Professional Documents
Culture Documents
• • • CH APTE R FIVE
157
Spirit Poles and Aying ~ •••
I 88-i), s he sought out public inte res t and input as the essential iugredi-
enrs in Gua da lupc's f irst pub lic a rtwo rk. " Successfu l integration of a
public artwo rk req uires the peo ple envision ing what a mon ument should
be in their town, " rem ar ks Beca.! To find ou t what that was in Gua -
da lupe, Baca talk ed with everyo ne, with Gua dal upe's mo vers and shako
ers [t he post mistress, t he mayo r, tht public health officer ) an d with mi-
grant laborers and civil rights activists. " I went into the fields and look
Pola roid s and gave them to the Iarmwo rkers, " Baca recalls (Fig. So ).
"Th ey got Interested in what 1 was doing with the mur al project and
wo uld come visit me at t he Druid Temple, right down the street from all
t he restaurants wh ere they ate t heir lunches and dinners.... 3
lSI
• 'I'. JudJ 6aca., ~ Murci, Pmel 2: "The Ethnic Contributions,M 1988-89:
acrylic/panel, 2.4 meten. (8 fMt) by' 2.1 meten (7 feet), Gu.adalupe, Calif. Copyright
J<><ly Boa .
IS.
• so. Judy Baa in fields with farmwort.:ers. Fall 1988. CopyrfJht Judy Saa.
·- ->
ing, and successfully mo bilizing an entire co mmu nity," writes cri nc and
art ist Suzanne Lacy, "a ne intrinsic aspects o f :1 co mplex artw o rk, aII
pa rts o f which d early bear the stamp of Baca's socio-aesrheric inten-
tion..,4
But in the process o f creating co mmunity t hrough public a rt, Baca did
not armcipare how a symbol o f civic pride and solida rity wo uld a lso be-
co me so highly prized as an art object. Meant for Lekoy Par k, in a spe-
d all y designed gazebo in fro nt of the to wn's co mmunity cente r, the
Guadalupe Mural is currently insta lled at City Hall. Many Gca dalu-
peans say th at that 's JUSt tempor ary, until enough money is raised to
bui ld the mu ral shelter in the park; funds from the Sant a Barbar a
Co unty Parks Depa rtment to aid wit h the park 's rehabilita tion were
withdrawn oudpro ject, and residents arc now ra ising the mon ey co m-
plerely on their own. Others feel th at the mura l sho uld stay at City Hall .
"A lot o f peop le are worried t hat it might get damaged, vanda lized, if it
goes into t hat park, " Mayor Renaldo (Rennie) Pili remarks. "T hey say it
is so beautiful that they wa nt it to sta y here, at C ity Hall, where it can be
protected ."
Issues of agenc y of how people make and remak e their lives, thei r
160
• • • Rarsing Com munity Consciousne ss
161
Spirit Pdes and ffyin& f'I&s •••
.62
the fertile Santa Maria Valley along California's central coast. Guada-
lupe revolves almost entirely around agriculture. Multiple crops of let-
tuce, cauliflower, artichokes, and strawberries arc: grown annually, and
the town prides itself on being " the broccoli capital of the world." In
1980 dry statistics claimed a median income of S I ",4 1.4, but a majoriry
of Guadalupeans are Iarmworkers, and in 1988 the average annua l in-
come for a farmworker household (approximately s.) persons, with one
primary wage earner) in Guadalupe was S I ),4 16, or about S1,000 less
than the federal guidelines that year for an impoverished household.
Moreover, as ant hropologist Victor Garcia discovered, in the 1980s resi-
dent farmworkers in Guadalupe (as those in California's other Chicano!
Mexican agricultural enclaves) were largely displaced by migrant labor-
ers who were contracted at much lower wages and whose numbers-
and annual household incomes-were not the stuff of officia l statistics.7
Simply in terms of 1980s economics, the contrast between the two
towns could not have been greater: Santa Barbara brashly embodied
Reagan-era wealth and arrogance; Guadalupe-where hundreds of farm-
workers tried to survive underemployment, unemployment, and low
wages-showed the broader impact of the so-called Reagan Revolution.
Before the Guadalupe Mural project, little of Santa Barbara County's
wealth ever reached this northernmost part of the district; indeed, leRoy
Park's planned restoration was the first time in years that county agen-
cies had even expressed any interest in Guadalupe's public and cultura l
welfare.
Guadalupe had not always been so impoverished or insignificant, as
Baca and the townspeople found when they sifted through local history
searching for stories and themes that might shape the mural. Located
just 8 kilometers ( s miles) from the Pacific Ocean, the area was once
flush with Chumash Indians, whose shell middens can still be found
along the Nipomo Dunes, a 2.9-kilometer (l 8-mile) stretch of stunning
coastline (with the highest beach dunes in the western United States)
now managed by the Nature Conservancy. The background of the
mural's initial panel shows the local dunes and features a large portrait
of a Chumash hunter wearing an elaborate a balone necklace: (see Fig.
48). "Tbe Indian is an appari tion," Baca notes. " You can't paint him
solid. or he'll stop looking like a spirit and mote like a mud monster.".
Similarly ghostlike, a brown bear-the Chumash totem- peeks from
behind. Brown bears were once plentiful in the dunes and hills fringing
Guadalupe; locally they are commemorated at Oso Flaco ("skinny
on
5f)lrit Poles and Flying Pip • • •
bear " ) Lake outside to wn, which Baca painted on [he picture's right side.
Th e remaind er of th e first panel, called "The Founders of Ouada-
lupe," concentrates on th e town's Hispanic roots-and q uite literally:
Evok ing historical links and relationships, plaerlike forms leech from
the lettuce fields and the adobe ho use in the panel 's center and reach
for the Chumash Indian o n the left and the vaqueros (cattle handl ers ) on
the right. Named after Mexico 's patron saint (N uesera Senora 101 Virgen
de Guadalupe ), Ranch o Guadalupe was a 13, 12j-hectar e (32,40 8-acre)
land grant given in 1840 to Teodor o Arellanes and Don Diego Olivera ,
who int rod uced cattle to the region; Arellanes can be seen roping steers
at the right. Th e redwood shingle- roo fed ado be houses they built near
the site of roday's Le R ~ Par k we among the ea rliest in Califo rnia, and
Baca h ightigh~herr si~fi a~ce in the midd le o f t he panel. Here she
a l~'Ptured the loca l legend o f rwo lovers-an Anglo soldier a nd an
Indian woman-so passio nately romantic they burst into fl ames. Baca
thi nks t he ta le proba bly stems fro m memor ies o f John Fremo nt's 1846
exped ition into the area, which left the Guada lupe ado bes razed and the
Chumash population decimated. The Arellanes and Olivera families re-
built, but in the 18705 rhe ranch was so ld to Teodore leRoy, a French
trader and bank agent who founded the town of Guadalupe aro und the
o rigina l adobes and subdivided the ranch into farming plots.
