetrius I 8

cistophori 42
Only 34 of the pieces have been recorded, but the homogeneity of this group sug-
gests that it is an accurate sample of the entire hoard. Lot A (nos. 1, 12-13, 17-21,
22-25, 33, 37-40, 48 and 50) was examined by C. Boehringer in 1962;s several of these
pieces were subsequently sold at auction by G. Hirsch, Munich. Lot B (nos. 30-32,
34-36, 41-47, 49 and 51) was acquired by the ANS in 1970.
1 Because of the incompleteness of Bunbury's record, this hoard has not been used as evidence
for dating the cistophori listed in the catalogue.
8 I am indebted to Dr. Boehringer for furnishing details of the contents of the hoard and of
the 19 pieces he examined prior to the hoard's publication in Chronologic pp. 183-85.
Hoards
109
Attic-Weight Tetradrachms
1-11. Bithynia, Prusias I and II: Obv., head of Prusias r.; Rev., Zeus standing, holding
wreath and scepter, BAZIAEQZ TTPOYZIOY.
1. Prusias II: eagle on fulmen Hague (Hirsch, February 21-22, 1963,
and rtt 1269); Boehringer, pl. 40.1; extra fine
12-16. Mysia, Pergamum: Obv., head of Philetaerus r.; Rev., Athena seated, holding
wreath, OIAETAIPOY.
12. Eumenes II: 2 and thyrsus Hirsch, February 21-22,1963,1272; Boeh-
ringer, pl. 40.2; extra fine
13. Eumenes II: AZ and stylis Hirsch, February 21-22,1963,1271; Boeh-
ringer, pl. 40.3; extra fine
17-21. Pamphylia, Side: Obv., head of Athena r.; Rev., Nike l. with wreath.
17. pomegranate and XPY Hirsch, February 21-22, 1963, 1304; fine
to very fine
18-21. pomegranate and KAEYX Hirsch, February 21-22, 1963, 1302-3;
Hirsch, June 25-28, 1963, 443-44; Boeh-
ringer, pl. 40.5-8; very fine to extra fine
22-29. Syria, Antioch: Obv., head of Demetrius r., within wreath; Rev., Tyche seated,
BAZIAEfiZ AHMHTPIOY.
22. Demetrius I: m Hirsch, June 25-28, 1963, 478; very fine.
23. Demetrius I: Hirsch, February 21-22,1963,1311; Boeh-
ringer, pl. 40.10; very fine
24. Demetrius I: A Hirsch, February 21-22, 1963, 1313; very
fine
25. Demetrius I: ZQTHPOZ and Hirsch, February 21-22,1963,1314; Boeh-

Pi and H and B EP (year ringer, pl. 40.12; very fine to extra fine
162 = 151/150 B.C.)
Cistophoric Tetradrachms
30-71. Cistophori of Pergamum (11+), Ephesus (3+), Tralles (7+) and Apameia
Pergamum
30. eagle ANS, 12.59; very fine
31. caduceus ANS, 12.66; fine
110
32. race-torch ANS, 12.64; fine
33. ear of grain Hirsch, June25-28,1963,429; Boehringer,
pl. 40.13; very fine to extra fine
34-35. dolphin ANS, 12.73, 12.67; very fine to extra fine
36-40. filleted thyrsus ANS, 12.65; Commerce, 4; Boehringer,
pl. 40.14; extra fine. All five were struck
from the same pair of dies
41. cornucopiae
42. eagle with fillet
43. filleted hand
Ephesus
ANS, 12.65; very fine
ANS, 12.69; fine
Tralles
44-45. Zeus head
46. bucranium
47-48. loutrophorus
49. Tyche and wreath and AAI
50. Tyche and double cornu-
copiae and av
ANS, 12.60, 12.58; fine
ANS, 12.62; Hirsch, June25-28,1963,441;
Boehringer, pl. 40.19; very fine to extra

