Report in PHC

By :

Angelie Censon
Christine Palomo
Elinor Alaan
Jeff Martin Macatangay
Jesus Manuel Borja

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 ERAP’S
PRESIDENCY
May 11, 1998- He reached the pinnacle of his political career
when he was elected President of the Republic in the
national elections. With almost 11-million Filipinos writing his
name on the ballot, his margin of victory was the biggest ever
registered in Philippine electoral history.

 Speaking before millions gathered at his inaugural address

in Manila, the newly-elected chief executive said his
presidency would serve the Filipino masses whose welfare
had long been neglected. A line from his speech, “Walang
kaibigan, walang kumpare, walang kamag-anak,” was a stern
warning against anyone who would attempt to undermine his
administration with influence-peddling.          
         
 Determined to bring his pro-poor platform to every facet of
the government’s operations, he immediately ordered the
removal of all sovereign guarantees on contracts for public
projects which would require the sovereign Filipino people to
assume the financial losses of private companies doing
business with the government.
Records will show that until January 20, 2001, he did not sign a
single government contract with a sovereign guarantee.
 Committed to cleaning the bureaucracy of undesirable
elements, he ordered the immediate relief of corrupt officials in
the military and police hierarchy. He ordered a wide-ranging
investigation of all government contracts entered into by the
previous administration to ensure these were above-board and
directly advantageous to the citizenry.

            He ordered the investigation of suspected big-time tax

evaders even if some of these individuals had contributed to his
presidential campaign.

            His pro-poor program of government bore fruit in less

than two years, with a significant improvement in the country’s
peace and order situation. This likewise elicited a proportionate
rise in the approval rating of the Philippine National Police.

            The Estrada administration undertook an aggressive

housing program on a national basis, targeting low-cost homes
for the poor.
Agriculture received greater priority, while the national
government likewise took steps to bring down the cost of
medicine.
            Foreign investments grew exponentially, benefiting
greatly from the unsullied and esteemed reputation of the best
and the brightest chosen to be part of his Cabinet, and even
more from his reputation as a strongly nationalistic yet
progressive president.
            Tragically, a cabal of disgruntled businessmen
dissatisfied with his pro-poor stance joined forces with elitist
members of civil society and a number of high-ranking Catholic
priests to put in motion a movement to steal his presidency by
first destroying his reputation and employing a false witness
with a dubious character and shadowy background to
spearhead this.
          The Senate impeachment trial, a constitutional process
initiated to determine the truth behind the allegations of
corruption hurled by the false witness
in mid-January 2001, his presidency ended abruptly when
prosecutors staged a walk-out after senators voted against the
opening of a document which had no bearing whatsoever on
the cases filed before the tribunal.
With the second highest official of the land and her husband
working secretly with this group and courting the military
sector’s support, things came to a head on the 20th of January
2001 with the leave of absence filed by Joseph Estrada and his
temporary departure from Malacañang.
April 25, 2001- Following the Supreme Court’s decision
upholding the legality of the Macapagal-Arroyo presidency, he
was arrested at his San Juan home in the afternoon on the
strength of a warrant of arrest issued by the Sandiganbayan for
the crime of plunder filed by his political enemies.
            The painfully humiliating nature of his arrest sparked
massive indignation from his millions of supporters, many of
whom converged at the EDSA Shrine to demand his release
and reinstatement.
May 1, 2001- a fraction of the estimated three-million who
gathered in EDSA marched to Malacanang to bring their case
before Mrs. Arroyo but was met with brutal police and military
force.
            A long-drawn out trial before the Sandiganbayan special
division gave his defense panel the opportunity to map out in
unequivocal terms the inconsistencies and impossibilities
inherent in the plunder charges filed against him, primarily on
the strength of the false witness’s testimony.
            In candid moments, however, he acknowledged the
improbability of obtaining a fair verdict from a “kangaroo court”
which was widely believed to have been created for the sole
purpose of ensuring his conviction.

            His incarceration continued for more than six years, with
only his place of detention changing: the Veterans Memorial
Medical Center, Camp Capinpin in Tanay, and finally at his
Tanay rest house where he remained until he was freed in
October 25, 2007 on the strength of an unconditional pardon.