In 1881 leRoy donated 1.6 hectares (3.9 acres) of his land " for the
use and enjoyment of the inhabita nts o f the Village of Guadalupe for
recreat ion and healthful amusements." Th e deed furth er sti pulated that
t he park's trustees were respon sible for preventin g and exclud ing " all ri-
oto us and disord erly persons and all conflicts and di ~nt i on . " ' Despite
such provisos leRo y Park, not unlike Guada lupe itself, was occasionally
the site o f violent, usually racially motivated, outbursts. One of the park's
larger oaks, for instance, was called the " hanging tree" and was used. [Q
lynch several Chinese wo rkers brough t into the area in the 18905 to
build the Southern Pacific Railroad . Banned from residential areas of the
community, those Chinese laborers who remained in Guadalupe o pened
sho ps along Main Street and lived above or in back of their businesses.
T he second panel of the C lJadalllpe Mural (see Fig. 49 ) tells th e sto ry
of the town's d iverse erhn iciry and its long history o f racial conf li ct. Dur-
ing the Gilded Age, Guadalupe's fertile so il att racted Chilean, English,
Italian , Peruvian, Portu guese, Scotch, and Swiss-Italian immigrant s who
operated family farms and da iries. Th e railroad o pened in 190 1, and
Guadalupe became a ma jor center for vegetable shipping, alth ough it
...
••• RaisinI Community Consclousness
Ii'
Spirit Poles and Arinc PIp •••
,..
• •• 1QiVl& Community Consciousness
• 51. Judy Sua, GuodolJpe Mural, detail Panel 2: "The Ethnk: Contributions."
Copyright Judy & ca.
167
Spirit P'*s and Ffyinr; Pip • • •
"8
• • • Raising Community Consciousness
cauliflower heads o nto an end less blue belt. A fema le worker on the
right wears a red banda nna decor ated with symbols of the Virgin o f
Guadalupe. Above these views Baca painted an eno rmous o range arch, a
ro lling co nveyor with six old-style wooden crates {replaced in today's
fields by waterproo f ca rdboard ca rtons). Each crate has a colorful pic-
tu re postca rd-like label with a typical scene from Oil Guadalu pe farm-
wor ker's daily life. Each has a cheerful "greeting," the visualiza tion, says
Baca, o f the "Mexican ra dio voice," the boom ing, cheesy speech that
bellows from the bor der radio stations tha t man y field wor kers tu ne in
to when they get off wo rk.
" Bienvenidos" (" Welcome" ) shows the typical farm worker's arrival in
to wn after hopping a freight, bedro ll and belongings in tow; " Vivienda '"
("Accommoda tio ns"') shows the overcrowded and unsa nitary co nditio ns
o f migran t housi ng; " EI Sueldo " (loose ly transl ated as "Wages") shows a
picker swearing pen nies fro m a handful o f freshly harvested srrawbe r-
ries; " Ne blina Peligrosa " (" Dangerous Fog" shows the to xic pesticides
and fertilizers that helped generate Guadalupe's agricultu ra l bonanza
but now dangerously affect the hea lth o f farmworkers- and of the
whole to wn; " Dolor de la Espalda" (" Back Pain" ) shows the back break-
ing stoo p-and-cur labor o f lettuce picking; and "Ayuda Exrran jera" (lit-
t rally translated as " Foreign Aid " ) shows the far mworker writ ing a let-
rer and send ing a monty order-probably most of his wages-to his
fami ly in Mexico . Most of Guada lupe's ca uliflower and broccoli crews
art resident farmwo rkers, but lerruce, strawberry, and a rtichoke crews
con sist of migrant s who move from one harvest site to the next th rough -
out Centra l Ca lifornia and claim Mexico as t heir borne.
Despite local gr umbli ng today th at Cesar Chavez " just co uld n't orga-
nize farm labo r" in Guada lupe, in the 19705 resident farmw orkers saw
bette r pay and improved wor king con ditions as a result of UFW activism
in the area. In the recessionary 1 980s, however, growe rs fought the f i-
nancial (and political) impact of such union success with agribusiness
co ntractors, who o rganized migrato ry crews of undcxumented, mini-
mum-wage, wo rkers. Thi s, and t he to tal shift to field packing (the last of
Gua dal upe's packing sheds was torn down in the early 19 80s1 so dra-
matica lly affected the local economy that by the mid-198os the once
flourishing City of Guadal upe was suffering serio us economic blight.
Today mor t crops than ever are harvested in the Santa Maria VaUt y, but
less agricu ltu ra l wor k has become avai lable for resident farm wcrkers,
Guadalupe's majo rity population. Dependeor on, yet displaced from
169
b
Spirit Poles and flying Pigs •••
• 51 Jud y Raca. Guodolupe: Murol, Panel 04: "The Fuwre o ( Guada lupe," 1988--8';
acrylic/panel, 2.04 mete rs (8 (eet) by 2.1 mete rs (7 (eet), Guadalupe , Cala. Copyright
Judy Boo .
farm labor, Guadal upe's resident farmworkers now work sporad ically,
and fo r significa ntly lower wages than a decade ago , as " reserve labor"
when con t ractor-hired migrants ar e unava ilable. Still com mitted to the
value and integrity of " har d work," t hey supplement their incomes at
area fast-food resta ura nts and Wal-Mans and speak harshly o f those
" who can work but prefer to go on governrr ene-rehef.t "! Still commit-
ted to American prom ises of opportunity and eq uality, they dr eam of a
better futu re for their families and their community.
Th e Guadalupe Mltrafs founh panel (Fig. 5.3 ), titled "Th e Future o f
Guada lupe," depicts t hose dr eams . It is dominated by a female angel,
co pied from one of the large nineteenth-centu ry marble tombstones so il
17.
-
••• ~5in& Community ConKiousoess
• 5'4. Rod Rolle , StnlWberry Prdd ofDreom$, 1988. PhotO of female fll rmwor1<er with
t».by In field. Photo: Rod Rolle.
stan ding in the Guada lupe Cemetery. Perched amid that cemetery, hcr
bod y is circled by symbols o f plenty and privation, by scenes o f Gua -
dalupe's lush fields and its dilapidated shacks - ro ugh wooden huts built
for migrant laborers in the 1 91.05 and still inhabited . Her real-life coen-
rerparr, a fem ale fannworker wit h a baby fi rmly snuggled to her back, is
seen at the left of the panel , stooping and cutting an infinite loop of ver-
dam crops . Field conditions are extremely dangerous-wo rkers [ell of
losing fingers and limbs , of being dusted by pesticides and getting bad
heada ches and rashes- but, without adequa te da y-care opportunities o r
the money [ 0 pay for sitters, ma ny women must bring t heir babies [ 0 the
fields (Fig. 54 ). Making direct eye cceracr with t he viewe r, the angel
becko ns us into Guadalupe's wo rld. Her ha nds spill an inviting stream o f
unpolluted water, a symbol of nourishment indica tive o f Guadalupe's
bounty and potential
Guada lupe's angel spreads her wings ove r the to wn, its seemingly end-
less and uncha nging cycle of harv est, farm work, an d poor hou sing at
171
,
Spirit Poles ..0<1 Flyinl Pip • • •
her feet. Her ancillary wings picture t he dreams o f the female: farm-
wor ker, dr eams shared by all G uadalupeans: affordab le hea lth cart, im-
proved living co ndi tio ns, bette r schools, a healthy environme nt. Each
wing sho ws a specific scene: a doctor listening [ 0 t he heartbea t of a farm-
worker; a planned residential community; a boy kicking a socce r ball at
a new high schoo l; a tern and several otte rs-some of the area's rare and
endangered animals- thriving at the Nipo mo Dunes. Like the other
panels, t he mural's final pictu re features specific local derails-Gua -
dal upe's hills in the: background, its cemetery in the center, its fields and
shac ks-c-ehar ground those dream s in the rea lity of local circ umsta nces.