fine
Commerce, 1; Boehringer, pl. 40.18; extra
fine
Apameia
51. seated sphinx on caduceus ANS, 12.60; fine to very fine
With the exception of the Hierapytna hoard buried in Crete about 45 B.C.,4 the 1962
Asia Minor deposit is the only recorded find of Attic-weight coins mixed with a signif-
icant number of cistophori. As a rule, the cistophori did not leave Attalid territory,
and it is almost certain that this hoard was buried in the area under Pergamene control.
Philetaerus and cistophoric tetradrachms constitute 47 of the 71 pieces in the find;
the remaining 24 pieces were struck at mints to the north, south and east (Bithynia,
Pamphylia and Syria).* The latest datable foreign piece is a well-preserved tetra-
4 IGCH 352. Raven, NC 1938, pp. 133-58. Oeconomides = Kleiner, RBN 1975, pp. 5-19.
6 The absence of cistophoric countermarks on the five Pamphylian pieces indicates that the
application of bow-in-case countermarks by the cistophoric mints is to be dated after 145 B.C.
The hoards of ca. 190 B.C., notably the Mektepini find (0l cay - Seyrig, Mektepini) do not contain
any countermarked coins. The Urfa hoard (IGCH 1772), dated ca. 185-160 B.C. by M. J. Price
(NC 1969, pp. 10-14), and the Tell Kotchek hoard (IGCH 1773), dated ca. 160 B.C. by Seyrig (Tri-
sors, pp. 65-71), as well as the Babylon find (IGCH 1774) of ca. 155 B.C. (Regling, ZNum 1928,
pp. 92-132) contain many Pamphylian pieces bearing anchor and Helios countermarks, but no
specimen countermarked with a bow-in-case.
Hoards
111
drachm of Demetrius I of Syria (year BEP = 151/150 B.C.). The absence of tetra-
drachms of Alexander I Balas of Syria (struck after 150 B.C.) and of Nicomedes II
of Bithynia (struck after 149 B.C.) also suggests a burial date about 150 B.C.
However, as one would expect, the locally acceptable coins are not only more nu-
merous, but also somewhat more recent, than the foreign pieces of Attic weight.
The absence of cistophori of Ephesus and Apameia dated 140-136 B.C. (Ephesus Series
33-36, Apameia Series 26-28) provides a terminus ante quem for the burial. The three
Ephesian pieces in the hoard, datable ca. 145 B.C., (nos. 41-43, Series 24-26) are some-
what earlier in the die sequence than the dated tetradrachms of 140 B.C. and show signs
of wear. The Tralles pieces of complex format, also datable ca. 145 B.C., are very well
preserved. The five Pergamene cistophori having a filleted thyrsus as symbol (nos.
36-40, Series 23a, ca. 147-140 B.C.) are all struck from the same pair of dies; they
are clearly very recent issues of the Pergamene mint, as their excellent state of pre-
servation confirms. The deposit was probably buried ca. 145 B.C. or somewhat later.
The hoard is said to have been found in the immediate environs of Bahkesir in 1958 and
was acquired in the same year by a European dealer. Of the original deposit of ap-
proximately 100 cistophoric tetradrachms, only 50 have been recorded. These were
seen in two lots of 28 and 22 pieces. The latter represents the first part of the
hoard to be received by the dealer, including what were said to be many of the
best-preserved pieces. The varying condition of the coins was recorded by a corre-
spondent who examined them prior to their sale. The lot of 28 pieces constitutes
the unsold portion of the entire hoard, and was acquired by the ANS.
BALIKESIR 1958 (IGCH 1326)
Burial ca. 135 B.C.
Pergamum

1. dolphin and AZ
ANS, 12.43
ANS, 12.41; Commerce, 1 "fine"
Commerce, 1 "fine"
Commerce, 1 "fine"
Commerce, 1 "very fine"
ANS, 12.52, 12.42
ANS, 12.57; Commerce, 1 "fine"
ANS, 12.54, 12.39, 12.70, 12.68, 12.55,
12.55, 12.61, 12.71, 12.59
Commerce, 1 "fine"
ANS, 12.37
2-3. caduceus
4. amphora
5. owl
6. star
7-8. stylis
9-10. dolphin
11-19. thyrsus
20. prow over thyrsus
21. thyrsus and A
22. thyrsus and
112
Ephesus
23. bow in case
24. stag feeding
25. cock
26. Artemis with torches
27. stag and palm
28. Artemis slaying stag
29-30. cornucopiae
31-32. bee and serpent on cista
33. thyrsus, horizontal
34. humped bull
35. forepart of bull
36. head of Zeus
37. helmet above fulmen
38. shield
39. warrior
40. poppy head
41. loutrophorus
42. herm
43. wreath
44-45. Dioscurus cap
46-47. elephant head
48. fi and flute and AI
49. club and HTI

Commerce, 1 "fine"
Commerce, 1 "fine"
ANS, 12.43
ANS, 12.53, 12.55
ANS, 12.56; Commerce, 1 "extra fine'
Sardes
Commerce, 1 "fine"
Tralles
ANS, 12.14
ANS, 12.52
ANS, 12.46
Commerce, 1 "extra fine"
ANS, 12.39
Apameia
Commerce, 1 "fine"
Commerce, 1 "very good"
ANS, 12.30, 12.43
ANS, 12.63; Commerce, 1 "very fine"
ANS, 12.62
50. wolf and turreted head
Laodiceia
ANS, 11.83
The two lots together form a fairly homogeneous group which is probably a relatively
accurate reflection of the entire hoard. The bulk of the recorded pieces falls in the
period after 155 B.C. The Pergamene specimens run through Series 24f (ca. 140B.C.),
those of Ephesus through Series 28 (ca. 143 B.C.), those of Tralles through Series 22
(ca. 150 B.C.). The Apameia pieces include one specimen dated 139 B.C. (no. 48)
and another which may be dated about 135 B.C., both in extra fine to fdc condition.
Hoards
113
The burial should therefore be dated about 135 B.C. The absence of comparably late
pieces of Ephesus and Tralles may be explained by the sale of several of the best-
preserved pieces before the existence of the hoard was brought to Noe's attention in
The hoard was found in mid-July 1963 by a shepherd on a hill called Camlik or
Belenalan, three miles north of the village of Yesilhisar, in the district of Savastepe
in the vilayet of Bahkesir. The coins, all cistophoric tetradrachms, were in a small
earthenware pot; part of the latter has been recovered and is in the Istanbul Archae-
ological Museum. Of the 104 coins, several were sold immediately. One hundred were
subsequently acquired by the museum in Istanbul, but 11 of these are certainly
intrusions. The hoard has been published by Nekriman Olcay.' The numbers given
below are those of Olcay's catalogue.
1960.
YESILHISAR 1963 (IGCH 1327)
Burial ca. 130 B.C.
Pergamum
1-2. caduceus
3-4. ear of grain
5. star
6-16. thyrsus
12.61, 12.60
12.67, 12.62
12.62
12.67, 12.32, 12.52, 12.50, 12.49, 12.61,
12.60, 12.54, 12.70, 12.54, 12.62
17. crested helmet

