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Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 28, No. 4, pp. 978997, 2001 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0160-7383/01/$20.00

PII: S0160-7383(01)00003-2

FEMALE TOURISTS AND BEACH BOYS

Romance or Sex Tourism?
Edward Herold University of Guelph, Canada Rafael Garcia Tony DeMoya Autonomous University of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic
Abstract: Previous studies of female tourists and beach boys in the Caribbean have dened these relationships as involving either sex or romance tourism. The objective of this study was to determine which of these denitions was more applicable to relationships in the Dominican Republic. Male and female tourists as well as beach boys and female sex workers were interviewed. Romance and sex tourism were conceptualized as the two ends of a continuum of motivations rather than as distinct categories. Although there was some gender overlap in the continuum of romance/sex motivations, more of the female tourists were located toward the romance end and more of the male tourists toward the sex end of the continuum. Keywords: female tourists, beach boys, sex tourism, romance tourism. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Resume: Les etudes precedents concernant les garcons de plage et les femmes touristes dans les Antilles ont deni que ces relations ont comprise sois le tourisme de sexe ou le tourisme didylle. Lobjectif de cette etude etait pour determiner lequel de ces denitions etait la plus applicable aux relations dans la Republique Dominicaine. Les touristes homes et femmes de meme que les garcons de plage et les travailleurs de sexe femelles ont ete entrevues. Le tourisme didylle et le tourisme de sexe ont ete conceptualises comme les deux ns dun continuum de motivations plutot que comme des categories distinctes. Bien quil y avait quelque recouvrement de genre dans le continuum de motivations didylle/sexe, generalement, plus de femmes touristes ont ete place vers la n du continuum didylle et plus de touristes males ont ete place vers la n du continuum de sexe. Mots-cles: femmes touristes, garcons de plage, tourisme de sexe, tourisme didylle. 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION The image of tourism and sex has usually been associated with male tourists who travel to developing countries with the purpose of having sex with prostitutes (Truong 1990). Most researchers of sex tourism focus on the interpersonal dynamics of the relationships between tourists and prostitutes, especially with regard to issues of power. The theor-

Edward Herold is Professor of Family Relations and Applied Nutrition (University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario, Canada N1G 2W1. Email <eherold@uoguelph.ca>). He has studied a diversity of topics in human sexuality. His current focus is on how social context can inuence sexual behaviors. Rafael Garcia is Professor in Medicine at the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo. Tony DeMoya is Researcher at the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo. 978

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etical conceptualizations have generally been guided by one of two competing perspectives of sexuality with one group of researchers typically viewing prostitutes as sexual victims and another as empowered sexual actors. McCormick (1994), in her analysis of feminist theories of sexuality, labels those who focus on victimization as radical feminists and those focusing on sexual empowerment and pleasure as liberal. Much of the tourism literature is analyzed through the lenses of radical feminists who have vilied male clients of prostitutes as exploiters and deviants (OConnell Davidson 1998). In her analysis of the political and economic aspects of sex tourism at the societal level, she has adapted a Marxist perspective regarding the objectication and commodication of womens bodies. For example, in labeling sex tourism, she uses the construct of Parasites Paradise to describe the power imbalance between sex tourists and prostitutes. In analyzing the motivations of sex tourists, she relies heavily on Robert Stellers identication of hostility as the main contributor to sexual arousal for men. Ryan (1999) in his analysis of sex tourism expresses views supporting the liberal feminist perspective of sexuality. He argues that while exploitation can happen in sex tourism, there are many other aspects such as the search for identity which are not adequately dealt with by radical feminists. Most importantly, he states in his model of sex tourism that relationships vary on the bases of two key dimensions: voluntary/exploited and commercial/noncommercial. Ryan (2000) is particularly critical of the radical feminist explanation of male hostility as the major motivator among male tourists. Instead, he believes that in their interactions with prostitutes, male tourists are motivated by a wide diversity of objectives. Additionally, he argues that rather than feeling exploited, there are many sex workers who have a sense of power over males. Both Ryan (1999) and Oppermann (1998) are critical of tourism researchers for being too narrow in their denition of sex tourism and, in particular, for ignoring female tourists. Within recent years increasing recognition has been given to the reality that there is a sex tourism market for female tourists. Specically, researchers have focused on the relationships between North American/European female tourists who go to underdeveloped countries in the southern hemisphere for a holiday and have sexual relations with local males commonly referred to as beach boys. Studies of relationships between female tourists and local males have been conducted in Jamaica (de Albuquerque 1998; Pruitt and LaFont 1995), in Barbados (de Albuquerque 1998; Karch and Dann 1981), in Ecuador (Meisch 1995), in the Gambia (Brown 1992), and in Greece (Zinovieff 1991). In their study of female tourists in Jamaica, Pruitt and LaFont (1995) coined the term romance tourism which they used instead of sex tourism. They chose this concept because based on their observations, it appeared that both the female tourists and the local males saw their relationship as being focused more on romance and courtship than on sex for money. The actors were seen as being emotionally involved with each other and desirous of a long-term relationship. The women

