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English & Irish history for primary schools Version 4, 6 September 2007
Contents
About this unit
This five-lesson study unit is intended as a depth study within the Key Stage 2 History Prior knowledge
Curriculum, perhaps in years 4 and 5. It would be helpful if the
students had
The key question asks ‘What was it like to be an Irish immigrant in Britain in the 19th century?’
and examines the complexity of their experiences within a range of contexts. 1. some understanding of the
use of visual and written
Children analyse a range of sources related to migrant experiences and attitudes towards them sources.
in order to explore (1) the hopes and fears of Irish migrants coming to Britain in the mid 19th
century; (2) how far they remained in distinct communities; and (3) how far there was a uniform 2. knowledge of the
response to them. The final lesson asks how far the immigrants’ hopes and fears were justified. experiences other people
who have come to Britain
Historical links e.g. Roman, Saxon and
The unit relates the development of multicultural Britain and provides a framework for Viking invaders, migrants
comparison with other migrant groups at different times in the past. Discussions could involve and refugees from Tudor
comparisons with other groups of people who have come to Britain from earliest times times to the present day.
including Romans, Saxons and Vikings, as well as more recent settlers such as black settlers
from the 16th century, the Jewish refugees in the Kindertransport and migrants from the Second 3. Some knowledge and
World War to the present day. understanding of the Irish
Famine. (For resources
Links to other subjects on the Famine, please go
The unit leads students to consider the experiences and attitudes of different people towards to:
ethnic, cultural and religious diversity and the need to show mutual respect and understanding. http://journals.aol.co.uk/
It thus offers a stimulus for work on Citizenship (Key Stage 2 NC Citizenship Objectives, 2e, iis04/Famine.
2i, 4b and4f), looking at situations where recent migrants have faced hostility and prejudice.
Illustration 1. The destination of Irish immigrants depended partly on the Irish port they sailed from.
NOTICE is given that all the IRISH MEN on the line of railway in Fife
Shire MUST be off the grownd and out of the Countey on MONDAY
THE 11TH of this month or els we must by the strength of our arems
and a good pick shaft put them off. You humbel servants SHOTS MEN.
D. A fictional letter from an Irish girl called Bridget, Bolton, 5 January 1850.
(Inspired by actual emigrant letters written by the Doorley family who settled in England.)
Dear Lilly,
I got your letter before I went to mass on Sunday and it made me very happy. Kate ,
Mary Anne's daughter and her husband Sylvester have moved in. He is a blacksmith and
left Ireland 15 years ago. Work is hard, especially as I have to get up and go to work at
5 o'clock. I go to the mill and make blankets. I have been very sick and short of breath.
Bridget
Fears Hopes
What far did the Teacher led. Look at Try to answer the key question, question how far did the Irish 2a*, 2b, 2c
Irish stick the cards from source stick together in Britain, in terms to settlement, religion and work. 4a, 4b*
together? 1A showing the 1. Divide class into small groups: how far did the Irish live 5a, 5c*
- settlement number and together or did they live in scattered communities?
- worship percentage of Irish- Give our sets of cards with numbers of Irish-born in Britain in
- work. born people of Britain 1851 (1B) and A3 outline maps of Great Britain, with main ‘Irish
in 1841 and 1851. places’ marked as dots. Create flags that show the relative sizes
What do you notice of the Irish-born populations.
about the figures? 2. i. Read source 2A and underline words showing (a) the
What sorts of things different people, (b) how the people liked the priest, and (c) the
might have happened verbs that show actions related to (b).
to explain these ii. Divide the class into two groups and get each group to produce
figures. a still image.*
Still image1: The people ‘creeping up from the cellars' which
* Devised by Karen depicts their general state.
Wilson, Drama & Still image 2: The people actually standing by the priest.
School Improvement iii. Groups decide what this source tell about the Roman Catholic
adviser, School church kept Irish people together and helped them.
Effectiveness iv. How far do sources B, C and D support your conclusions from
Division, BASS. source A.