18. race-torch
19. race-torch and *J
20. dolphin
21. dolphin and prow
12.87
12.55
12.51
12.61
12.68
22-25. dolphin
26. thyrsus and A - A
27. dolphin and 152
28. ED
29. wreath
12.47, 12.53, 12.53, 12.67
12.50
12.69
12.43
12.52
Ephesus
38-39. cornucopiae
40. Artemis with torches
12.63, 12.62
12.70
OI?ay, Istanbul ArkMOzYtllii 1964, pp. 58-63, 171-77.
114
41. bee in wreath
42. A and double cornucopiae
43. bee
44-45. hand with fillet
46-47. star and filleted branch
48-49. eagle with fillet
50-51. Artemis with torches and cock
52. wreath and aplustre
53. Artemis with hound
54. bow in case
55. Nike
56-58. B and Artemis with headdress
59. stag feeding
60. B and Artemis with headdress
61. candelabrum
62-65. T and torch
66-68. A and torch
12.62
12.65
12.59
12.69, 12.38
12.70, 12.48
12.52, 12.54
12.65, 12.52
12.37
12.59
12.54

12.29
12.75, 12.60, 12.67
12.48
12.50
12.37
12.65, 12.68, 12.57, 12.62
12.65, 12.67, 12.40
Sardes
71. X and club
72. X and amphora
73-74. draped figure
75. ear of grain
76-78. loutrophorus
79. /R and Helios
80. shield
81-83. head of Zeus
84. humped bull
85. bull on maeander
86. helmet over fulmen
87-88. cuirass
89. bucranium
90. wreath and Tyche
12.67
12.71
Tralles
12.60, 12.70
12.45
12.60, 12.70, 12.52
12.57
12.53
12.60, 12.63, 12.52
12.69
12.33
12.55
12.59, 12.35
12.65
12.62
92-94. elephant head
95. elephant in frame
96. elephant head
97. bucranium
Hoards
115
98. caduceus
99. El and flute and AI
12.63
12.41
100. wolf
Laodiceia
12.66
Intrusions
Pergamum
30.
i-P and serpent staff
12.38
31.
WH and serpent staff
12.54
32.
and serpent staff
12.60
33.
N1 and serpent staff
12.12
34.
ATT and rfl within wreath and
11.40
serpent staff

35.
AP and rfT and serpent staff
11.72
36.
EY and rfT and serpent staff
12.15
37.
Q and 7^ and serpent staff
11.32
Ephesus
69.
N T and quiver
12.23
70.
EC and palm between two
11.95
cornucopiae
Tralles
91.
A ION and club
11.77
The 11 coins here identified as intrusions vary in condition from very fine to
poor. All postdate 128 B.C.; nos. 30-33 should be dated 123-95 B.C.; nos. 34-36, 95-
67 B.C.;7 no. 37, 50/49 B.C.; nos. 69 and 70, 82/81 and 69/68 B.C. respectively; and
no. 91, 128-85 B.C. If these coins are excluded from the lot, the remaining 89
cistophori constitute the bulk of a hoard which was certainly buried ca. 130 B.C.
to judge from the 7 Ephesian pieces struck in years T and A, (132/131 and
131/130 B.C. respectively). The cistophori of Pergamum, Sardes, Tralles, Apameia
and Laodiceia contained in this hoard are consistent with this date. The latest pieces
of these mints represented in the lot are Pergamum no. 17 (Series 25b, ca. 139 B.C.);
Sardes no. 72 (Series 5, ca. 160 B.C.); Tralles no. 79 (Series 45, ca. 130 B.C.); Apameia
no. 99 (Series 29, ca. 135 B.C.); and Laodiceia no. 100 (Series 1, 160-145 B.C.). The
homogeneity of the 89 recorded pieces renders it likely that the 15 dispersed pieces
would not substantially alter these conclusions.
7 Kleiner, ANSMN 19 (1974), pp. 8-12.
116
Burial ca. 128 B.C.
The hoard is said to have been found in Asia Minor in 1928. E. T. Newell saw 142
pieces, all cistophoric tetradrachms, in four lots during 1928-29. The last of the four,
47 pieces, had previously been recorded by G. F. Hill, together with 16 additional
specimens retained by the British Museum. The London lot of 63 cistophori was pub-
lished by Hill in 1929." Of the 158 tetradrachms recorded by Newell and Hill, 79 pieces
are now in the ANS and the British Museum. The remaining pieces were dispersed
in 1929.
Pergamum
1.
caduceus
ANS, 12.59
2.
race-torch and ,&j
ANS, 12.53
3.
ivy leaf
BM, 12.56
4.
cornucopiae
BM, 12.55
5-13.
dolphin
ANS, 12.60, 12.66; BM, 12.67; Com-
14-22.

merce, 6
thyrsus
ANS, 12.61, 12.59; Commerce, 7
23-24.
Macedonian helmet
ANS, 12.79; Commerce, 1
25-28.
crested helmet
ANS, 12.78, 12.65; Commerce, 2
29.
Nl
ANS, 12.70
30-33.
ME and serpent-entwined club
ANS, 12.76, 12.51; BM, 12.65;
Commerce, 1
34-35.
EP and fulmen
ANS, 12.53; BM, 12.74
36-49.
AZ and gorgoneion
ANS, 12.69,12.71,12.73,12.70; BM, 12.70;
Commerce, 9
50-52.
MH and club and pelt and
ANS, 12.70, 12.72; Commerce, 1
A1
11 - 1
53-57.
MH and club and pelt and *
ANS, 12.72, 12.75; Commerce, 3
Ephesus
58.
bust of Helios
ANS, 12.57
59.
stag
ANS, 12.45
60-61.
stag and palm
BM, 12.40; Commerce, 1
62-63.
Hoards
117
66.
bee and serpent on cista
ANS, 12.57
67.
wreath and aplustre
BM, 12.56
68.
ANS, 12.68
69.
A K and bee and cornucopiae
ANS, 12.67
70.
A and bee and cornucopiae
ANS, 12.51
71-79.
B and Artemis with headdress
ANS, 12.43, 12.71; Commerce, 7
80-82.
Artemis with torches and cock
ANS, 12.52; BM, 12.47; Commerce, 1
83-84.
A and bee and torch
85-89.