            Today, Joseph Estrada – the private citizen – spends

most of his hours making up for lost time by visiting urban poor
neighborhoods in what he calls a “Lakbay Pasasalamat”
(thanksgiving caravan) to thank residents for their unstinting
support for him despite being away for so long.
June to July of 2008- Estrada’s civic calendar had him
bringing  humanitarian and relief missions to several provinces
severely affected by torrential rains and floods spawned by
typhoon Frank. Together with well-meaning friends and
associates, Estrada toured devastated barangays and
communities in the Panay peninsula – including Iloilo, Aklan,
and more recently Romblon – to distribute relief packs of rice,
medicines, and canned goods. He is likewise picking up where
his other pro-poor programs and anti-hunger advocacies left off,
calling for greater public support for initiatives that can uplift the
lives of millions of Filipinos living in sub-human conditions, at a
time when successive fuel price increases and the rice price
crisis threaten their survival.
 GLORIA
MACAPAGAL
ARROYO
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s first term:

*she became president not because of election, but because

the former president, Joseph “ERAP” Estrada was impeached
through people power II.
*The first main problem she faced during her first term is
“EDSA III”, wherein people are protesting for the impeached
president.

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo being sworn in as president

by Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr. in January 2001.

The last quarter of 2000 up to the first week of January 2001

was a period of political and economic uncertainty for the
Philippines. On January 16, 2001, the impeachment trial has
also taken a new direction. Private prosecutors walked out of
the trial when pro-Estrada senators prevented the opening of
an evidence (a brown envelope) containing bank records
allegedly owned by President Estrada.
.With the walk out, the impeachment trial was not completed and
the Filipinos eventually took to the street to continue the clamor
for President Estrada's resignation.

From January 17 to 20, 2001, hundreds of thousands of Filipinos

gathered at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA), the site of
the original People Power Revolution. The clamor for a change in
the presidency gained momentum as various sectors of
Philippine society – professionals, students, artists, politicians,
leftist and rightist groups – joined what became known as EDSA
II. Officials of the administration, the
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and the
Philippine National Police (PNP) also withdrew their support for
President Estrada.

Days after leaving Malacañang Palace, President Estrada's

lawyers questioned the legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency before
the Supreme Court. He reiterated that he did not resign as
president and that at most, Arroyo was just serving in an acting
capacity. The high court, however, voted unanimously in
upholding the legitimacy of Arroyo's succession. As a
consequence, Estrada no longer enjoys immunity from charges
being filed against him.
In the last week of April 2001, the Sandiganbayan ordered the
arrest of Estrada and his son, Senator Jinggoy Estrada, for
plunder charges. A few days later, Estrada supporters
protested his arrest, gathered at the EDSA Shrine, and staged
what they called, EDSA III – comparing their actions to the
People Power revolution of 1986 and January 2001.

Thousands of protesters demanded the release of Estrada.

Eventually, they also called for the ouster of Arroyo and the
reinstatement of the former. On May 1, 2001, they marched
towards Malacañang to force Arroyo to give in to their
demands. Violence erupted when the protesters attempted to
storm the presidential palace and the military and police were
forced to use their arms to drive them back. Arroyo declared a
state of rebellion because of the violence and prominent
political personalities affiliated with Estrada were charged and
arrested. The so-called EDSA III was the first serious political
challenge to the Arroyo presidency.
Oakwood Mutiny

The Oakwood mutiny occurred in the Philippines on July 27,

2003. A group of 321 armed soldiers who called themselves
"Bagong Katipuneros"[10] led by Army Capt. Gerardo Gambala
and Lt. Antonio Trillanes IV of the Philippine Navy took over
the Oakwood Premier Ayala Center (now Ascott Makati)
serviced apartment tower in Makati City to show the
Filipino people the alleged corruption of the Gloria Macapagal-
Arroyo administration. They also stated that they saw signs
suggesting that the President was going to declare martial law.
2004 Presidential Election