Guadalupe's future is nor, in other words, Baa 's vision of a utopian
idea l but 3 hopeful poss ibil'o' ~t~ priso b l and public desires
for civic re'(~tion a;;--a ;om munity agency,
~ In each of"them ura l's fou r panel s, Baca dr ew on specific formal de-
vices that help the a ud ience become hooked into her socia l and po litica l
agenda. Each panel is large and brigh tly colored, with a cent ra l co mposi -
tional focu s tha t draws viewers into scenes of Guadal upe past, present,
and futu re. Th ree of the four panels are st ructured wit h dom inant fore-
ground figu res (the Chumash Indian, M an uel Magana, the female farm-
worker] who hel p guide viewers to look dee per in. The final panel is
missing that fo regro undcd fo rma l element (t he angel occ upies a middle-
gro und posit ion ), perha ps beca use Baca wanted to enco ura ge viewers to
guide them selves th ro ugh the picture and personally co nsider the soc ial
and political action req uired to create Guadalupe's futu re.
Colo red, of co urse, by public inp ut, the fo urt h mural panel was also
shaped by Baca 's analysis of G uadalupe's recent histo ry. In 1 9 7 0 Mexi-
ca ns an d Mexican Americans made up ove r 66 percent of G uada lupe's
po pu latio n, yet t he police fo rce, city government, and school boa rd were
primarily Anglo. Racial tension s heated up as an gry parents co nfronted
the school board about the segrega tio n of M exican and Anglo pupils,
the excessive use o f co rpo ral pu nishment for Mexican stu dents , the
paucity o f Spanish-spea king reachers and biling ual education, and the
fact t hat 10 0 percent of the st udents in special ed ucation classes were o f
Mexican ancestry. Arlsron j ulian , who went to G uadalupe'S junior high
in the 1960s, recalls reachers telling rhe child ren o f loca l growers " to sit
up fro nt and lead th e rest o f the class, beca use they would lead the co m-
munit y w hen they grew up."
Anger bo iled ov er in 1972, w hen st uden ts wal ked o ut o f school
protestin g con d itions and when , 011 a PTA meetin g a few mont hs lateE:, ten
171
••• ~ising Commun ity ConKiousflU5
people were arrested for "disturbing a public meeting." Police reports re-
veal that the arr ests were motivated by fea rs that " radica l" UFW and
Brown Beret activists had linked arms with Mexican parents to ta ke over
the school, and maybe the town. Eventually, while seven of the Guada-
lupe Ten were found guilty and served time in jail, the California State
Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission o n Civil Rights, in a lengthy
monograp h titled The Schools of Guadalupe. _. A Legacy of Educe-
tiona! Oppression, concluded that the school district had indeed grossly
violated Mexican American civil rights, and superintendent Kermit
McKenzie resigned (after forty-two years in the dismcn.'! Ironically, in
the 1980s Guada lupe's J unio r High School was named after Mcx eeeie.
The case of the Guadal upe Ten was a turn ing point in the town 's life.
Encouraged by the success of the UFW and the growing political power
of the Chicano movement, Guada lupeans pressed for significant institu-
tional changes; by 1975 bilingual teachers and classes, for example, had
been added to the distr ict. T he case pushed the town (o r at least the
school board) to confront its racism. It also stimulated o utsider views of
Guada lupe as deeply divided and debased. A "three-year investigation
into a lleged prostitution, drug trafficking and public corruption" led to
the infamous-Guadalupe Raid of J983, when more than 130 police offi-
cers, Santa Barbara Co unty sheriff's dep uties, and DEA and FBI agents
-i n seventy police cars and several helico pters-stormed the town in
search of whores, dope, and political payoffs. While some prostitutes
and pot were uncovered, the sting of the century came off as a scene o ut
of Police Academy when only eighteen arrests were made (two on o ut-
standing traffi c wa rrants), and most charges were later dismissed. An-
other raid, in 1986, led to forty-six arrests- most for illegal immigra-
do n." Still, media appetites through the 19805 continued to exaggerate
Guadalupe as the Vice Capita l of Central California in hysterical head-
lines and exposes.
" Guadalupe is like other small towns, It co mments J ulian. " Its bad rep-
utation was enhanced by its minoriry reputa tion. There was lots of un-
rest because Mexica ns were the new presence in an older community. "
Some reacted to Mexican demands for equality by reasserting their own
authority-naming the junior high after McKenzie, for example. Ot her
xenophobes alarmed by Guada lupe's swelling mino rity population auto-
matically eq uated Mexicans with mari juana a nd money laundering and
used those popular racist stereotypes to their own advantage; it is inter-
esting how Guada lupe's raids always seemed to occur during the county
I7l
s heriff's reelection ca mpaign. likewise, overstated accoun ts of a Guada-
lupe Carte l came primari ly from newspapers in Santa M aria-the
town's econo mic rival since the t urn of the century, Equally sensational-
ized reports of Guadalupe's guerrilla ga ngs ste mmed fro m outside r octo-
genarians chilled by glimpses of Mexican American teens "hanging out
in LeRoy Park and doing god knows what." By 198 8, when Judy Baca
arrived, Gua dal upe, o nce described as "the most progressive little town
in Santa Barba ra Co unty," was widd y conside red a cesspool of crimina l-
ity. U Wo rse it, c;l?u ld n'[ to~a ke its new mean streets image:
Stricken n ~e -ava~e o f agri business an d the consequences of racial
,
struggles and racism, Gua da lupe seemed to ha ve succu mbed to historica l
amnesia an d forg onen the labor and ed ucatio n gain s mad e on ly a few
years ea rlier.