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generally felt that they were truly desired and loved by men who were fervent in their declarations of love. On the other hand, de Albuquerque (1998) strongly disagrees with the concept of romance tourism and based on his research in the Caribbean concludes that the majority of female tourists want casual sex rather than romance. While acknowledging that some tourists do fall in love with local men, he believes that these cases comprise only a small proportion of the total number of relationships. De Albuquerque argues that although some of the tourists and beach boys may dene their relationship as one of romance, in reality, the relationship is one of prostitution. Although, he conducted most of his research in Jamaica and Barbados, he also made observations in other countries of the Caribbean. Thus, he believes his conclusions are applicable to all of the Caribbean islands. OConnell Davidson (1998) has similar views to those of de Albuquerque regarding female tourists and she believes that these women are deluding themselves by imagining their relationships to be romantic rather than sexual. She argues that they are as exploitive as male sex tourists in that they use their greater economic power to gain access to and exploit their third world partners. In evaluating these previous studies, it is important to note that researchers have primarily relied on interviews with the local males but have not usually interviewed the female tourists. According to de Albuquerque (1998), female tourists are not likely to be cooperative about being interviewed. However, he does not consider the possibility that they might be more disinclined to talk to a male researcher than to a female. Pruitt and LaFont (1995), who are females, stated that they relied on key informants who seemed to include both men and women. The main objective of this study was to analyze the types of interactions occurring in the Dominican Republic between beach boys (referred to locally as sanky panky) and female tourists from the perspectives of both the beach boys and the female tourists. It was anticipated that elements of both romance and sex would be found in tourism relationships in the Dominican Republic, and the relationships between female tourists and the beach boys could be arranged on a continuum ranging from a focus on sex at one end to a focus on romance at the other. The study was also cognizant of the possibility that as Cohen (1982) found in his study of female prostitutes and farang foreign male clients in Thailand, some of the relationships between the female tourists and the beach boys in the Dominican Republic might be ambiguous in nature and/or could uctuate from one type of relationship to another. Given de Albuquerques conclusion that there are basically no differences in the type of relationship that female tourists had as compared with those of male tourists, the secondary objective was to determine whether there were gender differences in how tourists interacted with the local population. TOURIST RELATIONSHIPS The samples for this study were obtained at Puerto Plata, a beach resort on the north coast of the Dominican Republic. Data from the

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beach boys were collected through interviews with 25 males and a focus group involving 11 men. The interviews and the focus group were conducted by one of the Spanish speaking male researchers from the Dominican Republic. The survey included 21 female sex workers interviewed by a Spanish speaking Dominican female and 14 female and 16 male tourists from Canada interviewed at hotels and bars by a Canadian female research assistant. The interviews and focus groups were tape recorded and transcribed. The data from the Dominicans were rst transcribed into Spanish and then translated into English. To obtain more complete insight into sex tourism, it was essential to interview both female and male tourists as well as female and male sex workers. Unlike de Albuquerque (1998), who suggested that female tourists would be unwilling to cooperate in this kind of study, this study did not have difculty interviewing them and only two refused to be interviewed. However, an important factor in obtaining the cooperation of the women was that the interviewer was female. In fact, 12 of the 14 females interviewed said they preferred having a female rather than a male interviewer and only two said that gender of the interviewer did not matter. When the male tourists were asked their opinions about the gender of the interviewer, 10 of the 16 said that gender did not matter to them, ve said the interviewer should be a woman, and only one said it should be a man. It should be noted, however, that as the men were being interviewed by a woman at the time, their responses may have been biased. Given that the main research interest of this study was focused on the beach boys, their interviews were more detailed than those with the other groups. For the purposes of comparison, the focus was on some of the same kinds of relationship topics as treated by previous researchers. However, the research was expanded to obtain specic data on the sexual interaction of the participants including safer sex practices. Research questions were organized under the categories of characteristics of the beach boys and female sex workers, motivations for involvement, selecting the target, seduction, sex, obtaining payment, and longer term relationships. Grounded theory methods (Strauss 1987) were used to analyze data from the focus groups and the interviews. Following the suggestions of Strauss, the emerging ideas were organized into themes. These themes were rst organized by the researcher who was not from the Dominican Republic and then veried with the two Dominican researchers. In this particular study, the researchers were involved with the participants for a relatively short time period. However, it should be noted that the Dominican researchers who conducted the interviews with the beach boys have had extensive previous research involvement spanning several years with both male and female sex workers in the Dominican Republic. Because of their having previously established rapport with sex workers, the Dominican researchers found it quite easy to recruit participants for this research. The previous research experience of the authors also provided a comparative basis for determining the truthfulness of the respondents. Given that the study is relatively small scale in nature, the objective