Article VII Section 4 of the 1987 Constitution explicitly states

that the president of the Philippines can only serve for one
term. However, the same provision also implicitly states that a
president's successor who has not served for more than four
years can still seek a full term for the presidency. Although
Arroyo falls under this category, she initially announced on
December 30, 2002 that she will no longer seek the
presidency. She emphasized that she will devote her
remaining months in office to serving the people and
improving the economy of the Philippines.
In October 2003, Arroyo changed her mind and announced
that she will run for the May 2004 presidential elections and
seek a direct mandate from the people. She explained that,
"there is a higher cause to change society...in a way that
nourishes our future". With her decision, the initial criticisms
hurled against Arroyo centered on her lack of word of honor.
As predicted by SWS exit polls, Arroyo won the election by a
margin of over one million votes against Poe. However, the
congressional canvassing was quite contentious as
opposition lawmakers in the National Board of Canvassers
argued that there were many discrepancies in the election
returns and that insinuations of cheating were raised. On
June 23, 2004, Congress proclaimed Arroyo and
Noli de Castro as president and vice president, respectively.
Second Term (2004-2010)
2004 Presidential Election rigging allegations
Allegations of cheating against Arroyo gained momentum
one year after the May 2004 elections. In a press conference
held on June 10, 2005, Samuel Ong, former deputy director
of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) claimed to have
audio recordings of wiretapped conversations between
Arroyo and an official of the Commission on Elections
(COMELEC). Virgilio Garcillano, a former COMELEC
commissioner, would later be identified as the official talking
to Arroyo. According to Ong, the recordings allegedly proved
that Arroyo ordered the rigging of the national elections for
her to win by around one million votes against Poe.
The recordings of Ong became known as the
Hello Garci controversy and triggered massive protests against
Arroyo. Key members of her cabinet resigned from their
respective posts and urged Arroyo to do the same. On June 27,
2005, Arroyo admitted to inappropriately speaking to a COMELEC
official, claiming it was a "lapse in judgement". She, however,
denied influencing the outcome of the elections and declared that
she won the elections fairly. Arroyo did not resign despite the
pressures coming from various sectors of society.

The Hello Garci controversy became the basis of the

impeachment case filed against Arroyo in 2005. Attempts to
impeach Arroyo failed later that year. Another impeachment case
was filed against Arroyo in 2006 but was also defeated at the
House of representatives.

In October 2007, lawyer Alan Paguia filed an impeachment

complaint against Arroyo in connection with the issue of bribery.
Paguia's complaint was based on the revelation of Pampanga
Gov. Ed Panlilio that various governors received half a million
pesos from Malacañang. The impeachment case, as of the middle
of October 2007, has already been referred to the House of
Representatives Committee on Justice.
State of Emergency
On February 24, 2006, a plot to take over the government was
uncovered by authorities, allegedly headed by Gen. Danny Lim
and other rightist military adventurists. General Lim and some
of his men were arrested. To face the threat posed by enemies
of the state, Arroyo issued Presidential Proclamation 1017 (
PP 1017) and used it as basis in declaring a state of
emergency throughout the Philippines. According to Arroyo,
this declaration was done to quell the military rebellion, stop
lawless violence, and promote peace and stability. PP 1017
also empowered the government to enforce warrantless
arrests and take over strategic private utilities companies.

On February 25, 2006, the police raided the office of the Daily
Tribune, a newspaper known as a critic of the Arroyo
administration. The government then issued a journalism
guidelines to address the threat posed by critics in the media.
Presidential Management Staff chief Michael Defensor said
that the guidelines were necessary in order to cope with the
emergency situation.
The state of emergency existed for about one week with the
purpose of curbing further violence, illegal rallies, and public
disturbance throughout the Philippines. The police and the
military dispersed demonstrators and protesters, especially
those along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA). Aside from
General Lim, prominent personalities were also arrested in
connection with their alleged participation in the attempt to
overthrow the government. Among those arrested were:

1.) Col. Ariel Querubín - leader of a group of Philippine Marines

who engaged the government in a political stand-off at
Fort Bonifacio on February 25, 2005
2.) Randy David - led a protest rally without securing the
necessary permit
3.) Crispín Beltrán - party-list representative of Anakpawis
charged with inciting to sedition and rebellion
4.) Batasan Five - party-list representatives charged with
rebellion and were placed under the custody of the House of
Representatives; Bayan Muna's Teodoro Casiño,
Satur Ocampo, and Joel Virador; Gabriela's Liza Maza, and
Anakpawis' Rafael Mariano
PP 1017 was lifted on March 3, 2006 but members of the
opposition, private lawyers, and concerned citizens challenged
its constitutionality before the Supreme Court. On May 4, the
high court declared the proclamation constitutional. However, it
also said that it was illegal for the government to implement
warrantless arrests and seize private institutions and
companies.