EJ Comitr Civico Mexicano de Gua da lupe: hoped to revive t he town's
civic sp irit with their refurbishmen t of leRoy Park , and they turned to
Baca for help. Well known as a " muralist, activist, and spokesperso n for
the Hispan ic co mmunit y," Baca has utilized publ ic art as a means to
co mm unity engagement since th e late 19605, wh en she began paint ing
mura ls in Ease Los Angeles. A second-generatio n Mexican American,
born (in 1949) and raised in Southern Cal ifornia, Baca ha d experiences
no t unlike those of G uadal upe's resident farm wo rkers: " When I went
into the school system, I was forbidden to speak Spanish.... In elemen-
tary schoo l, most o f the Spanish-spc:aking kids were trea ted like they
were reta rded an d held back. I thought to myself, they ' re not going to be
able to do this to me. I' m go ing to learn what they' re sa ying." Her
mother encouraged her: " Like a lor o f imm igran t people, she felt tha t ed-
ucati on was the key if I was to avoid suffering the kind of things that she
had suffered." She a lso encou raged Baca's pursuit o f a pragmatic, so-
cially responsible art: " My fam ily d idn't want me [ 0 be an artist beca use:
it was a crazy thi ng to be. What impact does your art ha ve on real life? I
th ink a loe of the ethic seeped into me: it's not good enough just to be an
artist. .. . Wh at does it mean to the people yo u live around? So in co l-
lege I also mino red in history and in educatio n. " I'
Grad uating from Californ ia State University, No rt hridge, in 1969,
Baca taught school and then headed the Cityw ide M ural Pro ject , a Los
Angeles City Council-funded o utfit that eventually produced more th an
:tjO murals in var ious L.A. neighborhoods (Baca herself directed mo re
than I SOof them ). C itywide was advised by SPA RC (the Social and Pub-
lic Art Resource Cente r), wh ich bro ke off in 1976 to beco me a mulncul-
17.
• • • Raising Community Consciousness
• 55. Judy Baa, GrtcJt lM:lI o(Los An,eks. 1976-8) ; oYerview of 762 meters (2.soo
feet) Iont mu~ in Tujunp Wash Flood Conuol Channel. Van N uys, Calif. Copyright
Judy &a.
I7S
Spirit Poles ;and AyinJ Pies •••
d itches some 4.6 meters (15 feer) deep and 1.:1.9 meters (75 feet) wide.
This hardening of the river's arteries actuall y ca used more flooding, left
unusable d irt belts o n each side of the channels, and divided the city into
distinct ethnic nelghbor hood s-c-Chicano, African American , Asian, and
Anglo. Fifty years later, blend ing land preservation with civic improve-
ment, the corps began turn ing rhese channel gro unds into recreation
areas with sma ll park s and bike paths. Because of her success with City-
wide, Baca was hired to pain! wha t would become the world 's largest
mural -4.} meters (14 feet) ta ll and 76 2..0 meters (2.,500 feet) long in
the (1000 control chann el.
The Great Wall is a " monumentally scaled history painting depict ing
the panorama o f events that contributed to Los Angeles' distinctive pro-
file."' 1 A visual hisrc ry of Ca lifornia, the mural emphasizes the role of
racial minor ities. Baca conceived the epic wall as a paiming describing
the diverse co mmunities of Los Angeles: " When I fi rst saw the wall, I en-
visioned a long narrative of another history of Ca lifornia; one which in-
cluded ethnic peoples, women and minorities who were so invisible in
conventio nal textbook accou nts. The discovery of Califo rnia's mulricul-
rured peop les was a revelation to me." \' The San Ferna ndo Valley, ho me
of " Valley Girls" and a fierce ant ibusing coalitio n, was the destinat ion of
Anglos fleei ng inner-city Los Angeles in the 1950S. With the Great Wall,
Baca, who grew up in nearby Pacoima, proposed to restore to public
conscio usness the ar ea's d iverse ethnic and cultural histo ry.
The cont ent o f the mural easily conveys that history. Viewed by walk-
ing or biking along a pat h parallel to the wash channel or by driving
along adjacent Coldwater Canyon Avenue, the mura l open s with scenes
of prehistor ic creatures in the La Brea rar pits and currently closes with
pictures of African American and Chicano O lympic cham pions from
1948 to 1964. Chumash theology and industry dom inate early mural
panels, and the destru ction of Nat ive American culture is depicted in
scenes of the arr ival of the Spanish; a derail shows a huge wh ite hand up-
roo ting a native durin g the Span ish conquest. Colonizatio n, Mexican
rule, and the presence o f Ca tholic missionar ies conti nue the sto ry. The
Treaty of Guadalupe: Hidalgo, by which Mexico ceded Southern Califor-
nia to the United Sta tes in 1848, is followed by srerehood , the gold rush.
massive immigration from Europe: and Asia, the building of the railroad
with Chinese labor, and the beginnings of woman suffrage.
Twenoeth-cent ury scenes trace the early years of the aviation and
mo vie industries, Prohibition, and the impact o f the Great Depression on
• 56. Judy Baca, Gtecn WoI. 1976-83, detail: "Depomtion 01 Mexican-Americans."
Copyri&tlt Judy Baa..
177
SpIrit Poles ~nd Flying Pip • • •
• 57. Judy Sac&, Gmn WoII, 1976-83, deuil: ~J~pa nese Amef'iQ n Fighting 112M
RegimenQl Combit Tum.~ Copyright Judy & 0. .
I960s., and Baca hopes eventually 10 include Los Angeles's recent history
and projecr irs image in the next millennium.
Scattered througho ut the Creal Waif are the names of those who
helped plan a nd paint it. Although Baca is ofren given sole artistic credit
for the Van Nuys mural, hundreds aided in determining its nar rative
structure and overall aesthetic. In addition to a handful of arts profes-
sionals and co nsultants, Baca recruited 2 15 teenagers ro work on the
wall du ring the summer months of 19 76, 1978, 19 80 , 198 1 ~ and 1. 98 ).
Treating the Great Wall as an educational project and a vehicle fo r "the
rehab ilitation of self-esteem," she hired kids ranging in age from four-
teen to rwenry-ooe as a rtistic contributo rs and cclla borato rs.P Their
ethnic and racial backgrounds varied; many were gang members o r on
proba tion. The Mur al Makers, as they called themselves, received in-
struction in drawin g and pain ting and were taught math skills oriented
to grid making and design. Job counseling and d rug therapy were also
provided. Mo ndays thro ugh Thursdays the crews worked on (he mural,
co mpleting almost 30 5 meters ( 1,000 feet) du ring the first summer. On
178
I
Fridays Baca arranged for university teachers and community act ivists to
discuss ethnic history, economics, and politics with the kids. Combining
their art training with ideas about cultural self-determination, the Mu ral
Mak ers researched and designed much of the Great Wall.
Baca insisted that they be paid for their wo rk, knowing " it nor only
gives them sorely needed income but also tells them their work is valu-
ab le to the community." 21 Initially a Los Angeles youth cou nseling group
called Project HEAVY (H uman Effons at Vitalizing Youth ) made its
CETA (Comprehensive Employment and Training Act) monies available
to Bace's teams. But in the 1980$, when neoconservati ve politics dom i-
nated and social service dollars were axed nationwide, salaries were paid
with grants from the ational Endowment for the Arts, the California
Council for the Human ities, and the Los Angeles O lympic O rganizing
Committee and donation s from local businesses. However, because of
proh ibitive insurance rates and a lack of dependable fi nancing, work o n
the G reat Wall came to a halt in 1983- about the sa me time that a simi-
lar sort of antipublic, antiethnic backlash occurred in Guadalupe:.