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was not to conclusively bring forth large-scale generalizations. Instead the intent was to use the resulting descriptive data as a means to identify issues, concerns, and potential trends. The authors were especially interested in exploring the diverse motives given by both the tourists and the sex workers for their interaction with each other. The underlying concern related to the sexual health issues, given the possibility of STD/HIV transmission between the sex workers and the tourists. Characteristics of Beach Boys and Female Sex Workers The beach boys are usually young and physically in good shape. In this study, they ranged in age from 17 to 25. The sample indicated that there are very few beach boys older than 25. The more successful beach boys have the ability to learn other languages easily and carry out a reasonable conversation in four or ve different languages. This is very important in terms of making contact with tourists from different countries. Many of the beach boys have jobs which bring them into contact with tourists, such as tour guide, renting of beach or sports equipment, restaurant waiter or bartender, and selling lottery tickets or timeshares for condominiums. These jobs provide a legitimate excuse for approaching female tourists and make it easy to initiate social contact with them. All of the beach boys in the Dominican Republic are Black. They believe that this is an added attraction for the tourists in that having a different color of skin adds to the exotic nature of the experience. One commented, most of the women have never been with a Black man before. That seems to make it more exciting for them. Another added, Quebec women think we are better at sex. In the 70s and 80s beach boys were having sex mainly with men for money. However, the beach boys indicated that fewer of them were having sex with men for money because there had been such an increase in the number of women in the 90s who were willing to give money. There was considerably more stigma involved for beach boys who provided sex for money to male tourists. Further, they received less money from male tourists than from female tourists. The female sex workers were about the same age as the beach boys. Unlike the beach boys, a few of the females had worked as sex workers in other countries. Whereas most of the beach boys had other jobs, the female sex workers did not have other kinds of employment and thus they were totally dependent upon this work as their only source of income. The female sex workers were not as versatile in their language skills as were the beach boys. About one-half said they could understand some English and a few said they could understand a little French. For the most part, they relied on nonverbal communication when interacting with male tourists. Because of the prevalence of the sexual double standard in the Dominican Republic, the female sex workers were stigmatized far more than were the beach boys by the local population. Thus, whereas most of the beach boys came from the local area, almost all of the female sex workers came from other parts of the Dominican Republic. The beach boys were not embarrassed

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about letting their families know about their work, whereas most of the female sex workers tried to keep this information secret from their families back home. Because of stigmatization, the female sex workers preferred not to be seen in public with their clients. On the other hand, the beach boys felt comfortable being seen with female tourists in almost any setting. Almost all of the female sex workers also had clients from the local population whom they charged considerably less than they did the male tourists. The beach boys only received money from female tourists. Most were also involved in sexual relationships with local women and some had common-law relationships. Far fewer of the female sex workers had regular boyfriends who did not pay for sex. Motivations for Involvement For some beach boys, particularly the younger ones, the sexual conquest of tourists is a major objective. Nevertheless, both in this research as well as in previous studies, one of the main motivations given by the professional beach boys for their involvement with female tourists is economic. This could involve such short term material goals as obtaining free meals and entertainment, being able to drive a current model rental car and purchasing new clothes or jewelry. On an intermediate level, it could involve obtaining money for transportation such as a motorcycle or to start a small business. On a longer term level, it could include trips to North America or Europe or being sponsored through marriage to live and work in either of those geographic areas. The main reasons reported in previous research for the involvement of female tourists with the local men have been either the search for a romantic love relationship (Pruitt and LaFont 1995) or sexual excitement and novelty (de Albuquerque 1998). The latter study categorized female sex tourists into four different types: the rst timers or neophytes, the situational sex tourists who will have sex with beach boys but do not travel specically with that intention, the veterans whose objective is to engage in anonymous sex, and the returnee who has established an ongoing relationship. Unlike de Albuquerque, the present study of both beach boys and female tourists found that many of the women preferred a romantic relationship which may include sex, with only a minority indicating that sex was their main objective in establishing a relationship. It should be noted that in this study, both the tourists and the beach boys themselves reported that most female tourists do not become intimate with a beach boy. This study suggests the need to take into account prior expectations when developing tourist categories. Most rst-time female tourists do not anticipate ahead of time that they might become involved with a local male. Of those who do become involved, most view their relationship as romantic rather than sexual. This group was labeled rst time romantic tourists. The minority of them who anticipated involvement and who focused on the sexual aspects were labeled rst time sex tourists. Generally, these women have heard about the experiences of other female tourists who have been to the Dominican Republic, in

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particular about the sexual prowess of the local men. Of those who have been to the Dominican Republic before and who had a romantic relationship with a local man, many return because they wish to maintain this love relationship. This group was labeled romantic returnees. However, a minority do return with the objective of maximizing their sexual pleasure. Most of these women wish to have sex with one partner with whom they wish to spend most of their time; a group labeled committed sex tourists. Some prefer to have casual sex with a number of partners, and were labeled adventurer sex tourists. One beach boy talked about a tourist from Germany who had bragged to him about having had sex with 18 men over a 14 day period. Another gave the example of meeting two women from Toronto. Later in the evening when he and a friend suggested going to different rooms to make love, the women insisted that they stay in the same room and that they exchange partners. Clearly, some women come fully prepared for sexual adventure and exotic sexual experiences. Ethnicity played a major role in whether or not the tourists had anticipated becoming sexually involved with a local person. More of the French male and female tourists from Quebec than of the English tourists from Ontario reported they had anticipated this ahead of time. The ethnic differences in anticipation were greater for the female than for the male tourists. One female tourist stated, I found the idea of having sex with a local person to be appealing because I wanted something different while on vacation. The women who were sexually motivated were more likely than the men to comment on the sexual skills of the Dominican men. One stated, I had heard from a friend that the local people were fantastic lovers. Contrary to the female tourists in the Dominican Republic, most of the male tourists who became sexually involved with local women had casual sexual relationships, typically lasting for one hour or an evening at most. Unlike the female tourists, most of the men did not engage in other kinds of tourism activities such as sightseeing with their sexual partners. Although a few men developed a long term love relationship, most were not interested in this. The motivations of the female sex workers were exclusively to make money. Unlike the beach boys, they did not derive status from having relationships with tourists. Most did not anticipate that they would be able to marry a tourist and immigrate to a higher standard of living. As well, the fact that few could speak English made it very difcult to develop any kind of longer term relationship. Selecting the Target Which female tourists are pursued depends on the motivations of the beach boy. If he is only desirous of sexual conquest, his preference will be for a young attractive, preferably blond woman. Generally, these women are unlikely to provide money. Among the beach boys who are mainly concerned about making money, their main target groups are women who are either older (past the age of forty), or younger women who are overweight. In selecting these women, the beach boys are con-