Charter Change

Arroyo currently spearheads a controversial plan for an overhaul

of the constitution to transform the present unitary and
presidential republic with a bicameral legislature into a federal
parliamentary

net satisfaction rating in the first quarter of 2009 was -32.

House of Representatives
In November 2009, Arroyo formally declared her intention to run
for a seat in the House of Representatives representing the
2nd District of Pampanga, making her the second Philippine
President - after Jose P. Laurel - to pursue a lower office after
the expiration of their presidency. A petition seeking to
disqualify Arroyo from the race was dismissed by the Comelec
for lack of merit, a decision which was later affirmed by the
Supreme Court. With little serious competition, she was elected
to congress in May 2010 with a landslide victory. After receiving
final military honors at the inauguration ceremony of incoming
President Benigno Aquino III, she headed straight to Pampanga
for her own oath-taking as congresswoman.

Despite being considered the strongest contender for

Speaker of the House, Arroyo declined to seek the position,
hoping instead to take on a role similar to Sonia Gandhi, who
was influential as merely the head of her party. On her first day
as a lawmaker, Arroyo and her son Dato filed a resolution
calling for Congress to call a constitutional convention to
propose amendments to the existing constitution.
Health
On July 3, 2009, it was announced that Arroyo had
undergone a biopsy to examine lumps discovered in her
breast and groin. Press Secretary Cerge Remonde stated
that the results of the biopsy were negative. Remonde also
denied reports published in July 3, 2009 editions of the
Manila Bulletin and the Philippine Star that Arroyo had
undergone surgery for the removal or repair of
breast silicone implants.
 PEOPLE
POWER II
The EDSA Revolution of 2001, also called by the local media
as EDSA II (pronounced as EDSA Dos or EDSA 2) or
the Second People Power Revolution, is the common name of
the four-day revolution that peacefully overthrew Philippine 
President Joseph Estrada from January 17–20, 2001. Advocates
describe EDSA II as "popular" but critics view the uprising as a
conspiracy among political and business elites, military top brass
and Catholic Cardinal Jaime Sin. Estrada was succeeded by his
then vice president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo who was sworn into
the presidency by then-Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. at around
noon on January 20, 2001 amidst the EDSA II crowd, several
hours even before Estrada left Malacanang. EDSA is an acronym
 derived from Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, the major
thoroughfare connecting the five cities in Metro Manila, namely 
Pasay, Makati, Mandaluyong, Quezon City, and Caloocan. The
revolt took place in the business district of Ortigas Center. World
reaction to the administration change was mixed. Though foreign
nations, including the United States, immediately expressed
recognition of the legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency, foreign
commentators described the revolt as "a defeat for 
due process of law", "mob rule," and a "de facto coup"
The only means of legitimizing the event was the last-minute
Supreme Court ruling that "the welfare of the people is the
supreme law." But by then, the Armed Forces of the Philippines
 had already withdrawn support for the president, which some
analysts called unconstitutional, and most foreign political
analysts agreeing with this assessment. William Overholt, a 
Hong Kong-based political economist said that "It is either being
called mob rule or mob rule as a cover for a well-planned coup,"
"But either way, it's not democracy."[It should also be noted that
opinion was divided during EDSA II about whether 
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo as the incumbent Vice President should
be President if Joseph Estrada was ousted; many groups who
participated in EDSA II expressly stated that they did not want
Arroyo for president either, and some of them would later
participate in EDSA III. The prevailing Constitution of the
Philippines calls for the Vice President of the Philippines, Arroyo
at the time, to act as interim president only when the sitting
President dies, resigns, or becomes incapacitated, none of which
occurred during EDSA II.
October 16, 2000
Governor Chavit Singson of Ilocus Sur, a presidential friend and
known protector of illegal numbers game called jueteng, accuses
the president of the republic of the Philippines, Joseph Estrada,
as the "lord of all jueteng lords" for receiving 5 million pesos
protection money from jueteng every month during his term of
presidency.  He also accuses the president of receiving kickbacks
from 170 million pesos excise tobacco tax.
October 17, 2000
Clamor for Erap's resignation starts.  Political and economic crisis
worsens.
November 13, 2000
The House of Representatives files an impeachment case against
the president on the grounds of bribery, graft and corruption,
betrayal of public trust, and culpable violation of the Constitution. 
(Click here for the Articles of Impeachment)
November 14, 2000
National Day of Protest, lead by Manila Archbishop Jaime
Cardinal Sin, is conducted and calls for the president to resign for
loss of moral ascendancy and incompetence in handling the
country during the economic crisis, 
December 7, 2000