B and bee and torch
ANS, 12.64; BM, 12.67; Commerce, 3
90-92.
T and bee and torch
ANS, 12.71; BM, 12.35; Commerce, 1
93-96.
T and torch
ANS, 12.65, 12.71; Commerce, 2
97-101.
A and torch
102-6.
E and torch
107.
E and stag and torch
Commerce, 1
108-9.
C and stag and torch
Sardes
110-11.
and serpent-entwined
omphalus
112-16.
ZAP and ft and Zeus
ANS, 12.59; BM, 12.72; Commerce, 3
Thyatira
117.
BA - EY and B
ANS, 12.52
Tralles
118-19.Jhumped bull
120. eagle on fulmen
121-22. head of Zeus
123. helmet over fulmen
124. fulmen, horizontal
125-26. draped figure
127. shield
128-29. loutrophorus
130-32. tripod
133. cuirass
118
Apameia
153-54. elephant head ANS, 12.38; Commerce, 1
155-56. r and flute and Al ANS, 12.80; BM, 12.59
157. club and pelt and H H ANS, 12.64
Uncertain
158. WC and head and W BM, 12.72
The burial date of the hoard may be fixed with confidence due to the presence of
numerous dated Ephesian pieces which include all the varieties with regnal dates and
a continuous series of pieces with provincial era dates through year C or 129/128 B.C.
The latest series of Sardes, Thyatira, Tralles and Apameia are all present, as are
Pergamene Series 27-28 and 30-31. All these series must therefore antedate 128 B.C.
It seems certain, however, that Series 32-38 at Pergamum were struck in the years im-
mediately following 128 B.C., and that the civic badge, the serpent staff, did not become
a feature of the Pergamene cistophori until about 123 B.C. The traditional date for
this change in format at Pergamum, 134/133 B.C., adhered to even by Hill, despite
the evidence of this hoard, must be rejected.
SAHNALI 1952 (IGCH 1328)
Burial ca. 128 B.C.
The hoard was found in an olive grove outside the village of Sahnah in the district
of Dalama in the vilayet of Aydin and was acquired by the Ankara Archaeological
Museum in 1952. The deposit consisted of nine cistophoric tetradrachms and six
didrachms. All are illustrated in Saadet Onat Taner's publication of the find in 1959.9
The numbers given below are those of Taner's catalogue.
Apameia
1. elephant head in frame 12.67

2. Dioscurus cap 6.07
Ephesus
3. B and bee and torch 12.62
4. A and bee and torch 12.70
5. A and torch 12.69
6. T and torch 12.54
Taner, pp. 139-44. See the review by Atlan, Belleten vol. 25 no. 95 (1960), pp. 485-91.
Hoards 119
Pergamum
7.
filleted thyrsus
12.61
8.
12.57
9.
owl
6.13
Sardes
10.
Si and sword in sheath
12.55
Tralles
11.
cuirass
6.05
12.
poppy head
6.08
13.
Zeus head
6.07
14.
eagle on fulmen and Tyche
6.25

15.
A and poppy head and ear of grain 12.56
The hoard is interesting because it is the only recorded deposit buried before 100
B.C. that contains fractional cistophori. Even here no drachms are present, although
in the 1970 Asia Minor hoard (IGCH 1460, burial ca. 95 B.C.) both didrachms and
drachms are included with the hoarded tetradrachms.
The 15 pieces may represent a gradual accumulation rather than a currency
hoard. Four of the coins are among the earliest cistophori issued (no. 8, ca. 165 B.C.;
and nos. 9, 10 and 13, ca. 160 B.C.), yet do not appear to have been in circulation for
a very long time. Nevertheless, the date of the burial can be fixed with confidence,
for 5 of the 15 pieces were struck between 134 and 128 B.C. The 4 Ephesus pieces
are dated 134/133, 133/132, 132/131 and 131/130 B.C.; the Tralles piece, (Series 47),
in excellent condition, was probably struck about 128 B.C. In the much larger Ye-
silhisar hoard of 130 B.C. no specimen of Tralles Series 47 was included, whereas in the
even larger 1928 hoard, two specimens of this variety were present. The hoard was
therefore buried ca. 128 B.C.
THE NATURE OF THE CISTOPHORIC COINAGE
Ever since the publication of A. X. Panel's De Cistophoris in 1734, the conception
of the cistophoric coinage as a "Pan-Asiatic, federal currency"1 has dominated modern
criticism. In recent years, the role of the Attalids of Pergamum in the creation of
the cistophorus has been increasingly emphasized, yet the concept of a partnership
still lingers.2 Above all, the assumption that the cistophori were issued by independent
mints, one located in each of the cities whose ethnic appears on the reverses, remains
unquestioned.* The inter-city linkage already documented in this study necessitates
not only a reexamination of this assumption but a complete reconsideration of the
nature of the cistophoric coinage.
I. THE ROYAL MINT AT PERGAMUM
The royal mint at Pergamum was responsible for striking cistophori on a regular
basis for four Attalid cities: Pergamum itself, Sardes, Synnada and Apameia. Oc-
casional special issues, as the cistophori marked KOP and BA - ZY - AP, were also
entrusted to the Pergamene mint. A careful study of the cistophori produced at Per-
gamum provides valuable insight into the nature of the entire cistophoric coinage.
Table I summarizes the intra- and inter-city die linkage previously outlined sep-
arately for each city in the Catalogue.
The following observations may now be made with respect to the operation of
the royal mint:
1. The close stylistic affinities between the obverse dies used for the four
cities and special issues (Plates I-X, XXIX-XXXV and XXXVI, 8) in-
1 Head, HN*, pp. 534f.
2 Seyrig, RN 1963, p. 24, describes the cistophoric coinage as a "union monetaire" and speaks
of "Ie caractere federal du monnoyage cistophorique." However, on pp. 21f., Seyrig underlines
the essentially Pergamene character of the cistophoric coinage: "Les villes qui ont frappd des
tetradrachmes attiques etaient, dans le temps oil elles les frappaient, des villes libres, etrangeres