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scious of playing on female vulnerability. Many of these women are vulnerable because they may not be used to having males pay romantic attention to them and this can be a new experience or an experience that they have not had in a long time. According to the beach boys, these vulnerable women fall in love more readily and usually are more open about their nancial situation. Thus, they are likely to provide more money than do other women. Another reason given by the men for choosing overweight women is their belief that they have had few sexual partners because North American males prefer thin women. Thus, the beach boys have less fear of contracting a sexually transmitted disease from women who are overweight. The men also reported that overweight women or those who are older are less embarrassed about being seen with beach boys by other tourists. In contrast, more of the younger, attractive women seem to be self-conscious about being seen with the beach boys. As found in previous research in the Caribbean (de Albuquerque 1998) beach boys in the Dominican Republic reported signicant nationality differences with the French Canadian women being the easiest to meet and also the most liberated in terms of sexual values and sexual practices. The English Canadians were reported to be the next easiest to meet, followed by the Italians. American women were generally more difcult to meet and seen as more prejudiced against having sex with Black males. In deciding whom to approach, there are certain cues or signals which the beach boys look for. For example, they are more likely to approach a woman who is out in the sun rather than one who is in the shade reading a book. They believe that the woman who is in the sun is more adventurous and more liberal in her sexual values, whereas those in the shade reading are signalling that they do not want to be bothered. Another cue used in selecting women is based on how much of a suntan they have. If a woman is pale and does not yet have a suntan she is more likely to be approached because she has probably just arrived in the country, whereas one with a tan has likely been on the island for a while and is likely to leave soon. The female sex workers, in approaching potential clients, do not make the same kinds of differentiations as do the beach boys. They are not as concerned about selective criteria because they usually have a xed price and if a particular male is not willing to pay that price, they quickly move to the next potential male client. Because they are upfront about their fee, they are not worried about wasting a lot of time on someone who is not willing to pay for their services. The Seduction Process Although in some cases, the tourist makes the rst approach, it is usually the beach boys who initiate the relationship. When approaching the tourist, the men smile a lot and try to maintain eye contact. The beach boys usually meet women in public settings such as the beach or a disco. Some also approach tourists on the streets where they will offer their services as tourist guides and provide information on where to go shopping and which attractions are worth visiting. If

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they meet the woman during the day while she is at the beach, they will usually suggest that she should go to a certain disco that evening where the beach boy will be present. Typically, they approach women in a manner which is friendly and non-threatening. This will vary according to different beach boys, but the ones who are more successful are those who use a subtle rather than an aggressive approach. This means, for example, not bringing up any indication of desire for sex when rst meeting. In approaching them, there is no suggestion made regarding a fee for their services. Rather the beach boys present themselves as well mannered, friendly, attractive men who know their way around and can provide the woman with a good time. The tourist is thus given the impression that the beach boy is a trustworthy person who cares about her well-being. Flattery is one of the main seduction strategies. When he feels it is appropriate, the beach boy will use various forms of attery to heighten interest. For example, he may make attering comments about the womans appearance or dress and incorporate these comments into a romantic kind of approach. One beach boy said I always give a ower to the woman when I rst begin to talk to her. Even before they begin to approach the woman, beach boys have a number of strategies to get noticed by the female tourists. A typical strategy is to show off their prowess in some activity such as beach volleyball or water skiing. Another tactic used to increase their appeal is for the beach boy to be rst seen with a younger, attractive woman. Later, he will approach the older woman and say that he really prefers her instead of the younger woman because he nds mature women to be more appealing. When the tourist arrives at the disco, she will observe the beach boy displaying his dancing skills. This makes it easy for the beach boy to ask the woman to dance because he can offer to be her dancing instructor. It also provides him with the opportunity of attering the woman when teaching her the dance routines. Most importantly, there is the opportunity for increased physical contact with the woman while on the dance oor. Popular dance music in the Dominican Republic such as the Meringue promotes close dancing and provides an ideal situation for the beach boy to begin the transition from being a friend to becoming a potential lover. The Meringue makes it very easy for the beach boy to initiate body touching. The lively music and dancing combined with drinks which have a high alcoholic content help to lower the tourists inhibitions. Some of the beach boys specically noted that encouraging the tourist to try the local drinks was an important step in the seduction process. Another aspect is the development of the tourists dependence on the beach boy to show her a good time as illustrated by his skilfulness in teaching her the complicated steps of the Meringue. A reverse seduction strategy used by the more experienced beach boys involves playing hard to get, especially if they perceive that the woman has an initial interest in them. In particular, French Canadian women from Quebec are more likely to take the initiative and indicate an interest in the beach boy. In such a situation, a beach boy may play hard to get believing that the nancial reward