Involvement with the G reat Wall provided youths with summer jobs,
and, equally impo rtant, as Mural Maker Todd Ableser wrote in 1983, it
generated " feelings of identity and pride": "After my first year o n the
mural, I left with a sense of who I was and what I could do rhar was un-
like an ything I'd ever felt before. The feeling came fro m . .. seeing what
I was personally capable of at a time in my life when my self-confi dence
had been extremely low." Baca is proud to tell the success stories of the
Mural Makers she has guided through the Great Wall, which trans-
formed not only the Tujunga Wash Flood Control Channel but also the
lives of hundreds of former juvenile delinq uents. Like lim Rollins's col-
laboration with K.O.S. (Kids of Survival) in the Bronx, Baca's work with
the Great Walrs Mur al Makers helped unleash potentia l and empowe r a
gro up that many had declared irredeemable .P
The G reat Wall cata lyzed a tremendous feeling of group conscious-
ness, of community, amo ng the Mur al Makers, many of whom returned
year after year to wo rk on the project. As sevenreen-yeer-old Nancy June
Avila recalled in 1983, after her first summer on the project, "There's
one way to describe the worksire of people and that is we're o ne Big
Family a nd I hope when the public comes to ad mire o ur mural they'll
share the magic and emotion that ou r crew shared with one another. " U
Baca's basic intention in persuading teenagers such as Ablese:r and
Avila to revisualize California's history was to push them to confront
179
Spirit Poles and Ayina Pip • • •
II.
• • • Railing CommuniryConsciousness
II .
UP------------
• 58. Judy Ibca, Grtot Waf, 1976-83, dewt: "Laundry Unes . Copy right Judy 8lIa.
M
memori es often wor ked their way into the Great Wall. Trying to visual-
ize Ca lifornia's migration patterns in the early 19 405, especia lly t hose of
Dust Bowl refugees and Japanese American deportees, Baca asked her
assistants, '"What did the Okies and the Nisei have in common?" One
respon se, stemming fro m community conversa tions, was an image of
laundry, and, as a result, lon g clotheslines of pants and shins were sym-
bolically used to link several mural segments (Fig. 58). Donat ions of
paint, brushes, tools, scaffolds , po rtab le toi lets, food, and ot her supplies
were a lso so licited fro m t he communi ty, fro m local schoo ls and neigh-
borhood groups. Baca knew thai most of these materials cou ld have
been purchased, but asking the commu niry to co ntribute to the project
gave residen ts a sense of ownership in t he Great Wall as substantia l as
that o f the kids who painted it.
At fi rst some Van Nuys residents feared the presence of " hoodlums"
in th e wash channel and arrributed neighborhood crime to the M ural
Makers; at one point " narcotics agents watched with binoc ulars to catch
the mar ijuana smokers they were! sure were th ere!." J I But because o f
Baca's insistence on co llaboration between community residents and the
••• ~isinl Commu nity Con sciousne ss
kids in the development of the Great WaU, the former have come to em-
brace the mural as an emblem of collective identity. Local high school
teachers use it to supplement (or replace) textbooks, and an informal
survey reveals that those who walk along the mural or drive past it on a
daily basis consider the Great Wa/l "their Story, their history." The mural
has had an impact, then, in raising community consciousness about the
changing histo rical role, from dispossession to empowerment, of Califor-
nia's ethnic minorities. But, more significant, it has tru ly succeeded as
Beca intended, as a "catalyst for the regeneration of the community." )2
Th is is precisely what Baca intended in Guadalupe. In late 1987 the
Comire asked Santa Barbara County's Arts Commission and Parks De-
partment to help finance an original mural painting by Baca at Lek oy
Park, and in January £988 Baca made her first visit to the to wn. Her pre-
senrano n in the gym of the park's community center, a slide-lecture on
public art, was well attended by members of the Comire and county
agencies, the junior high school principal, the postmistress, the head of
the Guada lupe Chamber of Commerce, several city council members,
and representatives from the American Legion, the Senior Citizens Cen-
ter, and the Community Service Center. Convinced of civic inrercsr, the
Arts Commission and Parks Department agreed to help fund a mural
project, and contr act negotiations began over salary, assistance, materi-
als, insurance, maintenance, and copyright. The problem of where to
house the project was resolved when John Perry, a Guadalupe histo ry
buff, loaned the Druid Temple, a deserted building with a cavernous sec-
ond-floo r auditorium next door to his auto parts sto re. Finally, in Au-
gust 1988, Baca accepted a salary of $1.0,056 from the Arts Commission
and signed a contract promising to produce a mural fo r leRoy Park . She
reta ined copyright on the mural, and the co unty Par ks Departm ent
agreed to pay fo r project assistants, materials, and maintenance. They
a lso agreed to help with leRoy Park 's overall refurbishment-the park,
after all, was an official county entity. Baca rook a sabbatical from the
University of Califo rnia, Irvine. where she has taught since 198J , and
moved to Guadalupe, where she lived (on and off} for the next year.
"What I found when I arrived in this town only three hours from Los
Angeles," Baca recalls, " was amazing.. .. Guadalupe's history paral-
leled the history of California that I had depicted in The Great Wall of
Los Angeles." It is not surprising, then, that Baca followed this public
art model in Guadalupe, first o rganizing crews of teenagers to help and
then o rienting the project toward an examination of Guada lupe's racial
18l
Spirit ~ and fIyinJ Pip •••
att itu des and behav iors. " I' m very att ached to yo ung people," she.says,
" because I ident ify with their rebellion, t he st ruggle they're going
thro ugh. I believe that t hey have a future, that t hey 3.~ the ga uge o f
what the socie ty is doing ... they are the ba ro meter of racis m. " )J
More speci fically, Baca wor ks with teenagers beca use she views public
art as an educational ente r prise, a critica l for um for discussion s of race,
erhniciry, gender, and class. She wo rks with kids becau se they are often
the public sphere's largest audience: They ha ng o ut in the park s and
streets where so much pu blic an winds up, and sometimes they get in
tr ouble in those parks and st reets. In Guada lupe, Baca worked with four
high school students: Mila Cast ro, Ga briel Esrubillo, Alejandro Pereira,
and Adria na Q uezad a. All were the child ren o f resident farmworkers,
an d a few had co ntri buted to leRoy Par k's gra ffiti " pro blem." " It is in-
teresting working with kids who get in tr ouble wit h the law, " says Baca ,
"because they'll know wh o the po wers are and maybe how to beat the
bureaucratic system." Rel ying on them as liaisons betw een herself and
• Gu ada lupe's figures of autho rity, Baca offered the kids sala ries and art
tr ain ing. She also offered an educatio n in empo werment.