au royaume de Pergame; cependant que la frappe du cistophore implique, dans les memes condi-
tions, l'appartenance de la ville a ce royaume." Kraay, p. 8: "The cistophori, produced on a uni-
form pattern at a number of mints, are the regal coinage of the kingdom of Pergamum. We
should no longer speak of an 'economic entente' or 'a quasi-federal currency,' as though the
issuing cities were doing a favour to the royal government; they no doubt coined when they were
told to coin, and with silver provided by the royal treasury."
3 With the exception of the cities of Apollonis, Stratoniceia and Thyatira, which Robinson,
NC 1954, pp. Iff., showed to be the temporary locations of the "mobile mint" of Aristonicus. See
above pp. 103-6 for a full discussion of these issues.
120
Nature of the Cistophoric Coinage
121
dicate that a common body of skilled engravers produced all the obverse
dies used at the royal mint.
2. The similarities in style and format of the reverse dies suggest that a single
group of workmen also cut the punch dies for all four cities.
3. The sharing of obverse dies among the four cities reveals that the cistophori
struck at the royal mint, including the BA- ZY - AP issue, were produced
from a common pool of anvil and punch dies.
4. The uniformity in size and weight of the flans (Table II, below p. 128) of
all four cities suggests that these too were prepared by a single section of
the mint.
5. Such collective manufacture of flans and striking of coins indicates that the
royal mint was not divided into officinae, although it was responsible for
issuing cistophori in the name of four different cities.
6. The symbols used on the cistophori produced at the royal mint rarely have
any special religious or civic significance for the individual cities. The
same devices often appear on contemporary issues of different cities and
must be marks of personal control, not subsidiary types, as has been ob-
served for the coinage of Aristonicus.4
7. The supervision of exceptional issues, such as KOP, was apparently as-
sumed by officials already associated with the mint. The symbols used for
such special issues, however, may have been selected because of their ap-
propriateness for the city involved.5
8. The duplication of magistrate's marks on the cistophori of different cities
is most common in the period prior to 150 B.C. At a later date, additional
officials were obviously required, with a consequent division of responsibility.

Supervision by more than one magistrate is implied in the combination of
initials and symbols on the cistophori struck after 140 B.C. Nevertheless,
the operation of the mint on a single officina basis remained unchanged,
as is demonstrated by the frequent linkage of reverse dies of two cities bear-
ing different control marks.
9. The non-contemporary use of identical marks such as Al, MH, $ , club and
pelt, etc. suggests that monetary officials may have supervised the produc-
tion of cistophori for different cities in successive years.
II. THE KING'S MONEY
The royal mint at Pergamum was the foremost of the early cistophoric mints. It
coined silver for cities as far apart as Sardes and Synnada and it employed more die
cutters and unskilled workmen and struck more cistophori than any other mint.
Nevertheless, the Attalids found it wise to divide the responsibility for their immense
coinage to some degree. When the mint at Pergamum began to issue cistophori around
4 Robinson, NC 1954, pp. 1-8.
6 See above, pp. 100-1 for a full discussion of the KOP cistophorus.
122
166 B.C., cistophoric mints were simultaneously established at Ephesus in Ionia and
at Tralles in Lydia.*
The mint at Tralles appears to have been largely responsible for meeting the frac-
tional silver currency needs of the Attalid kingdom. The cistophoric drachms and
didrachms of Tralles survive in far greater numbers than those of any other city.
Indeed, there are no known early drachms of Pergamum, Sardes, Synnada or Apameia,
and the fractional cistophori of Ephesus are extremely rare. This can hardly be ac-
cidental. In the only two recorded hoards containing fractional cistophori, the Tralles
pieces considerably outnumber those of all other cities combined. In the Sahnah
1952 find (burial ca. 128 B.C.) there were four didrachms of Tralles but only one di-
drachm each of Pergamum and Apameia.7 In the 1970 Asia Minor hoard (burial ca.
95 B.C.) there was only one drachm of Ephesus, but six drachms and two didrachms
of Tralles.8 It is unlikely that the silver currency needs of Tralles differed substantially
from those of the other large Attalid cities. In view of the direct royal supervision of
the cistophoric coinage of Pergamum, Sardes, Synnada and Apameia outlined above,
it seems very likely that while token amounts of fractional cistophori were minted
for most cities, the striking of drachms and didrachms was concentrated at Tralles
by royal design.
A larger body of material than presently available may one day be assembled and
reveal that even the fractional cistophori marked rfE, X, w and Efl>E were struck
at Tralles. The advantages of such a system are obvious. The concentration of spe-
cialized die cutters and the preparation of all flans of fractional weight at a single mint
would have been more economical for the royal government. The Pergamene mint
may have been too burdened with the striking of coins for four cities to assume the
responsibility for the fractional cistophori of the entire kingdom.