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will even be greater rather than if he were to immediately reciprocate an interest in her. In the overall seduction scheme, the men aim to provide a total relationship involving a diversity of experiences such as sightseeing, going dancing, going to restaurants, etc. If a relationship develops, most of the beach boys prefer to be with the same woman during the entire time she is on her vacation. The professional beach boys do not consider it proper to exploit women through engaging in one night stands. Of course, another factor is that he is more likely to receive a monetary or gift reward if he remains with one woman. In selecting things to do, the beach boy usually takes the woman to places where he is well known. The woman quickly notices that he is very popular and this adds to his appeal. The beach boys continually attempt to rene their seduction skills. They often compare their different techniques of seduction with other beach boys and provide each other with specic examples of how to go about this process. The younger beach boys look up to the older ones for words of wisdom about seduction. This peer group interaction is similar to that of Greek males in Platanos who are referred to as kamakia (Zinovieff 1991). A major difference between the beach boys and the kamakia, however, is that the former do not denigrate female tourists in the same way as do the kamakia. One of the reasons for this may be the fact that the beach boys spend more time with their partners than do the kamakia and thus are more likely to form an emotional attachment. This is inuenced by the fact that tourists do not spend as much time in Platanos as tourists spend in the Dominican Republic. Further, the beach boys do not engage in the same level of deceitfulness as do the kamakia. For example, the kamakia will often lie to the tourist about their occupational status. Among the kamakia, male bonding is at the core of their relationships with tourists. In contrast, the depth of the relationships among the beach boys is not as intense. Female sex workers also make their initial contacts with male tourists in a diversity of locations including restaurants, bars, and brothels. However, rst contact is usually made at a disco. On the streets, initial contact is frequently made by pimps who approach the tourist and ask directly if he is interested in meeting a woman. If the tourist shows some interest, the pimp will invite the man to go with him to a specic brothel. Approaches are not made at the hotel resorts because usually female sex workers and pimps are not allowed there. Male tourists are usually not approached at the beach. Unlike the subtle approach used by the beach boys, female sex workers are more clearly focused on sexual imagery. Almost all of the women wear sexy clothes to attract the mans attention. At the disco, they may at rst smile and stare at the man. Next, they might make a irtatious approach and ask the man if he would like some company. Sex workers who make their approaches on the streets tend to be more blatant, as by suggesting specic sexual behaviors. Although the women who make their approach at the disco may not be as blatant, if the man seems interested in them, they will, within a short while, suggest sex for a specic fee. Focusing on sex for money soon after making contact with the

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male tourist is dramatically different from the approach used by the beach boys. Because of the limited language skills of most of the female sex workers, it is very difcult for them to establish any kind of relationship with the male tourist other than a sexual one. Another factor differentiating the female sex workers from the beach boys is that some of the women will also have local men as clients. Almost all of the unattached tourists in the Dominican Republic reported that they had been approached by local persons. The female tourists indicated that most of the local men who had approached them seemed friendly and helpful. While some felt that the men were somewhat pushy about wanting to get to know them, others appreciated the attention. The women reported that the two main seduction strategies used by the men were attery and inviting them to dance the Meringue. Unlike the male tourists who reported that most of the local women only spoke Spanish, the female tourists reported that most of the local men who approached them could carry out a reasonably good conversation in the tourists own language. Generally, the male tourists felt that the local women were friendly. A typical comment was the women here are really nice. However, most of those who experienced being approached in a very explicit manner reported that they found this type of approach to be disgusting rather than appealing. Sexual Relationships The beach boys believe that most female tourists who are not with a man while on vacation would be interested in having sexual relations with local men. They also believe that most foreign women perceive the local men as sexually skilful and uninhibited. Yet they are realistic in being aware that many of these tourists do not actually engage in sex with local men. When the beach boys were asked about the last 10 female tourists they had approached, they reported that on average, ve did spend some time with them and that two or three resulted in sexual intercourse. The beach boys reported having had sexual intercourse with about 10 female tourists per year which meant that the typical beach boy had engaged in sex with about 20 tourists. A few had sexual relationships with more than a hundred tourists. About onehalf said they had experienced sex with at least one tourist who was married at the time. When asked how soon they had sexual intercourse after meeting their last sexual partner, about one-third said it happened the same day, one-third said it happened within two or three days, and the nal third said it happened four or more days later. De Albuquerque (1998) concluded that female tourists were sexually attracted to beach boys mainly because of the racial stereotype regarding penis size. However, the beach boys in this study believed that their main attraction was their sexual expertise and that penis size was of major interest to only a minority of the tourists. The beach boys in the Dominican Republic pride themselves on their sexual prowess and attempt to provide the woman with the best sex she has ever had. They want the sexual encounters to be a truly memorable experience