Th e Santa Barbara County Arts Commission and the Parks Depa rt-
ment were interested in G uada lupe's teens, and ebe entire GUQtUJlupe
Mu ral pro ject, for somewha t different reaso ns, After news pa pers ran up-
beat articles o n t he Great Wall with headlines such as "Teenage Gangs
Put Dow n Knives for Brus hes," arts age ncies aro und the count ry flocked
to Baca and begged her to " bott le" her fonnula for deflat ing juvenile
delinq uency an d cleaning up gra ffiti. Thinking th ai G uada lupe was
under siege by " fierce" gan gs and seeing leRoy Park's gra ffiti as a sign
of "a lienated yo uth trying to take possession of its co mmunity" (which,
in a sense, the y were), county agencies asked Baca to redirect the town 's
teen spirit in a mor e const ructive manner." They saw the GUQdalupe
Mu ral pro ject as an answer to van dalism and Baca as an o rchest rator of
graffiti aba tement.
But Baca's intentions are ultimately much mor e revolutionary than
curtailing property dama ge. She enco urages the kids she works with ,
and everyo ne else, quite literally to take possessio n of their co mmunity.
If arts agencies tr eat her mural p ro jects (a nd those of other artists) as so-
cial Band-Aids, she views them as instrumen ts of socia l reform . "S hould
publ ic an and public good be equated ? My answer has always been
' Why not ?' " says Baca .
Adam antl y oppose d to the a rtisr-kncws-besr syndro me of much pu b-
,..
• • • 1Qi5ina: Community Consci0u5ness
lie art, Baca and her studen t assistants began th e G U4 dalu~ Mural proj-
e<:t with a critical study o f the town's social context . Having spenr
twenty years in the public sphere, she know s the failure of imposed
styles and sensibilities:
The notion that we can impose: ideas of beaury in neighborhoods., for ex-
ample, could be as "colonizing" as any previous conquest of our ances-
tot'S. For inherent in this ideaof Great An from the powers that be is the
belief that the people- the indigenous pcople-do OOt have a culture or
tradirions of their own. It is precisely this idea that made the burning of
the Mrso-Amcrka n codexes possible soc years ago.
liS
Spirit Poles and Ayinz: Pip • • •
•
• 59. Roat entered by Jody &.a
and students in GuadJ,lupe
C hristmas P:lrade , December
1988. Copyricht Judy 8K1.
behind the Ierrilizer truck ("a place of prestige," she says, laughing). As
the C,IQdalufU Mural project grew, Santa Barbara photograph er Rod
Ro lle was hired to reshoo t loaned materials; eventuall y an archive of
3,000 slides was established from the pictures that Guadal upe residents
eagerly shared. In April .1989 hundreds turned OUt for a com munity po r-
trait (Fig. 60) that Rolle shot from a cherry picker in the middle of Main
Srreet (" £S invitado para asisrir LA GRA FOTO GUADALUPE, Sea
parte de la hisecria," announced the posters that the mural crew dist rib-
uted a ll over [Own).
After spending mont hs withou t lifting a paintb rush, Baca called a
town meering and invited everyone to contribute to the mu ral project.
More than tOO people came to the Druid Temple that night, each speak-
ing for fiv e minutes about their memories. experiences, and hopes fo r the
future of Guada lupe. Older residents recalled pageants and para des,
May Da y picnics at leRoy Park and fireworks on July Fourth (a ho liday
,.6
• •• Raising Community Consciousness
• 60. Rod Ro lle , Guodolupe Town Photo. 1989. Photo: Rod Rolle .
' 17
Spirit Poles V\d FIyW'lt Pip • • •
Mexico because t hey co uld not affo rd treatment in the United States.
They sha red th eir wo rries about pestic ides and pollution, and recalled
pre-UFW la bor co nditions when toilets and drin king water were un-
ava ilab le and wo rk with the co rriro (sho rt hoe ) caused serious back in-
juries. They spo ke of the to wn's need for a high schoo l (teens are cur-
rently bused to Santa M aria schools) and expressed their concerns about
ed ucatio nal and recreationa l o ppo rt unities for Guadalupe's kids.
Ca reful to avoi d favoritis m, Baca mad e a point of moving "between
all the factions of the city" and listened to everyo ne's story. She heard
landowners boas t o f growing crops from seed to full flower in seventy
days and of harvesting four to five full crops a year. She heard an t hro-
pologist Victo r Ga rcia call Gua da lupe a "far m labo r ca mp " and ex plain
th e enormous profits growers were ma king, especially with the incorpo-
rat ion o f co ntrac t labor. She heard people who harvest food tell of not
having enough to eat, a Story especia lly ho ned on a day near Ch ristmas
when her st udent crew begged o ff work and she discovered they had all
gone to get hol iday food baskets for their families from the Community
Service Cente r. After listen ing to all these stories, Baca and her crew
bega n to shape the Guadalupe Murafs story.
Centra l to thai Story was G uada lupe's history o f racial diversity- and
animosity. As the mura l pro ject progr essed, Baca discovered the town's
com plex cas te system, driven by the relation ship betwee n grow er and
farmworker and furt her measur ed by t he length of a farmworker's stay
in the United States. As is typical of American immig ration pattern s,
each o f Guadalupe'S et hnic groups encountered an entrenched politica l
structure and bigotry; eventu ally most infiltra ted that st ruct ure an d un-
dercu t racism. Today in Gua da lupe, desp ite the appeara nce of racial ho-
mogeneity in a dominant Mexican po pulatio n. eth nic relationships are
hard ly smoo th. Th e a ut hority of Anglo growers, of course, has the most
ubiqui tous im pact on Ihat relatio nship. but bigotry is prevalent among
farmworkers themselves. Mexican immigra nts and Chicanos slur new
migrants as friio/edos (bean eaters) a nd moiados (wet backs), and mi-
grants retort with labels s uch as agrigando (Mexican gr ingo) and poc ho
(culturally dispossessed ind ividual).
Eschewing the polemics of blame o r a conde mna to ry visual style thai
might rum audiences o ff. {he Guadalupe Mura l. like t he Crea l Wa/l, fo-
cuses on t he resolution of racial conflict as a step toward civic empo wer-
ment . As Baca com ments:
,..
••• ~i5inf: Community Consciousness
'"
Spirit Poles and flying Pigs • • •
190
••• RaisingCommunity Consciousness
"the system," and it doesn't underp lay the very real pro blems o f race,
class, and gender in Guada lupe. It is, rather, purpose ly complicated by
layers of visual references and socia l possibilities.
" If I do my job right," says Beca, " the guy walking dow n the stree t
with little or no ed ucati on can read it. If I do it really well, it will also ap-
peal to the more educa ted person, who will set references to Los Tres
Gra ndee, to fi lm, and to co ntempo rary art. And if 1do it even bette r, the
work will stand without the product- without the physical mura l." The
strength of the C uadalupe Mural, Like that of the Great Wall and other
examples of Baca's publ ic an, lies in its ability to com mun icat e on d iffer-
ent levels to different peo ple withou t losing its "hberaror y vision. "J'
School kids, resident farmwcr kers, migrants, growers, and a rt cr itics
may all respond to the mura l differentl y, seeing it as painting, as local
history, as a visual pun, as art, as a call to action. T he crates in Panel 3.
for instance, show real-life minidramas and also pro vide biting critiques
of the cond itio ns of agriculrural labor ; similarly, their dou ble-enreedre
labels can be read either straight or as farmwor ker (and grower) in-
jokes. Yet the mural's metaphor o f interracial and class struggle, and
comm unity ethos, remains embedded in all these readi ngs. Beyond, o r
perhaps over and above the Guadalupe Murars compelling sto ry and vi-
sua l ap peal, is, as Baca says, " the wo rk" thar went into it -the wo rk of
com muniry building and th e com plicated process of cultura l democ racy
that embod ies her definitio n of public art.