The Impeachment Trial starts.  The Chief Justice of the
Philippines, Hilario Davide Jr., is the presiding officer and the 22
members of the Senate are the judges.  A verdict of conviction
from 15 senators is needed to remove the president from office.
December 22, 2000
During the impeachment trial, a bank executive testifies that
Estrada has a hidden bank account in the Equitable-PCI Bank
containing 500 million pesos (an amount not stated in Estrada's
Statement of Assets and Liabilities) using a different name, which
is "Jose Velarde." The defense objects to the testimony on the
grounds of irrelevancy and immateriality because the said
allegation is not included in the Articles of Impeachment.  The
presiding officer overrules the objection, however, he insists that
the testimony will be accepted as evidence only after the
prosecution proves that the 500 million pesos contained in that
bank account is indeed ill-gotten money.
January 4, 2001
Two days after the trial resumed from a week-long Christmas
break, former Finance Department Secretary and colleague of the
president, Edgardo Espiritu, testifies that the accusations alleged
in the Articles of Impeachment with regards to  the president's
betrayal of public trust, are undeniably true.
January 16, 2001
A new set of evidence inside a BROWN ENVELOPE is
voluntarily given by a bank for the impeachment trial.  The new
set of evidence is said to prove that the 500 million pesos on a
hidden bank account is ill-gotten and belongs to Estrada.  It is
also said to prove that the president owns more hidden bank
accounts, all under different names.  The prosecutors are told
that the amount contained in the various hidden bank accounts
totals to 3.3 billion pesos. Unfortunately, majority of the
senators/judges (11 out of 21) votes to bar the opening of the
mysterious BROWN ENVELOPE  on the grounds of immateriality
(not being included in the Articles of Impeachment).  Prosecutors
interpret the decision as a suppression of truth and an early sign
of an acquittal verdict for the president.   They walk-out of the
courtroom.  Anti-Estrada spectators in the courtroom walk-out
too. 
January  17, 2001 EDSA People Power II: DAY ONE
The impeachment trial is adjourned because of the prosecutors'
resignation.  Date of the trial's resumption is left undecided.
A crowd numbering to 100,000 is already in EDSA.
January 18, 2001 EDSA People Power II: DAY TWO
The number of people in EDSA triples. They form a "Human
Chain" from EDSA Shrine in Ortigas Avenue to Ayala Avenue in
Makati City.  This is to show Estrada that  hundreds of thousands
of people are already demanding his resignation.
More and more prominent personalities and even friends and
former colleagues in the entertainment business of the president
are already calling for him to step down from office. Talks about
the military's and police's withdrawal of support to the president
spread.
January 19, 2001 EDSA People Power II: DAY THREE
News about withdrawals of support to the president of the military
and police is confirmed as high ranking military and police
officials join the crowd protesting in EDSA.  The military's and
police's withdrawals of their support are key factors in making a
president incapable of performing his duties. More than half of
the president's cabinet members and a number of top
government officials withdraw their support too and join the rally
in EDSA..  All of these withdrawals of support give a big boost to
the anti-Estrada crowd gathered in EDSA.
January 20, 2001  EDSA People Power II: DAY FOUR
Amidst negotiations for a peaceful transition of power, the 6:00
AM deadline is not met.  About one-third of the people in EDSA,
march to Malacanang and occupies Mendiola, a street near
Malacanang, where a measly group of an estimated 500 Estrada
supporters were gathered but forced to retreat.  
Despite the president's resistance to resign, the Supreme Court
makes a unanimous decision to file a resolution declaring the
position of president vacant therefore allowing the
constitutionally-mandated successor, the vice-president, Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, to take over.  At exactly 12:00 noon, Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo takes her oath of office in the presence of the
countless people in EDSA and becomes the 14th president of the
Republic of the Philippines. Afterwards, she gives a 14-minute
inauguration speech.  The joyfulness of the crowd is
indescribable. 
 PEOPLE
POWER III
EDSA III (pronounced EDSA Tres) was a protest sparked by
the arrest in April 2001 of newly deposed President 
Joseph Estrada of the Philippines. The protest was held for
seven days in a major highway in Metropolitan Manila, the
Epifanio de los Santos Avenue or EDSA, which eventually
culminated in an attempt to storm the Malacañangpresidential
palace. Taking place four months after 
EDSA Revolution of 2001, the protests were asserted as a
more populist and representative uprising in comparison to the
previous demonstrations in the same location, in January 2001.
The protests and the attack on the presidential palace,
however, failed in their objectives. Participants continue to
claim that it was a genuine People Power event, a claim
disputed by the participants and supporters of EDSA II.
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has acknowledged the
divisive nature of the two terminologies by saying in one
statement that she hoped to be the president of "EDSA II and
EDSA III."
EVENTS
April 30