The cistophori of both Tralles and Ephesus differ from those issued by the Pergamene
mint in the prominence of civic and religious symbols used as control marks. Although
the marks used at Ephesus and Tralles are undoubtedly also personal devices, they
seem to be restricted to a remarkably narrow range:
Ephesus
References to the cult of Artemis and to the city:
Artemis head bow case with strap
bow in case stag
quiver and bow stag and palm
stag feeding Artemis slaying stag
bow and arrow hand with fillet
8 A fourth mint at Laodiceia may have struck cistophori for a short time between 160 and
145 B.C., although, as I have suggested, above, pp. 98-99, the cistophori of Laodiceia wereprob-
ably produced at Tralles.
7 See above, p. 118 for the complete contents of the Sahnali hoard.
8 IGCH 1460.
123
forepart of stag
Artemis Ephesia
Artemis with torches
Artemis with hound
temple key
bee within wreath
bee
bee and serpent on cista
A K and bee and double cornucopiae
A and bee and double cornucopiae
B and Artemis with headdress
A and altar and owl
Artemis with torches and cock
Tralles
References to the cult of Zeus Larasius and to the city and the Maeander valley:
humped bull eagle on prow
eagle on fulmen star above fulmen and rTi
Zeus head Tyche
helmet above fulmen Tyche and wreath
maeander Tyche and eagle on fulmen
bucranium Tyche and cornucopiae
eagle Tyche and star above cornucopiae
wreath above fulmen Tyche and eagle on cuirass
fulmen, horizontal fulmen and eagle and AE

fulmen, vertical star and eagle
bull on maeander <3*tf and eagle head
eagle on cuirass
The symbols almost have the character of mint marks and supplement the ethnic
placed in the opposite field as a means of identifying the issuing city.* The cistophori
struck by the royal mint at Pergamum are not so distinguished since the types them-
selves proclaim their originthe Attalid dynasty claimed descent from Dionysus
and Heracles.10
In this respect, the cistophori of Tralles and Ephesus may be compared with the
posthumous issues of Alexander types by the cities of Asia Minor. In order to distin-
guish among the various cities that struck tetradrachms of uniform types, subsidiary
marks of local significance were commonly includeda sphinx at Chios, an amphora
at Temnus, a lion at Miletus, Pegasus at Alabanda, Tyche at Sardes and Smyrna,
etc. Yet the comparison is deceptive. As Seyrig has shown, such autonomous issues
of coins in precious metals are a sign of the independence of a city from royal control.11
The status of Tralles and Ephesus is more akin to that of the cities which issued Alex-
9 Civic badges eventually characterized the cistophoric issues of all the mints under Roman con-
trol, e.g., the torch of Ephesus, standing Dionysus of Tralles, double flute of Apameia and serpent
staff of Pergamum.
10 The Pergamene origin of the cistophoric types was definitively established by van Hoorn,
Mnemosyne 1915, pp. 233-37. See above, pp. 120f.
u Seyrig, RN 1963, pp. 19-22.
124
ander tetradrachms during the king's lifetime. Some of these cities also placed mint
marks on their issues, e.g. A (Aradus) and ZI (Sidon), and there is considerable
evidence that certain of Alexander's mints performed a specialized function.12 Never-
theless, the types of the silver coins remained those chosen by the king. Although
they were struck in many different places, the silver issued during the lifetime of
Alexander was clearly, in the words of A. R. Bellinger, "the king's money."13
The cistophori struck at the mints of Ephesus and Tralles were the king's coins as
much as those issued by the royal mint at Pergamum. The cistophori of all three
mints bore devices selected by the king or his fiscal officers and were produced from
silver provided by the royal treasury. Like the lifetime issues of Alexander the Great,
the cistophori were struck by a limited number of strategically located mints under
the king's direct control. While the royal title is lacking on the cistophori, the king's
money is occasionally dated by the years of his reign.14 The dependence of Aradus
and Sidon on Alexander has never been questioned; the subservient status of the cisto-
phoric mints at Tralles and Ephesus should now also be recognized.
III. CIRCULATION OF THE CISTOPHORI
One aspect of the peculiar nature of the cistophoric coinage is the limited area in
which the royal currency circulated. Seyrig has underscored the fact that cistophori
are rarely found outside Attalid territory.15 No early cistophori have been discovered
in Syria or Greece, nor in Rhodes or most of the other islands. Only a few specimens
have been found at Delos and cistophori are infrequently mentioned in the Delian
inventories.18 Conversely, foreign coins are rarely found in cistophoric hoards.17 The
cistophorus appears to have been the exclusive legal currency of the Pergamene king-
dom. This fact is not so surprising. The Ptolemies also instituted a monetary monopoly
and a comparable situation could have been achieved in Attalid Asia Minor by royal