‘You would notice the Please explain that the vast majority of Irish immigrants in
difference in body
Britain the nineteenth century were Roman Catholics.
stance and demeanour
between the two still 3. What’s my line?/Charades.
images whilst noticing i. Divide class into groups. Each group selects an occupation
that the priest is a card from the teacher and act out the occupation for the rest of the
constant - his bearing class to guess (a) what the occupation is and (b) whether the job
won't change. The was done by a man or woman.
people derive dignity ii. Class decides how many Irish people did each of these jobs.
from the status of the iii. Look at sources 3A and 3. Find the jobs you acted out. Are
priest.’ there any surprises? How far did the Irish do the ‘posh’ jobs?
1A. The Irish-born population of England & Wales and Scotland, 1841-51 cards for starter activity
1841 1851
England & Wales England & Wales
291,000 520,000
(No. of Irish-born residents- nearest 1,000) (No. of Irish-born residents- nearest 1,000)
1841 1851
Scotland Scotland
126,000 207,000
(No. of Irish-born residents- nearest 1,000) (No. of Irish-born residents- nearest 1,000)
2C. Preparation for a Roman Catholic procession in Rook Street, Poplar c. 1912
Years: 1835-1914
Servant
Nailmaker
Bookbinder
Doctor Weaver
Navvy
b. Irish-born females
Description Number Description Number Description Number
Domestic & Nurse 6 Other Jobs
Household Services
Cook 1 Shoemaker 1 Labourer (agric.) 32
Charwoman 2 Seamstress 1 Chemical works
Domestic duties 11 labourer 2
Housemaid 1 Cotton Mills Factory worker 15
Laundress 2 Bobbin winder 1 General labourer 4
Servant 24 Carder 2 Nailmaker 1
Washerwoman 17 Doubler 1
Hand twister 1 Jobs Total 181
Other Services Piecer 2
Assistant in Worker 10 No Data on Jobs
Beerhouse
Bookbinder 1 Silk Industry Wife 25
Boot & Shoe Binder 1 Handloom weaver 1 Daughters 12
Dealer 3 Weaver 10 Lodgers 41
Dressmaker 3 Powerloom weaver 2 Rest 20
Hawker 2 Winder 3 Scholars 7
Lodging house kps 5 Worker 2 At home 4
Overall Total 290
Across Birmingham, 5231 Irish were recorded with 765 occupations. They ranged in
economic status from John Ryland, an Armagh accountant who lived in prosperous Ashted
Row with his family and a servant, to James Foy of 6, Park Street. He, his wife and their
five children aged three and upwards were all beggars. Overall there were few Irish who
could be regarded as middle class. Depending upon the interpretation of jobs and without
any knowledge of income, at the most they formed 2% of the total. This small group
included professionals, clerks, teachers and actors.
How far was Look at Source C 1. In pairs, look at all the written sources on the next page and 2a*
there a uniform from Lesson 1 and divide them into positive and negative, giving a score for each - 1 4a, 4b*
English, Welsh produce a quick for most negative, 10 for most positive. 5a, 5c*
and Scottish news report. Justify your decision.
response to 2. If you were producing a radio broadcast to answer the key
Irish question, which two people from the sources would you interview.
immigrants? Justify your choice.
3. Produce a storyboard to your broadcast, highlighting four points
you would like to make about attitudes of people in different parts
of Britain towards the Irish.
4. Plenary: Put all the story boards on a wall and in groups of three
pairs justify their sources and story boards to each other.
Sources
I. SETTLEMENT
II. RELIGION
H. T.P. O’Connor, MP
What were the Look again at 1. Assume she stayed in the country, write a letter she might have 2a, 2b
pros and cons of Bridget’s letter, written later describing pros and cons of being an Irish person 5a*, 5c*
being an Irish Source D in Lesson living in Britain in the nineteenth century.
immigrant in 1, and highlight in You have looked at several sources in the previous lessons.*
Britain in the two different colours Pick two or three and use these as the basis for your letter.
19th century? the advantages and 2. Plenary: Class secret ballot (Yes, No, Don’t know) on the
disadvantages of question:
being an Irish person Would you have liked to have been an Irish person living in Britain
living in Britain. in the nineteenth century?