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for the tourists. Consequently, the beach boys focus more on sexually pleasing the tourist than on pleasing themselves. For example, they may perform all night with the goal of giving the woman several orgasms. The men are very open to providing whatever kind of sexual experience the woman wants. The beach boys especially emphasized their prowess with regard to providing oral-genital sex and their ability to engage in sexual intercourse repeatedly the same evening. This is contrary to de Albuquerque (1998) who reported that beach boys in the Caribbean are aversive to performing oral sex and are mainly concerned with their own sexual pleasure. The beach boys in this study commented that often the women told them that they have never had such enjoyable sex in their lives and that their boyfriends and/or husbands were unwilling to provide them with that kind of sexual experience. The beach boys view providing pleasurable sexual experiences as another means of encouraging the women to fall in love with them. It should be noted that when they are involved with the female tourists, the beach boys are unlikely to be also sexually involved with local women, as they wish to save their sexual energies for the tourists. The beach boys spend a considerable amount of time among themselves discussing the sexual attributes of the tourists as well as bragging about their own sexual skills. For example, they reported that they enjoy sex more with women who are obese because they believe that these women have not had much sexual experience and thus have tighter vaginas to provide more pleasure to the male. When the men have sexual encounters with women whom they nd sexually unattractive, they use different strategies for trying to block out the womens perceived unattractiveness. One strategy involves not looking at the womans face while they are having sexual relations but rather focusing on other parts of her body or perhaps not looking at her at all and fantasizing about someone else. Another strategy is to drink a fair amount of alcohol ahead of time. The men commented that tourists who are adventurers are very different in their sexual practices and expectations from other women including Dominicans. These women are very uninhibited. They are more likely to take the initiative with regard to sexual advances and they suggest a diversity of sexual activities. They typically urge the male to be more sexually assertive with them and are more responsive during sex. One beach boy gave this example of a situation where he was in a hotel room with a woman, She was screaming so loudly at orgasm that the hotel watchman knocked on the door believing that I was hurting her. The beach boys have mixed feelings about condoms. Most say they do not like using condoms because it reduces their sexual pleasure. With women who are overweight, they will rationalize non-use of condoms believing that these women are unlikely to have an STD because they have not had much sexual experience. There is also the belief among the men that if a woman is overweight this indicates she is in a healthy condition and not infected with an STD. Indeed, because they feel so condent that they can judge whether a woman has an AIDS or STD infection by her appearance alone, many believe it is not

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necessary for them to use a condom. Most of the female tourists will insist that the man wear a condom. Typically, a condom is used when the couple rst has intercourse but is discontinued after they have had intercourse a few times. Only about a third of the beach boys reported that they used a condom every time they had sexual intercourse with a tourist. Some of the men commented on the frequent breakage of condoms and this might be attributed to their lack of knowledge of how to properly use condoms. While they mostly focused on developing a relationship with the women who will provide money, sometimes they may desire to have sex with younger attractive tourists especially if they are blond. Having this type of relationship enhances their reputation among their peers as good lovers who can attract such desirable women. Similar to the beach boys, the female sex workers believe that most male tourists who are not with a female companion desire sex with local women, and the female sex workers in the sample thought that about one-half would have sex, with most having sex with more than one local woman. The woman reported that most of the time they made the initial approach to the male tourist and that about one-half of the men accepted their approaches. Almost all of the sexual relations with male tourists involved vaginal intercourse. Almost all of the female sex workers, in contrast to the beach boys, reported that they used condoms every time they had sexual intercourse with a male tourist. However, because of the extensive condom promotion campaigns to which they had been exposed, it could be that at least some of the women may have felt pressure to give a socially desirable response regarding their condom use. Unlike the beach boys, none of the local women reported that they did not want to use condoms. However, they also reported that most of their Dominican clients were unwilling to wear condoms and thus with most of the local male clients, especially those who were regular customers, condoms were seldom, if ever, used. Seven of the 14 female tourists interviewed reported they had become sexually involved with local men. Four said that they had fallen in love with a local man and that the man had fallen in love with them. The women who became sexually involved reported that they spent most of their time with their lover engaging in different social activities. However, only four of the 16 men interviewed admitted having sex with a female sex worker. The tourists were not asked details regarding their sexual experiences with the local population. However, they were asked about condoms. Most of the tourists said they had brought condoms with them to the Dominican Republic. The female tourists who had sex with local men reported that they used condoms every time they had sexual intercourse. However, this is contrary to what was reported by the beach boys, thus suggesting this topic may be confounded by socially desirable responses. Obtaining Payment With regard to seeking payment, the beach boys reported that they never directly ask for a specic sum of money as do female prostitutes.

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They would never ask for money when rst meeting the tourist. Rather they use different strategies to indicate their lack of money to pay for drinks, admission to discos, or taxi transportation. Some may even offer to pay for drinks but do so in such a manner that the women feels obligated to pay. For example, the man may reach for his wallet and then suddenly indicate that he does not have much money. In these kinds of situations, the woman will often give the man money under the table, so that it appears as if he in fact were paying for the expenses. An important aspect of the womans paying for the expenses is that a power role reversal occurs in that she does not feel obligated to him but rather is more likely to feel that she is in control of the situation. Consequently, the woman feels less pressure to become sexually involved. The males play up their nancial situation in different ways, such as indicating that they are poor or they may suggest that they have family responsibilities for a sick relative or that they hope to continue their education or that they would like to start a small business but need money to do these things. Another strategy is to look sad and not to talk. This throws the woman off guard because until that point the beach boy has been very friendly, smiling all the time, and very talkative. The woman now quickly picks up the message that something is very wrong as he reluctantly admits to having money problems. Again, he does not come out directly and say, Can you give me money for this or that? Rather he waits for her to suggest that she could provide some assistance. Such stories are told later in the relationship when the woman is more emotionally involved with the man and thus more sympathetic to his suggested need for money. A similar strategy was used by female sex workers in Thailand in situations where the client became emotionally attached (Cohen 1982). Rather than directly asking for more money in exchange for sexual services, the sex worker might make up a ctitious story about a nancial problem facing her or her family. The beach boys believe that the older the woman and/or the more unattractive she is, the more money she will give. Similarly, in Greece among the kamakia, Zinovieff (1991) noted that local men who were gigolos were paid for their service by older women. When a beach boy is seen with a woman who is much older, his peers assume that he will be receiving a considerable sum of money. It should be noted that not all female tourists provide money at the end of their visit. In some cases, the men only receive free meals and drinks. Generally, the men reported receiving from between $100 to $500 from each woman, although some received more. Some of the women also buy gifts such as a motorcycle or expensive clothes. Some of the beach boys are very successful nancially and earn incomes substantially greater than that of the typical male in the Dominican Republic. For example, some reported making about $1,000 a month or more. In comparison, the average wage for a worker in the Dominican Republic is $60 a month. The professional beach boys would seldom, if ever, rob their female companions. They indicated that those males who do engage in rob-