decree.
What is so peculiar about the cistophori is that they rarely left the area in which they
were struck. The king certainly could not have limited transactions in cistophori
beyond the borders of his realm by decree alone. It is very difficult to believe that
any Attalid decree would have prevented a foreign merchant from accepting cistophori
as payment if his client provided an amount of cistophoric silver equal in bullion value
12 Newell, p. 73: "Probably because of the contrast in their respective situations the Pella
mint now came to be used more for supplying local demand, the Amphipolis mint for foreign com-
merce." See also Bellinger, p. 44.
13 Bellinger, p. 1 and passim.
14 The cistophori issued by the pretender Aristonicus are invariably dated by the regnal years
of King Eumenes III. See above, pp. 103ff.
15 Seyrig, RN 1963, pp. 25-28.
13 Robert, RevArch 1936, p. 240; Eludes pp. 167f, 177. Melville Jones, ANSMN 1971, p. 132
and note 23. The earliest mention of cistophori is in an inventory of 156 B.C.
17 The sole exception in the period prior to 128 B.C. is the 1962 Asia Minor hoard, burial ca.
145 B.C. See above, pp. 108ff.
125
to the asking price in Attic or Rhodian drachms. Moreover, the cistophoric weight
of 12.60 gm was ideally suited for such exchanges with either Attic or Rhodian cur-
rency.18 Yet such transactions were apparently rare. Only one explanation as to
why the cistophori tended to remain at home appears probable. The royal silver must
have had a higher value within Attalid territory than outside it. Some degree of
overvaluation must be postulated or else the flexibility of the cistophoric weight
standard would have encouraged rather than discouraged export of these coins. The
exact means by which Eumenes II established a monetary monopoly for the cistophori
may never be fully understood, but that such a monopoly was achieved cannot be
doubted.
IV. THE NATURE OF THE CISTOPHORIC COINAGE
During the second third of the second century B.C. silver coins of uniform type and
weight were issued in the name of seven large cities in Asia Minor: Pergamum in
Mysia, Ephesus in Ionia, Sardes and Tralles in Lydia, and Apameia, Laodiceia and
Synnada in Phrygia. In appearance these tetradrachms, didrachms and drachms are
the issues of independent states joined by common consent in a monetary confederation.
Yet the cistophoric coinage is not what it appears to be. There is good reason to
believe that the uniformity in currency was arrived upon not by agreement but by
the imposition of types of Pergamene design upon its possessions in Asia Minor. The
cistophori present a striking contrast to such contemporary autonomous issues as
those of Myrina, Colophon, Side, etc. In accepting the Pergamene types, the cistophoric
cities affirmed their subservience to the Attalid kings. In the cases of Sardes, Apameia,
Synnada and probably Laodiceia, the privilege of minting silver coins was forfeited
to one of the royal mints. Even Ephesus and Tralles were subject to royal supervision
and relied on Pergamum for the bullion from which their coins were minted. In every

case, the amount of taxes appropriated by the royal treasury must have considerably
surpassed its allotment of bullion or coins to the cities.19
The cistophori may lack the king's portrait and his title, but in every other sense
they are the king's money.
18 See above pp. 17f. and Tables Hand III, below pp. 128-29. On the parallel between the Ptolemaic
and Attalid monetary policies, see Will, I, pp. 155ff., esp. p. 158, note 3. The cistophoric overstrikes
discussed above, p. 18 and in ANSMN 1972, pp. 30-32 (Rev.C.Boehringer,SNi?1974,pp. 18-19)
suggest that exhanges of funds did take place but that foreign pieces were reissued as cistophori
by the Attalid mints. I know of no instance of a cistophorus being overstruck outside of Attalid
territory.
18 Jones, pp. 55f., has drawn attention to such grants from the royal treasury under the At-
talids: "The policy of the kings seems to have been to appropriate nearly all the taxes, and then
to make grants from the royal treasury to the cities 'for the administration of the city' ... Its
object is clear; it rendered the cities dependent for their subsistence on the generosity of the king,
who no doubt varied the amount he gave according to the loyalty of the city to the crown."
SEG, II. 580 (Teos); II. 663 (Apollonia); Inschriften von Pergamon, no. 157 (Temnus); Inscriften
von Magnesia, nos. 94, 98 (Magnesia).
126
Table I
Die Linkage and Shared Symbols and Monograms
Solid lines indicate die linkage, both within a single city and between cities.
Dotted lines indicate symbols and monograms shared by two or more cities
166 B.C.
Sardes-Synnada
thyrsus
spear-head
i-club -
Lwing
160 B.C.
i- amphora-
U sword in sheat
Pergamum
thyrsus
r ES
ED and dolphin-
=palm branch
=club
=eagle
=caduceus
-amphora
owl
stag
-torch and &i
I- BA - ZY

star
fulmen-
AP and sword-
L bunch of grapes-
ear of grain
-star-
-bunch of grapes
-ear of grain
stylis
bee and flower
[-Athena head
|-Nike
serpent staff
Apameia
lion head
;au
-dolphi
sphinx
herm
caduceus-i
harpa =4
tripod I
sword in sheath
star
-fulmen
prow
1ZI
trident
-flower
bucranium
human ear
omphalus
127
scallop
thyrsus
serpent around
omphalus
pTyche and ffl
L- ^ and Apollo
l( and Zeus
(fl and Zeus and IZ
Ifl and female deity
-wreath-
=ivy leaf_
=cornucopiae-
=dolph
-thyrsus_
helmet
Nl
ME and serpent-
entwined club
EP and fulmen
AZ and grapes
AZ and gorgoneion
MH and pelt over club-1
and Al
| $ and facing head
and YA

$ and caduceus-club
and YA
P*3 and griffin-helmet
and YA
Fft and serpent-entwined
palm and YA
PI and serpent-entwined
ear of grain
I0i or AH and winged
caduceus
-cornucopiae
round cap
-Dioscurus cap
bunch of grapes
Zelephant head
-elephant in frame
-owl in frame
H and flute and AI
T and flute and AI
-A and flute and AI
-El and flute and AI
-pelt over club
and HTI
"cornucopiae and MH
128
Table II
Weights of Undamaged Cistophoric Tetradrachms to Nearest 0.05 gm
Pergamum
Ephesus
Tralles
Sardes-
Synnada
Apameia Loadiceia
Aristo-
nicus
All
Mints
below 12.00
11
13
42
12.00
11
12.05
13
12.10
21
12.15
18
12.20
18
12.25
10