3.Optional poll: How far does anything you have learned about
Irish immigrants apply to immigrants in Britain today?
* Lesson 1: A painting ‘The Last Hour in the Old Land’; the ballad, ‘The Dacent Irish Boy'; the threat to Irish navvies in Scotland; and
a fictional letter from an Irish girl called Bridget.
Lessons 2/3: Irish-born population of England & Wales and Scotland, 1841-51; ‘Top twenty' Irish towns in Britain; a London priest;
Church attendance in Liverpool ; Whom did the Irish marry?; Preparation for a Roman Catholic procession; and the occupations
of the Irish-born in Leigh and Birmingham.
Lesson 4: The Times and the Registrar General on the Liverpool Irish; the Barrow concert on St Patrick’s Day; Catholic piety in
London; the Irish sugar-workers in Greenock; the comments of the Liverpool Mail on the Irish in1847; T.P. O’Connor; and ‘The
Mixing Room’.
Bolton,
England,
5 January 1850
Dear Lilly,
Bridget
1 What do the Use source A, fill in the 1. Working in groups, pupils look at one of the sources B, C, D and answer the starter 2a
Hopes sources suggest circles in the graphic questions for their given source, deciding whether the source would put them at ease or would 4a, 4b
& about the Irish organiser? scare them.
fears immigrant What do see? 2. Pupils jigsaw responses with other groups in the class.
experience? What is the artist saying 3. As a class, come to a consensus as to where you would put sources B, C, D on a continuum
about their hopes & fears? line - from most at ease to most scared.
What else do you want to 4. Plenary: Consider the key question and then ask what more do we need to investigate.
ask?
Modelling. Teacher leads
the class in interpreting
Source A, using the grid to
ask the starter questions
above.
2/3 What far did the Teacher led. Look at the Try to answer the key question, question how far did the Irish stick together in Britain, in terms 2a*, 2b, 2c
Irish immigrant Irish stick cards from source 1A to settlement, religion and work. 4a, 4b*
experience 1 together? showing the number and 1. Divide class into small groups: how far did the Irish live together or did they live in scattered 5a, 5c*
- settlement percentage of Irish-born communities?
- worship people of Britain in 1841 Give our sets of cards with numbers of Irish-born in Britain in 1851 (1B) and A3 outline maps of
- work. and 1851. Great Britain, with main ‘Irish places’ marked as dots. Create flags that show the relative sizes of
What do you notice about the Irish-born populations.
the figures? 2. i. Read source 2A and underline words showing (a) the different people, (b) how the people
What sorts of things might liked the priest, and (c) the verbs that show actions related to (b).
have happened to explain ii. Divide the class into two groups and get each group to produce a still image.*
these figures. Still image1: The people ‘creeping up from the cellars' which depicts their general state.
Still image 2: The people actually standing by the priest.
* Devised by Karen Wilson, iii. Groups decide what this source tell about the Roman Catholic church kept Irish people together
Drama & School and helped them.
Improvement adviser, iv. How far do sources B, C and D support your conclusions from source A.
School Effectiveness Please explain that the vast majority of Irish immigrants in Britain the nineteenth century
Division, BASS. were Roman Catholics.
‘You would notice the
3. What’s my line?/Charades.
difference in body stance
i. Divide class into groups. Each group selects an occupation card from the teacher and act out the
and demeanour between the
two still images whilst
occupation for the rest of the class to guess (a) what the occupation is and (b) whether the job was
noticing that the priest is a done by a man or woman.
constant - his bearing won't ii. Class decides how many Irish people did each of these jobs.
change. The people derive iii. Look at sources 3A and 3. Find the jobs you acted out. Are there any surprises? How far did
dignity from the status of the the Irish do the ‘posh’ jobs?
priest.’