Beyond its large scale, its beautiful jewel-like colors, and irs familiar
scenes, beyond its art style and subject , the Guadalupe Mural has been
em braced in Guadalupe because it is plausibly prescriptive. Through the
medium o f public an, Baca co nvinces aud iences o f the possibilities o f so-
cial change. She says,
I want 10 convey the beauty of the farm workers . . . while at the same
rime revealing the harsh conditions that Ihis surface beaut)' belics-the
low wages, health problems.substandard living conditions. Caughl up in
the immediacyof their material crisis, it is often difficult for these farm
workers to articulate the issues Ihat are of concern to them, 10 makecon-
nccrions that will allow them to orpnize their thoughts. I am hoping that
the murals will help them to do this."
Baca trea ts pub lic art as civic const ructio n: " I believe pu blic art is about
inspiring. If you JUSt go to peo ple and give them somet hing o r make
so mething for them, you have much less of a dialogue o r a part icipator)'
'"
Spirit Po&es and f¥nc Pip • • •
publ ic art project. You need to inspire them, not simply give them an.-
With some degree of bitterness, she also makes the comment that cce-
temporary public art is increasingly used in ethnic and minority comma,
nine s as a "colo nizing device." " Public art agencies talk a lot about
multiculturalism," she remar ks, "but when it comes right down to it,
they're most interested in silencing the people and keeping them quin.·
Clearly, Baca imagines a mo re co mplex pub lic art of community engage--
ment and civic agency. Emplo ying " mechanisms of persona l agency·
that enco urage people to think and act politically, Baca tried to convince
Guadalupeans to think of themselves as active citizens- not just passiw
spectato rs...1
Mayor Rennie Pili concu rs that the Guadalupe Mural project stimu-
lated civic dialogue, noting, "There was a lot of energy here when the
mural was being made." Aristo n Julian adds that it "generated a lac of
internal thinking" and "c reated a new sense of community." As Baca in-
tended, the process of creating the C IUldalupe Mu ral fi red public imagi-
nations. A proposal was made to develo p 8t hecta res (200 acres) on the
town's south side for low- and middle-income housing. Guadalupe's tina
historical society was formed to house the thou sand s of slides that were
raken for the project and the numerous ot her artifacts that were col-
lected. Several of the teens involved with the project went on to college;
one former graffiti writer is no w studying a rchitecture. Baca talked
abo ut sett ing up a permanent public art studio in the Druid Temple for
future projects. Peo ple d iscussed selling "l-shirrs and postcards of the
four panels, cond ucting mural to urs, and starting a silk-screen business
to print scarves wit h the Virgin of Guadalupe o n them- like the ant
worn by the female farmworker in the ir third panel. And recently other
pub lic murals have sprouted in Guada lupe: Teacher Liz Dominguez. in-
stigated a mural painted by her students at the Mary Buren Elementary
Schoo l, and a long row of colorfu l scenes of local history covers a fence
at the edge of town.
Local optimism was infectious, and Guada lupe's former noto riety was
undercut by outsiders who no w found the place appealing. The Nature
Conservancy proposed a youth hostel and ecology center in one of
Guadal upe's vacant buildings, and linking the rown more with its acrivi-
ties at the Nipo mo Dunes. Variou s Los Angeles outfits became interested
in Guadalupe's small-town scenery: GTE filmed a phone ad on Main
Street in September 1993. and Ken Rosene nores that rhe California Film
Counc il has scouted rhe a rea more tha n a few times- and that the 1991.
192
• • • Raisine Commun ity ConKiou5neu
movie: O f Mice and Men was "almost" filmed in Guadal upe instead of
nearby Santa Ynez. From insider co nversatio ns to outsider perceptio ns,
the Guadalupe Mural project certa inly reshaped the mind-set and image
of the community.
If the stories of contempo rary public an in Concord, Cleveland, and
Ona wa (and elsewhere in America ) seem to substa ntiate J urgen Haber-
mas's sense of an a lienated and victimized citizenry conco mitant with the
model of the: passive and detached public sphere, Guada lupe's public an:
story is that of an active citizenry engaged in a longtime, ongoing, a nd
unfinished conversation. Indeed, Mikhail Bakhrin's concept of the "die-
logic imagination" can certainly be applied to an analysis of the: Guada-
lupe Mural project, which clearl y demo nstrated a dialogue between his-
tory. affect, and agency," Baca reco vered and reframed symbols and
stories from Guadalupe's past (fro m Chumash Indians to Ja panese
American depo rtees] to make contempo rary discourse abo ut the: town's
interracial struggle comprehensible and legitimate. Utilizing rbese sym-
bols in a particularl y accessible and appealing (and often humorou s) vi-
sual language, she shaped Guadalupe's public an process around a civic
dialogue: thai encouraged townspeople to remember their past and imag-
ine their futu re. Ultimately the prod uct of innu merab le (and even contra -
dictory ] conversatio ns, the Guadalupe Mural mediated between the
town's past histo ry, its present circumstances, and its futu re possibilities.
" One: of the most dangero us, condescending assumptions" abo ut pub-
lie art, writes Michael Kimmelman, "is ghereoizaucn under the guise of
public ourreach-c-thar an for lower-income communities, immigrant
co mmunities, mUSI ta ke: the form of social activism, that the history of
Western cultu re as presented in museums is irrelevant to such people. "4J
Separa ting "a n " {real an:, the an of museums) from "social activism,"
Kimmelman arg ues thai aesthetics and social change are distinct and
that "art " is primarily property-the painted or sculpted products of
solita ry a rtists.
However, the real issue for the public artist committed to social re-
form is making an art of social act ivism that goes beyond commod ifica-
tion and into the realm of social change- which is exactly what Baca
aimed to do with the C uadJJ lu~ Mural. Moving beyond the "coloniz-
ing" level at which man y arts agencies treat inner-city public an -as an
anngraffi ri. barrio beautification device, a son of pictur e-making social
service that keeps juvenile delinq uents off the streers-c-Baca created a vi-
sually compelling. fi nely crafted, work of " an " that embodies issues of
It,
Spirit Poles and Ayifl& PIp •••
social agency. Certa inly. people in Guada lupe are entitled 10 "art " as
much as those in Manhat tan . Perhaps the more significant issue is why
a rt world critics tend to igno re what Baca and other activist arti sts are
up ro in the public sphere. Th e Social and Public Art Resou rce Center
unveils dozens of murals eac h yea r in Los Angeles. and similar arts
groups do the same across the cou ntry. Th ey arc ra rtly reviewed in the
art press. When they show up in newspa pers, it's usually as the stu ff of
local color; when they ' re ana lyzed with an y dept h it's usually by ur ban
sociologises loo king for wa ys to quantify socia l change. The "ghen oiaa-
tion" of an art world committed mainly to issues of artistic pro perty
(such as style, qu ality. and, ultimatel y, cost) seems to prohi bit the serious
aesthetic anenrion that these public artworks deserve.