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bery are not likely to be professional beach boys. In fact, they believe that it is against their own interests to engage in robbery. Furthermore, they will warn the female tourists about the need to protect themselves against the possibility of robbery such as if they leave their purse on a chair in the disco or if they walk alone down dark streets at night. The beach boys are also concerned that if the woman is robbed while she is with him, the police might think that he was involved in the robbery. The indirect approach used by the beach boys to obtain any kind of material payment differs from the direct approach used by the female sex workers who inform the male tourist before they have sex how much it will cost. The female sex workers usually earn more money from tourists than do the beach boys. However, there are a few beach boys who become involved with very wealthy women and subsequently earn far more than do most female sex workers. The female tourists in this study who were sexually involved with beach boys reported that they had not been asked for money. However, they were not at the end of their vacation, so it may be that their response might have been different when departing the island. Nevertheless, all of the women who were involved in relationships admitted they paid for expenses such as meals and drinks and provided some gifts, especially clothes. It should be noted that the issue of payment to the beach boys may be threatening to many female tourists as it may raise doubts about the type of relationship they are having. Male tourists, on the other hand, tend to be realistic about the nature of their relationship with the local sex workers. However, given that there is a stigma regarding paying for sex, it is possible that some male tourists may not admit to having sex with local women because this might imply that they had to pay for sex. Longer Term Relationships All of the beach boys had one or more friends who had migrated to other countries assisted by female tourist lovers. Each year many of these former beach boys returned for a visit to the Dominican Republic. Their success and demonstration of wealth provided a role model for other beach boys who wish to immigrate out of poverty. Many of the beach boys hope that a tourist will want to marry them so that they can immigrate to Canada or to a European country. Sometimes, the romantic relationship is maintained after the tourist leaves the island and the woman will write letters and include money for the man. Some women provide airplane tickets so that the men can come and visit them in their home cities such as Toronto or Montreal. One of the major benets of working as beach boys is the opportunity for foreign travel that few other occupations can provide. These kinds of examples are not unique to the Dominican Republic. Comparable situations have been reported by Cohen (1971) regarding Arab boys and tourist girls in Israel and among Greek males and female tourists from northern Europe (Zinovieff 1991). In comparison with the beach boys, few of the female sex workers

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maintained ongoing relationships with male tourists such as through letters or return visits. Further, few received either invitations to travel to the tourists home country or marriage proposals. Nevertheless, occasionally, a male tourist does fall in love with a local woman and develops an ongoing relationship that might lead to marriage. CONCLUSION To better understand the nature of the relationships between tourists and the local population in the Dominican Republic, some key cultural differences between this country and those of other countries in the Caribbean need to be understood. First, the Dominican Republic has a Spanish cultural heritage and relatively few people can speak the languages of the tourists. Most other islands of the Caribbean are English speaking which makes communication easier between the local population and the tourists. Second, unlike most other islands of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic has for several years had wide scale prostitution. Until recently, this was oriented completely to male tourists who could easily nd sex workers who would cater to either heterosexual or homosexual desires. Male sex workers dealt almost exclusively with male tourists. However, with an increase in the number of female arrivals to the Dominican Republic, there has been an accompanying increase in the number of local men willing to provide their services to women in return for some form of monetary payment. Whereas the study found major differences between female sex workers and beach boys, de Albuquerque (1998) reported that there were few differences. In comparing the ndings reported here, however, it is important to note that the perspective of the tourists is included, whereas he omitted this. Indeed, de Albuquerque asserted that tourists would be unwilling to be interviewed regarding their sexual relationships with the local population. This study found otherwise. Another major difference was regarding the sexual attitudes of the beach boys. According to de Albuquerque, those in Barbados were focused mainly on their own sexual needs and wanted to control how and when sex would occur. On the contrary, the beach boys in this case emphasized how they wanted to sexually please the female tourist by engaging in sexual activities which she enjoyed. Unlike in Barbados where the men were aversive to performing oral sex, the Dominican males were proud of their expertise in doing so. Further, in the Dominican Republic the timing of when sexual relations rst occurred was determined more by the womans wishes than the beach boys. This suggests that an important part of the seduction process by the Dominican males is being sensitive to the womans needs. De Albuquerque (1998), unlike Pruitt and LaFont (1995), discounts the possibility that many of the relationships between the female tourists and the beach boys could evolve into a love relationship. He also argues that the great majority of female tourists are motivated mainly by sexual reasons to become involved with beach boys. However, his