4 How far was Look at Source D from 1. In pairs, look at all the sources and divide them into positive and negative, giving a score for 2a*
Irish immigrant there a uniform Lesson 1 and produce a each - 1 for most negative, 10 for most positive. 4a, 4b*
experience 2 English, Welsh quick news report. Justify your decision. 5a, 5c*
and Scottish 2. If you were producing a radio broadcast to answer the key question, which two people from the
response to Irish sources would you interview. Justify your choice.
immigrants - 3. Produce a storyboard to your broadcast, highlighting four points you would like to make about
settlement, attitudes of people in different parts of Britain towards the Irish.
religion, work? 4. Plenary: Put all the story boards on a wall and in groups of three pairs justify their sources and
story boards to each other.
5 What were the Look again at Bridget’s 1. Assume she stayed in the country, write a letter she might have written later describing pros and 2a, 2b
Hopes & fears pros and cons of letter, Source D in Lesson cons of being an Irish person living in Britain in the nineteenth century. 5a*, 5c*
revisited being an Irish 1, and highlight in two You have looked at the following sources in the previous lessons:
immigrant in different colours the LIST SOURCES
Britain in the advantages and Pick two or three and use these as the basis for your letter.
19th century? disadvantages of being an 2. Plenary: Class secret ballot (Yes, No, Don’t know) on the question:
Irish person living in Would you have liked to have been an Irish person living in Britain in the nineteenth century?
Britain. 3.Optional poll: How far does anything you have learned about Irish immigrants apply to
immigrants in Britain today?
The first half of the nineteenth century witnessed a substantial increase in the pace and scale of Irish migration to
Britain. The 1841 Census enumerated the Irish-born population of England, Wales and Scotland at 419,000 . By 1851,
in consequence of the massive exodus during the Great Famine, this figure had risen to 727,000.
In 1861, the Irish-born population peaked at 806,000, when it comprised 3.5% of the total population. Thereafter, as
migration from Ireland to Britain declined, the number of Irish-born migrants in Britain also progressively fell,
declining to 550,000 (or 1.3% of the population) in 1911. lodges
The Irish presence was generally unpopular. Even before the Famine, British social investigators and commentators
variously perceived Irish migration as little short of a social disaster which, it was argued, exacerbated urban squalor,
constituted a health hazard, increased the burden on the Poor Rates and was a threat to law and order in British cities
In the 1840s, the impact of the Famine and a pattern of long-lived cultural antagonisms conspired to make the Irish
in Britain the ‘largest unassimilable section of society’; ‘a people set apart and everywhere rejected and despised.’
Irish immigration ‘involved the positive movement of people in search of better economic opportunities in Britain’.
Accordingly, the Irish presence was concentrated overwhelmingly in the towns and cities of ‘the workshop of the
world’. As late as World War I, a continuing migration meant that even less fashionable Irish centres, such as
Whitehaven in Cumberland and Hebburn on Tyneside, ‘bore the cultural and political hallmarks of their
long-established Irish communities, whether in the form of thriving Catholic churches or Orange’.
These migrants, many of whom subsequently re-emigrated, were by no means an homogeneous group. Their ranks
contained both rich and poor, middle class and working class, skilled and unskilled, Catholics and Protestants (as well
as unbelievers), Nationalists and Loyalists, and men and women from a variety of distinctive provincial rural and urban
cultures in Ireland.
The majority were young, single people, disproportionately male. They were also notoriously transient, and the urban
districts they inhabited experienced continual in- and out-migration, with only a relatively small number of migrants
establishing permanent settlements. However, the vast majority of these Irish people were poor and they were Roman
Catholics, and it is their story - a story, in many cases, ‘of triumph over adversity - that looms large in the history of
the Irish in Britain.
Many towns did, indeed, possess so-called ‘Irish quarters’ populated by extended families, including Goit Side in
Bradford, Rock Row in Stockport, Sandygate in Newcastle, Bedern in York, and Caribee Island in Wolverhampton.
The tendency of the Irish poor to cluster in such districts was influenced by the availability of cheap accommodation,
including lodging-houses, the existence of familial and kinship networks, proximity to available employment, and the
development of Irish social, cultural and religious organizations.