After t he process of making the Guadaillpe Mural ended, in 1990. a
number of issues ca me into play. Th e first was the mu ral's location. In
September 1993 over 5.000 people turned OUI in leRoy Par k for Fiestas
Parries, the largest crowd the three-day festival had ever seen. Manuel
Magana and ot her Comite members proudly showed o ff the community
- cente r's new kitchen and rest room facilities. and the: new bleachers and
retracta ble basketball hoops in the gym. But festival goers didn 't see the
Guadalupe Mural in leRoy Park. Despite the fact that Baca's contract
with the Santa Barbara Co unty Arts Commission specifically ca lled for
"a visual rep resentation o f the interracial diversity and histo ry o f the city
o f Guadalupe for the leRoy Par k... the mural was insta lled at City Hall
in 1990.
Baca and arch itect Paul Libowicki had propo sed housing the mura l in
a plaza in front of leRoy Park's co mmunity center, in a semicircu lar
adobe building with severa l windows. Standing in the center of the
gazebolike structure, the viewer co uld compare the scenes illustrated in
the Guadalupe Mura f s fou r panels with those outside the windows. AI·
though thei r proposal was moderat ely priced at arou nd $10.000. the
Santa Barba ra Co unty Parks Department refused to fund it. Th e Parks
Department had generously endorsed the C wu:lDlupe Mural p roject by
paying for materials and stu dent salaries. But, apparently in a show o f
strength over park jurisdictio n as the proj ect was drawi ng to an end. the
departm ent withdrew fundin g to house the mural or to help with the
park's refur bishment. Cur reerly, funds to build Lt Roy Par k's intended
gazebo have yet to be secured; the Comire have concentra ted on raising
money for the rest of the community center's resto ration. "The mural
wasn 't mad e for City Hall," says Guadalupe postmistress j innie Ponce.
It.
1-
•
• • • fbisint Commu nity Consciousness
" It was intended for leRoy Park, and tha t's where: it shou ld go . Baca
II
adds t hat. on aesthetic gro unds alo ne, City Hall is "defi nitely the wrong
place" for the: mural. "There is a shadow th at run s across the panels
there,.. she complains. " U they were: meant fo r that place, I would have:
designed them for that space. But they were meant for Lc:Roy Park."
Mo st Guada lupeans agret. A few, howeve r, look upon th e four panels
o f the Guadalupe Mural as valuab le art o bjects t hat need to be protected
o n the secure walls o f City Hall. Hand in hand with th e issue of where
the mura l should be placed has arisen th e issue of its wo rth, or its place
within a " hierarc hy of preciousness," as Baca describes it. T he mura l it-
self, in other words, may now outweigh the collaborative process of
cultura l democracy that created it, or the community revitalization it
embodies. Some of those who had heralded it as a viral symbol of grass-
roots Guada lupe now express grave concern for its "safety" when talk
of moving it comes up. Ob jections have been raised abo ut puttin g the
mural in leRoy Park because: it might "get damaged " there: by graffiti
writers o r vandals. Conscious or not, such sentiments reveal the depth of
the town 's abiding racial tensions: The few who say they want to S« the
mura l stay at City Hall are older and more estab lished residents; those
who want to see the mural placed in leRoy Par k include Guada lupe's
newer Mexican immigrants and migrant workers.
During the process of making the mural, Guada lupe's histo rical bag-
gage was dragged o ut of the closet and d usted off. Townspeop le ana-
lyzed their social and political histories and conf ronted Guadalupe's
legacy of interra cial struggle. Newly atten tive to issues of race and class,
they openly discussed the dynamics of their past, present, and future: re-
lation ships. The mural project clearly raised civic consciousness about
Guada lupe's deep-seated racial problems-which became the driving
metaphor in each of the mural's four panels. But, when the process of
making public art in Guada lupe came to a n end, civic dialogue about
race was supplanted by ta lk about art and about protecting valuab le
comm unity property. The town's sense of personal and political agency,
in other words, became stalled at a level of commod ification that, writes
critic David Trend, " frustrates co mmunity ethos by enco uraging com-
petitive acquisition" and demonstrations of autho rity.~~
" It's ironic," says Baca, reflecting on the co mmunity's str uggle to de-
fine the mural experience and lind an appropriate place for the mural it-
self: " My d ream was to have them in the park, where the people are. But
they've got them in a place of protection-not the park. but City Hall. I
It,
mad e a mistak e in making them mobile. Now they a re open to appropri-
at ion by Cit y Hall an d the like because they can be moved around. "
Baca had hoped the process of ma king the G uadalllpe Mura l would in-
spire Guadal upea ns to wo rk tow ard social cha nge! (" If I do my job ...
even better, t he work will stand withou t t he product-withou t the phys·
ical mu ral" ], But to chastise the people of Guadalupe for their desire to
protect the physica l object, th e mural, that bro ught them toge ther and
inspired levels o f persona l and civic revisio n is perhaps un fair. Th e rea-
son that the G'loda/upe Mural currently bedecks the walls of City Hall,
of COUrK. is that the Santa Barbara Cou n ty Parks Depa rtm ent withdrew
funding to co nstruct rhe Lt Roy Park gazebo intended to house it- not
any malevolent Guada lupe City Hall au thoritarianism. M ayor Pili, as
do most city officials, av idly supports putting the G IUl dalu~ M ural in
le Roy Par k, "where it belongs," o nce the gazebo has been built. And,
by tr ying to protec t the mural , the citizens of Guada lupe show they are
att empting to preserve and sustai n t he memories of t he co llaborative
process of community revita lization and social agency that it em bodies.
• Indeed, beyon d the issues of placement and prope rty value that Stem
lately to have dom inated Guada lupe's think ing about the mural, t he fact
is that the process of maki ng it provided C uadalu peans with a glimpse
o f their social possibilities. In T he New Populism , co mmunity activist
Harry C. Boyte asse rts tha t a progressive an d democratic publ ic cult ure
ca n reawa ken "generous a nd hopeful insti ncts among the people.....oS Th e
Story of the G uad4 lupe Mural project. with its emphasis on co llabo ra-
tive activity, its reclam at ion of histori cal memo ry, an d its inspiration to-
ward civic d ialogue an d trejconsrrucrion, certainly substa ntiates th is.
Jud y Baca helped raise co nsciousness an d helped re-create <I sense of
co mm unity thr oug h the public art process of making the mura l. Al-
though it is ultimately up to the citizens of Guada lupe to s ustain that
newly raised consciousness an d actua lly create t he democratic and egali-
raria n society pictured in that public art, the Guadalupe Mural may well
be the ca talyst to tha t t rans forma tion.
'"