Table III
Weights of Undamaged Drachms and Didrachms to Nearest 0.05 gm
Rhodes
- after 166 B.C.*
Cistophori -
166-128 B.C.
Drachms
Drachms
Didrachms
below 2.40
below 4.80
2.40
4.80
4.85
2.45
4.90
2.50
5.00
5.05
2.55
5.10
5.15
2.60
5.20
5.25
2.65
5.30
5.35
2.70
5.40
5.45
2.75
5.50
5.55

4.95

PLATES

PERGAMUM

II
PERGAMUM


IV
PERGAMUM

PERGAMUM

VI
PERGAMUM

PERGAMUM

VIII
PERGAMUM

PERGAMUM

PERGAMUM


XII
EPHESUS



XV

XVI
EPHESUS




XX
TRALLES

XXI
TRALLES

XXII
TRALLES



XXV


XXVII
TRALLES

XXVIII
TRALLES

XXIX
SARDES-SYNNADA

XXX
SARDES-SYNNADA

XXXI
SARDES-SYNNADA


XXXIII

XXXIV


XXXIV
APAMEIA

XXXV

XXXVI
APAMEIA, 1-7; KOP, 8; UNCERTAIN, 9

XXXVII
LAODICEIA


The Early Cistophoric Coinage / by Fred S. Kleiner and Sydney P. Noe

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THE EARLY CISTOPHORIC

THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

Generated for anonymous on 2015-02-15 19:30 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015066381313

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FOR MARGARET THOMPSON

mentor and friend

Bibliography, Collections and Key to Abbreviations 3

The Beginning of the Cistophoric Coinage 10

The Nature of the Cistophoric Coinage 120

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material inaccessible at that time (notably the numismatic collections of Turkey) or

too numerous to mention. This book is very much his own.

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kins, R. Carson and M. Price (London), G. Pollard and M. Hendy (Cambridge), C.

Kraay (Oxford), 0. Morkholm (Copenhagen), M. Comstock (Boston), F. F. Jones (Prince-

ton), J. Oleson and D. G. Mitten (Harvard), H. von Aulock (Istanbul), M. Caramessini

Oeconomides (Athens), N. Olcay (Istanbul) and S. Taner (Ankara). Several dealers in

cistophori, most notably, Simon Bendall of A. H. Baldwin, Ltd., Herbert A. Cahn of

The Early Cistophoric Coinage

respondence with C. Boehringer, H. A. Cahn, P. R. Franke, H. Seyrig, C. H. V. Suther-

land and H. von Aulock.

AG zur Forderung Numismatischer und Archaologischer Forschung.

Above all, I am indebted to Margaret Thompson, who introduced me to the study of

is the third author of this volume.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, COLLECTIONS AND KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS

Davis Collection, London, 1936.

AbhBerlin Abhandlungen. Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse,

AbhMiinchen Abhandlungen. Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse,

AJA American Journal of Archaeology, New York.

Amsterdam Royal Academy of Sciences, Amsterdam. Collection on loan to the Koninklijk

mation provided by H. E. van Gelder and J. P. A. van der Vin.

Ankara Arkeoloji Muzesi, Ankara. Material and information provided by S. Taner.

ANS American Numismatic Society, New York.

ANS-BYB ANS, formerly Burton Y. Berry collection.

ANS-ETN ANS, formerly Edward T. Newell collection.

ANS-Gans ANS, formerly Edward Gans collection.

ANS-Ives ANS, formerly Herbert E. Ives collection.

ANS-Stephens ANS, formerly F. Dorsey Stephens collection.

ANS-Strauss ANS, formerly L. Strauss collection, gift of L. H. Schroeder.

ANSMN American Numismatic Society Museum Notes, New York.

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Phrygien bis Incerti, 1968.

RN 1939, pp. 1-41.

Badian E. Badian, Foreign Clientelae, Oxford, 1958.

BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellinique, Paris.

Beirut Univ. American University, Beirut. Material and information provided by D. C.

Belleten Bellelen, Turk Tarih Kurumu Baslmevi, Ankara.

provided by E. Erxleben and H.-D. Schultz.

Bern Historisches Museum, Bern. Casts collected by L. Strauss, now at ANS.

BMC British Museum Catalogue, see London.

Boehringer C. Boehringer, Zur Chronologie mittelhellenistischer Munzserien 220-160 v. Chr.

(Antike Miinzen und Geschnitlene Steine 5), Berlin, 1972.

The Early Cistophoric Coinage

BollN Bollettino Numismalico di Luigi Simoneld, Florence.

Booth Coins at one time comprising the collection of H. Booth, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.

Borrell, NC 1845 H. P. Borrell, "Unedited Greek Coins," NC 1845, pp. 2-35.

Bourgey Sales catalogues of E. Bourgey, Paris.

vided by I. Suetens. P. Naster, La collection Lucien de Hirsch, Brussels, 1959.

Budapest Magyar Nemzeti Muzeum, Budapest. Material and information provided by K.

Bunbury, NC 1883 E. H. Bunbury, "Unpublished Cistophori," NC 1883, pp. 181-201.

Button Sales catalogues of E. Button, Frankfurter Munzenhandlung, Frankfurt am Main.