Yet Irish did not congregate in ‘ghettos’ to the exclusion of other ethnic groups. For example, St Giles was not
inhabited exclusively by the Irish poor and was, as a criminal rookery, atypical of Irish districts in London. Similarly,
while there were areas of concentrated Irish settlement in Liverpool, Blackburn and Bolton, they were not wholly
isolated from the host community. Even where Irish immigrants dominated particular streets, courts and squares they
were seldom shut off from the native population.
Indeed, in Liverpool almost half the Irish lived in enumeration districts with low or medium concentrations of Irish
people, and this also appears to have been the case in London and York, where the Irish lived cheek by jowl beside
natives of the same social class. This was also true of Irish settlement in smaller English towns such as Stafford and
Chester, where the Irish-born population was geographically dispersed and where the formation of an identifiable Irish
community was inhibited by a high level of out-migration. In short, the poor Irish lived among the English poor, and
the upwardly mobile among the English upper-working or middle class.
In sum, the pattern of Irish settlement was determined largely by economic considerations, and if there was an ‘Irish
community’ it did not rest on a pattern of rigid residential segregation.
Religion
The majority of Irish people who settled in Victorian Britain were Roman Catholics, and the survival of an Irish
identity was crucially bound up with the survival of Catholicism, as the Roman Catholic Church in England, Scotland
and Wales was the only native institution with a fundamental claim on Irish loyalties. This relationship was reflected
in the unique role and status of the Roman Catholic priest within Irish communities in British towns and cities, as
Henry Mayhew observed in mid-Victorian London.
The rise of an expatriate Irish Catholicism was part of the transformation of nineteenth-century Irish religion from a
faith based chiefly on the home and on family prayers, and Gaelic devotion and pilgrimage or ‘patterns’ in a sacred
rural landscape, to a much more chapel-orientated religion of weekly attendance at Mass. This transformation, which
can be dated from Archbishop Paul Cullen’s remaking of the Irish church in the Roman mould in the 1850s, has been
described as a ‘Devotional Revolution’, and by the end of the century the Irish had become the most practising
Catholics in the world.
Work
Overall, among the country immigrants to British towns and cities, the Irish were generally the least prepared to
succeed in their new environment. The great majority of Irish-born, largely illiterate and unskilled, entered the lowliest
and least healthy of urban occupations, unless they enlisted in the army, which was 30 per cent Irish in the
mid-Victorian period. Most of those with limited or no skills were concentrated in unskilled occupations in mines,
ironworks, textile mills and manufactories; in construction industries, notably as railway ‘navvies’, and in casual dock
labour and street-selling.
These were occupations for which a highly sophisticated city like London, with a highly specialised labour force, held
very few rewards and the Irish could only enter the metropolitan economy with difficulty. Although a minority of
Similarly, although the Glasgow Irish were able to find employment in mills and mines, they were excluded from
engineering by virtue of their lack of skill, from shipbuilding by the Orange Order and from skilled trades by the craft
unions. In Edinburgh, a city of legal, literary and ecclesiastical institutions, the Irish were confined to such menial
occupations as general labouring in building, domestic service, portering, street-cleaning and street-lighting
Yet it is both easy and dangerous to generalize. In the first place, not all Irish immigrants, whether Catholic or
Protestant, were poor. Even by mid-century there was a small middle-class world of professional men - doctors,
lawyers, soldiers, shopkeepers, merchants and journalists!
Irish women also formed an important sector of the migrant labour force in textile mills, laundry work, street-selling
and, most notably, domestic service, and in the longer term made notable contributions to a range of low-paid
professional occupations, including social work and nursing.
Moreover, the economic position of the Irish was far less static than many contemporaries believed and there was a
degree of differentiation in Irish occupational patterns. The survey of the Irish in Britain conducted by Hugh Heinrick
in 1872 for The Nation argued that in relative terms the economic position of the Irish depended less on the structure
of the Irish community in a given locality than on the economic infrastructure of the area where they worked. In
developing this argument, the survey pointed to the emergence of a substantial Irish middle-class in London, to the
presence of skilled workers in the Midlands and to the variable experience of the Irish in South Lancashire, where an
Irish middle-class had emerged in Manchester whilst in neighbouring Wigan and St. Helens the Irish were almost
wholly labourers of one description or another.