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ndings are questionable considering that he did not actually interview the female tourists. In the Dominican Republic, as reported by both the beach boys and the female tourists, there are considerable differences among women regarding their motivations. Many do not anticipate ahead of time that they might have sex with a local person. Interestingly, OConnell Davidson (1996), in her study of male sex tourists in Cuba, reported that many of the men did not specically travel there to engage in sex with local women but engaged in sex when they discovered that the opportunity was available. In the Dominican Republic, the present study found that many of the female tourists wait until they believe that they have established a romantic relationship with the man before engaging in sex. Some women, especially those from French Canada, come with a sexual aim in mind, but they are not representative of the majority of women. If, as de Albuquerque argues, the majority of female tourists are looking for casual sex without any kind of emotional involvement, then how does he explain the fact that most of the tourists only have sex with one man while they are on vacation and typically state that they are in love with him? Further, de Albuquerque states that there basically are no differences in the approach strategies used by male and female workers. Yet this study found several differences, in particular that the female sex workers, unlike the beach boys, are far more assertive about their requirement for money before they will engage in sex. Similarly, Cohen (1982) found that female sex workers in Thailand, even those who were interested in longer term relationships, were upfront about their expectations about receiving monetary payment. This mercenary aspect was also clearly understood by the male tourists there. However, unlike in the Dominican Republic, many of the sex workers in Thailand suggested to their clients that the amount of payment would be left to their discretion. What are the implications of the present study for understanding the concept of sex tourism? According to de Albuquerque (1998), the relationships between female tourists and beach boys represent sex tourism, in particular, money for sex. Furthermore, he believes that there is no difference between the sex tourism experienced by female tourists and that experienced by male tourists. He is thus very critical of the concept of romance tourism espoused by Pruitt and LaFont (1995). The study reported here suggests that the situation is more complex than that presented by either de Albuquerque (1998) or Pruitt and LaFont (1995) which leads one to conclude that it is too simplistic to dene relationships between female tourists and beach boys as strictly either sex or romance tourism. Rather, it should be recognized that the motivations for tourist involvement with the local men vary considerably. In some cases, they are focused mainly on romance and in others mainly on sex. On the other hand, both love and sex may be emphasized equally. Yet among other tourists, the focus is on companionship and neither love nor sex may enter the picture. This suggests the possibility of a new concept, namely companionship tourism. Suggesting a continuum of romance/sex motivations that can be

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applied to both male and female tourists does not mean that there are no gender differences in this regard. Certainly studies such as this and Cohens (1982) on Thai women and Farong men indicate that one cannot place all male tourists into one category and all females into another. There is obviously some degree of overlap between the genders. Nevertheless, this research indicates that there are proportional gender differences with more of the women being motivated toward the romance end of the tourism continuum and more of the men motivated toward the sex part of it. This nding is consistent with studies of wider gender differences in sexual attitudes and behaviors with men reporting more favorable attitudes to casual sex and more sex partners than women and women reporting that they prefer to have sex within the context of a love relationship (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael and Michaels 1994). Both the beach boys and the female tourists of this study indicate that ethnicity is an important variable to consider when studying the sexuality of female tourists. Here the ndings support both those of de Albuquerque (1998) and Karch and Dann (1981) who reported that female tourists from French Canada were more sexually forward in their relationships with beach boys than were other women. Further evidence of this ethnic difference is reported in a review of sexuality research in Canada (Barrett, King, Levy and Maticka-Tyndale 1997) which looked at the impact of age, economic status, and education on sexual attitudes and behaviors. According to this review, French Canadians are more permissive than their English counterparts with regard to casual sex, extra-marital relationships, and the acceptance of prostitution. These ndings provide strong evidence that French Canadian women are more likely to be sexually permissive in their relationships with beach boys than are women from other ethnic groups. Given the objectives of this study, certain topics were not investigated, one being the role of pimps in relation to the female sex workers. Future researchers might consider studying this issue. Regarding future studies, it should be noted that little attention has been given to those tourists who do not become involved with the local men. If one is to more fully understand relationships between tourists and the local population, it is also necessary to understand the motivations of those who do not become involved in these relationships. Finally, more research is needed regarding the motivations and interpersonal dynamics involved in the interactions between female tourists and local men. In particular, the issue of exploitation needs fuller exploration and analysis. OConnell Davidson (1998) has argued that Western female tourists generally exploit local men in the same way that male tourists exploit local females. However, the ndings suggest that female tourists in the Dominican Republic are not being exploitative. Indeed most truly believe that they are engaging in consensual romantic relationships. Relatively few anticipate prior to their visit that they would be involved in a relationship with a local male. As well, the beach boys do not feel that they are being exploited and instead believe that they are, for the most part, in control of the relationship. Indeed, they

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are the ones who, in deciding which women they will try to establish a relationship with, make the rst approach. Granted the female tourists have more economic power, but this is counter-balanced by the interpersonal social skills of the beach boys who are very adept in using this knowledge to their advantage in manipulating the female tourists for the purpose of economic gain.
AcknowledgementsThe authors are very appreciative to Bruna Corbesi for her contributions as an interviewer. Funding for this project was received from the International Development Research Center in Ottawa, Canada.

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Zinovieff, S. 1991 Hunters and Hunted: Kamaki and the Ambiguities of Sexual Predation in a Greek Town. In Contested Identities: Gender and Kinship in Modern Greece, P. Loizos and E. Papataxiarchis, eds., pp. 203220. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Submitted 1 June 1999. Resubmitted 26 May 2000. Resubmitted 16 August 2000. Accepted 7 October 2000. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: David Harrison