The crowd of an alleged several hundred thousand people

(although according to Iglesia ni Cristo-owned broadcast
network Net 25 and to Senator Sotto, a high of over 3 million in
the evening of April 30), most of whom were members of the
urban poor and devotees of the Iglesia ni Cristo which
institutionally supported Estrada, gathered at the Roman
Catholic EDSA Shrine, the site of the January EDSA II revolt
which had toppled Estrada from the presidency.
News organizations aiming to cover the rally were advised not
approach the area, as there were reports of stones being
thrown at cameramen, particularly those from ABS-CBN.
The protest was led by members of the political opposition of
the time, most notably Senators Juan Ponce Enrile,
Miriam Defensor Santiago and Vicente Sotto III.
May 1

The rebellion aimed to remove Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo from

the presidency and to reinstate Estrada. The rebellion came to
a head on the morning of May 1, 2001 most of the people left
specially the Iglesia ni Cristo members as an agreement of
their leaders and the government. Still hundreds of thousands
of protesters stormed towards Malacañang Palace, the
presidential residence; government soldiers and
thepolicemen dispersed the marchers, causing violence.
Several broadcast vans of ABS-CBN were torched by
members of the crowd, while others attacked the police and
soldiers with rocks, sticks, and pipes. The police and military
responded with force after implementing a "maximum
tolerance" policy, which led to the injury of many of the
protesters. President Arroyo declared a State of Rebellion in
the National Capital Region pursuant to Proclamation No. 38
and arrested leaders who participated in the said rebellion like
Senator Juan Ponce Enrile but released on bail. On May 7,
2001, President Arroyo lifted the State of Rebellion.
AFTERMATH
Hours after the crowds of EDSA III were dispersed,
representatives of the Archdiocese of Manila and Civil Society
supporters of the Arroyo administration reclaimed the EDSA
Shrine where there had been alleged acts of vandalism and
garbage everywhere and the vicinity wreaked with the strong
smell of human waste. Since this protest was carried out mostly
by the lower income, uneducated masses, widespread
destruction and vandalism of public utilities (stop lights and street
posts where thrown down) and public store fronts along the
protest routes at Recto Avenue and Rizal Avenue. Most of those
arrested were later set free. As for the public figures that
supported the rallies, they abandoned them and shied away at its
most critical time when it became obvious, that unlike the
previous administrations, the Arroyo administration was not
backing down from this latest people power styled protest which
it perceived was political manipulation which resulted in mob
mentality and anarchy of the masses urged by its political
opponents.
Critics of EDSA Tres, styled after the People Power
Revolution (EDSA Revolution) and EDSA Revolution of
2001, argue that while this was a major protest, the spirit
of it was unlike of the first and second protests.
Supporters of Edsa Tres journalism allege that EDSA's I
and II's participants were made up of the middle and
upper classes and thus, not democratically-representative
unlike those who participated in EDSA Tres. Other
arguments also point to the success of the first two to
remove the presidents targeted, versus this event's failure
to do so.