Even the briefest reading of Carlyle’s or Kay’s outpourings reveals how the image of the Irish has crowded out any
notion of their lived reality. The Irish were portrayed as the greatest nuisance of the new industrial and urban world;
they were the scapegoats for a host of problems that their arrival did not manufacture and scarcely worsened. The Irish
scapegoat was meant to explain the negative features of the Victorian city and perhaps to assuage those who feared
them.
Yet the image of the Irish as a negative and alien presence had more to do with the urban world in which they lived
than with the character of the Irish themselves. For Victorians, the words ‘Irish’ and ‘slum’ were virtually
interchangeable, each epitomising middle-class attitudes towards working-class lifestyles.
Religion
Irish Catholic identity in Victorian Britain was reinforced by manifestations of anti-Catholicism, both covert and overt.
The English, Scots and Welsh were overwhelmingly Protestant by tradition and there had been a distrust of Roman
Catholicism in Britain since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feeling in England was rooted in an historic hatred of
France and Spain, Catholic powers and England’s traditional enemies; in scriptural and theological arguments against
Roman Catholicism; in the Settlement of 1688, which ensured the Protestant Succession of William and Mary; in the
fact that the Church of England imparted a religious dimension into political life and had therefore to be protected;
and in the belief that Roman Catholicism, with its legacy of the Inquisition, was a persecuting sect.
Thus, by the end of the eighteenth century, English Protestants held that the Roman Catholic Church was both
theologically unsound and politically subversive; that it was intolerant and persecuting; that it was a hindrance to the
moral, intellectual and economic development of its flock; and that it should be excluded from political power. In this
context, Irish Catholics were particularly vulnerable because their allegiance was to a foreigner rather than to the
Crown (the head of the Protestant Church and State), hence they were also regarded as potentially, if not actually,
Thus religious issues provided a vital ingredient in determining Anglo-Irish relations on a local level during the
Victorian period, although Victorian ‘No Popery’ was much more than simply anti-Irishness. Nevertheless, the terms
‘Irish’ and ‘Catholic’ were virtually synonymous in British eyes and the Irish Anti-Catholic feeling was exacerbated
by the presence of Irish Protestants, largely from Ulster, in those British towns and cities also populated by Irish
Catholic migrants, particularly on Clydeside and Merseyside.
Indeed, such was the depth of anti-Catholic feeling that it contributed to the most serious clashes between the English
and the Irish in the nineteenth century - at Stockport n 1852, Oldham in 1861, London in 1862 and during the more
widespread Murphy riots in 1867-71.
Work
Such clashes were not, however, solely due to religious differences. There were deeper tensions, including competition
for jobs. The Irish were seen as willing to work for lower wages and thus deprive the English, Scots and Welsh of
jobs. At the same tine, Irish immigrants were willing to do jobs that nobody else would do.
The Irish were also said to have helped to undermine working-class trades union activity through their use by
employers as strike -breakers. Yet, while it is true that Irish immigrants were sometimes used to break strikes,
individual Irishmen - first and second generation - did become prominent trade unionists. For instance, John Doherty,
founder of the National Association for the Protection of Labour, editor of the visionary Voice of the People, and one
of the greatest trade union pioneers, was born and bred in Donegal.
Oh, Mary this London’s a wonderful sight, I believe that when writing a wish you expressed
With the people here working by day and by night. As to how the fine ladies of London were dressed.
They don’t sow potatoes nor barley nor wheat, Well if you believe me, when asked to a ball,
But there’s gangs of them digging for gold in the street; They don’t wear a top to their dresses at all.
At least, when I asked them that’s what I was told, Oh, I’ve seen them myself, and you could not in truth
So I just took a hand at this digging for gold, Say if they were bound for a ball or a bath.
But for all that I found there I might as well be, Don’t be starting those fashions now, Mary Macree,
Where the mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea. Where the mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea.