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THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
OF JEROME'S VERSION OF THE
CHRONICLE OF EUSEBIUS
REPRODUCED IN COLLOTYPE

WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY

JOHN KNIGHT FOTHERINGHAM, M.A.

LECTURER IN CLASSICAL LITERATURE AT KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON
FORMERLY SENIOR DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
I9°5
 HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH
NEW YORK AND TORONTO

THE INSTITUTE GF M STUDIES

10 ELMSLEY PLACE
T<- - 6, CANADA.

Ur
377?

PRINTED IN ENGLAND
 PREFACE
The present volume was undertaken by 1900 as a partial discharge of my
me in
duty as a Senior Demy of Magdalen College. It was originally intended that I should
transcribe the Bodleian MS. of the Chronica and prefix to it an introduction. It soon

appeared, however, that a photographic reproduction could alone do justice to the

complicated arrangement of the MS., and the Delegates of the Press generously agreed
to this change in the form of the work. On the advice of Mr. C. H. Turner, Fellow of
Magdalen College, undertook a tour of the different libraries in which the older MSS.
I

of the Chronica are to be found, and I have since found several opportunities of
amplifying my material on subsequent journeys. The chapter entitled The Value '

of the Bodleian MS.' was originally written in 1901, and, though

has been
it

subjected to considerable revision since then, is based mainly on the results of my

journey in 1900. have attempted a simpler solution of the vexed question
In it I

of the original form of the Chronica than that offered by Dr. Scheme in his
Weltchronik des Eusebius, to which work I am indebted for the suggestion of most
of the problems discussed by me. The further my researches have gone, the more
I have been convinced that all forms of the Chronica are ultimately descended from

one closely resembling that of the Fleury fragments (S), recently edited by Dr. Traube,
that the differences of text between the best MSS. are far from serious, and that there
should be no formidable difficulties in the way of an editor, armed with photographs
of all the earlier MSS.
Mr. Turner had at one time hoped to contribute a chapter on the history of the
MS., and the distinction between the two existing chapters of the Introduction was
dictated by this hope. The pressure of other engagements unfortunately compelled
him to leave this portion of the work in my less experienced hands, but Mr. Turner
has amply repaid any disappointment by the elaborate treatment of du Tillet's MSS.
which constitutes the fifth appendix to this volume.
The work has been somewhat delayed by the preparation of
publication of the
the appendices to the Introduction. The first of these is devoted to the Paris MSS.,
which, like the Merton MS., have not hitherto received the attention which their
age warrants. MSS. have also been inserted in proof into the
References to these
chapter on the Value of the Bodleian MS. The second and third appendices were
necessitated by the photographic method of reproduction. The appendix on the scholia
iv PREFACE
was kindly undertaken by Mr. R. L. Poole, Fellow of Magdalen College, to assist in
the location of the scholiast and thereby of the MS. itself. The marginal references
to thisappendix are, however, mainly my own work. The fifth appendix is, as stated
above, Mr. Turner's. The sixth and last was written by myself to accompany the
photographs of the Udine and Paris MSS. (U W), which partially supply the lost
pages of the Bodleian MS.
Needless to say, a work like this, with its constant reference to MSS., often in
would have been impossible but for the assistance of many scholars.
distant libraries,
My thanks are due in the first place to Mr. Turner who has read the whole work,
either in MS. or in proof, has furnished abundant suggestions and corrections, and
has in short taken as much interest in it as if it had been his own. I must also
acknowledge the uniform courtesy of the librarians at all the libraries I have visited,
several of whom have also supplied me with special information on particular points.
I should like to specify more particularly Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson and Mr. F. Madan

of the Bodleian, the Rev. H. J. White of Merton College, Oxford, Dr. G. F. Warner
of the British Museum, M. H. Omont of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Sac. Nicolo
Pojani of the Archiepiscopal Library at Udine, Dr. P. C. Molhuijsen of the University
Library at Leiden, Dr. Mulinen of the Town Library at Bern, and M. Lecat of the
Town Library at Valenciennes. I have also received valuable assistance from Professor
K. Lake of the University of Leiden, Dr. F. Ehrle of the Vatican Library, Professor
#

W. C. F. Walters of King's College, London, Professor R. S. Conway of the

University of Manchester, Professor L. Traube of Munich, Dr. G. Biagi of the Lauren-
tian Library at Florence, and Dr. G. Coggiola of the Library of Saint Mark at Venice.
Assistance of a different, but not less valuable kind, has been received from the
President and Fellows of Magdalen College, who have paid the cost of obtaining
photographs of the Udine and Paris MSS., together with the travelling expenses
incurred on my last journey to France and Italy.

J. K. FOTHERINGHAM.
June 8, J 905.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction 1-65

The Value of the Bodleian Manuscript 1

The History of the Bodleian Manuscript 25

Appendix I. The Paris Manuscripts 30

„ II. List of Passages in Red Ink 32

., III. Text of Passages not clearly legible in Manuscript or

Collotype 34
IV. Scholia, by R. L. Poole, M.A $y

„ V. Jean du Tillet : A Neglected Scholar of the Sixteenth

Century, by C. H. Turner, M.A 48

„ VI. Descendants of the Bodleian Manuscript .... 64

Collotypes of the Bodleian Manuscript

Collotypes of the Udine Manuscript
Collotypes of the Paris Manuscript (Lat. 4870)

W5
• X
SYMBOLS EMPLOYED TO DESIGNATE MANUSCRIPTS
OF THE CHRONICA
A Valenciennes, Bibliotheque de la Ville 49.5.

B Bern, Stadtbibliothek 219.

C Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 4859.

D Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 4860.

F Leiden, Bibliotheek der Universiteit, Seal. 14.

L London, British Museum, Add. 16974.

M Berlin, Konigliche Bibliothek, Phillipp. 1829.

N Berlin, Konigliche Bibliothek, Phillipp. 1872.

O Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. T. II. 26.

P Leiden, Bibliotheek der Universiteit, Voss. Lat. Q. no.

Q Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 4858.

R Montpellier, Bibliotheque Universitaire, Section de Medecine, H. 32.

/ Leiden, Bibliotheek der Universiteit, Voss. Lat. Q. no A.

S -j Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 6400 B.
Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, Reg. 1709.

T Oxford, Merton College Library, H. 3. 15.

U Udine, Biblioteca Arcivescovile, ot° 14.

V Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canonici script, eccl. 96.

W Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Lat. 4870.

 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
The Chronica is the title of a work by Eusebius in two books. The former, known as the
Chronographia, consists of excerpts from chronological writers on all the principal countries of
the ancient world, together with lists of kings and Olympic victors. It thus contains the materials
for a skeleton outline of universal chronology, but it gives no events except such as are incidentally
mentioned in a chronological connexion. The second book, called the Chronici canones, is a chrono-
logical table, extending from the birth of Abraham to the twentieth year of Constantine. It
consists of one or two columns of events and of one or more columns of dates, which are cited
by the years of Abraham, by Olympiads, and by the regnal years of kings, judges, archons,
and emperors.
The original Greek of the Chronica is unfortunately lost, but it can often be restored with
the assistance of excerpts and parallel passages, found in later chronologists, more especially in
Georgius Syncellus. There is also extant an Armenian version of the whole work, which
is somewhat defective at the end of the first and at the beginning and end of the second

book. More famous is the Latin version by St. Jerome, of which the Bodleian MS.
here reproduced is an exemplar. This version contains the whole of the second book, with
numerous additions contributed by the translator, who has continued the Chronicle as far
as the end of the reign of Valens. In addition to a few epitomes based on this Latin version,
there is also in existence a Syriac epitome, supposed to be based on the Greek, but too brief
to be of much value for the restoration of the original.

§ i. The Older Manuscripts of the Chronicle.

Of Jerome's Latin, with which alone this Introduction is directly concerned, there are
numerous MSS., of which' eleven and fragments of a twelfth are not later than the tenth
century. A
description of all these older MSS., except C, D, Q, and T, is to be found in
Schone's Weltchronik des Eusebius (1900), pp. 24-31. I have inspected them all and will

add a brief description of each MS., paying special attention to points which are of
importance for a comparison with the Bodleian MS. 1 :

O. Oxoniensis, Bodleianus MS. Auct. T. II. 26. This MS., to the photographic reproduction
of which in the present volume this essay serves as preface, contains the Chronicles of Eusebius
and Jerome, followed by a chronological summary occupying one leaf, after which comes the
Chronicle of Marcellinus. The Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome extend to f. 144, but, as f. 60
is double, they really cover 145 leaves, of which ff. 1-32 are supplied by a fifteenth (?)-
century hand, and present the text and arrangement of the Codices priores of Scaliger 2 '
The '
.

remainder of these chronicles, extending from A. Abr. 555 to A. Abr. 2394, is in a fifth-
century hand, the last leaf of Jerome's Chronicle is missing, and the one-leaf summary is
apparently by the same or a contemporary hand. The fifth-century scribe or scribes, who are
2
1
For descriptions of C, D, and Q, see appendix. See p. 7.
FOTIIFRINGIIAM
2 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
responsible for the greater part of the MS., write in an upright uncial hand, large uncials being
employed for tabular matter and chronological landmarks in the first part of the Chronicle
(down to A. Abr. 1496), and for all entries in the latter part, while small uncials are used for
ordinary events in the first part. The large letters are invariably written upon the ruled lines,
and the small writing is invariably crowded. Each page contains thirty lines (not twenty-six
to thirty, as Hardy states), although the pages are of the same size as those of A N P S. There
are no blank lines except where a new arrangement of the Chronicle is introduced at the end
of the first part. The one-leaf summary mentioned above is in a sloping uncial hand, which
also appears in the marginalia. There are also marginalia inserted about the year 1400.
—
Notices of this MS. have appeared: by Mommsen in Hermes, 1889, pp. 393-401, and
Chronica Minora, Vol. II, pp. 48, 49 by Sir E. M. Thompson, in Greek and Latin Palaeo-
;

graphy,^. 197; in the Palaeographical Society's Series II, pi. 129, 130; and by Dr. E. G. Hardy
in the Journal of Philology, 1890, pp. 277-87. Hardy's notice is the fullest, but his state-
ments cannot be accepted without verification. He is generally right on the readings of this
MS., but has taken no pains over the citation of Schone's MSS., and has sometimes quoted as
peculiar to O entries for which Schone cites all his MSS. Schone in his Weltchronik des
Eusebms used a collation of this MS. which Hardy had made for Mommsen.
For the history of this MS. see the second chapter of this Introduction.
S. This name is given to a number of fragments, found partly at Paris (Lat. 6400 B), partly
at Leiden (Voss. lat. Q. no A), and partly at Rome (Vat. Reg. 1709). These fragments were all
found bound up with other works, different in each case. They are all in uncials, and belong
in Traube's opinion to the fifth century, though they had previously been assigned to the
sixth or seventh. That they form part of the same MS. may be proved not only by the
similarity of the handwriting, but by the fact that part of the margin has been cut away in
both the Rome and the Paris fragments. (The Leiden fragments are too much mutilated
to enable us to say whether their margin was treated in the same way.) There is also the
closest similarity in the form of the Chronicle as preserved in all three, but if, as I hope
to show, they preserve the original form, their similarity in this respect would be no proof
that they belong to the same MS. A probable argument in favour of identity may be based
on the fact that although the Rome fragments belong to the same part of the Chronicle as the
Paris fragments 1 no leaf is included in more than one of the three sets of fragments.
,

Traube believes that the MS. came originally from Italy. On the first leaf of the Paris
fragments there is written, in a ninth-century hand, 'Codex beati Benedicti Floriac from which ',

it would appear that the Paris fragments at least belonged to the Abbey of Fleury in the ninth

century. The position of these words would however suggest that they were written after the
dismemberment of the MS.
The Paris fragments contain fourteen leaves, the Leiden fragments six, and the Rome
fragments two. The division of pages is the same as in AN
P, and there are the same
twenty-six lines to the page as in these MSS. In respect both of form and of text N P
agree so closely with S that they must certainly have been copied from it. I had made

a collection of the more crucial instances where S or N differs from P as cited by Schone,
but Professor Lake assures me that the apparent instances are in almost every case to be
explained by errors in Schone's citations of P.
1
The last page of the Rome fragments is separated by only one leaf from the first page of the Paris fragments.
 THE OLDER MANUSCRIPTS OF THE CHRONICLE 3

The Paris leaves consist of the seventh quaternion of the MS., followed by the first, second,
third, sixth, seventh, and eighth leaves of the eighth quaternion. Both quaternions are signed 1 .

If, as seems likely, the previous gatherings are also quaternions, the MS. must have devoted
one leaf more to the title and prefaces than MNP, and must have originally contained 167
'
l
leaves .

MS. agrees with O. Like O it makes use

In the use of large and small uncials this
3
of the ruled lines in the firstboundary between years than as a contrivance
part rather as a
for keeping the writing straight and an entry of any length is generally commenced not on
;

the ruled line, but immediately under, the preceding ruled line. Schone 4 has not used any part
of this MS. except the Leiden fragments, which he cites eighty-six times.
I have noticed the

following errors in his citations: i%3t 5 187/ 5 should each be one year higher
97^, 97<?
5
,
99<z, ,

on the principle that the ruled line divides the years similarly 99 c should be one year lower.
:

In 97 i Schone quotes S as reading X X as opposed to uicensimum it actually reads :

uicesimum. In the same entry he quotes it as omitting regis after annum Cyri, where it really
omits regis after Iosiae Indaeorum. In 183« he wrongly cites it as omitting et. 187^ tempore
in the probably a misprint for the manuscript reading tempore iam. In 97/, where
apparatus is

S is it may have read qui.

cited for qu, The following variants are omitted 95 o panathenaeon, :

qja fuerunty gyn iniit, 97 col. Lyd. om. est post destructum, 183^ hierosolymarum, 183J/ sirmi,
1 87 y hierosolymarum, 189 # triumpharunt. Every one of these last eight readings which Schone
has overlooked appears to be the true reading as against Schone's text.
A
photographic reproduction of this MS., with a preface by Traube, has appeared as
Supplementum I, in the Leiden series of Codices Gracci et Latini. See also Chatelain,
Uncialis Scriptura, Pars 1, tab. XIV, 1, and Explanatio, pp. 24-6.

A. Amandinus, Valentianensis 495, now at the town library of Valenciennes, formerly at

the Monastery of St. Amand. It contains the Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome without any
continuation. It belongs to the seventh century, and is written in uncials. The same use is
made of large and small writing as in O and S, but the difference between the two sizes
is much less pronounced in A. The smaller writing is crowded and is written extra small
where exigencies of space demand this, and often where they do not. Sometimes however even
the smaller writing is regulated by the ruled lines. This is specially the case towards the end
of the first part of the Chronicle. Here, too, the size of the letters tends to approximate to
that of the large letters, which are always regulated by the ruled lines. In the first three
accessions noted in the latter part a slight difference in size between the writing used for
tabular matter and for ordinary events can still be traced and under A. Abr. 152a the events;

'Latini discedit' (Schone, 101 n, 0) occupy three lines at the foot of a page, but are crowded
. . .

into the space allotted to two. This appears however to be the last instance of crowding in
this MS. According to the foliation the MS. should contain 167 leaves; one of these however
is devoted to the title, while two leaves are missing after f. 125, and one leaf has been

1
No now be read on the Leiden fragments, but they are somewhat mutilated.
signature can
2
There no uniformity among existing MSS. as to the division of lines and pages in the prefaces, and it is
is

therefore impossible to infer from the space which they occupy in late MSS. how much space they would occupy in an
earlier MS. I see no reason for supposing with Traube that there were two columns to the page for the prefaces in
S.
The arrangement in one column is found in all the older MSS. ' vide supra,
p. 2. *
Eusebius, Vol. II.
5
In these three cases the MS. agrees with Schone's text against the reading he cites.
B 2
 ;

4 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

accidentally omitted in the foliation after f. 105 1
number, including the title-page,
. The total
2
must therefore have been 170 Each page contains twenty-six lines, and is of the same size
.

as the pages of N O P S. The MS. corresponds very nearly page for page and line for line
with NPS and the first part of M, but devotes more space to the preface than MNP do.
It is also characterized by the frequent occurrence of blank lines, which suggests that some
of the notices occupy less space in this MS. than in its archetype, and that the scribe has
adopted this device in order that the next notice may begin at the same place as in the
archetype. Facsimiles of this MS. appear in Schone's Eusebius, Vol. II, pp. xx, xxi, and in his
Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 6, 7. In neither case is full justice done to the crowding of notices
of events, the significance of which Schone does not appear to have realized, and in the latter
facsimile the compositor has corrected an error of the scribe by placing the last eleven lines
verso one line lower than they appear in the MS. The MS. was transcribed by Schone for
his edition.
B. Bernensis 219, the Bongarsianus of Scaliger 3
, Aurelianensis or A of Pontacus 4
. It contains
the Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome without any continuation. Pontacus states that it had
belonged to the Abbey of Saint Benedict at Fleury 5
. From dates given in the MS. (Schone,
Eusebius, Vol. would appear to have been written between 627 and 699 A.D. It is written
II, p. xi) it

in uncials, and contains seventy-six leaves without any of the continuations. The pages are much
larger than in AOS, and the number of lines to a page varies from thirty-four to forty. Where
the other MSS. spread the parallel columns over two pages, this MS. generally compresses them
into one, and where the other MSS. compress them into a single page, this MS. makes a partition
down the middle of the page and compresses them into either the right or left half of the page.
It is throughout a very careless piece of work, and in the first part the scribe makes no attempt to
keep the parallel columns even. Since however the right years correspond at the beginning of each
page, it is clear that the scribe has retained the division of pages which he found in his archetype.
Allowing for the number of years covered by each page and the space which must have been occu-
pied by notices of accessions, it will appear that the archetype must have contained from twenty-
eight to thirty lines on each page. Small writing is used when exigencies of space demand it, and
therefore for the most part in the first part of the Chronicle. In the latter part the writing is
regulated by the ruled lines. In the first part the last few lines of a page are often left blank
often, again, the writing extends beyond the last ruled line. The chronological columns (or fila
regnorum) are filled in recklessly and without regard to one another, and even after the columns
have become few the constant misplacement of Olympiads shows what the scribe is capable of.
The MS. was transcribed by Schone and formed the basis of his edition. Facsimiles of it may be
seen in his Eusebius, Vol. II, p. xxiv, and Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 8, 9. The typographical
errors, although more numerous than in most of his facsimiles, any point of importance.
do not affect
M. Middlehillensis, Phillipp. 1829, now at the Royal Library, Berlin. This MS. came originally
from Treves (see Mommsen, Chron. Min., I, p. 78). It belongs to the eighth or ninth century, and
1
Since inspecting the MS. I have seen reason to believe that this error is counteracted elsewhere.
2
Or 169.
3
Animadversationes. Scaliger's edition appeared under the title of Thesaurus Temporum, 1606.
* Chronica trium illustrium auctorum Eusebii cett. Prosperi cett. ab Arnoldo Pontaco Episcopo Vazatensi cett.

emendata et notis illustrata. Burdigalae, 1604.

6
This statement is confirmed by a notice in the manuscript, '
Hie est liber sancti Benedicti abb. Floriacensis
cenobi.' See Schone, Weltchronik, p. 24.
 THE OLDER MANUSCRIPTS OF THE CHRONICLE 5

contains the Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome, the Liber Generationis, and Hydatius. The
Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome occupy 153 leaves, and the first line off. 154. The pages are
larger than in the other 26-line MSS.; but there are always twenty-six lines and no more to
each page, and for the first part of the Chronicle the division of the pages corresponds exactly with
that of ANPST ; in the latter part the division is different from that of all other MSS. There is

no distinction of large and small letters, and all notices of ordinary events are regulated by the
ruled lines. This is not however the case with the tabular matter. A change in the writing,
perhaps a change of hand, is made at the beginning of f.
J<$ a. A full collation of this MS. by
F. Riihl appears in the fifth appendix to the first volume of Schone's Eusebius (pp. 108-72), but
cannot everywhere be relied on.
There is a full account of this MS. in Rose, Verzeichniss der latciuischen Handschriften der
K'dnigl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Band I, pp. 277-80.
F. MS. Seal. 14, the Freherianus of Scaliger and Pontacus. The latter
Freherianus, Leidensis
editor has however sometimes confused this MS. (Fre.) with the Codex Fabritianus (Fab.). It is
written in red, green, black, and purple ink, and belongs to the early part of the ninth century.
For its descent from the MS. of Bonifatius, see Schone, Quacstiones Hicronymianae, and Welt-
chronik des Eusebius, p. 276. The MS. is written on 190 leaves, and contains, in addition to Eusebius
and Jerome, the 'Exordium,' the Chronicon consulare of Prosper, and a dedicatory epistle and a
Carmen votivum of Bonifatius. The Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome occupy the space from
f. 2 a to f. 176a; f. 58 b and 59 a are however left blank, so that these Chronicles occupy in all
f.

a space of 174 leaves. In Schone's statement, Weltchronik des Eusebitis, p. 25, that it contains
167 leaves, 167 is probably a misprint for 176, an unfortunate misprint, because 167 happens also
to be the number of leaves in A according to his computation. The pages of this MS. contain
twenty-five lines each, and do not correspond exactly with those of any other MS. Down to
f. 105 b med. the writing is entirely in uncials. The events are invariably crowded as compared
with the dates, and are somewhat fantastically arranged on the page. After f. 105 b med. uncials
are used for the tabular matter and chronological entries only, and ordinary events appear in
minuscules. In this latter part the writing is always regulated by the ruled lines. A facsimile
of this MS. appears in Schone's Eusebius, Vol. II, pp. xxii, xxiii, where however the difference
of type has nothing to correspond to it in the MS. This MS. was a favourite with Scaliger.
It was used by Schone for his edition, but his collation of it is less perfect than his
collation of B.
N. Middlehillensis Phillipp. 1872, now at the Royal Library, Berlin. This MS. came originally
1
from Tours belongs to the ninth or tenth century and contains the Chronicle only on 166
. It

leaves. Minuscules are used for all entries in black ink, and uncials for everything in red. There
are twenty-six lines on each page, and the division of pages corresponds with that in APS. The
MS. has been inspected by Schone, but never collated.Schone comments on its resemblance in
text and form to and Traube holds that both N and P are copies of S the readings of P
P S, ;

supplied me by Professor Lake have convinced me that this view is correct. It has interesting
marginalia derived from other families.
P. Petavianus, Leidensis MS. Lat. Voss. Q. no. This MS. contains the Chronicles of Eusebius
and Jerome without any continuation. According to a statement in the MS. itself, it originally

1
So Rose, Verzeichniss der lat. Handschr. der K. Bibl. zu Berlin, Band I, p. 276.
6 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
belonged to the Abbey of St. Mesmin, near Orleans. It was written in the ninth century *. Small
minuscules are used for events in the first part of the Chronicle, large in the latter. In both
parts tabular matter and chronological entries are for the most part in uncials, but these are some-
times replaced by large minuscules. Red letters are always uncial. Blank lines are of very rare
occurrence. The correspondence of this MS. with N in the division of lines and pages is exceedingly
close, and their correspondence with S is hardly less so. The MS. contains altogether 166 leaves,
including two leaves devoted to the title, and 164 to the Chronicle. As Schone suggested in his
edition, the MS. is a copy of S. P was used by Pontacus and Scaliger, and its readings are cited
by Schone in his edition. His citations are however far from satisfactory.
L. Londinensis, Brit. Mus. Add. 16974. This MS. belongs to the tenth century, and, from
its title Liber monasterii sancti Trudonis,' it is clear that it belonged to the monastery of St. Tron
'

in Belgium. It contains Jerome's Commentary on Matthew, the Chronicles of Eusebius and

Jerome, the Chronicon Imperiale of Prosper, and the Chronicle of Marius of Aventicum. The
Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome extend from f. 57 a to f. 109 a. The greater number of entries
are in minuscules throughout, but all passages in red ink are written in uncials or in capitals. The
pages are much most MSS., containing forty-two (occasionally forty or forty-one)
larger than in
lines apiece. There are several instances of blank lines, but these can generally be explained by
the context. The interest of this MS. lies in the fact that it is the oldest of the '
Codices priores'
preferred by Scaliger. Mommsen in Hermes^ 1889, p. 398, calls attention to the independence of
its text. It is however the work of a very negligent scribe. A displacement of a part of the
preface affords some evidence as to the division of pages, and therefore as to the size of the page in
one of the archetypes of this MS. Schone 2, 31 huic (cod. hoc) uolumini . . . 5, 28 alterum Darii
(cod. alterum Darii annum DXLVlli et inde) is placed after 8, 8 anno Cecropis. Assuming that
the lines were of the same length as in the 26-line MSS., this displacement implies a length
of about thirty-one lines to the page in the archetype. I have personally made a complete
collation of this MS. It was also collated for Mommsen, and a few of the readings are cited from
this collation in Schone's Weltchronik: the collation itself is accurate enough, but nothing is

said of certain important features in the form of the Chronicle as preserved in this MS., on
which see below.
T. Oxoniensis Mertonensis H. 3. 15 (Coxe cccxv) is written in red, black, and green ink, and
probably belongs to the ninth century. The MS. is written on 156 leaves (not 154, as Coxe 2 ) and
contains the Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome without any continuation. It inserts however,

after the preface of Eusebius, two short treatises, entitled respectively, ' Interpretatio sancti
Hieronymi de nominibus gentium and Demensuratio provinciarum.' These two treatises, which
'
'

have escaped Coxe's notice, occupy between seven and eight pages. After Jerome's Chronicle come
four chronological summaries, headed respectively, Reges gentium diversarum qui fuerunt vel quan-
'

tum regnaverint,' Ordo plenarius succedentium sibi temporum,' Item secundum Severum,' Item
'
' '

secundum Africanum.' At the foot of the Ordo plenarius' are the words Continet itaque omnis
' '

canon secundum Hieronimum annos II. ccc.xcv.' There is no title-page. Jerome's preface there-
fore begins on f. 1 a, and the two prefaces extend to f. 4 a. After the two short treatises mentioned
above two pages are left blank and the Chronicle proper begins on f. 9 b and extends to f. 149 b.
1
At the request of the abbot Peter, and therefore about 840 A. D. See Chatelain, Uncialis Scrtptura,
Explanatio, p. 26, and Traube, Codices Graeci et Latini, Suppl. I (Leiden, 1902), Praef., p. xviii.
2
Catalogue of MSS. in College Libraries at Oxford.
 ;

THE OLDER MANUSCRIPTS OF THE CHRONICLE 7

The prefaces and Chronica therefore occupy in all 145 leaves. There are some German verses in
late, perhaps fourteenth-century hand, on ff. 9 a, 156 a, b,
a from which it would appear that the MS.
was at some date in Germany. The pages have been prepared throughout for tabular matter by
means of horizontal and perpendicular ruled lines, but this preparation is somewhat imperfect for
the first eight leaves, which precede the commencement of the Chronicle proper. There is no
distinction between large and small writing as in A O S, but uncials are employed throughout for
tabular matter, i.e. for the notices in the fila regnorum,' and for everything in coloured ink, while
'

minuscules are generally employed elsewhere. There are however a number of notices in capitals,
and very occasionally uncials appear in the text. The division of pages is almost identical with
that in A M N P S for the first part of the Chronicle (to A. Abr. 1496), but the MS. occasionally
deviates from their lines of division and afterwards returns to it. In the latter part of the Chronicle
the division of pages does not agree with that of any other MS. known to me. The pages are
larger than in most MSS., resembling in point of size those of M. The MS. is ruled so as to allow
twenty-six lines to the page, but in the prefatory matter (ff. 1-8), in Jerome's Chronicle, and in the
summaries at the end, the two lines ruled for headings are used for the text, so that here there are
twenty-eight lines to the page. In Fusebius's Chronicle, properly so called, there are twenty-six
lines to thepage as in A C M
N P S. In the omission of headings in Jerome's Chronicle the MS.
agrees with B. For other points of agreement with B, see p. 20 below. Throughout the whole
MS. the writing is regulated by the ruled lines, but notices are sometimes finished below the last
ruled line. On ff. 70 b, 71 a, both in the first part, there are only twenty-five ruled lines. Blank
lines are of frequent occurrence in the latter part, so that here also it is probable that the MS. is

a page-for-page reproduction of its archetype 1

. No reference ismade to this MS. in any work
bearing directly on the Chronica, but it is frequently referred to by Dodwell in his Dissertatio
Singularis, appended to Pearsonii Opera Chronologica, Londini 1688, see p. 18, &c. On pp. 98, 99
he prints at length the chronological summary entitled Item secundum Africanum.' '

§ 2. The Form of the Chronicle in the older Manuscripts.

The critical questions, which have made all attempts at editing the Chronica so tentative, turn
on the form rather than the text of the work, and a solution of the difficulties which attend the
question of form will probably furnish the means of properly estimating our materials for the text.
The question of form may be treated under three heads: (1) The form as preserved in our MSS.
(2) The form of Jerome's version and Chronicle (3) The form of the original Greek of Eusebius.
;

The simplest classification of MSS. in respect of Priores and

form is that of Scaliger into '
'

'
Posteriores.' The '
which curiously enough are almost invariably later in date than the
Priores,'
'
Posteriores,' present the Chronicle in the shape of a number of columns of dates with a column
for events at the right-hand side of the page. This column will be broad or narrow according as
the other columns are few or many. In every case the Chronicle is compressed within the width
of one page. The 'Posteriores' on the contrary place the column for events second, third, or
fourth on the page, so that there are often columns of dates on each side of it. Down to
A. Abr. 1504 the columns are always spread over two pages, and there is a column for events on
each page. The columns of dates are usually known as the fila regnorum,' the column for events '

as the spatium historicum.'

'
After this date there is only one column for events, and the columns
are all compressed within the limits of a single page. All the MSS. noticed above, with the
1
See my observations on this feature in A, supra, p. 4.
 8 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
exception of B and L, preserve this latter arrangement
1
. B adopts this arrangement for a few
pages, but afterwards compresses the two pages of the other MSS. of this family into one, and
the single pages into the left- or right-hand half-pages, without materially displacing the columns
for events. L adheres through the greater part of the Chronicle to the arrangement characteristic
of the '
Priores,' but curiously enough starts a second column for events at the very point where
the '
Posteriores '
discontinue it. Events are now placed in the second and fourth columns, the
total number of columns being either four or five. This arrangement is maintained as far as
A. Abr. 1919, after which the normal arrangement of the 'Priores' is resumed. This difference
in respect of form carries with it a difference of text in Jerome's preface (see Schone II, p. 2,
11. 12-25), where an explanation of the use of different colours of ink, suited only to the arrangement
of the '
Priores,' is inserted in none of the MSS. noticed above except L. In L this preface occurs
twice over, on the first occasion with the insertion, but without the following lines (2, 26-32
2
cognoscant), on the second occasion without the insertion, but with the following lines It would .

appear therefore that this passage, on which Scaliger based his preference for the Priores,' is not '

a part of the original Jerome, but an interpolation, intended to explain a new use of colours in
some early MS. of the family known as the '
Priores.'

As noticed above (p. 2), the break in the Chronicle at A. Abr. 1496 is characterized not
merely by a rearrangement of the matter on the page, but, in the case of O S and to some A
extent P,by a change in the size of the writing, and its relation to the ruled lines on the page.
All MSS. of the Chronicle are written on leaves prepared by lines ruled both horizontally and
vertically. The vertical lines are intended to mark off the different columns, but are not
always in keeping with the arrangement of columns in the part of the Chronicle in which they
appear. The horizontal lines enable the scribe to adhere to the lineation of his archetype, and
thus make it possible column by column, without disturbing the syn-
to copy the original,
chronisms of different columns. In O
in one column is frequently
a whole series of dates
displaced by one line, and the same phenomenon occurs in other MSS. This shows that in
these instances the copying was done column by column. In O S there is down to A. Abr.
1496 a marked and consistent distinction between the large uncials which are written on the
ruled lines and the small uncials which are written much more closely, the former being used for
the fila regnortim, for chronological comments or landmarks, and for a few of the events recorded
in red ink, and the latter being used for ordinary events. After this date the large letters only
are found. It will be noticed, from the description of the MSS. above, that traces of this distinc-
tion survive in 3
AFP
As has been observed on p. 3, the ruled lines serve in O S to mark the
.

boundaries between years in the later MSS. they tend to do no more than regulate the writing.
;

The next question concerns the position of these events. A chronological notice, or an event
which is regarded as a landmark, is often allowed to stretch across the whole page, or at least across
both columns of events. In the former case the columns of figures are interrupted until the notice
is finished. In L ordinary events' are often allowed to interrupt the fila regnorum in this way. '
'

In a more ordinary case however the record of an event begins in one of the columns for events
opposite the date to which it belongs, and is continued in that column till it is finished. In the
latter part of the Chronicle where many events often belong to the same year and where there
1
It is also found in Q.
2
In both forms of the preface the readings of L compel us to classify its archetype with the '
Priores ' rather than
3
the '
Posteriores.' Also in Q. See Appendix.
 '

THE FORM OF THE CHRONICLE IN THE OLDER MANUSCRIPTS 9

is only one column for them, they are written one below the other in the same column, and
care is taken, or should have been taken, that no new date should appear in the fila regnorum '

until the last event of the year has been commenced. Correctness of arrangement was secured
in the first part of the Chronicle by the use of crowded writing for events, and the abandonment
of this practice in the later MSS. has led to the displacement of several events, which can only
find room some below their proper place.
lines

As to the position of the columns for events, the following account applies to all MSS.
except B, D, and L. On left-hand (verso) pages the column for events is to the right of the first
column for dates where only two columns for dates exist, and to the right of the second
column where three or more columns exist. On right-hand (recto) pages the same rule
obtains, except that where there are five columns for dates the column for events stands to
the right of the third column. B's deviations from this rule would be of no importance, had
they not led Schone into the belief that the position of this column depended on the
importance of the country whose chronology stood to the left of it and not to the number
of columns on the page. In the latter part of the Chronicle, i.e. from A. Abr. 1497, the
events are always placed to the right of the first column for dates. The arrangement in L
has already been noticed (p. 8). Where the two columns exist in the Posteriores the '
'

left-hand page is as a rule employed for events in sacred history, the right-hand for events
in profane. Some exceptions to this rule will be commented on hereafter (p. 13).
The next point that calls for notice is the use of red and black ink. F uses four colours, red,
green, purple, and black, for the first part of the Chronicle, and each column of dates is as far
as possible in a different colour. Events take their colour from the column to the left of them.
Afterwards sometimes two, sometimes three colours are used, but the arrangement is peculiar
to F. In L years of Abraham, accessions of kings, &c, and every tenth year in each of the
1
fila regnorum appear in red ink, as also a few events, including all eclipses.
' T uses green for
years of Abraham down to the first Olympiad, for the numbers of Olympiads, for marginalia 1 ,

for some headings, and for some of the entries in uncials, mostly of the nature of chronological
landmarks. Otherwise it obeys the rule given below. In the remaining MSS. 2 the following
rule is almost universally observed. The fila regnorum are alternately in red and black ink,
' '

but sometimes an exception is made where two fila are separated by a column of events. Down
'
'

to the first Olympiad the extreme left-hand column is always red afterwards the Olympiads are ;

entered in this column in red ink, while the accessions and regnal years are in black. (A N O P S
are agreed throughout as to the use of colours for different columns B presents a small, and a ; M
large number of differences. M
has the Olympiads in black ink.) Accessions and other matter
belonging to the red 'fila' are red in all MSS. except M. Some events, consisting mainly of
notices of prophets, are in red ink. In O the thalassocracies are generally in red ink. The
accessions of emperors are often in red ink. In B all events are in black ink.
From the particulars given above about the individual
it will be observed that MSS.
AMN PST have twenty-six
on each page and that the pages of
lines N O P S are all of the
3
, A
same size, viz. that of the photographs published in this edition. It has been shown that B is
derived from an archetype of twenty-eight to thirty lines to the page, O has thirty lines, and
L, which has forty-two lines, may go back to an archetype with thirty-one lines. F has
1
'Gorgonium dicit . . .
.' (196 £•) is the only exception to the use of green for marginalia in T.
2 3
Also in Q. So also C. See Appendix.
FOTHER1NGHAM C
 '

io THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

twenty-five lines. All our MSS. therefore support a square form for the page as opposed to
the tall pages which are found in B and L, and which Schone supposes to have existed in
Jerome's first edition of the Chronicle.
One last feature of the Chronicle in its present form consists of the marginalia. There is one
group of marginalia, some of which may be found written by the first hand in the margins of all
the MSS. except S 1 L seems to be the only MS. where any number of these find their way
.

2
into the text In fact so long as originals were copied line for line such notices could hardly
.

be inserted in the text. This group of marginalia consists of jubilees, persecutions, and eras, with
a few glosses. O has in addition to these marginalia, inserted in upright uncials by the first hand,
a long series of marginalia in sloping uncials, apparently by the same hand. These consist for the
most part of abstracts of entries in the text, but contain also some of the marginalia which are
found in other MSS., but had not been included among the upright marginalia of O. Schone's
method of indicating marginalia is a little confusing. He sometimes quotes a MS. as having
the passage in the margin, and at other times marks its position as to the left of the extreme left
column or to the right of the extreme right column. Mommsen's comparison of O with F is
unfortunately vitiated by the fact that it was impossible for him to discover from Schone's edition
what passages belong to the margin and what to the text.

§ 3. The Form of the Chronicle in Jerome.

There can be little doubt that the two-page arrangement for the earlier part of the Chronicle
goes back to Jerome. It is, as has been shown (p. 9), presupposed in the existing bicolumnar arrange-

ment, especially in the position of the second column. The comparatively late date of the 'Priores,'
coupled with the arbitrary character of so much of the text of L, compel us in the absence of other
evidence to regard their form of the Chronicle as the though it seems extravagant to say with
later,
3
Schone that the bicolumnar arrangement could never have been devised to supersede the simpler
unicolumnar, for L itself, as has been seen (p. 8), substitutes the bicolumnar for the unicolumnar
arrangement for the period extending from A. Abr. 1505 to 191 9. The uniformity of so large
a number of MSS. in respect of the number of lines to the page (see p. 9), the actual division
of pages (see p. 2), and the size of each page (see p. 9), is an evidence of the care with which those
MSS. have been copied, and creates a presumption in favour of that arrangement going back to
Jerome's own study.
As regards the number of lines to the page the consensus of ACMNPST is in reality supported
by O as well. The fact that its pages are of the same size as those of ANPS is in favour of
its arrangement being derived from a common source. It is an interesting fact that its nearest
relative M belongs to the 26-line group. The repetition in red ink of the heading '
troia capta
under the year 835 can be explained by the fact that a new page begins in the 26-line MSS. at
this point, whereas in O the repetition, which does not come at the beginning of a page, is not
easily explicable by the context. Furthermore O, unlike F and L, preserves a line-for-line if not
a page-for-page agreement with the 26-line MSS. throughout the earlier part of the Chronicle.
It does indeed ignore their spacing of the long notices which break the columnar arrange-
1
S is too defective to enable us to speak with certainty it seems however to have contained 67 c. The margin
;

ismutilated here, but there are traces of an entry in uncial characters. All the other MSS. except L have 6y,c in the
margin. L omits it altogether; but this omission must be fortuitous, as it belongs to a series which is regularly
represented in L. 2
L also inserts in the margin many passages which the other MSS. place in the text.
3
Weltchronik des Eusebius, p. 32.
 THE FORM OF THE CHRONICLE IN JEROME n
ment, but is generally careful to preserve their spacing when the columns are merely broken
for accessions. It preserves, like them, the normal break of two lines for an accession, with
almost the same exceptions, as for instance the one-line breaks for Omri and Pinaches, and the
three-line breaks for Deborah, ^Egeus, Atreus, Latinus Silvius, Carpentus Silvius, Ahab, &c. It

is even possible that O may have been intended to consist of the same number of pages, not only

of the same sized pages, as A N P S. After f. 162 in Marcellinus, which appears in O as the
supplement to Jerome, there is a change in the preparation of the pages, which seems to indicate
that the two remaining quires were subsequently added. As the fifth-century part of O begins at
1
f. 33, and was apparently preceded by about thirty-two leaves and as two different leaves are
,

each numbered 60, and as one leaf is missing, the original number of leaves should be 162 — 32
+ 32 + 1 + 1 = 164 leaves. P contains 166 leaves, including two leaves devoted to the title, and
this appears to have been the normal size of the Chronicle in the 26-line MSS. 2
The double column of text for the earlier part of the Chronicle appears, as will be shown
hereafter, to go back to Eusebius. If this is so, the position of the second column in relation
to the division between two opposite pages ought to go back at least to Jerome. The unanimity
of the 26-line MSS. and O as to the principles which govern the use of red and black ink
renders it probable that this distinction also goes back to Jerome. O S also agree, as we have
seen, in the use of large and small letters (see p. 3), and, as traces of this distinction survive
in AFNPQ, it probably goes back to Jerome.
So far then as we can judge, Jerome's Chronicle would appear to have been of the same form
as is preserved to us in the fragments known as S. It is hardly necessary to add that his Chronicle
would contain none of those marginalia which run through all our MSS. except S 3 We are indeed .

fortunate in the fact that the form of the Chronicle compelled interpolations to appear in the margin
or nowhere.
Schone has in his Weltchronik des Eusebius propounded an ingenious theory, that the
Chronicle went through several editions in the life-time of Jerome, L representing the first edition,
MO representing a transition stage, and ANPS representing the final edition, which he calls the
1
editio Romana.' F is, as he conclusively shows, descended from a text edited after Jerome's day.
In his opinion B is a representative of an older text than A N P S, but sometimes represents an
older, sometimes a later, text than M O.
On the size of the writing and of the pages Schone is silent ; he does not appear to have
received full information on this point. He thinks, however, that the MSS. which are uniform
in the division of linesand pages may be taken as representing the last stage of the Chronicle
with a square form for the page, and traces a gradual diminution in the size of the page from
that of L, on which he has no information, but which he justly infers to be tall, through B with
its thirty-four to thirty-nine lines, O with thirty to twenty-six, down to the twenty-six lines
of the 'editio Romana.' But, as has been shown above, the archetype, or at least one archetype, of
L would appear to have contained about thirty-one lines only (see p. 6), the archetype of B
1
The space occupied in P by this part of the Chronicle suggests that thirty-four leaves of thirty lines each
would be the space occupied in O. The first preserved gathering, which begins at f. 33, is signed 1 1 1 1 this ;

suggests that it was preceded by three numbered quaternions, and one unnumbered, thirty-two leaves in all.
2
This coincidence may of course be a mere accident. The two 26-line MSS. most nearly related to O in text
(M and T) coincide with AN
P S in the division of pages in the first part of the Chronicle only.
3
On this exception see above, p. 10 note.
C %
 12 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
must have had and even O with its thirty lines appears
thirty to twenty-eight lines (see p. 4),
to be derived from a 26-line archetype (see p. 10). There seems, therefore, to be no case for a
belief in the tall form of page in the original Chronicle. L deserves specially little attention,
because it is unlikely that any attempt would be made to retain the number of lines to
the page, when the form of the Chronicle was entirely recast 1 .

Schone is more successful when he attempts to base his theory of successive editions on
textual differences, but the cases he quotes do not all support his contention 2 . In his first

instance (181 k) it is clear that '

quadraginta missus' is a correction of the mistranslation
'Athlamos' for a9\a f*'.
The latter reading, or one derived from it, is found in BLMN roarg -

OQT, the corrected reading in AFNPR. From this it follows that the correction was either
made by Jerome after the archetypes of BLMOQT were written, or by a scribe in the archetype
of AFNP. The correction could only have been made by some one with the Greek before
him. In his second instance (93/) L and kindred MSS. have subuertit,' representing Kadaipd, '

while all the Posteriores have 'emundauit 3 representing KadaCpti.

'
' Here it seems possible ,'

that L retains Jerome's original reading 4

and that Jerome himself made the correction before
,

the archetypes of ABFMNOPT

had been written. We might infer, therefore, that the
archetype of L had escaped some corrections which Jerome afterwards introduced into his text.
The third instance (197 v) had been previously discussed by Mommsen 5 In this case Probus .
'

praefectus Illyrici,' which is found with variations in L M N marg O, has been altered for -

political reasons into Illyrici Equitius comes,' which is found with variations in
' 6
ABFNPQT .

Here the alteration must either have been made by Jerome or some very early scribe, or
else have been introduced into BQT from the family AFNP. It is significant that in
this case BQT adopt the later text, whereas in the first instance they had preserved the
older. Schone's fourth instance (198 f) is the notice of Melania, which, according to
7
Rufinus ,
Jerome struck out of his copies of the Chronicle after it had been written. It appears
in its proper position in all our MSS. except P, where it is written at the bottom of the
page, its proper position being indicated by the sign /. . It is easy to see that if the passage
had once been struck out, it would easily find its way back, because its omission reduced
the number of lines on this page from twenty-six to twenty-one, leaving five blank lines into which
it could be interpolated from another MS. The notice in Rufinus seems at least to prove that
Jerome did make occasional corrections in his text, and we should therefore be the more ready
to attribute other corrections to him. In the present case contamination would be so easy that it
is difficult to say whether any other MS. than P is derived from a source in which this passage was

omitted. In the fifth instance P places 198 r after 198 s, that is, at the foot of the page, and reads
1
Rufinus instead of the second Florentinus.
' From a passage in Rufinus (Apol. ii. 25) which
'
5

he quotes, Schone attempts to show that 'Rufinus' was the original reading, but the argument is far
from conclusive. I will not deal with the longer list of passages which Schone himself regards
as less decisive, the discussion of which occupies pp. 168-228 of his Weltchronik des Eusebius, but

1 2
Schone, Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 131-7. Op. cit., pp. 87 et seq.
8
N records in its margin the two variants '
destituit ' and '
subuertit.'
There is, however, some difficulty in explaining destiuit as a variant derived from subuertit.' It could more
* '
'
'

5
easily be introduced by a scribe who took 'emundauit' for a mistranslation. Hermes, 1889, p. 399.
6
Schone (op. cit., p. 97) makes an extraordinary attempt to support the originality of the tamquam of L in this '
'

7
passage against the obviously genuine but misunderstood ante .... quam of the other MSS. 'Apol. ii. 26. '
 THE FORM OF THE CHRONICLE IN JEROME 13

I will add two passages, where, as in 93/, L appears to be alone in favouring a reading afterwards
In 95 c L has 'purior aetas,' instead of the 'Thalus' of the other MSS.
1
revised. Here purior '

aetas ' is a possible translation of the poetic noun Qahos (an obvious mistake for QaXfjs), which
2
Jerome afterwards transliterated as a proper name, though he did not correct the orthography .

In 91 h L agrees with the Armenian in reading Eliachim for Ioachim on both occasions where ' '
'
'

the word occurs. This makes it probable that Eliachim represents Eusebius's text and that ' '

Jerome afterwards substituted the more familiar name.

It will be observed that in no two of the instances quoted above from Schone does the

correction make its appearance at the same point in the supposed development of the Latin
Chronica. In the second instance L alone has the unrevised reading, in the third L is reinforced
by M O, in the first it has the additional support of B Q T, in the fourth it is supported not only
by all by A N, and in some measure by P, while in the fifth instance the supposed
these, but also
original is found in P alone. As the argument from form in favour of a systematic re-editing
of the Chronica has broken down, it will be all the easier to adopt the view that any modifi-
cations introduced into the text were not made at any one date, but were suggested from time
to time by the discovery of errors or by personal or political considerations.

§ 4. The Form of the Chronicle in Eusebius.

We are now in a position to attack the central problem connected with the Chronica,
What was the form of the Greek Chronica of Eusebius, and is it better represented by
the Armenian or by Jerome's Latin version ? The Syriac epitome is of no value for
the question of form, but on the whole supports the text of Jerome rather than that of
the Armenian version. The Armenian and Latin differ in certain details, but their most
striking difference in form is in the position of the columns for events. Armenian
In the
the Chronicle is always compressed within the width of a single page and there a column is

for events on each side of that page. Events in sacred history are nearly always placed on
the left side, while events in both sides.
profane The
history are distributed over
3
position of these columns in Jerome has been described above It will be observed that .

the two columns are only used for the first part of the Chronicle. From a comparison between
the two versions it appears 4 that passages common to both always appear in Jerome's
left-hand column if they belong to sacred history, and nearly always in his right-hand column
if they belong to profane. Passages, on the other hand, which are peculiar to Jerome
are distributed almost at random between the two columns. Now since the passages common
to both versions must go back to Eusebius, it would follow that those passages whose position
in Jerome's Chronica depends on their reference to sacred or profane history must belong to the
original Chronicle, and, since Jerome does not regulate the place of his own additions by any
such reference, the classification into sacred and profane events must belong to the original Greek
of Eusebius. Jerome's version therefore retains the form of the original throughout the earlier
part of the Chronicle, so far as the arrangement of events in columns is concerned. It is not
unlikely that it does so in the latter part also, since the substitution of the single for the
double column for events takes place roughly at the close of Old Testament history, after
1
NT alone have • Thales.'
2
' Purior aetas ' may of course have been substituted by some scribe who failed to understand thalus.' '

3 4
PP- 9i !*• See Schone, Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 14, 15, and elsewhere.
 —

14 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

which the bicolumnar arrangement would have been rather pointless. When Schone 1 attempts
to demonstrate that the position of the columns of events goes back to Eusebius, it is not so
easy to follow him. As stated above 2 their position depends on the division of pages and
,

the number of parallel columns in Jerome, not on the importance of different countries. Schone's
table 3 is wrong in placing the first column of events to the right of the Hebrews instead of
the Assyrians for the years of Abraham 1-460, and in placing the second column of events to
the right of the Macedonians instead of the Lydians for the years 1 271-1344. The question
of the position of the columns must therefore be determined by the more general questions of
retention of form instead of determining them.
An interesting confirmation of the adherence of Jerome to
the original Greek in small
points of form is supplied by the reading Thalcamenes for Alcamenes found in O R (Schone,
75 Lac. Tit.). Thalcamenes is probably the correct reading, although historically an incorrect
form. Thus L has Talcamenes, M Thalcamenis, B Chalcamenis, N Tharcamenes, and P Tarca-
menes, so that this spelling is represented in all families of MSS. 4 The title, according to
the principles on which Jerome's version isdrawn up, should run as follows:
Lacedaemon. Villi Alcamenes a. xxxvii, suggesting the Greek
AAKEAAIMON AAKAMENHC ETH AZ
This at once explains the origin of the form Thalcamenes, and it is significant that the
name Thalcamenes in MO
is not preceded by a numeral, as are the names of the other

Lacedaemonian kings. The numeral VIII in Schone's text is probably a misprint for Villi,
in which case the appearance of a false numeral VIII in B suggests that it was supplied by
a scribe and was absent from the original text. The leaf of the Armenian on which the name
of Alcamenes ought to appear is unfortunately lost, but as numerals are never placed before
the names of kings in the Armenian, it may be assumed that in it no numeral stood before
the name of Alcamenes. It would therefore follow that in the use of numerals before the
names of kings in records of accessions the Latin version of Jerome has followed the original
Greek, while the Armenian has departed from it.

A cogent argument is adduced by Schone 5

in favour of the correspondence in form between
6
the Greek and the first edition of the Latin Chronica, from a passage in Jerome's Preface ,

in which he states that he has dictated his work with great rapidity. The dictation of elaborate
tabular matter is not easy, and Schone is of opinion that the fila regnorum were transliterated '
'

from the Greek by a scribe, the correct interval being allowed for each gap, and that Jerome
then dictated a translation of the text. That this was the case in the earlier part of the Chronicle
is rendered extremely likely by the form of the Chronicle. The use of small writing for events
renders the '
fila regnorum '
independent of the space occupied by ordinary
entries, and the columns

of regnal years are only broken for accessions of kings and the longer notices on chronological
landmarks. If therefore Jerome retained the form of his original, he would be able not only
to interpret at length without fear of crowding, but also to add new events without disturbing
the outlines of his work. Schone, who has overlooked the distinction between large and
small writing, preserved in O S, imagines that the spacing of the original was retained even
in the latter part of the Chronica. This however appears to be impossible. Here the interval
between one date and the next depends entirely on the space occupied in Jerome's Latin by
1 2 3
Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 60 and following. p. 9 supra. Op. cit., p. 60.
* T alone has Alcamenes. 6
Weltchronik des Eusebius, pp. 76, 81. 6
p. I, 1. 15 (Schone).
 THE FORM OF THE CHRONICLE IN EUSEBIUS 15

the events belonging to the former date, and is therefore dependent not merely on the length
or brevity of his translations, but on the presence or absence of additions of his own. The fact
that here events as well as dates appear in large letters seems to imply that they were dictated
pari passu, and as the columns of dates are no longer numerous, there being often only one such
column, there should no longer have been any difficulty in dictating the dates along with the text.
It would appear, therefore, that in the earlier part of the Chronica there is an exact correspondence
in form between the Greek of Eusebius and Jerome's Latin, while in the latter part the corre-
spondence is more vague. In the division between opposite pages, and in the position of the
columns for events, it would facilitate the work of the scribe greatly if he followed the arrangement
of the original. The same would apply to the number of lines on each page, though of course
in the latter part of the Chronica, where the boundary between pages depends on the length
of the text, no correspondence between Jerome's pages and those of the original can be assumed.
Whether the distinction between red and black ink goes back to Eusebius it is difficult to say.
There would be no difficulty in marking out for a scribe what columns he was to write in red ink 1 .

One more question about the original Greek remains. Did Eusebius issue two editions of
his Chronica, and if so does the Armenian represent the older, and Jerome's Latin the later edition ?
It is at least unlikely that the form of the Armenian goes back to Eusebius, because the other
form alone agrees with the main intention of the Chronici Canones, viz. the establishment of
the antiquity of the Jewish religion and scriptures as compared with the history and literature
of the heathen world. My inspection of the MSS. of Jerome has shed no new light on the
differences in text between the two versions, unless we include under this head the placing of
Olympiads. In the Armenian the numbers of the Olympiads are noted against years of Abraham
evenly divisible by four. Codices priores of Jerome is not perfectly
L, as representing the '
'

them one year later. Schone in his edition always places the
consistent, but generally places
mention of an Olympiad in the column of years of Abraham in the line immediately above that
occupied by a year of Abraham which when divided by four leaves a remainder of one. This
suggests that the number of the Olympiad is intended as a heading for the next four years,
and that the first year of each Olympiad is intended to coincide with the following year of
Abraham and historians have generally assumed that this is the case. The divergence between
;

the Armenian and the accepted interpretation of Jerome may however be explained by
a comparison of the MSS. ABFMNOPST of Jerome. All these habitually place the
Olympiads in the column of regnal years which stands furthest to the left of the page or of the
two pages, as the case may be they do not however place the Olympiads against any particular
;

year of Abraham or regnal year, but always in the space between two regnal years. Where
this space consists of several lines, the Olympiad may appear either on the first or on the last, or
on any intermediate line. It therefore bears an equally close relation to the year above and the
year below, and it is not surprising that if the Olympiads were so placed by Eusebius, the
Armenian translator should in compressing the Chronicle have placed them in the year above,
and the archetype of the Codices priores should, also for the sake of conciseness, have placed
'
'

them in the year below. It is, however, possible that Eusebius adopted the rule of placing the
Olympiad in the first of the lines intervening between the regnal years in question, since in the
earlier part of the Latin Chronica, in which Jerome would appear to have adhered most closely

1
Eusebius in his'
Canons for the Gospels has two
' series of numbers, in black and red ; therefore the system
was familiar to, and actually used by him.
i6 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
to the form of his original, the Olympiads are nearly always so placed. Why Eusebius adopted
this methoddo not profess to be able to say, but one explanation that has occurred to me
I

is that Eusebius recognized that the Olympiads did not begin at the beginning of any Calendar

year, and that in consequence he chose to note the commencement of a new Olympiad between
two regnal years. Be this as it may, the difference between the Armenian and the Latin in
respect of the placing of Olympiads can no longer be adduced as an argument in favour of the
existence of two editions of the original. The other arguments, which have been frequently set
forth, and most recently in Schone's Weltchronik des Etisebius, pp. 260-7, remain, and the
question is still open whether they form a sufficient basis for such a theory.

§ 5. The Text of the Chronicle : Relation of O to other MSS.

There be added to the discussion of the text of the Chronicle than to that of the
is less to

form, because the MSS. have been more

carefully inspected on points connected with the text
than on points connected with the form. Since, however, errors on questions of form have led to
some more strictly textual evidence, a review of the materials for the
misinterpretations of the
classificationand filiation of the MSS. will not be out of place.
The first and simplest method of classification is that suggested by Mommsen in Hermes,
1889, p. 401, according to which the continuations will be the criterion of the descent of the MSS.
The obvious defect of this method as applied to the early MSS. is that most of the classes it
creates do not contain more than one of our MSS. They would fall into the following groups :

Without any continuation ABCNPQS(?)T

Chronicon Consulare of Prosper . . . . . DF
„ Imperiale of Prosper)
T
Marius of Aventicum )

Hydatius . . M
Marcellinus O
[Fasti Hydatiani R]
This scheme would of course be useful for a classification of MSS. yet to be discovered and ;

any new MS. which might be discovered with Marcellinus as a continuation would of course be
deserving of inspection. But for the MSS. to which I have confined my attention the scheme is
useless, because, apart from D F, the only class which contains more than one member is con-
stituted solely by a negative qualification.
More important by form. Here we have first of all the distinction between
is the classification
the Priores (L) and the Posteriores (A B F M N O P Q S T). Within the latter group A N P S
'
'
' '

are united by their agreement in pagination and lineation, while F, M, O, Q, and T stand each
by itself. We must, however, be very careful in our employment of this criterion. Schone in his
edition of Eusebius supposed P to be descended from S, because of their close similarity in text
and still closer similarity in form, and Traube supposes both N and P to have been copied
from S for the same reasons. The argument from form loses its weight when it appears that
the supposed peculiarities in part go back to the original, and in part are shared with A, and even
with MSS. of other families, while a study of Schone's apparatus would show that while APS are
closely allied, the differences between S and P are more numerous than those between S and A.
In like manner Schone abandoned the idea of collating N because of its close resemblance to S
 — ;

RELATION OF O TO OTHER MSS. 17

in text, but more especially in form. The instance he cites on p. 31 of his Weltchronik des
Euscbius proves only a general family resemblance between N P S. The argument from the
text will be discussed later (p. 18).

M appears to Schone to have affinities with AN PS, with

which he believes it to correspond
page for page throughout ( Weltchronik des Eusebius, p. 54), and also with O with which it
is said to correspond generally in the division of pages (op. cit, p. 126 note). As a fact
it corresponds with A
N P S in the earlier part of the Chronicle only, and with O not
at all.

The most valuable material for a classification of the be obtained by MSS. is after all to
means of an inspection of their text. I Hardy, and in one
venture to think that Mommsen and
instance Schone himself, have erred in attaching to marginalia a critical importance which strictly
belongs to the text alone. In the text the rule is for a MS. to be copied from a single archetype
contamination is the exception. In the margin contamination is probably the rule, and two MSS.
must not be classed together because they both omit or both insert a particular marginal entry.
Neglect of this rule or a failure to elicit from Schone's edition the true distinction between text
and margin vitiates the list which Mommsen has compiled of agreements of F O against M, and
militates seriously against the unique character which he attributes to O.
Schone's attempt to trace the different MSS. back to different stages in the development of
Jerome's work has been discussed above (pp. 11-3). The different MSS. will also be found
compared in respect of their text in the Introduction to the second volume of Schone's
edition, in Mommsen's article in Hermes, 1889, pp. 393-401, and in Hardy's article in the
Journal of Philology, 1890, pp. 277-87. The close relation between and O is sufficiently M
proved by the passages cited by Mommsen and Hardy it remains after Hardy's instances have ;

been checked by comparison with O itself, and with the readings of as cited by Schone, and M
could be supported by many other instances. The cases where F O agree against are, as has M
been stated above, of another character. Of these Mommsen quotes:
(1) 137 (Caesar) where F O have mens. VII,' mens. VIII,' A B P mens. VI.' Mommsen
'
M ' '

cites R as reading 'VI,' but according to Schone it reads 'septem' (with F O). To these
we may now add C D L N marg T which read 'mens. VII' (with FOR), and N which reads
-

1
mens. VI (with ' A
B P). Here the deviation of M
is probably fortuitous, and undeserving of
l
attention .

(2) 137/ where FO are quoted as omitting the words '

ab hoc loco Antiocheni sua tempora
computant,' which are found in A B M P R. The position of the index letter p in Schone's
edition indicates that even in A B M P this passage is in the left margin (where it is also found
in DQ T), not in the text. R would appear to have it in the right margin. It is absent
from CFL altogether, and in O appears among the sloping marginalia. This passage, there-
2
fore, cannot fairly be cited as evidence on the text .

where
(3) 189, FO are cited as omitting 'secundum Antiochenos anni CCCLI against the '

other MSS. There is nothing in Schone's edition to indicate that these words belong to the
margin. I find, however, by inspection of the MSS. that in ADNPQ they are in the margin,
and that in CL M they are actually omitted, so that M really agrees with O. They do not
1
The passage is omitted in Q.
2
Hardy, loc. cit., p. 285, mentions the presence in the margin of O of a paraphrase of this entry, but has not noticed
that the entry itself is also to be found there.
FOTIII'RINCIIAM D
 — ''

i8 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

appear in the text of S, but may have been in the margin which is lost. In T they are in the
text. R is cited by Schbne in Vol. I as omitting these words, so that they are only contained in
the text of B T and margin of ADNPQ. I presume that their connexion with the words
'Persecutions I ' is at least supported by Schone's quondam favourite, B.

(4) 139/, where FO are cited as omitting '

Cicero ut quibusdam placet interficitur in Caietis,'
against A M
B P R. The words in question are actually omitted by F. In O they appear
among the sloping marginalia mentioned above (p. 17). In AM they appear in the margin, as
Schone appears and as I have myself observed. In
to indicate, also they appear in DNQT
the margin only. In C L they appear in the text, and, if Schone could be relied on, this would
appear to be the case with B P R as well. In P however they are in the margin only. Here
again it will be seen that the difference between and O is more imaginary than real. M
To these passages Hardy adds :

(1) 117«, where F omits the words Ab hoc loco Edesseni sua tempora computant,' which {

appear in O among the sloping marginalia only. As C L T alone have this passage in the text,
no importance can be attached to it.
(2) 147 s, where are cited for FO
blanditias,' A for blandimentas,' P for blandimenta,' '
{
'

B M
for blanditiam.'
'
F O are further supported by C L Q T, and practically by D R which read
'
and an inspection of the MS. has shown me that blanditias is also the reading of
blandicias,' ' '

M. N has blandimentas.' Here Hardy has been misled by an error in Ruhl's collation of M.
'

(3) J 73 jn where are cited for 'Maximinus,'

i
FO for Maximus.' To the latter ABMP '

group we might add D L N R. however does not as a fact read Maximus,' but Maxinus M ' •

with mi superscribed, so as to correct this to Maximinus.'

'
' have Maximinus.' '
CQT '

(4) 189/, where Hardy cites FO for Cinalense,' for Cibalense.' 'Cinalense' here '
ABMP '

is an obvious misprint for '

Ciualense.' This reading is also supported by C L, while '
Cibalense
is supported by DNQRS 1
. M however is not correctly cited. According to Riihl, whose
statement I have verified, it reads '
ciuilense/ the line over the '
e ' and the letters nse being ' '

erased so as This reading of course presupposes an older

to leave '
ciuile.' ciualense,' '

so that the authority of M

on the side of C F L O, not on that is ofABDNPQRST.
Thus Mommsen's attempt to demonstrate that O represents an ancient source, independent
alike of the corruptions common to A B F P and to has broken down. O must ABMP, M
be treated as a single family, probably the best family, of which O is the older and better
representative.
AN PS are rightly regarded as a single family, which is of interest because of its uniformity
in the division of pages and even of lines, which in the first part of the Chronicle at least appears
2
to go back to the original S indeed is in other respects also the best representative of the
.

original form of the Chronica 3 But the fact that spatial difficulties have often compelled A
.

to displace events by a few lines or a few years ought not to be allowed to weigh against its

1
T
has Cebalense.' '

See p. 1 1 above. The close resemblance of A N P S to one another in text renders it impossible to infer from
2

their agreement in paging that they preserve more than the paging of the archetype of their family. It is significant

that the two MSS. M

and T which, though not belonging to this family, preserve its paging for the first part of the
Chronicle, are quite independent in the latter part.
Its general arrangement is identical with that of O except in the division of lines and pages, but S preserves
3

better those ornamental devices, traces of which are to be found even in L.

 '

RELATION OF O TO OTHER MSS. 19

claim to be a good representative of this family in questions of text. N P, as has been stated
above (p. 2), are both copies of S. The following instances where S agrees with O or O against M
A P as citedby Schone, might appear to tell against this descent.
p. 55 (Schone). Here the column of Latin kings is headed 'primus rex Latinorum post
captam Troiam in O S. These words appear in the text in L. No MS. is cited for them, but
'

Schone does not usually cite variants in headings. The heading is omitted in T.
63a Solomonem OS: Salomonem ABFLMPR: Salamonem T. (Here P really has
Solomonem with O S.)
67^Bithynia ORST: Bithinia A F P Bythinia L Bythiniam M Bitynia B. (Here the
: : :

agreement of A F P in error against O S T may be purely accidental.)

97 h iniit LMORS: init A F P T hinit B. (Here S has dots above and below the middle
:

i in though some scribe had wished to omit it. P however really has iniit.)
iniit, as
183 187/, 191 a Hierosolymarum OST: Hierusolymarum
.y, (Here P really AFMPR.
has Hierosolymarum.)
189^ Maximinus FMOST:
Maximianus Maximus B. (P really has Maxi- ALPR:
minus.)
189^ Maximinus ABM OST: Maximianus AFLP. (P really has Maximinus.)
In 53 8 the omission of ' et ' after 'similiter ' is really supported by A, as also are the '
fuerunt
in 97«, and the omission of 'est' after destructum in 97 Lyd. tit., though Schone notes A's
'
'

reading in none of these cases. This renders me more suspicious of his citations of A else-
where.
The following variants of S would appear from Schone's edition to be important.
63« S alone reads CCCCLXXXI. (P really has the same.)
189 d Diocletiani anno RS: anno Diocletiani (Diocliciani, Diocliciane, Diodiocletiani)
ABFLMOPT. (P really has Diocletiani anno.)
189/2 obit BM S: obiit AFLOPRT.
The more crucial instances having broken down, it is impossible to build a case against
the descent of P from S upon 6yd and 189/2.
F is an interesting MS., inasmuch as it is the result of a deliberate recension 1
. Hardy gives
instances both of the agreement of F MO against the other MSS. and of the agreement of MO
against the other MSS., including F. Some of these however are of small importance, while
others are based on erroneous information. The following will be interesting as showing that F
often sides with ANPS
when in error, though not so often as B does, and that it occasionally
sides with M O even when in error. I have corrected Hardy's and Schone's errors and added

the readings of other MSS. where known to me I have also added a few readings which I have
noted myself. The reading which I prefer is in each case given first.
Agreement of F with A P against M O.
1 15 o demisso (demiso) LMOQT: dimisso A B D F N P R.

133 b Lucilius D L M O T Lucius ABFNPQR.

:

155 h luxuriae A B F N P R T luxoriae LMOQ.

:

\%\h quadraginta missus A FN PR: Athlamos (Athalamos, Athlans mons, Atlans mons)
BLMN mar e-
OQT. See p. 1 2 above.

1
See above, p. 1 1.

D 2
 —

20 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

197^ Probus praefectus (with variants) LMN «0:
Illyrici Equitius mar
Illyrici comes (with
variants) ABFNPQT.
Agreement of F with MO against A P.
43 b Nysam (Nicam, Nisam, Nisan, Nysan) BDFLMOQRT: Mysan (Misan) APS.
45 <: alligabat BDLT: allegabat (adlegabat) FMN mar
8- OR : allegebat ANPQ.
4$g iudex (iuiudex) DFLMNOQT: ABPRow.
61 i uel Cumae (Comae) om. FL MO : add. ABDN PRS : quae nunc Cumae T1 .

Andronico
61 / ALNPRS: Androco (Andraco) FMOQ: Androco uel (siue) ab
Andronico B D T.
61 m bellum FLM OT : excidium A B D N O mar^ PQRS.
ooyHystaspis (Histaspis) FMOT. Hydaspis (Hidaspis, Idaspis) ABDNPQR. In M
this passage appears in the margin only.
i39*Popili BLNPRT*: Pupili
(Popilii, Pompilii) A: populi FMOQT.
143 i construit FLMOQT: construxit A B N P R.
147 s blanditias (blandicias) FLMOQRT: blanditiam B : blandimenta (blandimentas) A N P.
1 63 c Pontiam FL M N mar O R *- : Pontianam ABNPQT.
173 m A B L N P R Maximinus (Maxinus, but see p. 18 above) FMOQT.
Maximus :

\ 89 / F L (M) O Cibalense (Cebalense) ABNPQRST.

Ciualense :

191 b uilla sua Spalato (Aspalato) F L M O R T uillae suae (uillas suas) palatio A B N P Q S.
:

The agreement of F with M O is therefore interesting wherever it occurs, but not decisive.
B is of less importance, because it is copied with less care, and presents fewer instances of
agreement with M O against A F. B M O should be a valuable combination, where we can be
sure that it is not fortuitous. B T alone, or almost alone, is not an uncommon combination,
e.g. 45 c alligabat BDLT: 61 f perseuerabat 61 1 Androco uel (siue) ab Andronico B D T 67 a in
: :

Samaria: 119« Samaritanorum 133.2 aetatis BFT: 1370 primus Romanus

: 145 z> nascitur: :

161 Romanos. Schone, being without M O, attached excessive weight to the readings of B
which occasionally presents the readings of the MO family. His apparatus often cites AFP
for readings which appear to be peculiar to B.
L is a valuable addition to our stock of MSS. some readings which must have
It preserves
been corrected by Jerome himself, and which do not appear in the Codices Posteriores,' and '

it seems to be independent of both families, O and N P S. It is clear that it owes M A

its present form to the work of an editor, who has not displayed any excessive care. There
is a constant displacement of matter, and many of the synchronisms of the original have been

destroyed. The editor has often attempted to compress Jerome's text by a change in the
construction and often throws two notices into one. Less often he breaks one up into two.
Many of these changes betray a defective understanding of the text. The faults of the editor
are enhanced by those of the scribe. The MS. is full of errors, and its readings may be
regarded as valueless where they are not supported by a MS. of another family. The readings
quoted above will show how it escapes the errors of AP 2
. In three of them, 61/, 139 f,

173;«, it escapes errors of MO. The same is the case in the following instances:
45 h Philammon R : Filammon (Filamon) ABFLNO*P: Filiammon MO : Fidamon T.

1
Q omits the entry 61 i, but has the words '
uel comcce ' at the end of 61 h.
2
189^ is however an exception.
 —

RELATION OF O TO OTHER MSS. 21

145« Spoletinus ALNPRT: Spolitinus F: Politinus B: Spolentinus O: Polentinus M.

T seems to be more closely related to M O than to A P. I have not found an instance
where sides with A P against B M O, but there are several instances where
it sides with it

A B P against M O, and more where sides with M O

still against A B P. It contains some
it

corrections of errors which are found in almost all MSS., and perhaps go back to Jerome ; thus
in 75 Lac. Tit. T alone has Alcamenes in 95 c'
alone have Thales.'
'
Its agreements
; NT '

with B are curious, and it has clearly been contaminated from some source akin to B. This
fact reduces its value agreement with that MS. It has also one curious
when found in
agreement with L in 181^, where both MSS. read 'Atlans (Athlans) mons.' The corrections
and contamination may well be the work of the same editor. There appears to be no common
principle governing the degree to which F and T respectively present the readings either of
the M A
O or of the N P S family. T ought to be valuable where O is defective, as is the M
only other representative of the MO family.
Sundermeier 1 attempted by means of Augustine's orthography of proper names to prove
that he used a text more closely resembling that of P than that of B. It is interesting to A
observe that, whatever may be the value of Augustine's orthography, it approaches that of L
still more closely.
Next to a combination of MO with the AN PS family, LMO would appear to be the
best combination where O is defective, L
; should be sufficient. M
by itself is a treacherous M
guide. We
must however be careful, especially when dealing with dates, to assure ourselves
that the combination is not fortuitous.
The consensus of the best MSS. is in favour of a fairly correct orthography. The false
orthography which defaces Schone's edition receives little support from L or from O or from
S, and might well be replaced by one more consistent with that of Jerome's other works.
If it is necessary to draw up a genealogical tree of the different MSS., the following should
be as good as any :

i
€
1 1

\ 1 1

It
7 a
1

1 > 1 1 1

6 S A B v
1

IS (Bonifatii)
1 1 1

I VI F N P

§ 6. The Marginalia in O.
No introduction to the Bodleian MS. would be complete without some account of the
marginalia. have indicated above 2 the different kinds of marginalia that exist.
I There is
one class common to all MSS. which is generally represented in O by the upright marginalia,
though some of these are omitted in O as in other MSS. Another class, peculiar to O, appears

Quaestiones Chronographicae, Bremae, 1 896. p. 10.

 .. » — . .

22 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

in sloping uncials very seldom that the sloping marginalia in O represent the marginalia
;
it is

common to other The upright marginalia in O call for no special notice 1

MSS. They are .

all either glosses or chronological notes; they appear irregularly in MSS. of the same or of

different families,and throw little light on the history of the MSS. The sloping marginalia
on the other hand are for the most part abstracts of select entries in the text. Schone has
accordingly suggested that they are selections made from Jerome to form the first part of the
Chronicle of Marcellinus. Against this it may be urged that the notices de frumentis, &c.' '

on $$ a, Atheniensium reges, &c.' on 48 a, de temporibus, &c.' on 48 b, acta Neronis, &c.' on

' '
'

115 b, and 'episcopi apud, &c.' on 136 b are unintelligible apart from the text. Moreover these
marginalia are in the same hand as the text of O, or at least in a contemporary hand, while
the Chronicle of Marcellinus is in a later hand. Sometimes, however, the sloping marginalia
are not mere abstracts. 76 b Nabuchodonosor is of the nature of a gloss, while 117 b '
. .
.'

'Vespasianus capitolium is at once an abstract and a supplement. The same applies

. .
.'

to 120a 'Ignatius .', 122a 'Augusta .', and 140b Sarmata discipulus
. .
.' The . .
'
. .

following marginalia combine the nature of an abstract with that of a synchronism or of

a chronological note: —
41 a Cyzicus . . . 86 b ex Aethna . . .

48 b area testamenti . . . 87 b filosophi post . . .

49 b dad eo . . . 89 b Alexander Filippi 3 . .

50 b templum . . . 90 a Alexandria condita . .

58 b Elias . . . 94 a liber sapientiae . . .

61 a quidam Cartaginem . 98 b Carthago in . . .

66 b Roma parilibus. . . . 100 b Cicero nascitur 3

. . .

67 b Esaias et . . .
2 102 b Vergilius nascitur . . .

73 b Hieremias propheta . 105b Sallustius Crispus . . .

J5 b
'
Nabuchodonosor . . and '
Dani- 108 a Vergilius Brundisi . . .

hel . .
.' 119a Iosephus Dometiani .

80 b Aggaeus . . . 119b Iohannes apostolus . .

81 a Pythagoras . . . 127 a sub Seuero . . .

84 b Socrates nascitur . . . 128 a Tertullianus sub . . .

85 a Hippocrates medicus 136 b CCCXVIII synodus . . .

78 b' Medorum regnum . is of the nature of a supplementary chronological note, not

of an abstract.
1
The following is a list of the upright marginalia in O :

55 b pnncipium LX . . . = :hoi le 67 c 131a iobeleus iuxta . . . Schone 183^0

[66 b See p. 23.] 131a viii persecutio . . .
» 183^
84 a principium LXXI . . . »> 103 X 132 b initium iobelei . . .
» 185//
99 b prius nomen . . i34b iobeleus secundum »> 189 aa
119a 11 persecutio . .
» \6\xx I35b X persecutio . .
» 189 drt
120 a HI persecutio . . .
» 163 uu 140 a secundum
iobeleos >> 194 mm
129 b VI persecutio . . .
179 yy 141b Corgonium dicit .
» 196 gg
130b VII persecutio . . . \8\nn
This is an abstract of a passage omitted from the text of O, but found in ABFLMPRT. See Schone 83/.
The information contained in these entries must be derived from a foreign source.
 ——

THE MARGINALIA IN O. 23

The following marginalia are misplaced :

50 b '
templum Solomonis . .
.' fifty-two lines too high.
76a 'in agone . .
.' about thirty-seven lines too high.
100 b '
Gaius Marius . .
.' placed by confusion against the entry '
Gaius Lucilius . .
.'

116 b '
Vespasianus apud . . .' placed by confusion against the entry 'Vespasianus
duobus . .
.'

134 b '
Galerius Maximianus victus . .
.' placed by confusion against the entry '
Galerius
Maximianus superato . .
.'

The displacement of 50 b suggests that the error arose in transferring this series of marginalia
from one 26-line MS. to another the copyist has placed this note on the right line of the ;

page, but one leaf too early. This suggestion is confirmed by the reading excidium, 52 a in O,
61 m (Schone). This reading is found in B N P Q R S, but not in the text of O nor in F L T. A M
It seems probable, therefore, that the series of abstracts was originally made in a 26-line
MS. allied to A B N P Q S, and was copied from this into the margin of another 26-line MS.,
from which it was copied into O 1 I will attempt to show hereafter that these marginalia .

must have been added after the text and upright marginalia had been written.
There remain a number of sloping marginalia which are either found in other MSS. or are
similar in character to those found there.

The following is a complete list of these :

66 b. 'a Salmanassar V This appears to be in the margin of A F M P, and in the text of

BL In RT
it appears in See Schone Si a. the Median column.
66 b
hoc in '
These words are in the margin of F P, and appear from Schone to be in
. .
.'

the text of A, and to be omitted by B. They are omitted by L, but in the form adopted by
the Priores they would be meaningless.
' '

81 b ideo secundus'
In N this passage is in the margin, as I have discovered by
. .
.' M
personal inspection. It is omitted by L, and would appear from Schone's edition (99 g) to be in

the text of A B F P R. If so, it must have made its way there through the margin. In T it

appears in the Persian column.

91 b
ab hoc '
This passage appears in the text of LT. It is omitted by F, is in the
. .
.'

margin of P, and would appear from Schone's edition (117 n) to be in the margin of B R. A M
104 a Antiocheni annorum suorum numerum XC Caesares computant.' *XC' here is probably
'

a copyist's error for a '

C
The whole passage is a paraphrase of the marginal notice ab hoc '

loco . which occurs under the next year. This proves that the ordinary marginalia must have
.
.'

already existed in the MS. in which the abstracts were first inserted.
104a. ab hoc loco This passage is in the margin of
'
and is omitted by F L.
. .
.
' APT
According to Schone (137/) it is also in the margin of B R. M
105a 'Cicero ut = Schone 139/, for which see p. 18 above. . .
.'

109 a Tertullianus in '

This passage is in the text of A L, and would appear from . .
.'

Schone (145 g) to be in that of R also. According to Schone it is in the margin of BFP.

It is also in the margin of T.

1
The presence in 67 b (above) of the abstract of a passage wanting in the text of O is further evidence that the
abstracts were not made from the text of O.
2
If this is not rather to be regarded as belonging to the upright marginalia.
 24 THE VALUE OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
mb ' principium LXXXI . . .
'
This passage is in the margin of APT and the text of
L. omitted by F, and from Schone 149/ it would appear to be
It is in the margin of B M R.
127 b 'in hoc anno iobeleum a maioribus inuenimus obseruatum id duodecimo anno Seueri et
CCLI Antiochenae urbis.' This passage is, according to Schone (177 /), omitted by M, but appears
in the text of A and the margin of B F P R. It is also in the margin of L T.
It will be observed that no passage is found both in the upright and in the sloping marginalia
of O. But the latter contain many passages similar in character to those which appear among the
upright marginalia. Compare especially 131 a '
iobeleus . . . ,'
132 b '
initium . . .
,'
134 b '
iobeleus
. . .
,' 140 a '
iobeleos . .
.'
with 127 b above. It is clear therefore, that the scribe who copied
the sloping marginalia into O carefully avoided repeating the upright marginalia, which must
therefore have been in O already. By combining this result with that obtained on
23 above, p.
we learn that abstracts were first inserted in a 26-line MS., allied to ABN P S, and already
containing some of the ordinary marginalia ; from this they were transcribed into another
26-line MS., and from this they were transcribed, along with such of the ordinary marginalia
as were not already present, into O.
The sloping hand which appears in these marginalia is also to be found frequently throughout
the entire MS. in corrections and in crowded writing at the end of a line or below the last complete
line of an entry or of a page. Thus on f. 40 a 'tus sit' below the last line is in this hand; on f. 123 a
(Hadr. 19) we have first a correction in this hand and then an addition onf. 124 a the last words ;

'
ferri uisus' are in this hand on f. 132 a, 1. 21 is finished in this hand on f. 138 a, 1. 25, the word
; ;

'
Constantinopolim is supplied in this hand on f. 130 b the entry Nouatus
' is corrected in
;
'
. .
.
'

this hand. On f. 135 b the entry 'pax reddita' is, with the exception of the first word, in this
. . .

hand. Note also the growing approximation towards this hand in the upright marginalia towards
the end of the MS. On ff. 131 a, 135 b VIII persecutio ualeriani,' 'X persecutio '
seem to pass . .
.
'

out of the one hand into the other. It is therefore probable that the upright and sloping uncials
belong to the same scribe. If so, the summary on f. 145 should also be by the original scribe.
Traube 1 has argued that because this summary is only brought down to 442 A. D., it cannot have
been copied into O much later than that date otherwise it would have been continued. He ;

therefore dates the sloping hand in O about 450 A.D., and suggests that the upright hand must in
consequence be placed between 400 and 450. The argument is not convincing, but there is nothing
to prevent both the upright and the sloping hand from belonging to the middle of the fifth century.
The later marginalia will be dealt with in the next chapter.
1
op. cit., Praef., p. xi.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
THE more recent history of our manuscript is not difficult to trace. It was acquired from
some unknown source by Jean du Tillet, Bishop of Meaux, who died in 1570. Pontacus
borrowed it from him, and cites it by the name of Meldensis (M) in his edition of the
Chronica. Sirmond, also, in the preface to his edition of Marcellinus \ refers to it as
belonging to the library of duTillet. It next passed to the Jesuit College of Clermont at Paris,

for have borrowed it. When the Clermont library was sold in 1764, it
which Sirmond may
was acquired by Meerman, and, on the sale of his library in 1824, it was bought by Gaisford
for the Bodleian. Du Tillet had received authority from Francis I to collect MSS. from
French libraries, and, as will be seen hereafter, there are reasons for supposing that the
Bodleian MS. was in the south of France about 1400.
Traube 2 has expressed the opinion that the MS. was written in Italy, but professes his
inability to specify the place more exactly, or to state when it was removed from Italy. The
examples of early uncial writing are not sufficiently numerous, to render the task of dating the
MS. altogether simple. When attention was first called to it, it was supposed to belong to
the sixth century, but Traube now places it in the fifth century, and this opinion is confirmed
by the opinions of other scholars which have been communicated to me. Many of my readers
will probably be able to determine the palaeographical question better than I can 3 Traube has, .

as we have seen above 4 endeavoured to find a further argument for an early date in the
,

supposed fact that the chronological summary on f. 145 is brought down to 442 A.D. He is
of opinion that if it had been copied into our MS. at any distance of time from that date, it
would have been continued. This is, however, far from being a safe conclusion. Of all Schone's
MSS. B is the only one in which the chronological summary at the end of Jerome's Chronicle
is continued to a date approaching that of the MS. In ALM P there appears to be no
continuation. In F the summary is brought down to 444 or 445 A.D., and in R to 443 A.D.,
while the family of Marcellinus MSS. derived from O all continue the summary to 442 A.p. and
no further. As it is impossible to throw all these MSS. back to the fifth century, we must
abandon the attempt to date O by the absence of a further continuation.
It is doubtful, however, whether Mommsen and Traube have not erred in supposing that

this summary was continued to 442 A.D. in O. The summary as it now stands in that MS.
only extends to 435 A.D., and the date 442 A.D. rests on the supposition that the supplement
to the summary began on the lost leaf and included the words, quoted by Mommsen 5 from

1
Marcellini v. c. comitis Illyriciani chronicon multo quam antea emendatius et auctius, Lutetiae Parisiorum 1619.
f. a i, and Opera Varia (Parisiis 1696), torn, ii, p. 347, cited by Mommsen, Chronica Minora, II, p. 48.
* Op. cit. p. xii.
3
While not venturing to express any opinion on the palaeographical evidence as to the date of the MS., I would
commend to the notice of palaeographical students the frequent use at the ends of lines of minuscule forms or of
forms which are losing their uncial character. 4
p. 24.
8
Chronica Minora, II, p. 49.
FOTHF.RINGHAM
£
 26 THE HISTORY OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT
•

Paris. and found in other MSS. descended from O: 'A Valente VI et Valentiniano
4870,
iuniore usque in consulatum Eudoxii colliguntur anni LXIIII, ac per hoc a XV Tiberi anno, quo
dominus predicare incepit, in consulatum Eudoxii et Dioscori fiunt anni CCCCXI.' But it is
clear that the supplement to Jerome's summary must at some date have stood, as it now
stands in O, without these words. If we begin the supplement where it now begins at the top
of f. 145 a in O, we have first of all a part down to CCCXCII (1. 4) or possibly down to
'
'

MCLXXV (1. 6), contributed originally by some scribe in the year 421 A.D., and then a further
continuation by some scribe of the year 435 A.D. As the passage quoted above only dates from
442 A.D., the supplement to Jerome's summary as it now stands in O must, when first written,
have followed immediately after Jerome's own summary. It is moreover doubtful whether the
passage quoted had originally any connexion with the supplement to the summary, as found
in O. Ifwas written in order to bring that summary down to the time of the scribe who
it

wrote it, why was it not placed at the end of the existing supplement ? If on the other hand
it was originally inserted in a MS. where there was no supplement to the chronological
summary, the most natural place for it would be that which it occupies in Paris. 4870, &c,
at the end of Jerome's summary. There is therefore no reason to assume a priori that the
supplement of 442 A.D. was copied into O along with the supplements of 421 A.D. and 435 A.D.,
and the fact that the supplement to the summary, as preserved to us, begins on a new
quaternion, in a sloping and no longer in an upright hand, and with the first words of the
supplement as it must have existed before the supplement of 442 A.D. was inserted, suggests that
the scribe who inserted this supplement intended it to begin exactly where it does begin in our
MS. Where then did the passage quoted come from? It must have been in O, because no one
would have any motive for inserting it after the year 442 A.D. 1 and if it was in O it must ,

have been on the last leaf, and, as we have seen, it appears to have been no part of the
summary copied into the MS. on f. 145. Now, as we have seen above, the sloping marginalia
were copied from a MS. of another family after O was completed. The presumption therefore
is that the summary was copied along with them, and that it had no place in the archetype

of O. The archetype of O did however contain marginalia, represented by the existing

upright marginalia 2 and there is therefore nothing improbable in its having contained at the
,

end an entry carrying Jerome's summary down to 442 A.D. This would explain the peculiar
position of that continuation in Paris. 4870, &c. On this hypothesis 442 A.D. should probably
be the date of the archetype of O, as it cannot be shown that any of the notes inserted by
the scribe himself were of his own composition. The sloping marginalia ought to be the
composition of a scribe who wrote in 421 or 435 A.D. They are often of a chronological
character, and their author would be a likely person to add to the chronological summary at
the end of the work.
The account of this MS. in the Palaeographical Society's Series regards ff. 33-81 a and
81 b-144 as the work of two different hands, and is followed in this respect by Madan in his
Summary Catalogue of Western MSS. in the Bodleian Library, Vol. I, p. 441. Traube tacitly
corrects this error, which is due to a failure to recognize that the distinction between large
and small writing belongs to the form of the Chronica, and does not imply a difference of
scribes.
The sloping uncial writing found in the marginalia and summary were originally regarded
1 2
p. 24. See p. 22 note.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT 27

as somewhat later in date than the upright uncials of the text of the Chronica, but Mommsen
and Traube regard the hands as contemporary. Thompson x calls attention to the presence of
the cursive forms of b and d in the summary, and it is interesting to observe that the same
features may be observed in the text in the cases, especially numerous towards the ends of
lines, where the upright uncials degenerate into sloping uncials, cf. 'duxerit' (f. 128 a, 1. 30);
*
reddita' (f. 135 b, 1. 27) ;
'
nisibl' (f. 138 b, 1. 25). The presence of tails, generally curling to the
left, which becomes more common as the transition to minuscule writing advances, is very
frequent in the sloping uncials of O, but is not uncommon in the text. Cf. 'iudaei' (f. 115
b, 1. and observe the letters p, q,
19), Compare also 'habetur'
and even m on ff. 115-119.
(f. 70 1. a,
8). There seems therefore to be no reason for regarding the marginalia and
chronological summary as the work of a different scribe from the text of the Chronica.
An interesting feature of O is the appearance of a cross at the top left-hand corner of each
quaternion. Mr. E. W. B. Nicholson informs me that this cross, which does not appear in the
Marcellinus portion of the MS. is really the XPI sign and constitutes an invocation of Christ,
such as is not uncommon
at the beginning of gatherings in later MSS., but is not found in
any earlier have
than discovered a similar, but smaller sign at the beginning of two
this. I

of the three quaternions of S, of which the first leaf remains. It is difficult to be sure about
the last quaternion. A cruciform arrangement of an ordinary entry in sacred history is
common not only in S, but in most of the early MSS. The occurrence of the sign at the
beginning of each quaternion both in O and in S suggests that it may go back to Jerome.
Another feature which may go back to Jerome is the distinction between Roman and Greek
numerals for the signatures of the earlier and latter parts of the Chronicle respectively. As
the distinction between these two parts belongs to the original form of the Chronicle, it is not
improbable that the difference in the signatures is also part of the original form.
Marcellinus and a continuation were added to this MS. towards the end of the sixth
century, and the last leaf or leaves of this continuation must have been lost at an early date,
since their by a whole family of MSS. descended from O.
contents are omitted A hand,
perhaps of the sixth century, has inserted the words
Lacaedaemonior nil* Labotes XXXVII.' '

on f. 53 a. From this time we have little clue to the history of the MS. till we come to
the close of the Middle Ages. Several missing dates in the fila regnorum have been supplied '
'

by a thirteenth-century hand. Examples of this are to be seen on ff. 69 b, 71 b, 72 b, 75 a,

88 a, 108 a. About the year 1400 what are now the first thirty-two leaves were supplied by
a hand belonging apparently to the south of France. Very shortly after this date a whole
mass of marginal notes was contributed by one or more south French 2 hands. These notes are
to be found in the fifteenth-century as well as the fifth- and sixth-century parts of the MS.
The hand is rather a troublesome one; but Mr. R. L. Poole of Magdalen College has kindly
made a selection of the more important of these marginalia, which are printed in Appendix IV
to the present volume. I had hoped to find in the authors cited some clue to the identity,
or at least to the locality of the scholiast. But my researches have proved unsuccessful. I

append, however, a list of the authors cited for the benefit of any scholar who may wish to
pursue the inquiry further.

1
Greek and Latin Palaeography, p. 197.
a
So the palaeographical scholars whom I have consulted. But see p. 63, below.
E 2
 .

28 THE HISTORY OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

1. Bede, Chronica Maiora; Commentary on 22. Isidore, Chronicorum Epitome.
Acts ; Historia Ecclesiastica. 23. Justinian, Digest; Code.
2. Nicolaus Trivet, Annates ab Origine Mnndi 24. Helinandus, apparently cited from Vincent
ad Christum. of Beauvais.
3. Augustine, De Civitate Dei ; Epistola ad 25. Tertullian, Adversus Itidaeos, apparently
Generosum. cited from Jerome and Vincent.
4. Gulielmus de Nangis, Chronica ab Adam. 26. Raven.
5. Hugo de S. Victore, De Tribus Maximis 27. Prologus super Livium.
Circu mstan tiis Gestoru m 28. Ado Viennensis, Chronicon.
6. Josephus, Antiquities ; De Bello Iudaico. 29. Africanus.
7. Jerome, Epistolae ; Commentaries on Ezekiel 30. Ptolemy, Almagest.
and Daniel; Adversus Iovinianum; De 31. Prohoemium Codicis Theodosiani.
Viris Ilitis tribus; Apologia adversus Libros 32. Egesippus, De Excidio Urbis Hierosol.
Rufini; De Situ et Nominibus. 33. Martyrologium.
8. Justin. 34. Regino Prumiensis.
9. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale. 35. Seneca, Ludus.
10. Petrus Comestor, Historia Scholastica. 36. Eusebius, Ecclesiastica Historia.
it. Titus Livius, Decade I. 37. Suetonius.
12. Orosius. 38. Martyrium S. Clementis.
13. Paulus Diaconus, Historia Romana. 39. Liber Pontificalis.
14. Jordanis, Romana; Getica. 40. Martinus Oppaviensis, Chronicon.
15. Solinus, Polyhistor. 41. Bernardus Guidonis, Catalogus Pontificum
16. Sextus Rufus, Breviarium. Romanorum.
17. Cicero, De Officiis. 42. Sicardus Cremonensis.
18. Valerius Maximus. 43. Deusdedit Cardinalis, Canones.
19. A. Gellius. 44. Sigibertus (?).
20. Solomon Rashi, Commentaries on Ezekiel 45. Cassiodorus, Historia Tripertita.
and Daniel. 46. Roderic of Toledo, De Rebus Hispaniae.
21. Nicholas de Lyra, Commentaries on lEsdras, 47. Ambrose, De Obitu Valentiniatii Consolatio.
Judith, Daniel, and Esther.

Mr. Poole has verified a few of these references, and I have verified almost all the
remainder. The references to Raven, Africanus x
and the Prohoemium Codicis Theodosiani
,

have however baffled me. With few exceptions the authors quoted are Latin, and it is
probable that in all the exceptional cases a Latin version was used. There is a large
preponderance of the works of mediaeval French writers and comparatively few of Italian
writers among the citations, a fact which confirms the opinion that the hand is south French
rather than Italian.
The references to Livy are perhaps the most striking. First among these deserves to be
mentioned the notice (f. 103) of a prologue containing Jerome's date of the birth of Livy.
Frigell 2 mentions two MSS. containing some such prologue, viz. Vaticanus Palat. 875, written
about 1445 A. D. and Venetus S. Marci 362, written about 1453 A D both apparently written - ->

in Italy, though the latter is by a German scribe. The prologue as it appears in the Venice MS.
is printed by Valentinelli, Bibliotheca MSS. ad S. Marci Venet. 1873, Tom. vi. p. 12; and
Dr. Ehrle has kindly sent me a transcript of the prologue from the Vatican MS. Professor Walters
of King's College, London, has since informed me that he has found a copy of this prologue

1
The reference to Africanus may well have been taken from a chronological summary at the end of a MS.
of the Chronica. Compare the summaries at the end of T.
2
Collatio codicum Livianorum, Upsala Universitets Arsskrift, 1878, p. 11.
 :

THE HISTORY OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT 29

in a Paris MS. M. Omont has kindly identified the MS. and sent me
of Livy, and a collation
of its text of the prologue, with some information on the history of the MS. The Paris MS.
(Lat. 5740) belongs to the fourteenth century, and, as appears from a note in the MS., was pre-
sented by Pope Clement VII. to his secretary, Jean Muret, in 1393 A. D. Another note by the
same hand runs as follows Dominus Iohannes Brevis Coxe,' which implies that the MS. belonged
:
c

to Jean Courtecuisse, who died, as Bishop of Geneva, in 1423 A. D., but had resided in Paris up
to the previous year. The following is the text of the prologue according to the Paris MS.
'
Titus liuius actor opens historiographus fuit, ut refert beatus Hieronimus in libro
presentis
quern scripsit de temporibus. pataui ortus est anno ab urbe condita DCLXXXXIIH. anno tertio
olympiadis centesime septuagesime none, eo quo anno natus est M. Messala coruinus orator
eximius, qui diuo ottauiano augusto primum dein tyberio cesari adherens anno urbis
DCCLXXI. olympiadis centesime nonagesime ottaue anno ultimo imperii tyberii anno tertio
obiit pataui anno etatis eius septuagesimo septimo. quo anno obiit ouidius naso poeta
egregius in scithia apud thomos opidum relegatus. Et hodie pataui cernitur eius saxeus
tumulus in monasterio sancte iustine cum huiusmodi saxo incisis litteris. V F T LIVIVS • •
|
•
|

LIVIAE . T . F. I
QVARAE. L |
HALYS |
CONCORDIA |
LIS PATAVI |
SIBI ET
SVIS I
OMNIBVS.' It is clear that '159' in the scholium on Jerome is an error for '179/
the date against which the scholium is entered, and which is actually given in the prologue
just quoted. It is important to notice that this is not in Jerome the date of the birth of
Livy, but of the Catilinarian conspiracy on which Jerome cites Livy as an authority. The
prologue must have been originally written between 1360 A.D., the date of the discovery of the
supposed tomb of Livy at the monastery of St. Justina (the inscription on which, still to be seen
in the Salone at Padua, it reproduces almost word for word and line for line), and 1393 A. D.,
the date when the MS. containing it was presented to Muret. MSS. containing this prologue
cannot therefore have been widely distributed by 1400 A. D., but it is important to note that
the Paris MS. does not agree with the readings or the foliation of Livy as cited by our scholiast.
The following readings cited from Livy are peculiar and might conceivably prove useful in
identifying the MS. in question, if it has not disappeared. On f. 73 b thirty-four years are
ascribed to Ancus, and on ff. 79 b, 82 b forty-seven years are assigned to Tarquinius Superbus.
There are references by number to the leaves of a Livy MS. on ff. 88, 90 b.
have also attempted an investigation of the MSS. of Trivet's Annates ab Origine Mundi.
I

Five MSS. of this work are known to me to be in existence, Londinensis Reg. 13 B xvi, Paris.
4929, 16018, 16019, and Berolinensis Phill. 1846. Of these Paris. 4929 is dated 1462, and the
Berlin MS. is described as belonging to the latter half of the fifteenth century, while the
London MS. appears never to have been out of England. Paris. 16019 was apparently in the
Sorbonne end of the fourteenth century, and contains no handwriting at all
before the
resembling that of the Jerome scholiast. Paris. 16018 does contain a few somewhat similar
notes, and formerly contained the Rhythm of Orosius, and the Chronicle of Martinus
Oppaviensis (now 16017) as well as Trivet. It was written in 1367, and bequeathed to the
Sorbonne by Guillaume de Sauvarville, Canon of Rouen, in 1385. It is interesting, though,
of course, not conclusive that these two MSS. of Trivet's Annates and a MS. of the prologue
to Livy should
all have been at Paris in 1400 A. D.

After the numerous apparent clues to the .history of this MS., it is rather disappointing to
be compelled to admit that all we know is that it was written in Italy in the fifth century, and
was in France about 1400, where it was probably found by du Tillct in the sixteenth
century, and so made its way to Mcaux, Paris, the Hague, and Oxford.
 ;

APPENDIX I

THE PARIS MANUSCRIPTS

In addition to the fragments of S (Lat. 6400 b) there are in the National Library at Paris three
manuscripts of the Chronica old enough to deserve a notice in this volume. The following description is

the result of notes which I took on a recent visit to Paris. Various points of detail are noticed in their
proper place in my Introduction.
Q. Parisinus Lat. 4858 is written in red and black ink, and belongs to the middle of the ninth
century. It contains the Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome without any continuation, followed by
a fragment of the Quicumque vult. According to the foliation the MS. should contain 109 leaves, but one
leaf has been missed in the enumeration after f. 101 and there is a hiatus of one leaf after f. 103, so
that the MS. must have originally contained in leaves. The pages have been prepared throughout for
tabular matter by means of horizontal and perpendicular lines, and, contrary to the practice of most MSS.,
the number and position of the perpendicular lines vary according to the number and position of the different
columns in the MS. The prefaces are written in minuscules, but the Chronicle proper begins with a very
close reproduction of the form presented in O. This form is gradually modified as the work proceeds, till

it becomes typical of a ninth-century MS. The first three pairs of opposite pages contain thirty lines each
the next pair contains twenty-nine, and the next two pairs again thirty ; after this the number of lines to

a page is for most of the first part of the Chronicle fixed at thirty-three, but afterwards varies greatly,
sometimes reaching as high as thirty-eight. The writing is at first in uncials, but occasional minuscule
letters appear on the first page; on the third pair of pages the greater part of one event is written con-
tinuously in minuscules ; after this minuscules become more and more common ; they first appear in the
f
fila regnorum ' on one of the sixth pair of opposite pages, and gradually replace uncials for entries in
black ink both in the '
fila regnorum ' and in the '
spatium historicum.' In the latter part of the Chronicle
the rule is established that uncials are employed for everything in red ink, and minuscules for everything
in black. At the beginning of the Chronicle there is also the same distinction between large and small
writing as in A O S, and the same crowding of events as compared with the '
fila regnorum.' This distinction

is maintained with very few exceptions as far as the fall of Troy. In the remainder of the first part of the
Chronicle the rule is for writing to be regulated by the ruled lines, and crowding is the exception. I have
not noticed the occurrence of any blank lines. There are occasional references to this MS. in Schone's
Weltchronik des Eusebius.
D. Colbertinus, Parisinus Lat. 4860, formerly Colbert. 240 and Regius 3730 a, was written in black
ink between the years 939 and 954, according to a statement in the MS. itself. It appears to be copied
from a Codex Augiensis of 840 a.d.
1
It is clear from several notices in the MS. itself that it was at
Mainz in the tenth century. and
It contains the Chronicles of Eusebius Jerome, the Chronicon Consulare
of Prosper, the Chronicles of Cassiodorus and Jordanes, and various other chronological works. The
unipaginal arrangement is maintained throughout; in the first part of the Chronicle there are no special
columns for events, but events are entered against any column of dates, as in the edition of Pontacus.
The Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome occupy in all forty-six leaves, and there are from forty-one to

1
See Mommsen, Chronica Minora, Vol. I, p. 363, note 2.
 '

APPENDIX I 31
o

forty-three lines on each page. There is a notice of this MS. by Mommsen in Chronica Minora, Vol. I,

PP- 363-5-
C. Colbertinus, Parisinus Lat. 4859, formerly Colbert. 1398, apparently the Pithoeanus of Pontacus,
is written in red and black ink, As in T, there is no title-page. It
and belongs to the tenth century.
begins with a table of contents, apparently applying some other MS. then come the Chronicles of
to ;

Eusebius and Jerome without continuation, followed by the Ordo plenarius as in T. '
At the foot of'

this are the words Continet ... II. ccc. xcv as in T.

'
Then comes a summary headed Incipit secundum
'
'

Severum (also in this place in T).

' These are followed by cons, ordenari post opus sancti ieronimi
'

constitutum/ and by extracts from some work, beginning with 'liber primus, cap. viii in huius sacri monasterii,' :
—
and ending with numquam accedere
'
temptauisset.' At the end of the MS. is the signature P. Pithoue '

(Petrus Pithoeus). The MS. is written on 156 leaves, of which the Chronica occupy 152. There are
twenty-six lines on each page. The bipaginal arrangement common to 26-line MSS. is continued as far
as A. Abr. 1968. Red ink is used (as in L) for accessions, a few events, and every tenth year in each
of the 'fila regnorum.' From A. Abr. 11 17 to A. Abr. 1979 uncials are used throughout; elsewhere
the writing is mainly in minuscules.
 APPENDIX II

LIST OF PASSAGES IN RED INK

All matter entered in this list is in red ink : everything else is in black ink.

(i) The following fila regnorum 1

:

ff. 33 a-45 a Assyriorum, Sicyoniorum, Atheniensium ff. 46 a :

55 Lat. latinis . . . tribus
45b~48a Assyriorum, Sicyoniorum Latinorum 2
, 48b =
57 i profetabat samuhel
48b-S4a Assyriorum, Atheniensium, Lacedemonio- 49b :
61 b david . . . hebraeos
rum 3 Corinthiorum
, 50 b 1 61 c, e hebraeorum . . . asaf
4
54 b-62 a Assyriorum, Hebraeorum Isl , Lacedemo- 51a: 6lg pelasgi . . . obtinuerunt
niorum, Corinthiorum 51 b, 52a 63 in Jilts solomon est . . .

62 b-65 a Medorum, Hebraeorum Isl, Lacedemonio- 52 b :

63 c, e hebraeorum . sameas . .

rum, Corinthiorum 53 b« 65 Isr. apud xxii . . .

65 b-67 a Hebraeorum Iuda, Hebraeorum Isl, Latino- 54 a .

63 £ tertio . . . xviiil
rum, Lydorum 54 b =
65 hid. 1 alterum in xlii et iustus,

67 b-7 1 a Hebraeorum, Atheniensium 5 Lydorum , 54 b, 55 b =

65/, 67 a hebraeorum . . . anani
7ib-74a Hebraeorum, Lydorum 56a 67 d = thraces . . . obtinuerunt
74b-8oa Iudaeorum, Lydorum 6 56a 67 d = thraces . . . obtinuerunt
80 b, 81 b Iudaeorum captiuitas 57b 69 a apud . . . heliezer
82 b Romanorum 58b: 69 c quarto . . . XXIII
87 a-90 a Macedonum 7 >
8
.
9
58b: 69/ profetabant . . . eliseus

91 a Asiae 58b 69^ elias rapitur

91 b-92 b Syriae, Asiae 59b 69 h .

ionadab . . . habetur
93a-ioi a Syria 10 59b 71c hebraeorum . . . occiditur
I04a-I07b Alexandriae 60 a •

71 b quinti . . . xxv
lo7b n -li7a Iudaeorum 60 b bis 7lg elisseus . . . moritur
135b Anni persecntionis 62 a :
VII . . . obtinuerunt
12 13 14 15 16
(2) Olympiads . - . . . 63b 75/ profetabant . . . ionas

(3) Accessions of emperors. 64b :

79 Tit. olympias prima
(4) The following passages : 64b 790 secundum . . . uictor

33 b = Schone 35^ apud hebraeos 65 a: 77d aegyptii . . . optinuerunt

44 b, 45 a, 1. 18 = post 53 a, troia capta, troia capta 65 a :
77 Lyd. lydorum . . . xxxvi

1
The headings are always black. 11
Red ink is used for the Jewish column as soon as the
2
On f. 47 b (= Schone 57 Sic.) reges sunt' is black. ' . . . Alexandrine column ceases.
3
On f. 53 a (= Schone 63 Lac.) lacaedaemoniorum '
. . .
12 '
Xix olimpiad' ', xx olimpiad' ' ' (f. 69 b),' xxix olimp ' (f. 7 1 b),
1
2CXXVII is black. 'XXX olimp '(f. 72 b), 'XLVII olimpiad" (f. 76b),'CLXii olimp'
4
On f. 60b (= Schone 71 Isr.) the last I in XVII is black. (f. 99 b), 'CXCI olimpiad' (f. 108 a), are inserted in black by
5
On f. 70 b ( = Schone 85 Ath.) '
athenis . . . princi ' is black. a later hand.
6
On f. 75 a (= Schone 89 Lyd.) '
xxxvi . . . xv* is inserted
13
On f. 80b the last I in the figures LXii, LXili, LXIIII is black.
in black by a later hand. li
On f. 94b 'olimpiad' 138' is written in black by a later
7
On f. 87 a (= Schone 109 Mac.) 'XI, XII ' are black. hand over 'cxxxvin' in red.
8
On f. 87 b ( = Schone in Mac.) '
post quern ' before '
pausa- 15
On f. 131 b the last I in '
CCLXII ' is black.
nias ' is black. 16
On f. 135 a CCLXXI is written in black by a later hand over
9
On f. 88 b ( = Schone 113 Mac.) '
post quern ' before '
ptolo- an entry in red ink erased. On f. 135 b 01. 272 has apparently
maeus' is black. been entered in black and subsequently erased. On f. 136 a
10
On f. 96 a ( = Schone 125 Syr.) xil '
' is inserted in black by 'CCLXXiv' is written in black by a later hand over 'CCLXXIHI
a later hand. olymp" in red ink erased. On f. 141 a CCLXXXIIII is inserted
in black by a later hand.
 .

APPENDIX II

ff. 65 a = 79 Tit. olympias prima ff. =

90b [ 1 5 Pers. alexander
65 a = 79* primam olimpiadem =
90b [I5j/ lydiam
65 b = ygc profetabant . . . supra 91 a = ] [17* iudaeorum onias . . .

65 b = 79/ profetabant . . . oded 92a = ] 117V iudaeorum pontifex

66 b = 81 Tit. prima . . . israhel • 92 a = ] 19 g iudaeorum pontifex
67 a = 81« mare . . . xvn 92 b = {i^inftl. demetrius . . . tradidit
69 a = 83;« mare . . . cares 95 a = [25 a iudaeorum
70 a =post%$Aeg:.12 post quern
:

97 b = [27 d romani perse . . .

72 a --87 c post . LXVIII . . 101b = 133* hue cessit . . .

73 b = 890 hebraeorum . . . habetur 104 a = ] [370 gaius . . . caesar

73b = 89* hieremias . . . orsus 109 b = [45 r ihs . . . nascitur
73 b: = 89 m olda . . . profetabat 109 b = 145' colliguntur ... XV
74b =
= 89* profetabant . . . hieremias mb = 149* DXLVIII
75 b: = 91 h anno . . . ioacim iub = 149* MLX
75 b« -
91 n in . . . habentur iub = [49* MDXXXVIIII
76b: = 93« profetabant . . . baruc nib=i [49 e liXLIIII
76b = 93« iudaea . . . capitur uib = [49 e DCCCCXLII
76b = 930 nabuchodonosor . . nib = [49* nCCXLII
CCCCXLII mb = I49.T ] ihs . . . salutarem
76b: = 93 Iud. hebraeorum hierusalem . . . inb = [49 h ihs . . . suos
77b = 95« in . . . danihel mb = [49 i ] ihs . . . prophetias
78 b = 95 Med. cyrus regnauit . . . medorum 112b = [49^ ] ex . . . obpresserint
78b: = 95? cyrus . . . homi H3b= i
53/ petrus . . . primus antio
79b: = 97« profetabant . . . Alius 116a = i 57;« petrus . . . paulus
80b: = 99/« apud . . . maximus Ii6b = ] 57« post ... XI
80b: -99P profetabant . . . malachias H7a= i 59 in fit. XLII
8l b: = 99« secundo . . . mi H7a= i
59 infil. CCXXXVII
81 b =
997= inqua 117a = i 59 infil. DXC
82 a = =
998 clemens . . . dementis 117a = ] 59 infil. MCII
82b = = 101 b templum . . . zacharia 125b = ]
7 in antoninus suum
82b: - 101 e XVII . . . xerxis I35a =] 89 d XVlill . . . sunt
84b: --
105 d ea .mardocaeo
. . I35a= 89 ] 715ft persecutionis »1«

85 b = --
107 d neemias minister . . . I 3 6b -] 91 infil. hue . . . subiecimus
86a =
107 s neemiam . . . hierusa 137a = 92 m ] constans
88 a =
ill Aeg. posquem 138a = 93/ l constantinus
89 b: = 115/ iudaeorum . . . maximus 140 b= ] [95/ antonius monachus
90 a 1 = 115? alexander . . . babylonem I43a = i 97* gratianus
inter 144b = l 98 k ualentinianus

FOTI1ERINC1IAM
 .

APPENDIX III

TEXT OF PASSAGES NOT CLEARLY LEGIBLE IN MANUSCRIPT OR COLLOTYPE

f.33 a I.4, 5 ... lybia epafi fili (us erasum) ae Alius . . latumias carceres compedes catenas
4 marg. busiristyrannuscrudeliterhospitesnecans exilium metalla excogitabat
20 marg. europam postquam ei iuppiter mixtus est 79 b 28 marg. tarquinius superbus ob uiolatam a filio

uxorem habuit asterius cretensium rex lucretiam regno pulsus

ex quo genuit minoem radamanthum 80 a 28 marg. anacreon lyricus poeta cognoscitur
et sarpedonem b 16 marg. aggaeus zacharias et malachias profetae

b 4 marg. pontificatum suscipit finees tempore tarquinii superbi fuerunt

35 a 25 marg. fabula raptus proserpinae et orci 81 a 8 marg. pythagoras philosofus clarus habetur qui
43 b 5,6 assyriorum XXVI tautanes XXXII post annos cclxii ab urbe condita fuit
44 a 5 apri calidonii et maleagri fabula b 4 marg. ideo secundus annus bis scribitur quia
46 a 17 mychenis post necem aegisti unus annus in magorum fratrum
48 a 9 marg. regnasse dicit septem menses computantur
49 a Tit. primus corinthiorum rex aegyptiorum : 83 b 1 tione urbis
58 b 29 marg. tempore acrippae siluii regis
elias rapitur 21 Alius darii xx
latinorum qui undecimus ab aenea 84 a 27 marg. xippae termae
regnauit b 30 marg. magister eorum qui
62 a 23 marg. sardanapallus tarsum et anchialos con- 85 b 10 marg. consulibus eiectis facti
didit 86 a 10 marg. romae rursus consules creati

63 b 22 marg. mater remi et romuli uirgo uestalis electa 19 marg. democritus empedocles zeno parmenides
uiua defossa est infantes iuxta ripam ceterique philosophi
fluminis faustulus repertos uxori aecae 22 marg. hippocrates medicus post CCCX an
laretinae alendos tradit quae pulchri- 90 a 9 imperium hostes pugna
tudine quaestum faciens lupa appellata 91a 8 redactisplurimoscaptiuoruminaegyptum
est unde etiam nunc lupanaria transtulit iudaeorum pontifex maximus

25 filia eius adimendi b 3 maccabaeorum

30 ram uiua defossa 93 b 24 cartaginienses xc romanorum naues in

64 a 12 marg. fidon argiuus mensuraset pondera primus sicilia capiunt metallo consule infugam
inuenit uerso
67 b 28 marg. hoc in primis anni romuli gestum est sed 29 macedonum imperio recedentibus
quia pagina uacabat hie scriptum 94 a 13 marg. iosephus a ptolomaeo dux iudaeae con-
68 b 28 marg. ah uno quod tempus interregnum dictum stituitur
est 95 b 14 marg. thera insula subito emersit
73 b 30 marg. olda mulier profetes 96 a \27narg. eumenes eumenia in fryga condidit

75 b 9 marg. nabuchodonosor rex chaldaeorum capto 23 cum ab antiocho per legatos hannibal
ioacim rege hierosolymae etiam uasa reposceretur cui se a scipione uictus
templi in babyloniam transtulit eo sociauerat ad prusiam regem bithyniae
tempore quo tarquinius priscus romanis transfugit quem cum rursus per flamini-
regnabat num etiam ab eo senatus repeteret et
2, 6, 9, XVIII, XVIIII, XX, XXI, XXII, XXIII, tradendus
10,11,16,17 XXIIII 23 marg. hannibal ueneno se interficit qui etiam
75 b 9 profetabanthieremiasbaruc;m>«0£ra.y#;« apud libyssam bithyniae sepultus est
17 MCCCCX b 25 statius caecilius
18 marg. danihel ananias azarias tempore tar- 97b it, marg. romani perse interfecto macedonas et
quinii prisci fuerunt in babylone pro- illyrios et galatas liberos esse iusserunt
fetantes 16 galatas liberos (beros erasum)
76 b 22 marg. regnauit regno medorum extraneus 98 a 15 marg. P. terentius comoediarum scribtor liber-
79 b 16 marg. tarquinius superbus uincla taureas fustes tate donatus in arcadia moritur
 APPENDIX III 35

98 a 20 andriam antequam edilibus uenderet 107 b 25 marg. qui uoluntate

multum se miranti legit
caecilio 108 b 5 et patras deductae
23 iudas aduersum demetrii duces inito 109 a 14 plurima conciderunt
proelio occiditur tribus annis ponti- 18 marg. marcellus tullius tiro ciceronis libertus
ficate- gesto prima notas
26 aristarcusgrammaticus agnoscitur 29 marg. contra iudaeos
27 dux iudaeorum ionatha frater iudae b 27 1 (post triumfarat) erasum
baccide duce demetrii iudaea expulso nob 18 marg. oboedius in exilio moritur et iuxta tomos
pontificatum suscipit sepelitur
b 28 marg. an lvi alii tm antiquiorem earn dicunt 26 hyrcania
cxvi 27 fenestella historiarum scribtor

29 XV XXXV
corr. 112a 10 noctem (noctem erasum) uersus ut
99 a 13 inter lineas manu marginali rum inter- stellae in caelo uisae sint terraeque
ficit motus in bithyniae nicenae urbis
101 a 20 romanos testamento multas
22 seleucus ab antiocho filio cyziceni uiu(us 1 1 marg. terrae motu facto in bithynia aedes pluri-
e)xuritur mae nicae ruerunt
24 titus lucretius poeta nascitur qui postea IS huius rei quod saluator isto anno passus
amatorio poculo in furorem uersus cum siteuangelium praebet iohannis in quo
aliquot libros per interualla insaniae scribitur post xv an tiberii caesaris
conscripsisset quos posteacicero emun- tribum (corr. tribus) annis dominum
dauit propria se manu interfecit anno praedicasse iosephus etiam uernaculus
aetatis xliiii iudaeorum scribtor circa
b 22 cicero sic refert memoria teneo pueris 28 pilatus praeses secreto noctis imagines
nobis (prim)um latinae docere coepisse caesaris in templo statuerit et haec
plotium quendam prima seditionis
102 b 15 marg. uergilius nasgitur minor ciceronem an b 28 dogmate ad tiberium referente tiberius
xxxv pompeio et crasso consulibus rettulit ad

18 M. porcius casto {corr. cato) stoicus 113b 3 petronio praefecto

philosofus agnoscitur 9 marg. caesaris et arae consecratae sunt
18 marg. marcus pomcius (corr. porcius) cato 27 interpres petri aegypto et alexandriae
stoicus XPm adnuntiat
1 03 a 28 marg. titus liuius historiarum scribtor pataui 29 primus antiochiae episcopus ordinatur
nascitur euodius
b 30 diodorus siculus (clarus erasum) graece 114a 29 marg. palaemon grammaticus interrogatus quid
scri inter stillam et guttam esset ait gutta
104 a 25 marg. prohibitae mulieres lecticis et margaritis stat stilla cadit
quae (nee uiros erasiwi) nee uiros
uti 115b 1 5 marg. nero ut similitudinem troiae ardentis
nee liberos haberent et minores essent 116a 1 7 marg. musonius et plutarchus philosofi insignes
an XLV habentur
30 marg. antonius mensem quintilem iulium dici 26 marg. uespasianus iudaeam uastat athuc magi-
decernit ster militiae
ibid. G. iulius caesar in curia idibus martiis 117a 11 publici (ci manu marginali)
occiditur et fasces dolabella suscipit b 27 marg. titus cum nihil uno die praestitisset dixit
105 b 7 marg. minor cicerone an XXI amici diem perdididi
10 marg. herodes alienigena regnauit iudaeis an 118a 11 romanae ecclesiae secundus constitur
XXXVII episcopus clemens ann xn
30 medio transactis 119 b "j marg. apostolus iohannes exilio solutus efesi
107 b 10 marg. sibi monarchia habitauit
16 marg. pilades pantomimus chorum primus et 24 marg. iohannes apostolus . . . passionem domini
fistulam inuenit cum ueteres ipsi et LXVI
saltarent 1 20 a I traianus de dacis et scythis triumphauit

F 2
 1

36 APPENDIX III

120 a 7. marg. traianus omnes prouincias superat et andrinae eccl. pulsus ab eo haesim
ctesifontem et babyloniam occupat instituit

25 ?narg. plinius secundus sub traiano fuit 136 a IT marg. cccxviii synodus a"p nicaeam propter
121 b 19 marg. nicomedia sub hadriano ruit et nicaeae arrianos facta xvil an imperii con-
plurima tunc euersa sunt stantini

27 marg. athenienses ab hadriano imperatore leges 23 marg. licinius post imperium thessalonicae
petentes accipiunt priuatus occiditur
122 a 13 marg. quadratus discipulus apost' et aristides 29 interficitur
filosofus b iqmarg. hellenopolim quae ante drepanauocabatur
28 marg. augusta appellata est uxor hadriani se- constantinus martyris luciani matris
cunda post dometiani uxorem suae nomine nuncupauit
b 29 marg. basilides alexandriam haeresim gnosti- 20 marg. constantinusuxoremsuamfaustamoccidit
corum excitat 25 marg. episcopi apud antiochiam arrianorum
123a iZmarg. ualentinus et cerdo magister marcionis 137 a 3 tempora non
sub hadriano romam uenerunt b 14 marg. constantinus ab eusebio nicomedensi
126 a 24 marg. commodus mense septembrio nomine suo episcopo baptizatus in arrianum dogma
appellauit qui etiam commodianas declinat
thermas aedificauit 138 b II marg. sapor rex persarum christianos perse-
127 b 14 marg. thermae antiochiae aedificatae sunt quitur
28 marg. et CCLI antiochenae urbis 140 a 25 donatus a quo supra donatianos in africa
128 a 24 marg. caracalla se rogauerit dici memorauimus carthagine
129 b 13 marg. iudicio exercitus imperauit 141a 4 marg. andreae
130 a 20 marg. filippus macedoniae ciuitatem filippus 8 marg. nicomedia fundi tus euersa
suo nomine aedificauit 16 marg. synodus arimino et seleucia
29 inferiore budaliae 24 marg. constantinopolitanae urbi
b 25 marg. nouatus presb' 26 marg. hilarius libro pro se constantio ap con-
131a 26 marg. ualerianus imp ut persecutionem indixit stantinopolim porrecto ad gallias redit
a sapore rege persarum captus usque 27 constantinopolim pellitur
ad senectutem ei seruit b 7 presbyteros qui
29 marg. sapor rex persarum usque cappadociam ll marg. gallia per hilarium ab arrianorum fide
uastat reuocata est
b 17 marg. odenatus decurio palmyrenus persas ita 24 marg. corgonium dicit de germanicia et cyma-
agresti manu uastauit ut ad ctesifonte tium de gabata
castra poneret 26 athanasi ab arrianis
132 a 26 dux cognomento francus cuius familia 142 a 21 forte hostium equite conto ilia perfossus
hodie apud antiochiam perseuerat interiit

b 15 constantinopolim et (etmanu marginali) 143 b 28 prouincias quas regebat quam a barbaris

19 quo apud uastarentur erasit
133 a 10 exercitus nouam 144 a 7 descenderunt
1 est condere b 9 ualens lege data monachos militare iussit
b 3 cadaueris nolentes fustibus interimet
134 a 16 marg. inseri cum 145 a 18 II secunda persecutio a dometiano fratre
17 priuatu habitu titi qui nonus regnauit orta est anno
22 marg. diocletianus alexandriam quae achillaeo imperii eius xmi a quo etiam iohannes
duce romana dicione recesserat octabo euangelista in insula quae pathmos
obsidionis mense cepit appellatur relegatus apocalypsim uidit
135 a I marg. terrae motu sub diocletiano facto tyrii et 22 III tertia persecutio facta est a traiano
sidonae multa opera innumerabiles qui XI regnauit an imp eius X
populos ruina sua obpresserunt 25 qui xvil regnauit
1 1 marg. diocletianus nicomediae maximianus 27 regnauit primus
mediolani purpuram deposuerunt 28 electus inconsulto senatus arm
136 a 13 marg. arrius presbyter alexandri episcopi alex- 30 ah imperii eius primo
 ,

APPENDIX IV
SCHOLIA
f. 2 cAd tranquillo] Suetonius Tranquillus.
f . 3 BAd Quadragesimo secundo] vel 41.
f. 4d Ad secundum minorem] ac'
Ad anni quingenti quadraginta octo] Immo sunt 440 anni.
In marg. infer.'] isti duodecim superfluunt solum fuerunt quingenti Nam eusebius
et

errauit errauit [sic] atribuendo amon regi iuda 12. annos qui solum duobus

regnauit errat etiam in iosia filio suo de vno anno et in ioachat de vno ut ibi
1
probat beda 1 . Et istos duos annos substrahit de parte sequenti que debet habere Chronica maiora,
»33. 139-
.440 annos
f. 5 b Ad sexta decima potestas] thebanorum ut in c. precedenti et statim tangit
f. 5 5 Ad Anni M.dcccc.l.] immo solum .1946.
2
f. 36 In angulo super, marg.] dinastia secundum treuet dicit potestas eligendi regem uel 2
Nicolai Triuet
Annales ab origine
imperatorem que potestas aliquo tempore erat in vna ciuitate quandoque in alia
mundi ad Christum,
secundum quod eficiebantur maiores nee erat in hoc certum tempus ordinatum sub anno 1949 (Codex
Londinensis Reg. 1 3 b
autem quod egipcii post xviii. dinastiam que erat diapolitanorum ceperunt
dicit
xvi).
suo imperatore primusque de suis regnauit super eos sethus annis 55.
vti

Su5 Primus sethus] durauit annis nouemdecim hec dinastia.

f. 37 Super Tro] troi

Post Confingitur] id. Augus. de ci. dei li. xviii. c. 13.

f. 41 Super Ipsipyile] ipsiphile

f. 41 3 Ad abimelech] non fuit rex super totum israel sed solum super sichimitas
secundum W
3
3 Gulielmi de Nan-
.

gis Chronica ab Adam

Super thola] in samre ad annum 2820 (Codex
4 Londinensis Reg. 1 3 E
Post xxii] treuet dicit quod uero xxiii vt patet iudic. x. c. et reprihendit Guillelmum
iv).
5
Sancti Dionisii cuius cronicam in sequentibus exhoc dicit deficere continue in 4
op. cit. 2722.
8
Gulielmum de
anno uno.
Nangis 2823.
f. 43 £ Ad Hebreorum] vide iudicum xii. c.

f. 44 Super maleagri] meleagri.

Post troia capitur] W
anno 15. id recitat [?] triuet 7 super anno 2796 tamen
6
dicit 6

7
op. cit. 2868.
inpugnat ex eo quod anno .7. post troie capt[iuitatem] scribitur regnasse op. cit. 2786.

michenis egistus secundum ipsum eusebium

f. 44 3 Super hebraeorum] hie deficiunt .x. anni quibus ante labdon iudicauit israel agilon
ut patet iud. c. xii. secundum Bedam 8 / tamen eusebius non super hec ponit 6
Chron. mai. 67.
minus de tempore ab exitu de egipto ad edificacionem templi salomonis.
Ad aealon] zabulonites
Super labdon] de efraym
Ad Troia capta] scilicet fabdonfortasse alia manu.
9
sicut dicit treuet beda hie ponens troie capt[iuitatem] non ponderauit quod op. cit. 2805.

eusebius obmisit .x. annos iudicature achilon quos ipse beda ponit secundum
hebreos et quod non concordauit cum eo in annis iosue. Caue quod eusebius
38 APPENDIX IV

1
Post 480 saltern bene ponit annos 480 ' ab exitu de egipto usque ad edificacionem templi
uno minus deletum. Salomonis
f. 46 Post clxxuiii] durauit

Sub regnauit aeneas] Idem Aug. de ci. lib. 18. c. 19.

f.47 Post descensus] vide etiam anno xx. regni saul.
f.47 3 Ad dcccclxii] Augustinus xuiii. libro [c. 19 supra lineam insertum\ de ci. dei dicit
2
3
Potius962.Chron. 959- beda 972-
mai. 76.
Super carni] quia ydolis carnem offerebant
f.48 Super siluiusj qui et postumus
8
op. 2828.
cit. Ad xxuiiii] nichol- treuet per errorem dicit hie 39 sed primum ponit beda et hugo 5
3 4

*
6
Chron. mai. 75. f. 48 £ Ad saul xl] idem Augustinus de ci. libro 18- c. 20. et ita habetur actuum xiii.
Hugonis
de S.
Victore De Tribus iosephus dat samueli -15 et sauli 20 iose« libro -io 6 vbi agit quantum regnatum sit
Maximis Circumstan- apud iudeos dicit saul regnasse 20- annis et tamen si bene uideatur communiter
tiis Gestorum Liber
(Codex Cheltenham- sibi in ceterum libro 6 in fine
7
dicit saul regnasse cum samuele 18- annos et
ensis 12200, f. 103). mortem duos idem etiam posuerat prius 8
de samuele quod ante
6
post eius et saul
Antiq. x. 8, § 4.
7
ibid. vi. 14, § 9. rexerat post heli 12» al- 15 annis
8
ibid. 13, § 5.
f. 49 3 Ad Codrus] — et quia in hoc facta est gelus translacio ideo fit etiam denominacio
9
Hoc reperire non
potui. anniuersalis ab eo per W 9
post eusebium
-<4^ann xl] idem augustinus de ci. libro 18. [c] 20 [?]
f. 50 Super erystheus] rex lacedemoniorum
f. 50 3 Ad dccccl] hoc anno dauid cepit iherusalem
f. 51 Super codrus] rex atheniensis
f. 513 Ad Solomon filius dauid xl] xii. annorum tantum erat cum regnare cepit patre
10 10
Hieron. epist. uiuente ut uult ieronimus in epistola ad uitalem presbiterum et dicit triuet
Ixxii. 4.
11 quod fuit inunctus anno 39 u regni dauid
Potius 28, op. cit.
2928. f. 52 Post troianum bellum ann cxliii] iustinus libro -I* 19 ponit earn 1S
longe prius conditam
12
Hoc de Epheso
narrat, ii. 4, § 15.
ab amazonibus
13

14
Sc. carthaginem. Ad egressus israelis] quintus annus erat solum incohatus sed uide quia Beda 14 ponit
Chron. mai. 86.
solum annos 480 nee c ix libri regum habet opositum clare quia quod ibi

dicitur de quarto anno refertur ad annos regni salomonis ut ibi satis patet in
principio capituli et in fine. Et nota quod secundum veritatem hebraicam.
ultra annos hie enumeratos per eusebium sunt addendi .x. pro iudice aylone
quern ipse transiliit et tunc ab ingressu terre promisse usque ad edificacionem
15
15
Haec verba ad- templi essent .ix. iubilea precise [sed hec esset contra sex ].

dita sunt fortasse alia f. 52 3 ^4</laosthenes] consecracio templi

manu.
f. 54 Ad clxxuiii] alii scribunt 177
f. 54 3 Ad Asa] Nota quod iste cepit regnare anno xx. regni ieroboam ut legitur iii

reg. c. xv.
16
16
op. cit. 2986. f. 55 Super atys] alius frater vocatus est capis secundum triuet
17
18
ibid.
Chron. mai. 91.
Ad xxiiii] triuet
17
ponit 23 sed primum ponunt beda 18 et hugo 19
et v. [?] 19
20
unde
19
Item Cod. Paris. ipse triue[t] addit annum unum post agripe 40 annos
14872, f. 55 b. f.55 3 AdNabad] iste incepit regnare anno secundo asa regis iuda ut 3 reg. 15 et ibi
20
Vincentii Bello-
vacensis Speculum sequitur quod fuit mortuus nabad isto capitulo ante asa.
Historiale, ii. 66.
Ad ioed] alias ioel

Baas iiii] iiii linea perscripta deletum, et supra additum est xxiiii annis et cepit regnare
anno t° regis asa ut scribitur iii. reg. 15
 APPENDIX IV 39

f. 55 3 Ad xl] Hie deficit annus unus

f. 56 Sub capis] hie condidit capuam

\Dehinc excerpta tantum praebebimus.~\

f. 56 b Ad Ambri] Comestor dicit .iii. reg' articulo 34

1
contencionem et diuisionem populi 1
cap.33(ed.i503).
ante regnum istius de qua habetur iii. reg. xvi. durasse per tres annos et io

dicitur regnasse . . .

Ad xxxuiii] legitur .iii. reg. xvi. hoc anno cepisse regnum achab. sed ut scribit
2
comestor articulo 34 hie est uicium scriptoris sed pro p° vide expresse iii. cap. 33.
reg. c. ult°.

f. 57 3 Ad Achab] iosephus libro uiii dicit eum regnasse annis xx. et mensibus .ii.
3
et ita 3
Potius annis xxii.
Antiq. viii. 13, § 1.
recitat comestor articulo 35.* et ita uidetur uerius quia cepit regnare anno 38- asa 4
cap. 34.
s
et Alius eius ochozias anno 17. iosaphat ut etiam dicit comestor in fine 4. regum 6
cap. 47.

et vide quod scripsi infra in ochozia / tene textum

Ad Abdias] Inc. aug' de ci. libro 18. c. 44.
f. 58 Ad tiberinus] ab hoc fluuius dictus est qui prius ambula dicebatur uel albula
f. 58 b ^(/ioram] . . . sed uerius uidetur quod solum tribus ut concurat mors eius et ocosie
de quo sequitur
6 7
f. 59 3 y^uii] beda ponit solum ui [idem legitur ii para. 22 ] et idem uidetur 8 ponere 8
Chron. mai. 108.
7
9 Supra lineam
comestor nisi ponatur anno incerto pro completo sed eusebius sequitur lxx. ut
addita.
dicit beda et accedit 4 reg. xi sed patet quod solum 6. 8
uic\
9
loc. cit.
f. 603 Ad aremulus] titus liuius
10
et orosius hunc uocant Romulum. 11 sed eutropius 12
10
i. 3- 9-
beda 13
et comestor " dicunt ut eusebius 11
Potius Aremulum
Orosius, i. 20. 5.
f. 62 b Post supputantur mccxl] triuet
16
secundum bedam 16 ponit 1448. / iordanis
17
tenet 13
Potius Paulus in
cum eusebio et ponit reges 36- sed beda computat tempus usque ad cirum . . . Historia Romana,p.7,
22, ed. Droysen.
triuet dicit quod assirii perdiderunt hie monarchiam sed multos reges habuerunt 13
Chron. mai. no.
18
orosius li. quod regnum assiriorum prius ad medos transiit ut hie
2. c. 17 dicit 14
iv. reg. cap. 1 7.
15
op. cit. 3145.
postea ad scithas caldeosque et rursus ad medos uaria sorte clarius uero dicit 18
|
Beda,Chron.mai.
19
libro 5 c. ii. quod uicto sardanapalo potestas babilonie fuit apud medos sed 1 I5,re ipsa ponit 1 240.
17
Rom. 49.
[aliter postea inter lineas scriptum] proprietas apud caldeos . . . 18
i. 19, ed. Zange-
f. 63 Ad macedonum primus rex] uide aug. de ci. dei libro xii. c. xi. meister (1889).
19
Ad calceni] secundum triuet 20 macedonia olim dicebatur emachion et ciuitas princi- 20
ii.

op.
2.
cit. 3153.
palis edessa quam iste crebrius uocauit egeam et populum egeadas secundum
21 21
iustinum lib. uii. cap. 1.

f. 63 b Sub ionas] W 22
dicit ioel de tribu ruben
22
op. cit. 3264.
23
Ad zacharias] comestor 23
tangit hie quod necesse est regnum uacasse post ieroboam 24
iv. reg.cap. 47.
Pauli Hist. Rom.
xxiii. annis uel istum regnasse tantundem.
P- 7. 3°-
25
Ad quae cum septimo] idem eutropius sed triuet 24 26
dicit quarto 2*
op. 3181.
cit.
op. 3268.
Ad siluius] W dicit quod regnauit annis 44 / et
cit.
26
f. 64 dicit quod fratrem suum primo- 27
Chron. mai. 117.
28
genitum expulit regno idem beda 27 28 Pauli Hist. Rom.
et eutropius
p. 7, 29.
29 30
^4</xliii] triuet probat [. . .
]
quod solum xxii. . . .
29
op. cit. 3178.
30
f. 64 b Ad pueri cum adoleuissent] iero in quadam exposicione super -6- alis seraphim 31 Verbum haud
satis clarum autrasura.
dicit quod Romulus natus est anno quo mortuus est osias rex iuda ut aparere 31
Hieron. epist.
xviii. 1.
debet ex hiis que in hoc libro scripsit. 32
Solini Polyhist.
In marg.] nota quod solinus 32 cap. 2, p. 5 (ed. 1543).
40 APPENDIX IV

f. 64 b Ad posuit] uero primo fuisse hunc ludum olim actum sed postea intermissum ponunt
actores secundum triuet
1
op. cit. 3181. Ad calcem] secundum triuet 1 quod prima olimpias processit per
pocius uidetur
15 annos cum secundum bedam et martirologium commune christus natus
sit anno t° olimpiadis 193 et faciunt annos 771 / nee mireris quod eusebius

ponit christum natum olimpiade 194 quia ipse addit annos regis amon ut
alibi patet.

Et infra, alia manu] Numerus olimpiadum eusebii uel Ieronimi uidetur clare conue-
2
2
2 Mace. iv. 18? nire ei quod legitur .2. maca. -4- c. item quod ipse ponit hie de africano et
super anno dominice passionis
3

4
op. cit. 3283. f. 65 Ad Boccoris xliiii] W. 3 et Vinc[entius] 4
dicunt xlvi
Potiusxliv,Specu- B
lum Historiale, i.
f. 65 b Post transtulit] Iero. libro p° super ezechielem- incipit hie illos 390 annos . . .
97
(ed. Venet. 1591). liberati iudei per istoriam libri hester . . . propter quod ipsemet iero. in fine
5
lib. i, ad Ez. iv.

4 seqq. dicit ibidem uideri pocius incipiendum a tempore manaem regis israel . . .

f. 66 b Supra] Isaie. 8. c. legitur quod adhuc Ixv- anni et non esset cap[tus] siue damascus
et c. quia inferri posset ad tempus inter finem regni assiriorum et principium
cap. 2. romanorum ut declarat orosius 6
lib. 2- licet non all[egat] ysaiam
7

8
cap. 2, p. 4. Post conditaj et est xi kal maii secundum solinum 7 et n. triuet
8

op. cit. 3200.

9
cap. 2, p. 5. Ad idem] solinus ponit hec fuisse9
. . .

Ad alcmeon ii] ab hinc non fuerunt apud athenienses reges ad uitam sed per 10.
10
op. cit. 331 1. annos tantum secundum W. 10 et habebant hie se pagani ai [?]
pagm u
Ad an ecl] W dicit 240
11
.
(?) 12
12
op. cit. 3318.
i3
loc. cit. Ad calcem] Iero in p° super eze- 18
dicit hanc captiuitatem per salmanasar fuisse factam
anno -vi- ezechie regis iuda ut sacra regum narrat istoria .s. iiii. regum -xviii-
14
cap. 4, § 1. sed de alia precedent! legitur iiij- regum -xv-
13
Hie adnotahir
alia ?nanu In alio f. 67 in capite] Nota quod de tempore condicionis urbis uarie scribunt istoriographi nam
libro est 414 sed orosius li- ii-
u scribit earn condilam olimpiade vi- scilicet post euersionem troie
pocius debet, ifc.
16
Atramento minus anno 404- 15 / eutropius secu[ndus] concordat in olimpiade set a troia dicit
nigro parum lucide annum 429 16
Solinus dicit anno 433 incipiente olimpiade -7-
17
Euseb[io] con-
scriptum. Eutropius,
i. 1 habet 394, Paulus
cordant augustinus 18 et beda 19 sed triuet 20 dicit se mirari de beda qui non sequitur
autem 419. 70. sed hebraicam ueritatem secundum quam urbis condicio atribuenda est
17
Solini Polyhist.
cap. 2,p. 5.
octauo anno ioachan qui secundum eum tercius olimpiadis quinte et ab euersione
18
De Civitate Dei, troie 427-
xviii. 22.
21
19
Chron. mai. 125. Alia manu] nota quod solinus uidetur pre ceteris examinasse quia . . .

20
21
loc. cit.
loc. cit.
f. 68 Ad sibylla] et dicit W 22
quod ista fuit prophetisa sublimior . . .

22
op. 3322.
cit. Post capitur] et per 80 annos eis subdita secundum W 23

23
24
ibid. 3336. f. 68 b Ad calcem] et idem festus
. . . et solinus
24 25

Sexti Run Brevi-

arium 2. f. 71 Ad Gyges] de hoc dicit tullius de officiis quod habuit annulum inuisibilitatis 28

25

26
loc. cit.
f. 72 Ad archilochus] huius libros secundum ualerium 27 ex urbe sua lacedemonii iusserunt
iii- 9, § 38-
27
Valerium Maxi- exportari ne inficeret iuuenum mores.
mum vi. 3, ext. 1.
f. 72 b Ad secundum hebraeos] et hanc sequitur iero. super ezechiel libro i-
28
idem beda 29
28
loc. cit.
30
29
Chron. mai. 133. et iose- et tex- iiii regum c. 21 et triuet
30

31
Antiq. x. 4, § 1. Ad fraortes] hie secundum orosium libro primo 31 semper pugnauit contra asirios et
Hist i. 19, § 4.
persas
38
vi. 5, ext. 3. f. 73 Ad celebratur] hie secundum ualerium 32
adulteranti filio oculum unum eruit reli-

qu[um] sibi ut satisfaceret legi, &c.

 .

APPENDIX IV 4i

2 3 1
f. 73 3 j4i iosias xxxii] secundum io. regnauit 32 ]
ut recitat beda et triuet li. iiii. habet Potius 31, Antiq.
x. 5, § I.
libri regum ponunt solum de 31« [super lin. idem ponit beda] et
et parali 2
Chron. mai. 139.
s
iere- dicens esse 23- annos a -xiii regni iosie usque ad quartum filii eius et tunc op.
cit. 3339.
4
Potius 24, Sexti
cepisse regnare nabug' . . .
Rufi Breviarium 2 ;
Ad ancus] hie condidit hostiam ciuitatem. Et dicit festus quod regnauit 34- annis
4 item Solinus cap. 2,
p. 5, Livius i. 35. 1.
solinus dicit idem thus liuius et dicit solinus quod obiit olimpiade 40 8 5
Potius 41, Solinus
s 7 8 loc. cit.
f. 74 3 ^4</priscus xxxuii] festus dicit 38 solinus dicit 37 et titus liuius 38 6
Potius 37, Sexti
Ad miraculum] immo esset imposibile nisi eusebius addidisset iosie unum annum Rufi Breviarium 2.
7
ex quo dederat tot annos anion et alios superflue i
n ioachim ubi dicit beda 9 cap. 2, p. 5.
8
10
i. 40. 1.
f. 75 ^4</panetios] istoriam ponit agellius noctium atticarum 9
Chron. mai. 139.
10
175 b Supra] ab anno quarto ioachim computat scriptura regnum nabug' [iere- 25] quia ex AuliGelliiNoctes
Atticae xiii. 28.
eo non solum caldeis et iudeis sed etiam asiriis egipciis moabitis aliisque gentibus
innumeris dominari cepit secundum triuet . . .

Ad reuertitur] 48 n
11
in ii. esdr. c. i legitur . . . magr in istoriam iiii regum articulo Comestor iv. reg.
crp. 39.
dixit quod uoluit eum ducere babilonem sed postea remisit eum in iherusalem

retentis obsidibus et nobilibus pueris sicut Daniel et socios ...[?] uero rediens
in iherusalem occidit eum . . .

f. 76 Ad alyattes xlviiii] melius dicunt 24 12

secundum N. triuet et male quia erauit in
12
Potius 35, op.cit.
3354-
tempore capcionis babilonis
430 Ro a [?] quia ut supra uisum
ls 13
f. 76 b Supra] Beda ponit solum annos a fundacione templi Chron. mai. 142.

est eusebius sequendo lxx dat xii annos amon qui solum [?] debet habere ii . . .

f. 77 b Ad mccccxxx] hoc anno nabug' optinuit siriam inferiorem et egyptum et iudeos qui
transfugerant misit in babilonem ideo quidem hie incipiunt computare annos 70.
14 14
transmigracionis secundum triuet et hie interfectus est ieremias secundum op. cit. 3368.
15 15
uin[cencium] sed contra facit finis libri iere. Vine. Bellovac.
Spec. Hist. ii. 114.
Ad ann. ix Iudaeorum] hie moritur nabug' magnus et succedit alius nabug' secundum
16 16
uincencium idem W. in cronico fran.
17 Li. 2, in ed.
in spec. li. 3. c. 117 et
Venet. 1591.
8
^4</mccccxl] iosephus li. x.' ubi ponit istoriam macabeorum scribit daniel . . . 17
op. cit. 3483.
18
Ad ann. xiiii Iudaeorum] hie cadit uisio eze- que ponitur xl- c- et dicit Rab[binus] cap. 7.

19 19
Salon in principio eze- quod hie annus fuit iubileus ideo dicit tex[tus] xl. c. in Ita, teste Arturo
Cowley, rab. Salomo
exordio anni antonomasice scilicet iubilei
Rashi in comment, in
Ad ann. xuiiii Iudaeorum] Iste est annus 30. transmigracionis . . . istud scribitur in Ezech. i. 2, p. 511
20 (ed. 1713V
alio libro super anno xii. captiuitatis secundum uinc[encium] in spe. li. 3. cap. 20
Li. 2, in ed. Venet.
117 dicit nabug' obiisse . . . 1591.
21 21
f. 78 b In capite] Orosius de ormesta mundi li. 2. c. 2 dicit quod babilon fuit capta per Hist. ii. 2, § 9.
22
Iosephi Antiq. x.
cirum . . .
Hi § a-
Ad ann. xxui Iudaeorum] . . . io. c. 52 in fi.
22
. . . io. li. x.
23
. . . c. 1. baruc . . .
23

24
ibidem.
24
i. 19, § 10.
In marg.] dicit orosius Ii. r. cap. 17 . . . . 25
Ad 1 Esdrae i .1,

Ad Cyrus annis xxx] Magister Nichol. de lira

25
recitat opinionem rabi salomonis et torn. I. 330 b (ed.
MentelinX
hebr' . . 28
vii. i, § 3.
27
ut etiam Nichol. . . .
ii. 6, § 12.
28
op. cit. 341a.
f. 79 Ad Croesus xu.] iustinus 26
et orosius 2
scribunt hunc cresum . . . 29
cap. 2, p. 5.
28 30
f. 79 b In capite] triuet recitat cirum . . . et sic uocatur in istoria iudith Sextus Rufus, 2,
et Livius, i. 60. 3,
Ad romanorum uii] sol[inus]' 9
dicit 25. festus dicit 34. titus liuius dicit 47
30
[?] paulus habent 25.
31
in istoria longobardorum 31
dicit tempore tarquinii Cirum liberasse iudeos. Pauli Historia
Romana, p. 14, 1.

FOTIIERING11AM
G
42 APPENDIX IV
1
Danielis capp. 17, f. 79 b Ad uicesimum annum ciri] comestor super esdram art. v. et vi.
1
dicit de anno
18.
tercio ciri . . .

3
Antiq. xi. 2, § 2. f. 80 b Ad cambyses uiii] iosephus libro xi antiquit[atum 2
] ponit . . . beda 3
concordat cum
Chron. mai. 153.
4
Vide Chron. min. eusebio ysidorus * tacet
119, in Mommsen, Ad historia conscribitur] sed ut dicit nicholaus de lira
6
non est verisimile iudeos
Chron. Min. Vol. II.
5
Ad Iudith iv. 2,
tantum fuisse au[er]sos . . . sed magister in istoriis ad hec bene respondet
torn
6
I. 354. Ad fratTes] Magister nicholaus de lira super Daniel c. ix.
6
et uiii.
7
et xii.
8
et plenius
v. 25, torn. II. 9 10
super hester et super iiii. c. esdre dicit post cambisem . . . et in hoc sequitur
195 b.
7
v. 5, torn. II. 191. opinionem rabi sal[omonisJ " et hebreorum . . . iosephus libro xi ,2
8
Potius xi. 2, torn.
II. 198.
f. 82 b Ad an. ii] bis computat istum annum propter uii menses magorum qui precesserunt
9
cap. i. 1, torn. I. ita continetur in alio libro
360.
10
v. 6, torn. I. 332.
Ad ccx\] ergo ista rubrica male situata hie quia defecerunt -x- anni Ideo titus liuius
Ad sed beda u et eutropius
11 13 15
Dan. xi. 2, dicebat tarquinium regnasse 47 annis dicunt cum
p. 786.
12
cap. 2, § 1 seq. eusebio de 35.
13
Livius, i. 60. 3, Super ut quibusdam] hanc orosius 16
sed titus liuius " 244.
habet 25.
14
Chron. mai. 152. Ad xu lapidem] aug. de ci. libro 3. c. 14. in dicit fi.
18

15
Eutropius in bre- Ad ccxliii] hec uarietas occurrit quia uarie incipiunt olimpiades ut declarat N. triuet
19

viario ab urbe condita,

p. 14. n(ed.Droysen), uel propter iiii [?] an regni enee.
habet 24. Item Paulus f. 83 Ad discedit] et creauerunt tribunos plebis ut ff de origine iuris 1. ii. § hiisdem 20

in loc.
16
"• 4. § T 3-
f. 83 3 Ad Xerxes] hie aduersus grecos secundum Bedam a . . .

18
17
loc. cit.
cap. i5,ed.Dom-
f. Mb Ad Ezr s de hester] iosephus qui hec ponit dicit
22
. . .

23
bart (1877). ^4</perdiccas xxuiiii] tamen infra non dat sibi nisi 27. Guillelmus uero dat sibi 28
19
Vide supra ad 64^.
20
{.85 b Ad xx persarum] africanus ut recitat iero. super 9. c. danielis 2<
ponit hunc annum 20
Dig. i.tit.ii. §20.
21
Chron. mai. 164. artaxersis fore secundum olimp. 83.
3
23
Antiq. xi. 5, 6. f. 86 Ad hippocrates] ypocras
op. cit. 3604.
24
Hieronymus in f. 86 3 Ad plato nascitur] ex uirgine et apolline secundum quosdam ut recitat iero. libro
26
Dan.
25
ix. 24. primo contra iouinianum 25
/ De platone habes ff de nundinis 1. ii.
Hieron. adv.
Iovin. i. 42, p. 309.
Ad nothus an xuiiii] hie notat beda 27
. . .

26
27
Dig. 1. tit. xi. f. 87 Ad amarteus saites] triuet
28
ponit hec anno desolacionis iherusalem. Et ea eciam
Chron. mai. 177. M
28
op. cit. 3542. satis concordat cronica fran[corum] et triuet . . .

29
Gulielmus de Ad xeni olymp.] Macedon xiii secundum N. triuet 30
regnauit orestes
Nangis, 3652.
30
op. cit. 3545. f. 87 3 [Citantur Triuetus (op. cit. 3548), Hieronymus libro primo super Ezechiel, Nicholas
super Daniel c. ix., W {bis).']
31 32
31
Hieron. op. cit. i. ^[^farnabazus] hec tradit iero. in libro contra iouianum sed iustinus dicit eum
44. P- 3i i-
combustum in cubiculo
32
v. 8, § 14.
Ad socrates] obiit autem etatis sue anno 99 secundum iero. in epistola ad nepo-
Si
s3
Hieron. epist.lii. [cianum] que incipit petis a me
s4
p. 256 (de Isocrate). f. 88 In capiie] sed titus liuius prima decade libro 5 scribithec sub anno ab urbe condite
34
cap. 40, § 1. 35
35
v. 54, § 5. .360. sed postea in fine libri eiusdem dicit hec fuisse anno 365. ab urbe condita /
36 37
38
Erasum. sed [proximo? ] contra hec facit ipse libro 6. fol. 2.

AdVellum famosum] dicit W 38 quod pestilencia amiserunt totum excercitum

37
cap. 2, § 3 ? . . .
38
op. cit. 3673.
Ad galli romam inuaserunt] duce gallorum brennio qui erat frater regis britannie
. . .

maioris sed in gallia manebat / huius excercitus pars se collocauit ingalacia

40
59
op. cit. 3675. secundum W. S9 Sequitur alia ut uidetur manu : orosius libro 3 in principio
40
cap. 1, § 1.
scribit hec super anno ab urbe condita 364.
41
op. cit. 3680. Ad magno terrae motu] hec ponit W 41
super anno artaxersis 22
 . . .

APPENDIX IV 43

f. 88 3 Ad cii olymp] W 1
scribit post alexandrum regnasse perdiccam 4. annis et post 1
op. cit. 3692,
perdiccam dicit philippum . .
3696.

Ad dionysius] mortem dionisii seu interfeccionem scribit W 2

super anno 18 3
op. cit. 3676.
artaxersis
Ad aristotelesj hec scribit W 3
super anno 33 artaxersis op. cit. 3691.
f.89 Ad alexander . . . nascitur] hec scribit W 4
super anno 10 ochi et dicit quod fuit op. cit. 3708.
tunc per 25 dies tempestas et cum tunc neptanabus rex egipti non esset exul
non uidetur uera historia quod genuerit al[e]xandrum
f.89 3 Ad cxtim anno ab urbe condita 409- sed in tito liuio prima decade libro j. 5
olympi] 5
cap. 33, § 6.

uidetur dici de anno 400

7 6
ex alymp.'] idem iero. super daniel et idem helinandus sed ysodorus uocat eum .
vii. 5, p. 665.
7
9
Chron. min. 126.
xersem tertullianus 8 argu secundum triuet . . . 8
Adv. Iudaeos,
Ad sunt ciuium clx milia] arma ferencium cum socii Romanorum ab eis cap.
9
8, p. 614.

defecissent W 10
10
op. cit. 3614.
op. cit. 3725.
Ad construit] iosephus libro xi c. 7
u . . .
11
Antiq. xi. 7, § 4.

f.90 Ad mallius torquatus] uide titum liuium libro. 8. prime decadis 12

El ita fere in-
12
cap. 7.

1S 13
ferius ad alexandria . . . condita ibid. cap. 24, § 1.

Ad alexandria . . . condita] et macedoniam capta egipto esse constituit . . .

secundum N. triuet M
14
op. cit. 3622.
1B 15
f.90 3 . . . secundum aug. de ciuit. dei libro xii c. xi . . . sed triuet ponit . . . et concordat op. cit. 3624.
1 16
eusebium et bedam '• et vinc[encium] Chron. mai. 198.
17
Spec. Hist. iv. 38.
de alexandro tangit titus liuius prima decade libro uiii. post principium sed ualde 1.
19 18
ar[ticulo] fol. 62. 18 et libro 9 fol. 73 viii. 3. 7.
19
f. 91 theofrastus] hunc dicit W 20
successisse aristotili apud achademiam 20
capp. 17-19.
op. cit. 3744.
21
. . . secundum W. qui dicit bellum samnitum durasse per 49 annos 21
Potius 59, op. cit.
3746.
ad x alexandrinorum\ lisimachia in tracia condita est secundum W.22 22
op. cit. 3750.
23
f.92 ad xxii macedonum\ hec scribit W. 23 super anno 24 ptolomei op. cit. 3764.
21
septem secundum W. 24 op. cit. 3776.
25 28
f. 92 3 ut W. . .
ibid. (?).
26
secundum bedam 2G . . .
Chron. mai. 219.

triuet w atribuit
27
. .
op. cit. 3672.
.

hos oblctit W 28 28

29
op. cit. 3783.

f.93 hec ponit W. 29 op. cit. 3792.

. . .

30
f.94 secundum bedam 30
iste . . .
Chron. mai. 220.

anno ab urbe condita 507- tiberis inundans rome maxima dampna dedit secundum
Rauen
31 51
f. 94 3 hec scribit triuet op. cit. 3726.

de morte huius habetur in secundo machabeorum.

31
f.95 hie phtolomeus secundum bedam 32 . . . hec autem atribuit triuet
8 '
. .
33
Chron. mai. 226.

f. 96 W 84
scribit 1 0000 34
op. cit.
Hicdesunt8foIia
3752.

35 de codice Londinensi.
hec atribuit triuet
38
op. cit. 3758.
tilus liuius
38 36
f.96 3 hec atribuit triuet op. cit. 3774.
87
hunc obmisit ysodorus ethmiol. quinto [?] s7 Habet in Chron.
[?]
min. 141.
scacius [i.e. slattus]

quidam mediolanensem ferunt moi tuus est |

al. qui ad mediolanense ferunt

g a
 "

44 APPENDIX IV
1
op. cit. 3778. f. 97 triuet ' dicit hunc antiochum. . . . Ergo secundum triuet . . .

2
op. cit. 3 7 So. hoc anno secundum mentem .N. triuet
2
. . .

. . . quia beda errauit . . . ut patet iose. libro 13 c. 6 . . .

3
op. cit. 3786. f. 97 b idolum ponitur . . . secundum triuet 3

cliii] in alio libro est 154

4
Vincentii Specu- 4
in spe. [?] libro 6. c. cc. scribitur hoc super anno 8 antiochi
lum Historiale, v. 66.
5 8
loc. cit. nichol. triuet scribit eusebium collocasse . . .

6
1 Mac. cap. 6.
7
xxxiv. 3, § 6.
. . . secundum comestorem 6 licet iustinus aliter dicat
7

8 8
op. cit. 3793. Nichol. triuet dicit . . .
9
ibid. 9
10
Chron. mai. 226. Id. N. triuet . . . et probat per librum machabeorum
11 10
loc. cit. f. 98 beda ponit . . .
12
op. 381 1.
cit.
13 nichol. triuet dicit . . .
Chron. mai. 232.
14
loc. cit. N. triuet scribit " . . . et dicit triuet . . .
15
Petr. Comestor. 12
Hist, scol., Macab. c.
f. 99 ... secundum triuet
13
xiv. . . . unde quia beda ponit . . . et ita etiam uult eusebius ut patet infra . . . triuet
16
op. cit. 3927.
17
op. cit. 3824.
quod ionathas ...dicit
18
2 Mac. cap. 3. Simon adsumitur] hoc scribitur in alio eusebio post [•••?] euergetis
19
cap. 10. 15
20
2 Mac. cap. 3.
f. 99 b in hist, schol. ubi de macabeis. art. xv. dicitur Alius sed primum cum eusebio
2
Cbron. mai. 238. ponit W 16
22
Chron. mai. 240. 17 19
23
op. cit. 3850.
. . . secundum triuet post comestorem. 13 et iosep. li. 20 antiq. c. ultimo
24 20
Potius 27, Chron. in historia scol. dicitur quod pactus est cum iohanne qui et hircanus dictus est
mai. 241. 21
25
CodexLondinen- f. 100 soter xuii] beda scribit etiam xuii
sis (3878)38habet. f. 100 <5 idem scribit beda 22 et tamen si computes precedentes omnes annos inuenies secundum
26
cap. 10.
27
cap. 16.
hanc cronicam annos 486- et certe N triuet
23
asserit hunc regnasse . . .

28 24 28
op. cit. 3855. alexander xxuii] beda dicit 26- et triuet dicit 28- sed iosephus libro 20- antiq. c.
29
cap. 16. 26
yu
VideLib. xl. cap. ultimo dicit de 27- annis
27
1. f. 101 istoriam ponit orosius libro quinto
31
op. cit. 3861.
32
op. cit. 3972.
istud secundum hoc fuit per -ioi- annos ante christi nat' utroque computato- sed
33
de S. Hugonis N triuet
28
ponit fuisse duo prelia et duos marii consulatus et all[egat] orosium
Victore, De Tribus 29
Maximis C. G. Liber libro -5-

(Codex Cheltenham- f. 101 3 philippus] de isto nil dicit iustinus

30
unde et triuet
31
dicit . . .

ensis 12200, f.102 b).

34
op. cit. 3865. anno secundo sequente secundum W. 32 et Hugo 33 dat sibi -2- annos.
35 34
op. cit. 3878. hoc dicit triuet
'
: 6
op. cit. 3887. s5
37
Antiq. xiv. 4 (?) f. 102 alexandra] cepit anno 505 a desolacione iherusalem secundum N. triuet . . .

38
Sic in prologo f. 103 hoc ascribit triuet 36 iosephus libro -I5- c- 37 et eus. [?]... . . .

super Livium codex

Vaticanus Palat. 875. Iero. de epi. ut habetur in prologo super titum liuium dicit hoc anno natum titum
39 38
op. cit. 3903. liuium scilicet anno 3 olimp. 159
40
Chron. min. 153.
39
41
Chron. mai. 254. f. 103 b 01. clxxxi 4] floruit eciam circa hec tempora titus liuius istoricus secundum triuet
42
Potius 541, op. et patet supra.
cit. 3906.
40 41
43
Comestor, 2Mac. cleopatra xxii] isodorus dicit duobus . . . sed beda scribit ut eusebius
cap. 16. f. 104 optime concordat hie in tempore triuet dicens eum imperasse anno ab euersa
44
Chron. mai. 259.
42
45
Chron. min. 155. iherusalem 542 .

46 44
Antiq. xiv. 11, §1. 43
47
magister in istoriis ponit eum imperasse annis tribus mensibus vii sed beda
Adonis Viennen-
sis Chronicon, ad A. et ysodorus **
concordant cum isto.
M. 4784 (p. 72, idem iosephus 46 idem odo 47
Migne).
48
48
op. cit. 3910. f. 104 b Nichol. triuet dicit quod antonius . . .
 .

APPENDIX IV 45

f. 104 5 africanus 1
solus dicit eum imperasse solum 55 annis et dominum iesum natum in 1
Hoc apud frag-
menta Africani nus-
anno eius 40.
quam inveni.
cepit imperare secundum orosium libro 6- o 16 2
anno ab urbe condita 710. et sic 3
Oros. vi. 18.
3
op. cit. 3917.
sequitur eusebium. 4
op. cit. 3926.
3 4
f. 105 3 triuet scribit herodem fuisse consecratum . . . secundum triuet et allegat hugonem 6
Hugonis Floria-
censis '
Chronicon,'
floriacensem
ed. Rottendorff, p. 39.
beda " scribit regnum herodis . . .
8
Chron. mai. 262.
f. 106 3 Ol. 187 cleopatra] hoc debet scribi in sequenti pagina super anno 22 . . . beda 7 7 Chron. mai. 268.
8
ponit hec sub anno 16« augusti et idem dicit triuet . . .
8
op. cit. 3925.
9
quidam ab hoc loco] ut pthol[omeus] dig[. .
.?] 3. c. 8 . uide quia eusebius statim 9
Almagest, iii. 8.

premisit . . . cum ptolom[eus] qui est antiquior . . . \uix legi potesti]

10
f. 107 3 hoc dicit triuet . . . 10
op. cit. 3930.
f. 108 anno 24 augusti herodem edificasse
triuet" dicit sub . .
11
op. cit. 3934.
12
hoc anno herodes magnifice templum domini decorauit secundum com[estorem] et 12
2 Mac. cap. 25.
13
triuet sed iosephus libro xv. antiquitatum c. xi. dicit . . .
13
op. cit. 3935.
14
istoria scol[astica] ponit . . .
14
loc. cit.
13
hoc anno concepta est beata uirgo secundum triuet . . .
15
op. cit. 3937.
,8
f. 108 3 hoc anno augustus apellatur pontifex maximus a senatu secundum triuet 16
op. cit. 3944.
17
f. 109 3 N. triuet scribit augustum reclausisse . . . per triuet'. . .
17
op. cit. 3951.
Et in prohemio codicis theodosiani expresse scribitur christum natum anno xi. augusti
18
beda ponit hoc anno 42 18
augusti Potius 47, Chron.
mai. 269.
f. 110 3 . . . et iustinus li. 2. c. 4. dicit . . .

f. Ill pilatus procurator] quidam ponunt hie de ymaginibus allatis in iherusalem cum
signis militaribus et totum hoc uidetur fuisse sub anno xii- tiberii secundum 19
In istoria H
comestorem " articulo 28. et sic et 142.
20
et beda 21 Evangelica.
20
cap. 138 (ed.
22 23
f. 1113 istoria scolastica ponit xix annos ... in v- etimologiarum 1503)-
21
f. 113 egisipus libro ii. c. ix.
z*
dicit . . .
Chron. mai. 271.
22
Act.Apost.cap. 1.
2B
hec iero. recitans super dan epitomen tertulliani de ebdomadibus . . . 23
Isidori Chron.
f. 1133 cathedra sci p. apud antiochiam celebratur 8 kal. march et feria cathedre Romane min. 161 (?).
26
24
Egesippi De ex-
scribitur in martirologio 15 kal. febr. cidio uibis Hierosol.
egisippus libro '2- 27 ponit solum libro ii. c. v. (Migne,
xiii annos.
Patrologia Latina, xv.
28
Regin scribit "]• menses . . .
2042).
29 25
Iero. de illustribus uiris in principio ix. 24, p. 694.
scribit . . .
20
Sic in Martyro-
30
f. 114 3 beda in actibus apostolorum in principio dicit . . . logio Hieronymiano,
Claudius moritur] idem sen[eca] in tragediaquam de eius obitu fecit ubi dicit quod Acta Sanctorum, No-
vembris Tom. II. i,
obiit 3* idus octobr' inter sextam et nonam 31 horam. pp. [10], [24].
27
f. 115 Egisippus libro 4- s2 dicit . . .
cap. 6.
28 ReginoPrumien-
. . . secundum Ier. de illustribus uiris- c* 5- sis col. 17 B (Migne).
28
. . . secundum Iero. de illustribus uiris. 35 cap. 1.
30
940 A (Migne).
f. 1153 . . . secundum Iero. de illustribus uiris. c. 8. 81
Potius septimam,
f. 116 biennio ante martirium petri et pauli secundum Iero. de illustribus uiris c. 12. Ludus ii. 3.
32
cap. 20.
34
anno 35- secundum Iero. de illustribus uiris c #
5- 33
cap. 2.
84
116 3 post mens. et dies xxuiii imperii sui ut recitat b. Ier. Potius37,IIieron.
f. uiii.
[?] post tertullianum super
in loc.
33 36
Daniel . . . et idem uult iosephus de bello iudaico libro 6 [?] 88
ix. 24, p. 694.
36
117 Iero. in epistola ad ebidiam que 3' Potius iv. 11, § 4.
f. est 52 questione ix. dicit quod christus orante pro 37
Hieron.epist.cxx.
iudeis . . .
8, § 2.
 6 .

46 APPENDIX IV
l
1
Eusebii Historia f. 117 hoc fuit anno secundo uespasiani ut in ec [clesiastica] istor[ia] li. 3. c. 5. et hie
Ecclesiastica.
2
scribit eusebius . . .

ibid. c. v, § 5.
2
libro 3. eclesiastice .c. iiii. [?] dicitur quod tricies centena . . .

f. 1173 titus] hie etiam dictus est Elius ut dicet infra in fine opni [?] adriani
8
3
Titus 11. et diebus 20 secundum suetonium
4
4
Romana 264. iordanis scribit quod titus eciam dictus est uespasianus
5
6
Epist. liii. 2. f. 118 augustinus in epistola ad generosum ponit summos pontifices . . .

op. cit. ad A. D. clemens corr. in cletus] de regione uico patricii W. 6

81. 7
7
hunc uocat eusebius anacletum libro .3. eel. istor. c. decimo et 12. et ita debet etiam
Potius 13 et 15.
hie scribi secundum aliud exemplar
8
8
cap. 31. Egisippus libro .4. dicit domicianum . . .

9
op. cit. 84. f. 118 3 pantheon quod nunc est sancte marie et omnium martirum christi secundum W. B

10
vii. 23, § 2. Item 10
idem eutropius Guillelmus scribit hoc super anno domini 90. . .

Paulus.
11
op. cit. 94.
f. 119 Guillelmus n scribit super anno 12. domiciani . . .

12
ibid.
13
Et hie dicit Guillelmus 12 . . .

Potius c. 18, § 4.
13
14
Potius 20. hireneus in quinto contra hereses et recitatur in tercio libro eel. istor. c. 16. dicunt
18. u
15
Orosius vii. 11 hanc persequcionem fuisse in xv. anno domiciani Item c. post egisippum et
habet 846.
16
Potius 8, Chron. tertullianum scribitur . . .

mai. 304. 119 3 Nota quod

17
f. iero. de illustribus uiris c. 9. dicit
Adonis Viennen-
sis Chronicon, ad A.D. anno ab urbe condita 847 quamuis eutropius dicat 850 secundum orosium li. 7. 18
99, p. 81. et diebus 5 [?] 16 secundum bedam uel diebus uiii secundum odonem 17
18
Chron. mai. 306.
19
Potius 68, Hieron. diebus xu. secundum bedam 18
op.
20
cit. 9.
hunc annum qui est 70 19 a passione christi ponit Iero. de illustribus uiris pro obitu
op. cit. 103.
21
op. cit. 102. b. iohannis. idem W. 20 dicens eum obiisse annorum 99.

Guillelmus a ponit hie anacletum ex athenis

22
MartyriumS.Cle-
mentis, cap. 18 et
seq., Migne, Patr. in legenda sancti dementis 22 dicitur quod traianus . . . Iero. de uiris illustribus c. 15
Graeca, II, col. 627, dicit clementem obiisse . . .
&c.
21
23
viii. 3, § 1. Item. f. 120 armeniam secundum eutropium 2S
. . . recepit secundum . . . eu.
Paulus. 25
21
et ibi tres prouincias tenuit secundum eutropium
ibid. § 2.
as
ibid. anno xi. traiani secundum Iero. de illustribus uiris c. 1
26
op. cit. in. 26
27 f. 120 3 Guillelmus scribit hie euaristum . . .

op. cit. 115.

28
op. cit. 116. hoc scribit W. 27 super anno 16. traiani
29
Potius II, op.
120.
cit.
f. 121 hoc de iudeis scribit W. 28 super anno 17.
30
op. cit. 121. f. 121 3 hoc scribit W. super anno *r 29
adriani
31
op. cit. 129.
32
op.
W. 30
ponit hie alexandrum
cit. 130.
33
op. cit.
144. f. 122 sub hoc anno xi. ponit W. 31
sixtum papam
34
Ita in libro Pon-
pater] eo quod rempublicam iustissimis legibus ordinauit secundum W. S2
tificali codices C 3 1,6
E
(ed.Mommseninloc). \Dehinc ea tantum praebebimus quae aut ad scripiores nondum citatos refer wit aut
35
Martini Oppavi-
aliquid memoria dignum continent?^
ensis Chronicon, ed.
Weiland, p. 411,1. 33. f. 122 3 iudei xv. scribit hoc super anno 1 7 legitur [?] etiam in alio eusebio
36
Bernardi Guido-
nis Catalogus Pontifi-
f. 123 3 in hoc pio redit W S3
ad concordiam de tempore summorum pontificum
s5
cum Romanorum,Spi- alii scribunt annis xi. mens. iiii. diebus xxi. secundum damasum 34 et marcium.
cilegium Romanum f. 124 secundum guid[onemj 3fl
post alios qui ponunt post clementem anacletum . . .
Tom. V, p. 20.
37
Potius decimo f. 125 3 01. ccxxxix] hoc tempore uiuebat adhuc egisippus ut in prima parte speculi libro
(ed. 1591).
38
undecimo 37 c. 112. Et idem iero. de illustribus uiris c. 22. . . .
col.461 B(Migne).
39
op. cit. 194. f. 127 sicardus cremonensis 38 scribit hunc iulianum inperasse. Et 30
dicit mens. 7. W
 " . ..

APPENDIX IV 47

f. 127 ... beda dicit xuii. in suo primo libro istorie eel. britonum c. v.

f. 127 3 mortuo [deletum] seuero inperauit antonius caracalla Alius eius aliquot annis ut patet
1 1
x. de of. proconsul. 1. obseruare et 1. solent Dig. i. tit. 16,
§§ 4, 6.
01. ccxlv] in alio exemplari deficiunt anni scriptum super annis [. . . {erasum)\ xuiii 2
Potius C. 21, § I.
2 3 3
secundum eusebium libro sexto c. 18. guido uero scribit annis ix. mensibus vi. op. cit. p. 24.
4
diebus x. uincencius in spec, iii 1 * ponit de eo. Spec. Hist. viii.

B 93 (?)•
129 3 martinus scribit addendo mens. xi. diebus xi. 5
Ita codex A,
130 . . . concordat paulus post eutropium 8 . . P- 4'3, 1. 25, ed.
7
Weiland.
130 3 Iero in epistola pamachio et occeano que incipit schedule quas misistis . . . anastasi ' ix. (?)•
3
pape cui super ilia materia Rufinus scripsit 8 Hieron. epist.
lxxxiv. 7, p. 529.
9
. . . deusdedit cardinalis libro 21 [?] capitulo 125 . scribit de hiis sub anno 8
Hieron. Apologia
domini 244 adversus Libros Ru-
fini, ii. i, p. 491.
131 01. cclix] hie debuit scribi de sixto papa xxiii. qui secundum guid' 10 sedit annis ix. . . 9
Collectio Cano-
132 de isto habes C. in quibus causis in integrum re non est necessaria li. ii. u num,
10
i. 211-214 (?).
Bernard ns Gui-
132 3 anatolius laudicensis episcopus scripsit de racione paschali ciclos . . . et secundum donis (ed. Maio) habet
hoc uidetur error in libro isto de duobus annis '
annis ii, mensibus xi,
diebus vi,' p. 35.
f. 134 et tamen constancius pater constantini fuit christianus ut patet in 1. ii. C. de epi. 11
Cod. ii. tit. 41.
12
et cli. /Vtfclericis : Cod.
i. tit.
ls 3, § 2.
iordanus scribit quod unusquisque principum istorum 4. . . . 13
Romana 300.
fran[corum] u
14
f. 134 3 Sigibertus in istoria sua et recitatur in istoria . . .
Gulielmus de
15
Nangis 305 ; sed non
f. 136 ... iordanus in istoria gothorum . . .
nominat Sigibertnm.
licinius] sed tripertita libro 3' in fine H dicit
15
eum baptizatum cum mors instaret no.
16
17
Cassiodori His-
non tamen hoc anno sed anno 21 const, uel circa [?] ut uult gui sed secundum toria Tripertita, iii.i 2.
17
ysod. anno 17 const. 18 liemardus Gui-
donis, p. 51, vicesimo
19
f. 136 b . . . ut tangit iero. in prologo libri interpretacionum hebraicarum anno ponit.
20 18
f. 137 nota quia communes cronici quos sequitur guido scribunt iulium papam cepisse Chron. min. 225

sedem anno domini 340- la

Hieron. praefatio
constantinus] et hie dedit romam beato siluestro et cetera que habentur in decretis 21 in librum de situ et
22
nominibus, p. 121.'
in istoria tripertita libro v. cap. xi. scribitur de xv. i0
op. cit. p. 56.
2S 21
f. 1 39 aduerte tamen quod non computatur in cathalogo ro. pon. per iero. quia liberium Deusdedit, Coll.
Can. iv. 1.
dicit 34" et damasum ponit infra fore 35* 22
cap. xii (Migne).
23
f. 139 3 alibi quod una tantum communione constancio communicauit
legi liberius sed Sc. Felix.

rebaptizatus non fuit 24

Coll. Can. i. 232.
24
f. 140 3 in libro deusdedit cardinalis legi quod liberius . . .
25
Vincentius Bello-
25 26 vacensis, Spec. Hist,
f. 142 3 uinc. et martinus dicunt . . .
xiv. 48.
f. 144 01. eclxxxviii] ab hinc incipit W 27
annotare principes et reges francorum . . .
20
p. 462, 1. 40, ed.

144 3 aliqui dicunt quod non Weiland.

f. statim assumpsit fratrem in inperium . . . et sic innuit 2 '
op. cit. 376.
28
Rodericus in istoria gothorum . . . item ambrosius de obitu ualentiniani 29 dicit . .
28
Rodericus Tole-
tanus De rebus His-
f. 146 Praefatio marcellint\ Cauendum est in ista cronica qualiter incipiat annos utrum
paniae, ii. 3.
scilicet secundum inicium consulatus a ianuario ut legitur in tripertita libro 5- c. 29
De
obitu Valen-
a septembri secundum indicciones tinianiconsolatio, cap.
35" uel
30
57, p. 1189.
f. 148 3 idem ipse iero* in epistola ad desiderium fol. 148. . . .
30
Hieron. epist.
xlvii. 3.
f. 151 hoc consulatu obiit etiam [?] paula ut in eius epitaphio scribit iero. in epistolis 81
. . .
31
Hieron. epist.
f. 173 C de nouo codice confirmando aparet quod hoc fuit prius . . . ut C. de emenda- cviii. 34.
32
cione iustin C. § hiis 32
de nee. [...?] enucl. 33 Const. Cod. iii.
[...?] et c 1. ii. ante finem.
§4-
f. 173 3 . . . C de ueteri iure enucle 1. ii. ad finem. 33
Cod.i.tit.17^23.
 APPENDIX V
JEAN DU TILLET: A NEGLECTED SCHOLAR OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
Jean du Tillet, otherwise Joannes Tilius, came from a family belonging to the Angoumois was ;

born on the Feast of the Purification (but in what year is apparently unknown) had for his first spiritual ;

charge the parish of Chaniers in the Angoumois 1

; first appears as a quite youthful writer in 1538; was
consecrated bishop of St. Brieuc in Brittany in 1553; was translated to Meaux in 1564; and died in
November 1570. He must be distinguished from his elder brother, the Sieur de la Bussiere, who was also
named Jean, was also the author of historical works, and also died in 1570. He must be distinguished
further, it would appear, from yet a third Joannes Tilius, the author of a violent attack on the Papacy,
Parallela sive Memorabilia de viia et moribus Pontificum, of which the preface is dated in 1576 (the copy in
the Bodleian was published at Amberg in 16 10); though the Bodleian catalogue includes the book under the
writings of the bishop of Meaux.
The catalogues of Paris, Oxford, and London, the Apparatus Sacer of the Jesuit Ant. Possevin
(II. a.d. 1606, p. 254), Gallia Christiana (VIII. col. 1649), and the A llgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon of C. G. Jocher
(IV. a.d. 1751, col. 1202), all contribute something to our knowledge of Jean du Tillet: but the best
starting-points will be the account given of him in by J. A. de Thou (Thuanus) in his
the next generation
Historiae sui temporis, and the full list of his writings supplied by Theodor Hase to C. A. Heumann for
the latter's preface to his reprint of du Tillet's edition of the libri Carolini (see below under no. 8, p. 55).
These two authorities must be cited at length.
(a) Thuanus Historiarum sui temporis lib. xlvii (at the end of the year 1570: ed. Geneva, 1620,
ii. 663, 664).
'Idem annus abstulit nobilissimum cognominum fratrum par, videlicet Tiliorum Engolismensi agro
oriundorum quorum Ioannes grandior natu Curiae protonotarius fuit, qui cura diligentia et summa in suo
;

munere non solum ingentes opes sed veram gloriam, et qua maiorem nemo nostrorum antea meruit,
assiduitate

exacta iuris nostri et Franco-Gallicae omnis antiquitatis cognitione sibi comparauit. alter natu minor sacris

addictus primum fani Brioci in Armorica et postea Meldorum episcopus fuit, qui a puero litteris instructior
ad rerum nostrarum, qua frater eius excelluit, peritiam, etiam linguarum, iuris prisci Ro[mani] et ecclesiasticae
antiquitatis exactam cognitionem adiunxit, perlustratis Francisci I permissu coenobiorum ac aliorum locorum
toto cum adhuc integrae essent, bibliothecis, atque inde peculiari sibi instructo librorum
regno celebrium,
veluti perm copioso, ex quibus pleraque in vtroque genere venerandae antiquitatis monumenta publico
dedit, eoque nomine magnam a sui et posteri aeui hominibus gratiam ac laudem meruit.'

(b) C. A. Heumann, Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II Censura, hoc est Caroli M. de impio imaginum cultu

libri iv(Hanover, a.d. 1731), enumerates on p. 61 of his preface the following list of du Tillet's works,
as supplied to him by Th. Hase (I abstain from giving the longer titles in full at this point) —
Paciani . . . Paris, 1538. 4 [see below, no. 1].
Aposiolorum et SS. Conciliorum . . . Paris, 1540. 4 [see below, no. 2].
Evangelium Matthaei Ebraice . . . Basle, 1552, and Paris, 1555. 8° [see below, no. 9].
Traite de la religion Chretienne. 1559. I2 ° [ see below, no. 10].
E libris Constilutionum Theodosii . . . Paris, 1550. 8° [see below, no. 7].
1
I derive these last two facts from the preface to du Tillet's tract on the Apostles' Creed (no. 13, p. 56 below).
 :

APPENDIX V 49
Response aim Eueque aux Ministres de la nouuelle Eglise. 1566. 8°: also in Latin, 1564. 8° [see
below, nos. 11, 12].
Traite' du Symbole des Apdlres ei douze ar ikies de lafoi. Paris, 1566. 8° [see below, no. 13].
Traite de Vantiquite'
' et solemnity de la Messe. Paris, 1567 [see below, no. 14].
Auis aux Messieurs les Gentilshommes seduiis par les piperies des Ministres des Eglises nouuelles. Paris, 1567.
8° [see below, no. 15].
Luciferi Episcopi Calaritani . . . Paris, 1568. 8° [see below, no. 16].
Chronicon de rebus Francorum . . . [see below, no. 3].
That is to say, twelve works in addition to the '
Libri Carolini de non adorandis imaginibus and to Hase's'
;

list I am able to add three more items, nos. 4, 5, and 6 below. Of these works, and more particularly of those
of them which emanate from the scholar rather than the controversialist, something must now be said in detail
and this account of the books written by du Tillet will be succeeded by a similar (but it is to be feared more
imperfect) account of the MSS. possessed by him.

I. BOOKS WRITTEN BY DU TILLET

1. A. D. 1538. D. Paciani Barcilonae integerrimi quondam Episcopi Paraenesis ad Poeniientiam. Altera
eiusdem de Baptismo. Eiusdem Epistolae duae ad Sympronianum Nouatianum. Accessit his tractatus eiusdem
Sancti, aduersus Nouatianos. Hae Beati viri Chrislianae lucubraliones, nunc primum in lucem exeunt Lector pie,

eliam si ab authore ante annos mille editae sint. Parisiis. In aedibus Carolae Guillardae, ad Solem aureum, via
Iacobaea. 1538. [8°.]

The preface is inscribed 'Ioanni Gagnaeio Theologo et ecclesiastae Regio loan. Tilius Salu.' The
writer addresses Gagney as one of the foremost patristic scholars and editors of the time, who •
exemplaria
veteris illius theologiae corrogas ex omnibus prope Galliae bibliothecis, quae in tuum hoc Gymnasium
Parisiense conuehas, in exempla plurima transfusurus.' His own theological position is succinctly enough
defined by a reference to '
the insane Luther and his synagogue ' : but about his position as a scholar
we learn more from the epilogue to the book, headed '
Iacobus Boi'gardus pio Anagnostae S.' The '
pious
reader ' is there told that '
exemplar perantiquum nobis benigne suggessit Ioa. Tilius adolescens id genus
deliciarum ardentissimus: recognouit autem Godefridus Tilmannus Cartusiae Parisiensis ex professo monachus,
sic tamen vt vestigia antiquitatis intacta reliquerit, seu sunt " intellego," " neglego," ..." baptismum " uno et

altero loco neutro genere.' The edition, in fact, is the young du Tillet's first adventure as a scholar and critic,

and he works under guidance was not long (as we shall see) before he produced on his own account,
: but it

and the fact that the MS. came from his hands suggests that he may already before 1538 have
of Pacian
been entrusted with the remarkable commission from Francis I to visit the libraries of monasteries and '

other places and to take MSS. from them, with which the passage quoted above from de Thou has already
'

made us acquainted.
The Bodleian copy of this editio princeps of Pacian came from the Meerman sale, and belonged at an
earlier period to the Le Tellier collection at St. Genevieve, as a printed slip pasted in the book records :

'Ex Bibliotheca quam 16000 Voll. constantem huic Abbatiae S. Genovefae Paris. Testamento legavit Car.
Maurit. Le Tellier Archiep. Remensis.' In the margin of the book is a collation 'cum codice regio 800
annorum numero 5673' [or conceivably '3673']: and that this collation was made before 1693 is shown
by the fact that the catalogue of the Le Tellier collection made in that year includes the item (p. 24: no. 415)
'Idem Pacianus exemplar manu collatum ad cod. ms/ The number given, whether 5673 or 3673, does
:

not suit either catalogue of the Paris MSS., that of a.d. 1740, still in use, or that of A.n. 1682. But that
the MS. meant is really no. 3795 of the 1682 catalogue = no. 2182 of the 1740 catalogue, saec. xii (a MS.
of Caesarius of Aries; the Pacian matter comes in the later part of the MS.), will not be doubted by any one
FOTHERINCIIAM H
 5o APPENDIX V
who consults the latest edition of Parian, that of Ph. H. Peyrot (Zwolle, 1896); any more than that the
MS. from which du Tillet derived his edition is the present Vaticanus Reginae 331, saec. x. These are
the only two MSS. known, and the printed text agrees with the latter as regularly as the marginal collation does
with the former. M. Omont suggests to me that the number 5673 is a confusion of 3795 read backwards; and
this appears to be the most probable explanation of the error.
The above description is derived entirely from the copy in the Bodleian.

2. a. d. i54°- K-avovts To>u aTrovToXcov ko\ tu>v ay'iatv awoScov. Aposiolorum el sanctorum concilioriim decrela.
Hinc sarcienda ecdesiae concordia. Cum Regio priuilegio in quinquennium. Parisiis. Per Conradum Neobarium,
Regium Typographum. m.d.xl. [8°.]
The preface is dedicated to Cardinal Francois Tournon (successively Archbishop of Embrun, Bourges,
Auch and Lyons) Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac Domino D. Francisco Turnonio Cardinali, Iohannes
:
'

Tilius Engolismensis S.P.D.' The book contains the Greek text, without translation, of the Apostolic Canons,
and of the councils of Nicaea, Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Gangra, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople, Ephesus,
Chalcedon, Sardica, Carthage, the council in Trullo, and the second council of Nicaea. The preface informs
us that the source of the edition was a MS. of St. and the author promises (though
Hilary's at Poitiers,
it does not appear that the promise was fulfilled) a companion volume from the same source, namely the
'canonical' writings of the Greek Fathers (or in other words the second portion of Greek Canon Law), quas '

itidem atque hos canonas a doctissimis diui Hilarii Pictauiensis canonicis . . . accepimus.'
This was the editio princeps, as far as I know (although it makes no claim to that effect), of the Greek
councils. No reference is made to it in the first edition of the Greek with Latin version, that of Basle in 1559
(published by Andreas Gesner, but with no name of editor or translator : Thomas Barlow notes on the
title-page of the Bodleian copy that Tilius' edition was the princeps): but in 1561 Gentianus Hervetus, canon
of Reims, the translator of so many Greek patristic writings, dedicated to du Tillet a Latin version (the
original text is not included) of the Greek councils and '
canonical ' writings of the Greek Fathers, as well
as of Photius' Nomocanon and Balsamon's commentaries, Canones sanctorum Apostolorum. Conciliorum
Generalium et particularium. Sanctorum Patrum Dionysii . . . Photii Constantinopolitani Patriarchae praefixus
est Nomocanon . . . Omnia commentariis amplissimis Theodori Balsamonis Antiocheni Patriarchae explicata et de

Grace is conuersa, Gentiano Herueto interprete. E bibliotheca D. Io. Tilii Briocen. Episc. Parisiis. m.d.lxi.

Apud Guil. Morelium.

In the preface (' Ioanni Tilio in primis reuerendo Briocensi Episcopo Gentianus Heruetus S.P.D.')
Hervet addresses du Tillet as one who knew from early youth the value of ancient rules in the solution

of modern difficulties, Graecorum conciliorum librum Pictauii a te inuentum

and '
permultis abhinc annis
Graece excudendum Now, when they were both together at the council of Trent, du Tillet had
curasti.'

urged him to publish his translation, and so it had come to pass that concilia a te Graece edita, ea nunc '

a me Latine versa, sed non sine magna accessione, tuo maxime hortatu et impulsu in lucem exeant.'
The description of du Tillet's edition of the Greek canons is drawn from a copy in my own possession ;

that of the two Latin versions from the copies in the Bodleian.

3. a.d. 1543 [1544]. De Regibus Francorum Chronicon, ad haec usque tempora sludiosissime deducium.
Parisiis. Ex officina Michae'lis Va^cosani, in uia quae est ad D. Iacobum, sub Fontis insig li. m.d.xltii.

Cum priuilegio. [folio.]

This chronicle extends from a.d. 420, the first year of King Faramund I, Anno Mundi 4381, to a.d. 1515,
the first year of King Francis 1, Anno Mundi 5476. The general arrangement appears to be imitated from
the Chronicle of Jerome : the page is divided into four columns, the left hand one giving the Annus Christi,

the next to that the Annus Regni (i.e. the years of the individual king, Faramund 1, Faramund 2, &c), then
 APPENDIX V 51

a broad column for events, and the last on the right the Annus Mundi. From 1516 to 1544 (Anni Mundi
5477 55°5> Anni Francisci
to I. 2 to 30) the columns are continued as before, and the three columns
with figures are filled up but : that for events is left blank.
The work is printed as an appendix to the 1544 edition of Paulus Aemilius' History of France: Fault
Aemylii Veroncnsis, historici clarissimi, de rebus gestis Francorum, ad Chris tianissimum Galliarum Regent
Franciscum Valesium, eius nominis primum, libri Decern, ex postrema auc tort's recognitione. Additum est
de regibus item Francorum Chronicon, ad haec usque tempora studiosissime deductum, cum rerunt maxime
insignium indice copiosissimo. Parisiis. Imprimebat Michael Vascosanus sibi, et Iohanni Roigny. m.d.xliiii.
Cum priuilegio ad triennium. [folio.] The History of Aemilius stops in the early years of Charles VIII,
some thirty years before the point to which even this first edition of du Tillet's Chronicle is brought
down.
In 1548 the Chronicle was republished separately in a small volume, with a continuation to the accession
of Henry II (a.d. 1547, a.m. 5508), but still without the writer's name: Chronkon de Regibus Francorum,
a Pharamundo usque ad Henricum II. Parisiis. Apud Vascosanum, uia Iacobea, ad insigne Fontis. m.d.xlviii.

Cum priuilegio Regis. [8°.] Another edition (if it can properly be called another) is identical save for the

name of the publisher : instead of '

Apud Vascosanum . . . Fontis/ it gives '
Apud Audoenum Paruum, uia

Iacobea, ad insigne Lilii.'

In 1550 a folio edition down to the fourth year of Henry II (a.d. 1550, a.m. 551 1), and
appeared, brought
this was the first which bore the author's name on the title-page lo. Tilii Chronicon de Regibus Francorum, :

a Faramundo usque ad Franciscum Primum. Cui deinceps adiunximus quae a Francisco I. scientiarum ac
disciplinarum parente, reliquis annis usque ad Henricum II. gesta sunt. Lutetiae. Ex officina M. Vascosani,
uia Iacobaea, ad insigne Fontis. m.d.l. Cum priuilegio Regis.

The edition of 1551 appears to be unchanged, except in size, from that of 1550: lo. Tilii Chronicon

de Regibus Francorum, a Faramundo usque ad Franciscum Primum. Cui deinceps adiunximus quae a Francisco
Primo usque ad Henricum II. gesta sunt. Lutetiae. Apud Vascosanum, uia Iacobaea, ad insigne Fontis.
m.d.li. Ex priuilegio Regis. [8°.]

This Chronicle of du Tillet is not in any sense an edition or continuation of an earlier writer, but is an

independent historical work of the author's, arranged, as it would seem, after the model of Jerome, the most
famous chronicler of the ancient Western world. Even the Annales Tiliani (on which see below, MS.
no. ix), the eighth century annals which owe their name to du Tillet as the possessor of the only MS.
ever known of them, were only used subordinately, if they were used at all, in the composition of the Chronicle.
Of theabove editions of the Chronicle those of 1543 and 1551 are described from the Bodleian copies:
the rest I only came to know in Paris, the Vascosanus of 1548 at the Bibliotheque Nationale, the Audocnus
Parvus of 1548 and the folio of 1550 at the Bibliotheque Mazarine.
The Bibliotheque Nationale contains also a number of French versions, authorized and unauthorized, of
the Chronicle under various different titles. The preface to the earliest of these that I saw (Rouen, a.d. i 55 1)
quite frankly admits that the undertaking is not countenanced by die author : but it contains at the same lime
some interesting information about the genesis and history of the original work. Later on the Chronicle was
given an authorized French form, with the name of Chroniquc abrege'e des Roys de France, as an appendix to the

Recueil des Roys de France of the author's brother, the Sieur do la Bussiere.

4. a.d. 1548. In Christi nomine incipiunt capitula regum et episcoporum maximeque omnium nobilium
Francorum ad reprimendas Neophytorum quasi fidelium diuersas adinucnliones. Cum priuilegio. Parisiis.
Apud Iacobum Bogardum sub insigni D. Christophori e regione gymnasii Cameracensium. 1548. [i6°.J
In this book, which forms a sort of transition between the historical work that preceded it and the
editions of Roman lawyers and legal codes which immediately followed it, are contained two ninth century
H 2
52 APPENDIX V
collections of Capitularies, those of Ansegisus and of Benedict the deacon (Benedictus Leuita), printed
continuously in such a way that, after the four books of Ansegisus, Benedict's first book runs on as book v and
his second as book vi. Ansegisus, abbot of Fontanelle, published in a.d. 827 a valuable collection of the
Capitularies of Charles the Great, Lewis, and Lothair : Benedict, perhaps somewhat later in the same century,
made a much larger compilation, of which, however, not more than a fourth part comes from genuine
Capitularies, while the rest is made up from miscellaneous sources of all kinds. Du Tillet's edition contains

Ansegisus complete, but Benedict only as far as chapter 289 of book ii, breaking off at the end of p. 448

in the middle of a word : and it was probably on account of this imperfection that it was kept back, as it
appears, during the whole of du Tillet's lifetime, and only after his death did a few copies pass into circulation,
one of which found its way into Baluze's hands, and is now in the library of the University of Gottingen, while

another is at the Bibliotheque Nationale.

The above account is drawn from Pertz, Monumenla Germaniae Historica, Leges, i. 263 — who also

(p. 269) identifies MS. du Tillet's as Paris, lat. 4635 (olim Mazarin 4243), saec. x: see below MS. no. ii,

p. 57 — supplemented by my own inspection of the Paris copy. Neither this book nor the next is in the

Bodleian.

5. a.d. (?). Of the same form and type as the preceding, according to Pertz, loc. cil., is a i6mo edition
by du Tillet — without date, without name of place —of '
leges antiquae '
; according to the same authority,
a copy is in the public library of Hanover. I identify it without hesitation with the following i6mo book
in the Bibliotheque Nationale, which has neither date, place, nor author's name given on the title-page : Libelli seu
decreta a Clodoueo, et Childeberto, et Clothario prius aedita, ac postremum a Carolo lucide emendata, auctaque

plurimum. In quibus haec habentur, Capitula ex Isidori iunioris Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum lib. v.

Pactum pro tenore pads DD. Childeberti et Clotharii regum. Decretio Clotharii regis. Recapitulatio legis

Salicae. To this title-page correspond 127 pages of text, which have the running headline all through 'Leg.
Sal.' Five other sections complete the book —each with a separate paging of its own — under the following
printed titles (no other matter appears on the respective first pages) : Antiquae Burgundionum leges [95 pp.] :

Ripuariorum leges a Theodorico rege Francorum latae [56 pp.] : Lex Alamannorum quae temporibus Clotharii
regis una cu principibus suis, id sunt, xxxiiii. episcopis, et xxxiiii. ducibus, el Ixxii. comitibus, vel caelero populo
constituta «/[70 pp.]: Veins lex Saxonum [15 pp.]: Antiqua Baiuuariorum lex [119 pp-]-
on A pencil note
the guard leaf states book belongs to the middle of the sixteenth century, that the editor was
that the

Jean du Tillet, bishop of Meaux, and that among its contents is the editio princeps of the Salic law. There
can be hardly any doubt that either all or most of the law codes here published were derived from the same MS.
as the Ulpian which is now to be described, that is to say, from Vaticanus Reginae 1128, saec. ix, on which see
below, p. 58, no. hi.

6. a.d. 1549. xxvini Tituli ex corpore Vlpiani. Parisiis. Apud Guil. Morelium ex adverso aedis
Remensium. 1549.
This Paris editio princeps of Ulpian was followed almost immediately by a reprint at Louvain : Ex Vlpiani
corpore tituli xxvim. Libellus sane utilis ad inuestigandum anliqui iuris usum. Louanii. Apud Martinum
Rotarium bibliopolam iuratum. Anno m.d.l. [8°.] : the colophon gives the end of the same year, '
Louanii,
Typis Reyneri Velpii Diestensis. m.d.l. Men. Decemb.' The Paris book I have not seen, and no copy
appears to be preserved in the libraries of Paris, Oxford, Munich, the British Museum, or the Vatican : but
I have been fortunate enough to hear of a copy (catalogued as 272 F 12) in the University library at Leyden.
Of the Louvain edition, which looks like a pirated reprint outside the limits of the French kingdom and its
copyright, the Bodleian possesses a copy (which came in Selden's collection), bound up with a Louvain
book of the same printer but of the succeeding year,
, Nicolai Clenardi Peregrinationum, ac de rebus
 :

APPENDIX V 53

Machometicis epistolae eleganiissimae . . . Louanii. Apud Martinum Rotarium. 1551: but this connexion
is presumably a mere accident.
We learn from the preface, which is common to both the Paris and Louvain editions (it is

inscribed '
Io. Tilius Emaro Ranconeto magno Senatu Regis consiliario S.', and
Eng. dated '
Lutetiae
Parisiorum Cal. Decemb. 1549 '), that du Tillet had had the MS. of Ulpian in his possession for at least five

years : it was so corrupt that he had waited in the hopes of coming across a better one, but now his friends

would allow him to wait no longer. The editor of a corrupt text such as this had to decide whether to
leave the corruptions as they stood in the MS. or to emend them freely : for his own part he chose the

former course, and it was his rule, 'in huiusmodi uetustorum monimentorum reliquiis, ne quid detrahatur,
addatur, immutetur, nisi se mendae luce clariores prodant. Nolumus enim de nostro quicquam adiici,

liberumque de locis dubiis cuique iudicium relinquimus.' The libellus of Ulpian was attached in the MS.
to the farrago of matter which Alaric had put together out of the Roman laws, and which, depraved as it
was, the Germans had published '
superioribus annis under the name of the Theodosian code [the
'

reference is presumably to the edition of Jo. Sichardus, Basle, a.d. 1528]: of that code he himself
intended to publish within a few months an improved edition, including a great part of it in its original

form. Meanwhile, 'quasi primitias quasdam,' he issues the present booklet.

The Bodleian possesses two more early law collections which include Ulpian, Lyons a.d. 1553 and Paris
a-d. 1555. Du Tillet's MS. of Ulpian and of the law-book of Alaric is the present Vaticanus Reginae
1 1 28, saec. ix: see below, MS. no. iii, p. 58.

7. a.d. T550. E libris Constilulionum Theodosii A.libri priores ocio longc meliores quarn adhuc circunferebantur
'

scd ab Alarico rege Gotthorum ita deminati, vt vix decima pars in his hodie appareat eoru quae in Theodosiano codice
continebantur. Posteriores octo integri, nunc primum post M. annos in lucem reuocati a Io. Tilio Engolism. Dicati
Io. Berlrando V. C. Curiae Parisiorum praesidi, et ab interiori consilio Henrici II. Galliae regis optimi maximi.
Cum priuilegio Regis et Curiae. Parisiis. Apud Carolam Guillard sub sole aureo, et Gulielmum desboys sub
cruce alba, via ad diuum Iacobum. m.d.l. [8°.]

In his preface, '

Io. Tilius Engolism. Lectori,' dated April, 1550, the editor tells us that only the last eight
books had come into his hands [in their original and complete form], but that even the fragments of the earlier
books, as contained in Alaric's compendium, had been collated with '
ancient manuscript copies,' and were
restored to a much more correct form than had belonged to them in the '
Germanic edition ' [i. e. Sichard's : see
above under no. 6] : for he had both followed ancient orthography, and had cut out the explanations interpolated
in the imperial Constitutions by Alaric or his chancellor Anianus. Du Tillet goes on to promise a new edition of
Justinian's code with notes on that and on the code of Theodosius at the same time, : if he found the leisure for
it, a much improved text of the Consular fasti : while he announces that he is also preparing another volume of
the writings of the early jurisconsults. The whole passage is important enough to be set out in full in the original
Latin :
'
Quamquam autem quicquid hoc est operae a praecipuis nostris sacrarum literarum studiis semotum est,

speramus tamen nos edituros aliquando propter summum in bonas literas studium, adnotatiunculas quasdam non
inutiles, cum in has constitutiones, turn in ipsum Iustiniani Augusti codicem, quern longe integriorem quam adhuc
erat, breui reddemus, vt post Florentinas pandectas his diebus publicatas, constitutiones itidem imperatorias in
melius restitutas habere possis. Et si per ocium liceat, una Consulum catalogum multo certiorem et instructiorem

edemus. . . . Hoc volumine veterum Imperatorum quod reliquum est, totum complexi sumus : alterum tibi de
veterum Iurisconsultorum scriptis paramus.'
If we may suppose that the prefaces to the two last books, nos. 6 and 7, were both printed before either
book was published, it would be possible that each of them should refer to the other as still future ; and in that
case the last sentence of the preface just quoted might be safely identified as referring to the edition of Ulpian.
The promised edition of Justinian's code seems never to have appeared.
 .::

54 APPENDIX V
Of the two copies which I have seen of this edition of the Theodosian code, only that in the Bodleian
possesses the preface from which the preceding account has been derived ; but the earlier sheets of the copy in
the Bibliotheque Nationale are in some confusion, and the absence of the preface is probably accidental. On
the other hand there is present in the Paris copy after the text, but in the Bodleian copy before it, a second
preface addressed to Jo. Bertrandus (to whom the title-page tells us the book was dedicated) and dated in
November 1549. The MS. of the eight complete books of the Code is there said to be '
Uteris grandioribus

descriptus '
; and this goes with other evidence to make it certain that the MS. in question is identical with

Vaticanus Reginae 886, saec. vi (see below, MS. no. iv, p. 58): the MS. from which the fragments of the other
books were corrected was no doubt the MS. referred to under nos. 5 and 6 above, Vat. Reg. n 28.

It has seemed convenient to treat together all du Tillel's contributions to Frankish and Roman law : but in
order to do so the strict chronological order has had to be modified, for the theological work to which we now
turn must have been actually issued somewhat earlier than one or two of the legal works.

8. a.d. 1549. Opus inlustrissimi et excellentissimi seu spectabilis uiri, Caroli Magni, nutu Dei, regis Francorum,
Gallias, Germaniam, Italiamque, siue harum finitimas prouincias domino opiiulante regentis, contra Synodum, quae
in partibus Graeciae pro adorandis imaginibus stolide siue arroganter gesta est. Item, Paulini Aquileiensis Episcopi
aducrsus Felicem Vrgelitanum, et Eliphandum Toletanum episcopos libellus. Quae nunc primum in lucem restiluuntur

Anno Salutis m.d.xlix. [16 .]

No name or place is given: but the preface is entitled 'Eli. Phili. Christiano Lectori.' There is

no doubt that the place was Paris and there is equally no doubt that the editor was du Tillet. Indeed
:

it seems to have been a quite open secret, for his authorship of the book is assumed by both its admirers and

its detractors alike. The pseudonym of the preface is thus resolved Eli. Phili.' stands for Elias Philyra :
'

but John the Baptist was '

another Elias,' and tilia is the Latin for a linden tree, of which <pi\vpa is the
Greek, so that Elias Philyra=Jean du Tillet.

A treatise directed against the veneration of images was not likely to be palatable to the Papal side during
the stress of the Reformation struggle, especially as the editor, who printed in large type, as an epilogue to the
book, Psalm cxv [cxiiij with its references to '
the idols of the heathen,' did not conceal the fact that his own
sympathies were on the side of the treatise he was editing. It is not surprising that some controversial writers
both attacked the genuineness of these '
libri Carolini ' and accused the editor of Calvinism : what is perhaps
more surprising is that he nevertheless became a bishop four years after the publication, and ten years later
was translated to another and less remote see.
A second edition, Cologne a.d. 1555, is mentioned in older authorities : but if it ever existed, it has become
even more rare than the original, and that is rare enough. The machinery of the Roman Curia was set in
motion against the book : it was included, even in du Tillet's lifetime, in the Index librorum prohibitorum
cum Regulis con/ectis per Patres a Tridentina synodo delectos, auctoritate Sanctiss. D. N. Pii II1I Pont.
Max. comprobatus (Bononiae, apud Ioannem Budrium, mdlxiiii : under the letter L and the heading
'
Incertorum auctorum libri prohibiti') — probably the only book produced by one of the Tridentine
Fathers themselves which appears there ; Index of Clement VIII (Romae, apud impressores
again in the
camerales, a.d. 1596; p. 49)
1
; under Alexander VII in 1667 (but now under the letter O), under
Innocent XI in 1685, under Clement XI in 171 7, and doubtless in other issues: and the bibliophile
Gerhard Mastricht, we are told, was accustomed to show his copy to his visitors as the greatest rarity of his
library. But in proportion to the desire on the one side to suppress the book, was the desire on the other to
exploit a work written under the auspices of a Catholic emperor and brought to light by a Catholic bishop
1
The Vatican library possesses copies of these two editions of the Index, Barberini Z xiv 97 and Z xiii 108.
 :

APPENDIX V 55

and du Tillet's edition was twice reprinted in Germany, by Melchior Goldast in the sixteenth and by
C. A. Heumann in the seventeenth century. In the Imperialia decreta de cultu imaginum in utroque imperio tarn
Orientis quam Occidentis promulgata, nunc primnm collecla, reccnsiia et no/is illustrata a Melchiore Haimins/eldio
Goldasto (Frankfort, a.d. 1608), pp. 67-598 contain the libri Carolini under the following title '
Caroli Magni, regis

Francorum et Longobardorum, et Patricii Romanorum, Filii et Defensoris sanctae Dei Ecclesiae, Capitulare de
non adorandis Imaginibus, contra Constantini VII. Imperatoris Constantinopolitani et Hirenae Matris Decretum,
et Synodum Nicaenam II. Pseudo-septimam Oecumenicam siue Vniuersalem, compositum et publicatum in

Concilio Francofordiensi, et Hadriano Papae missum, Anno Domini DCCXCIV. Editum ex bibliotheca et
studio Ioannis Tilii Meldensis Episcopi.' Heumann's reprint, on the other hand, was limited to the work of du
Tillet: Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II. Censura, hoc est, Caroli M. de impio imaginum cultu libri IV. Ad pr imam

editionem recudi eos curauit ac subinde parlim emendauit, partim illustrauit Chris toph. Aug. Heumannus, . . .

S. Theol. D. et Prof. Gymn. Regii Gotting. Insp. (Hanover, a.d. 173 1). It is from the remarkably full and
detailed preface to this latter work that the bibliography printed on p. 48 supra has been drawn.
Both the original edition of du Tillet, and the reprints of Goldast and Heumann, are described from copies
in the Bodleian I have seen no others.
:

9. a.d. 1555, &c. TID n*Tl^3. Evangelium Hebraicum Matthaei, recens e Iudaeorum penelralibus erutum
cum Interpretatione Latina, ad vulgatam quoad fieri potuil, accommodata. Parisiis. Apud Martinum Iuuenem,
sub insigni D. Christofori, e regione gymnasii Cameracensium. 1555. [16 .]

The responsibility of du Tillet for this work does not appear to have extended beyond the discovery of
the MS. on which it is based and the selection of an editor. When in Rome in 1553 [this was perhaps in
connexion with his consecration to the see of St. Brieuc, to which he was nominated in that year], he acquired
a MS. of a Hebrew translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew and sent it to Jean Mercier (Iohannes Mercerus),
professor of Hebrew at the Sorbonne, in order that it might be published, together with an exact Latin
translation and a dedication to the Cardinal (Charles) of Lorraine.

Du Tillet's letter to Mercier, which is printed in the edition of the text, is dated Nov. 27, 1554: and this

alone would seem to disprove Heumann's statement (see p. 48 above) that the book was published at Basle
in 1552 as well as at Paris in 1555. Perhaps Heumann mixed it up with an earlier edition of the Hebrew
Matthew, which Sebastian Miinster had issued at Basle in 1537 (with a dedication to Henry VIII of England)
this was reprinted, without change but with the addition of a Hebrew version of the Epistle to the Hebrews, at
the same town in 1557.
We have seen, in connexion with the edition of the libri Carolini, that du Tillet fell into some disfavour
with the extremer Papal party, and therefore naturally with their champions the Jesuits. Bellarmine, in his
' Controversies' (Dispulationes, torn. 1 : 1. de Verbo Dei, lib. ii. cap. 7), attacks the book now under discussion.
Whether or no, he says, St. Matthew's Gospel was originally written in Hebrew, the Greek is the received
text of the Church :
'
quocirca non multum egemus Euangelio Hebraico quod Munsterus edidit ; nee illo etiam,
quod nuper edi curauit Ioannes Tilius, in quo multa desunt, multa superuacanea sunt, non pauca etiam immutata
cernuntur ; et Deus nouit vtrum id factum non sit ad detrahendam fidem Graecae et Latinae editioni, astutia
videlicet Iudaeorum, ex quorum promptuariis Euangelium illud prodiit.' If Possevin, another Jesuit, appeals to
Bellarmine's authority for the statement that du Tillet put forward an edition of the Greek Testament which
was looked on with disfavour by the Church, the blunder is due simply to gross and inexcusable misunder-
standing of the passage from Bellarmine just quoted.
Du Tillet had guarded himself indeed from saying that what he had discovered was the original of the Greek
Gospel : but Bellarmine's critical acumen had divined the truth when he hazarded the assertion that the new
Hebrew text was a Jewish forgery. However far superior du Tillet's text was to Miinster's (for the latter's
MS. suffered from numerous lacunae, and these he filled up by his own retranslations into Hebrew), there can
56 APPENDIX V
be no doubt that both forms go back ultimately to the same Hebrew original, an anti-Christian composition of
a Spanish Jew, Shem Tobh b. Shaphrut of Tudela, in the year a.d. 1385. On this subject the reader may be
referred to the father of Biblical criticism, R. Simon, Histoire Critique des Versions du Nouveau Testament
(Rotterdam, a.d. 1690), pp. 231 seqq. ; the account there given is derived, as Simon tells us, from the
work of J.-B. Jonas, a converted Jew who in 1668 published at the Propaganda a Hebrew version of the
four Gospels.
On new edition of the Hebrew Matthew was
the basis of the texts of the two sixteenth century editors, a
published in 1879: Des Schemtob ben Schaphrut hebraeische Ubersetzung des Evangeliums Matthaei nach den
Drucken des S. Milnster und J. du Tillet-Mercier neu herausgegeben von Dr. Adolf Herbst (Gottingen).
Dr. Herbst in an exhaustive preface collects all that is known of the history of the translation and editions, and
shows that the translator worked directly from the Vulgate. It may be added that the few apparent variations
from the Vulgate in the direction of the Greek may be explained away with much probability as intrusions of
Old Latin readings into Vulgate MSS. : all but one of them, for instance, are found in the codex Brixianus (_/*)

of the Old Latin Gospels.

Du Tillet's MS. is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds he'breu, 132 (olim Colbert 3924). The
British Museum copy of his book contains annotations by Casaubon. I have not seen any copy of it myself,
but derive my account from Bellarmine, Herbst, and the British Museum catalogue.

10. a.d. 1559- Jehan du Tillet, Jveque dt Saint Brieu, de la religion chrestienne. Paris. G. Morel.
1559. [160.]
Of the six controversial tracts which begin with no. 10, and which are all (except no. 12, which is a Latin
version of no. n) written in French, the Bodleian possesses not one. Nos. 13 and 15 I have seen in the

Bibliotheque Nationale; the old catalogue of printed books in the same library (Thdologie, part ii, a.d. 1742)
mentions also the remaining four (nos. 10-12, 14), which all belonged to a single '
recueil,' but that '
recueu"
has unfortunately disappeared. The gap caused by this loss at the Bibliotheque Nationale is filled as regards
one of the books by the Bibliotheque Mazarine, where a copy is preserved of no. 12. Even for the other three

the catalogue-titles, which I have scrupulously followed, provide some rectifications of the list in Heumann,
especially in regard to the priority of the French tract no. 11 over its corresponding Latin form, no. 12.
I have therefore seen no copy of this book.

11. a.d. 1563. Epitre dun eveque [Jean du Tillet] aux Ministres des /glises nouvelles. Paris. G. Morel.
1563. [80.]
I have not seen this book : see above, on no. 10.

12. a.d. 1564. Ioannis Tilii Episcopi Briocensis epistola ad nouarum Ecclesiarum Minislros, e gallico

latina facta P. M. interprete. Parisiis. m.d.lxiiii. Apud Barbaram de Mascon Guil. Morelii viduam. Cum
priuilegio. [8°.]

I have seen a copy at the Bibliotheque Mazarine. The tract has no preface : it is dated at the end
'Brioci. xv. Noueb. 1564.'

13. a.d. 1566. Iehan du Tillet evesque de Afeaulx, du Symbole des Aposlres, el des douze articles de la /by.
Sur l'exemplaire imprime' a Paris, par la vefue Guil. Morel, Imprimeur du Roy. 1566. [8°.]

I have seen two copies of this tract on the Apostles' Creed (which is not mentioned in Kattenbusch) at
the Bibliotheque Nationale.

14. a.d. 1567. De Tantiquite' et solennil/ de la messe, par fean du Tillet, e'veque de Meaux. Paris.

J.
Bienne\ 1567. [16 .]

I have not seen this book : see above, on no. 10.

 —

APPENDIX V 57

15. a.d. 1567? Advis d'un Prelat de France con/re les piperies des Ministres des eglises nouvelks
a Messieurs les Genlilshommes seduicls. m.d.lxxxvii. [8°.]

The Bibliotheque Nationale possesses a copy of this tract, which I have seen : and a curious point arises

out of it. For whereas Hase-Heumann's list gives the year 1567, the title-page of the Paris copy gives
m.d.lxxxvii : and not only the title-page, but the preface (addressed to '
Monseigneur le Prince de Cond^ '),

is signed 'a Paris le 7 de Nouembre 1587. Vostre tres-humble et tres-obeissant seruiteur I. du Tillet

E. de Meaulx.'

16. a.d. 1568. Lucifer i episcopi Calaritani ad Constantium, Constantini Magni F. Imp. Aug. Opuscula.
Parisiis. mdlxviii. Apud Michaelem Sonnium, sub scuto Basiliensi, via Iacobaea. [8°.]

The preface is addressed to pope Pius V by '

Ioannes Tilius Episcopus Meldensis,' and is dated on
Jan. 3, 1568. The contrast of tone between this and the prefaces to du Tillet's earlier editions impresses itself

at once upon the notice. The high hopes of the Renaissance, the encyclopaedic enthusiasm for learning which
plunged the young du Tillet in turn into Latin patristic and Greek conciliar literature, into French history and
Roman law, into the iconoclastic controversy and the question of a Hebrew original to the Gospel, have given
place to the cares of high office, to the dominant pressure of the religious controversy, and to the sombre
pessimism of age. The editio princeps of the writings of Lucifer of Cagliari owed its appearance no longer
to the editor's passion for the discovery and publication of the unknown, but to the singular appropriateness
of the subject-matter to the temper of the times. The disorders engendered by the Arian struggle in the
fourth century find their parallel in a gloomy picture of the state of contemporary France. Lucifer's
attitude to Constantius suggests the prayer that the young and innocent king [Charles IX] might be divinely
guided to demolish and destroy temples and groves and all idolatry, and to repress and extinguish all heresy.'
'

The shadow of the coming massacre of St. Bartholomew lies heavy upon the pages of the latest preface that
was penned by the gifted and versatile scholar, jurist, bishop, Jean du Tillet.

II. MSS. POSSESSED BY DU TILLET

Besides the Greek MS. of Canon law from Poitiers and the Hebrew MS. of St. Matthew's Gospel from
Rome (see above, nos. 2 and 9), we have in one way or another knowledge of the following Latin MSS.
as having belonged to du Tillet (those which he used for his own books are mentioned first)

i. A MS. of Pacian (see above, p. 49). This is shown by the agreement of its readings to be identical
with cod. Vaticanus Reginae 331, saec. x. The greater part of the magnificent collection of MSS. made
by queen Christina and bought 1690 by pope Alexander VIII was acquired from French sources before
in
the year 1658. About the history of this particular MS., where du Tillet found it, and through whose hands it
passed after his ownership of it and before queen Christina's, nothing more appears to be known.

ii. A MS. of the collections of Capitularies made by Ansegisus of Fontanelle and Benedict the deacon
respectively (see above, p. 52).This is identified by Pertz {M. G. H.\ Leges, i. 269) as Paris, lat. 4635 (olim
Mazarin 4243), saec. x and in fact the most cursory inspection of the MS. is enough to show that it served as
:

a press copy for the edition. At the same time the very numerous alterations in what we may presume
to be du Tillet's own handwriting show also that he must have had a second MS. at his disposal moreover, ;

soon after the commencement of book vi (book ii of Benedict), on fol. 153 a of Paris, lat. 4635 (which contains
in all 240 leaves), the corrections cease and simultaneously the printed text appears to desert the MS.
altogether.
FOTHERINGHAM T
 58 APPENDIX V
iii. A MS. containing fragments of Ulpian and the whole of the Lex Romana Visigothorum (see above,
no. 6, p. 52). This is certainly to be identified (if only because no other MS. of the Ulpian is known) with
Vaticanus Reginae 11 28, saec. ix, of which the contents are as follows: fol. 1 Lex Romana Visigothorum;
fol. 190 Ulpiani fragmenta; fol. 212 lex Burgundionum;
fol. 242 lex Salica ;fol. 233 lex Ribuariorum ;

fol.259 lex Alamannorum. The four last sections were doubtless the source also of the corresponding portions
of du Tillet's edition of the German codes (no. 5, p. 52). The MS., before it came to queen Christina, was in
the possession of Alexander Petavius (Petau). It bears on fol. 241a the name Gauzibertus : but there appears
to be no reason whatever to suppose (as has generally been supposed) that came from Fleury. According it

to Delisle, Cabinet des Manuscrits, i. 285, the MSS. of both the brothers du Tillet descended to another
Jean du Tillet, 'greffier en chef du parlement,' who died in 1646. Apparently his library was then dispersed:
Gabriel Naude, librarian successively to cardinal Mazarin and queen Christina, bought du feu M. du Tylliet '

trois crochet^es de manuscrits de toutes sortes, 125 livres.' Alexandre Petau did not sell his MSS. to queen
Christina till 1650 288); and it is possible that those MSS. of du Tillet which came
(Delisle, op. cit., p. to the
queen's collection from Petau's had only been acquired by the latter between 1646 and 1650.

iv. A MS. of books ix-xvi of the Theodosian code (see above, no. 7, p. 53). This MS., like the last,
can be certainly identified, and like the last it passed into the Petau collection and so to queen Christina : it

has on fol. 1 the note 'Alexander Pauli filius Petavius Senator Parisiensis [a.d.] 1647,' and is now catalogued as
Vat. Reg. 886. It was written in the sixth century, probably in Gaul, possibly at Lyons, the great centre,
according to Dr. Traube, for the reproduction of manuscripts of the Code : the signatures of the quaternions are
in Greek letters, and there
some Greek writing in the codex itself. It is described at length in G. Haenel,
is

Antiqua summaria ex codice Vaticano cum codicis el summariorum descriptione nunc primum
codicis Theodosiani

edidit Gustavus Haenel Lipsiensis (Lipsiae, a.d. 1834), and in Th. Mommsen, Theodosiani libri XVI cum

constitutionibus Sirmondianis : el leges nouellae ad Theodosium pertinentes (Berohni, a.d. 1905; pp. xliv-lvii, and

tables ii, v). Like MS. no. ii above, it contains corrections in du Tillet's handwriting, which reappear in the
text of his edition.

v. A MS. of the 'libri Carolini de non adorandis imaginibus' (see above, no. 8, p. 54). Du Tillet describes
his own copy of the libri Carolini as 'exemplar huius libri uetustum in templo quodam maiore augustissimo
ac totius Galliae antiquissimo repertum,' words which seem to point to Lyons, Reims, or St. Denis. The
MS. was seen in du Tillet's possession by George Cassander, and is thus described by him in a letter to
Joannes Molinaeus, a.d. 1560 (Georgii Cassandri Opera, ed. Paris, a.d. 1616, p. 1103 : I owe this reference

to H. J. Floss, De suspecta librorum Carolinorum a Joanne Tilio editorum fide, Bonn, a.d. i860, p. 11):
'
Vidi et alterum in Galliis apud quendam eruditum virum modo episcopum, ex bibliotheca quadam illustri
scriptum, serico villato et aureis vmbilicis exornatum.' Later on the same MS. was seen by Paul Petau, who
records (see A. Duchesne, Hisloriae Francorum Scriptores, ii. 352) that it contained at the end the following
subscription, Ingelrannus abbas iussu Caroli Magni hunc librum scripsit et ad Adrianum papam talk.'
'

Du Tillet's MS. must be distinguished from another MS. which was already in his time in the Vatican
library, and is spoken of by Augustin Steuch, the Vatican librarian (t a.d. 1550: Opera, ed. 1591, iii. 226), as
'
liber vetustissimus litteris Lomgobardicis scriptus, in bibliotheca Palatina '
—by which, of course, is not meant
the collection now called Palatine at the Vatican, which came from the sack of the Elector Palatine's
library at Heidelberg. contains a MS. of the libri Carolini
At the present time the Vatican library
(Vat. 7207, saec. x), Germany and was brought to Italy by the cardinal
which belonged to Marienfeld in
legate Contarini and as Contarini died in 1542, it is just possible that the MS. is .that which was known
:

in Rome to Steuch, but not possible that it was du Tillet's. But another MS. of the treatise, saec. ix-x,
exists in the library of the Arsenal at Paris (Pertz, Archiv, viii. 361 : H. Martin, Catalogue des manuscrits
 — :

APPENDIX V 59

de la bibliotheque det Arsenal, I [1885], p. 499): A. Reifferscheid (Index scholarum in Vniuersitaie Lillerarum
Vraiislauiensi per hiemem anni mdccclxxiii-lxxiv ... pp. i, 2), however, denies that this MS. can be
identical with du Tillet's. The question would appear to turn in the first place on the presence or
absence of the subscription of Ingelrannus in the MS.

vi (and vi bT). A
second MS. used for the same volume contained apparently the Acts of the Council
of Frankfort in 794, and the writing of Paulinus of Aq»ileia against Felix of Urgel and Eliphandus of Toledo
and of this MS. du Tillet tells us 'in alio praeterea musaeo supramodum etiam antiquo volumen aliquod
reperi. Continet autem, vt ab aliis negotiis discedam, huius concilii acta, seorsum de singulis rebus agentia
. . .

quae confectae et definitae fuere. istaque secunda nominatur materia, prima vero haeresis Feliciana.' He goes

on to quote two passages, the first '

Conuenientibus, deo fauente . .
.' about Eliphandus and Felix, the second
•
Adlata est in about the Second Council of Nicaea
medium . .
.' these are Canons I and II of the Council :

of Frankfort (Labbe-Coleti, ix. 101). The other canons were first edited in the following century from a MS.
of St. Remi at Reims by the indefatigable Jacques Sirmond, who also used for the rest of the Acts of the
Council a MS. given by Hincmar of Reims to his cathedral church. Sirmond had no doubt that the St. Remi
MS. was the same that du Tillet had used: '
Synodi porro huius' he writes (Concil. Antiq. Galliae, ii. 681,
quoted by Labbe-Coleti, ix- no), 'exceptis canonibus, integrum ac peruetus exemplar suppeditauit nobis
bibliotheca ecclesiae Remensis, cuius ope multa passim emendata. Canonum vero, qui antehac desiderabantur,

copiam nacti sumus ex vetusto item codice sancti Remigii, eodem ipso, quo usum constabat ilium, qui primus
libros Carolinos, et cum his primum et secundum huius Concilii canonem, dissimulato et inlerpolato nomine
suo in lucem dedit. Praeter hoc enim aliud antiquae notae canonum Francofordiensium exemplar, quod
sciam, nullum est.' But Sirmond was certainly inexact in this latter statement, for Paris, lat. 4628 A, saec. x

which, it is fair to add, was not at Paris in Sirmond's day — contains not only the book of Paulinus against
Eliphandus and Felix 46 a Sancto incitante Spiritu
(fol. .) but also the Capitula synodalia Caroli Magni/ or, . .
'

in other words, the canons of Frankfort (fol. 55 a Coniungentibus Deo fauente .). This MS. belonged in the . .

seventeenth century to a cleric of Poitiers: but a note at the end in a fifteenth-century hand records that
'
Ce liure de pfit [=' present'] est de l'abbaye de St. Denis en France. Henry de la Cloche.' It might therefore
correspond well enough to du Tillet's description : for it contains a good deal of other matter beyond Paulinus

and the council (e. g. Salic laws and the collection of Ansegisus), and St. Denis was even more truly than
St. Remi a '
musaeum supramodum antiquum.'
Du Tillet further says ' accessit etiam mihi dono eiusdem exempli volumen cum hoc nostro : ex quo
vtroque ilium Paulini libellum hausi,' from which it is presumably to be gathered that he had at command two
independent authorities for the text of Paulinus ;
but his words are (perhaps intentionally) so obscure that
it is not easy to fix their exact force. To me it seems as though he means to say that he possessed (1)
a MS. containing both Paulinus and the Synod of Frankfort, and (2) a MS. containing Paulinus only.

If so, the latter should probably be Reg. 192, of which foil. 1-101 consist of a ninth-
identified with Vat.

century copy of the three books contra Felicem: the MS., before it came to queen Christina, had belonged
to Alexandre Petau, and in earlier times to St. Ouen at Rouen, 'iste liber est de sco Audoeno Rothm.'

vii. The MS. of the works of Lucifer (see above, no. 16, p. 57) is unhesitatingly identified by the latest
editor, W. Hartel, in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiaslicorum La/inorum, vol. xiv (Vienna, a.d. 1886) with
cod. Vat. Reginae 133, saec. ix-x, on the ground of the consensus of MS. and edition in errors great and
small. No other MS. of Lucifer is known to exist or have existed : and it is therefore obvious to presume
that the codex which du Tillet employed in the sixteenth century, and which queen Christina acquired in

the seventeenth, is the one mentioned in two mediaeval catalogues of the library of the monastery of Corbie.
In the later of these two catalogues, circa a.d. 1200 (Becker, Catalogi Bibliothecarum An/iqui, Bonn, a.d. 1885,
p. 283), the 245th item runs as follows: ' Iohannes diaconus super pentateuchum. Luciferi episcopi pro
I 2
 :

6o APPENDIX V
Athanasio libri duo. de regibus apostaticis liber unus. de non conueniendo cum hereticis liber unus. de non
parcendo in Deum delinquentibus liber unus. quod moriendum sit pro Dei filio liber unus. epistola Florentii
liber unus. Athanasii libri duo. liber ad Constantium. Athanasius ad monachos/ This enumeration of the
treatises of Lucifer corresponds substantially to the edition of du Tillet : and probably there would never have
been any doubt about identifying du Tillet's MS. with that of Corbie but for the mention, as present in the
Corbie MS., of the commentary of John the deacon on the Pentateuch. But it is reasonable to conclude
that this supposed connexion in one MS. of the writings of John and Lucifer is due to some confusion in
the catalogue: for (i) the treatise of John is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, lat. 12309, saec. xi,

and not only forms a separate MS. in a separate binding now, but apparently always has done so ; and
(2) a somewhat earlier catalogue at Corbie, of the twelfth century (Becker, p. 189) reckons the two items
separately, no. 191 'Iohannis Romani expositio in genesi,' no. 213 'Luciferi liber ad Constantium imperatorem'
(the Pro Athanasio, which comes first in the more detailed enumeration of the later list, is addressed to
Constantius, and opens with the words '
Cogis nos, Constanti . . .'). There need therefore be no question
that du Tillet found his MS. of Lucifer in the monastery of Corbie, any more than that his MS. is that which
is now in the Vatican.

So far MSS. which du Tillet used himself: we now turn to various MSS. of
we have been dealing with
which contemporary or later scholars made use under the title of codex Tilianus or the like. ' '

viii. Sirmond in his Concilia Galliae made frequent use of a codex Tilii Engolismensis.' Labbe drew '

from it a '
Chronicon Engolismense.' It is very likely that it was the same MS., then in the possession
of Claude Hardy, from which Labbe's Concilia drew an unpublished index of titles to the Nicene canons and
some other matter (Labbe-Coleti, ii. 48 'ex codice MS. V. C. Claudii Hardy/ 51 'in codice V. C. Claudii
Hardy senatoris Parisiensis '). In 1647 it belonged to Alexandre Petau, who wrote a table of contents on
the second leaf: from his collection it passed to queen Christina's, and is now Vaticanus Reginae 1127.
It was unknown to Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen und der Liter alur des canonischen Rechts im Abendlande

(Gratz, a.d. 1870): but through the description in Duchesne, Le Liber Pontificalis I, pp. 1, li (from which most
of the present account is derived), it became known to me, and has been employed from the first in my
Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Juris Antiquissima. It was written in the ninth century, perhaps about

a.d. 825, and at the beginning of the eleventh century belonged to the abbey of St. Cybar at Angouleme

on intercalated pages between foil. 10 and 11 are Angouleme annals from 815 to 872, with various continuations
up to 1 000 a.d. : and on leaves at the end, after the collection proper, are miscellaneous notes, of dates down
to the twelfth century, including on fol. 161 the names of the bishops of Angouleme. The main collection

is described in Maassen, op. cit, pp. 613-24, from the sister MS. of St. Maur, now Paris, lat. 1451.

ix. Andreas Chesnius (Andre" Duchesne) in his Hisioriae Francorum Scrip/ores, ii (Paris, a.d. 1636), p. 11,

printed '
ex antiquo Codice MS. Ioannis Tilii,' a series of early Frankish annals from the year 708 to the year
807 : and these were reprinted by Bouquet, ii. 642, v. 17, who first called them after du Tillet's name, and by
Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, i (Hanover, a.d. 1826), pp. 4, 6, 219. The MS. of the
'
Annales Tiliani ' has completely vanished ; indeed nobody since Duchesne appears to have seen it. The
annals are most nearly related to the annals of St. Amand and of Lorsch, and their origin may be conjecturally
placed somewhere in the region of north-eastern France.
x, xi. Franciscus Balduinus, primarily a Jurist, devoted himself also to the history of the African Church,
especially in its relation to the Donatists, a subject which seemed to offer a striking parallel to the reform
movement and schism of the sixteenth century : and from him we learn that his friend du Tillet possessed a MS.
of Optatus Milevitanus' work against the Donatists, and a MS. of the Acts of the Conference at Carthage between
Catholics and Donatists in the year 411. Balduinus' first publication under this head was an edition of Optatus
in 1563 : in his preface he tells us that the '
German edition '
(i. e. the editio princeps by Cochlaeus, 1549) was
 APPENDIX V 61

'
mendosissimus ' : that he had emended '
sexcentos locos ' by the help of a MS. of ' Claudius Espencaeus
Theologus Parisiensis ' : that he had confidently relied on further aid to emendation '
ex codice Ioannis Tilii

Episcopi Briocensis ut ueterum librorum, sic antiquitatum Ecclesiasticarum studiosissimi. sed quod iam propter
absentiam doctissimi antistitis praestari non potuit, altera forte editio postea praestabit.' Three years later, in

1566, Balduinus followed up his edition of Optatus by a history (not an edition of the text) of the Carthaginian
Conference, Historia Carthaginensis Collationis, siue Disputationis de ecclesia olim habitae inter Catholicos et
Donatislas, autore Franc. Balduino I. C, the preface of which is addressed '
R. D. Ioanni Tilio Episcopo
Meldensi,' and is dated on 'Optatum
the Calends of April, 1566. 'Cum hisce diebus' (begins the author)

nostrum, quern ope tui codicis iterum emendatum relegerem [he goes on to compare rursus edere instituo, forte
the religious crisis in the France of his own day with the similar circumstances of the African Church of old
times] Quid autem magni illi viri et veluti heroes [i. e. Marcellinus and Augustine] fecerint, tumultuantibus
. . .

in Africa Donatistis, et quam secuti sint rationem eorum reuincendorum, ut magis intelligerem, tu ipse fecisti, qui

mihi Collationis Carthaginensis Acta quaedam nondum euulgata communicasti V Three more years elapsed, and
in 1569 Balduinus was able to produce his promised new edition of Optatus : near the beginning of the 'anno-
tationes in primum librum we read ' that this second edition was to be almost as great an improvement on the
first edition as that had been on its German predecessor, and the improvement would be due to two new MSS.
'
quorum alterum Io. Tilio Episcopo Meldensi, alterum Macereo Theologo Parisiensi debemus.' The editor

quotes du Tillet's MS. expressly in book iii of Optatus, in book iv, but more especially in book vii for though :

thisbook was incomplete at the end in that MS., no less than six passages were given in it which occur in no
other MS. and while most of these passages are short enough, the two first extend over several pages each of
:

Ziwsa's edition in vol. xxvi of the Vienna Corpus Script. Eccl. Lat. (1893).
The MS. of Optatus soon disappeared: Dupin about 1700 could find out nothing about it; but the
presence of these passages in the seventh book (which, it may be added, Ziwsa accepts as genuine) would easily
lead to its identification, should it ever turn up again.
On hand the MS. of the Acts of the Conference has had a nearly continuous known history.
the other
After Balduinus' death it passed into the hands of Angelus Vergetius, Graeci hominis sed Latine doctissimi,' and '

from him to Claudius Mondinus, a kinsman of the first editor, Papirius Massonus (Papire Masson). Masson's
edition appeared at Paris in 1589 (the dedication is dated Oct. 1, a.d. 1588): Gcsta Collationis Chartagini
habitae . . . Papirii Massoni studio atque opera primum in lucem editum. The preface concludes with these
words :
'
nee plura hoc loco dicenda existimamus, quia Balduinus praeceptor meus in lure Ciuili, qui Acta
commodato tantum in veteribus adhuc membranis ab antistite Meldorum Tillio habuerat, elegantem in ea
commentarium edidit/ Prefixed to the dedication is a further note which happily enables us to reconstruct
both the earlier and later history of the MS. :
'
Collationis Codex manuscriptus in veteribus membranis sic

inscriptus est. Liber oblatus ad altare Sancti Stephani, voto Tulcherii Cononici. Deinde Acta Collationis seu
gesta Continet.' The formula 'liber oblatus ad altare Sancti Stephani' is that of the books of the (then)
a
cathedral church of Lyons : and the manuscript of Masson is shown by the presence of this formula to be

1
Near the end of his tract 'ad nouarum Ecclesiarum Ministros ' (see above, no. 12, p. 56) du Tillet gives
a marginal reference to the '
Catholic, collatione contra Donatist. Carthaginis,' which he must have taken from the
same MS.
2
Manuscripts presented with this or a similar formula by the bishops Leidrad (a.d. 798-814), Agobard (S14-
840), Amolus (841-852), and Remigius (852-875), are still preserved in the library at Lyons: 'Leidrad licet indignus
tamen episcopus istum librum tradidi ad altare sancti Stephani' (cod. 599 [515], Gregory Nazianzen translated by
Rufinus 608 [524] Augustine varia: compare the pamphlet of M. F. Desvernay, late librarian, Lettre de Leidrade
:

dveque de Lyon [Lyon, A.D. 1899] p. 31) . Leidradus indignus episcopus istum librum tradidi ad altare sancti
. . ;
'

Stephani' (cod. 610 [526], Augustine contra Faustum): 'Liber oblatus ad altare sancti Stephani ex uoto Agobardi
episcopi (cod. 471 [401], Bede on Esdras)
' 'Liber oblatus ad altare sancti Stephani ex uoto Amoli episcopi (cod.
: '
 :

62 APPENDIX V
that numbered Paris, lat. 1546 in the Bibliotheque Nationale, saec. ix, though the name of the canon of Lyons
should have been given as Fulcherius, not Tulcherius. Further information about the history of the MS. since
the date of Masson's edition is supplied by other notes and press-marks now to be found in it, e. g. '
P. Pithoei.
Mons r Mondin
. aduocat me la bailli en eschange dun code Henry en feb. 1594': and after Pithou it appears

to have belonged in turn to the original Jesuit library of Clermont (dispersed under Henry IV), to de Thou, and
to Colbert.

Masson's edition contains further, as an appendix to the Collatio, the '

Gesta Purgationis Caeciliani
et Felicis' and a fragment 'ex historis [st'c] Passionis S.S. Datiui, Saturnini, Felicis Ampelii. . .
.'
The former
of these pieces is the well-known record of the official investigation into the charge made by the Donatists
against the Catholic bishops, and especially against Felix, the consecrator of Caecilian of Carthage, of sur-
rendering the sacred books in the persecution : and Masson notes (p. 33) that the source from which he derived
it was '
antiquissimum sed non integrum exemplar librorum Optati Mileuitani, ex quo hanc illorum appen-
dicem primum exscripsi a. c. p. p. mdlxiiii.' But it must not be supposed that this MS. is the codex Tilianus
it is the present Paris, lat. 1951, saec. xi, from Cormery-sur-Indre, and contains of Optatus only the seventh
and part of the sixth book.
xii, xiii. Two MSS. of Latin poets belonging to the library of du Tillet were put at the disposal
of his friend Elias Vinetus (Elie Vinet), who was also by origin his neighbour, as he came from the district
of Saintes. The first of these was a MS. of the scholiasts of Persius, which is stated to have been used in
Vinet's edition of 1563. I have seen a copy of a 1563 (Poitiers) edition by Vinet, '
Lucii Annaei Cornuti
Grammatici antiquissimi commentum in Auli Persii Flacci Satyras, nunc primum formis editum,' but the
preface mentions three MSS. only — one that he and a friend had discovered, another '
Francisci Bernae
Santonensis,' and the last '
Ioannis Amaritonis Aruerni' : nor do the notes on the satires themselves (pp. 81-92)
mention any MS. of du Tillet's, though the colophon does tell us that Vinet, while at work on Persius in 1557,
was resident in Angouleme. The second is Vinet's '
codex Tilianus ' of Ausonius : in his editio maior of the
works of that poet (the copy I have seen makes mention of an
is one of Bordeaux, a.d. 1580) the '
Vita Ausonii '

'exemplar minus antiquum Ioannis Tilii Engolismensis less ancient, that is, than a Lyons codex in 'barbaric' '
—
(presumably Merovingian) writing—which is also quoted occasionally in the notes to the text. This MS. of du
Tillet-Vinet appears to be now in the Leiden Library, Vossianus Lat. Q 107. Unlike most of du Tillet's MSS.,
it is of relatively late date: and unlike all those of his MSS. of which the origin is either certainly or probably
known, it is not of French provenance, for it is thought to be the MS. which Ferrarius used for the Milan
edition of Ausonius (1490), and that came from the library of the Dominicans of St. Eustorgio at Milan:
see R. Peiper in the Jahrbucher fur Philologie, Supplement-Band xi (1880), pp. 207, 213, &c. That du Tillet

bought MSS. by Blume, Iter Italicum, i. 49 but he quotes no facts in

in Italy is stated in general terms :

illustration, and perhaps was thinking only of the Hebrew Gospel of St. Matthew, which we know du Tillet
acquired in Rome (p. 55, supra).
xiv. The list of du Tillet's MSS. is closed by the oldest of them all, the Bodleian codex of the Chronicle
of Jerome, with its continuation by Marcellinus, which is the subject of the present publication.
The results of the preceding inquiry indicate that we should look almost certainly to some monastery
or cathedral of the centre or north of France as the source from which du Tillet acquired his MS. of the
Chronicle: while the minute annotation to which the MS. was subjected about a.d. 1400 (see above, p. 27)
proves further that it then belonged to a society where learning flourished and where books were numerous.
Fleury is unlikely, for it possessed two other MSS. of the Chronicle (see above, pp. 2, 4) : Tours and
St. Mesmin are unlikely also, for they borrowed the older of the two Fleury MSS. in the ninth century

462 [391], Bede on 1 Reg.) Liber oblatus ad altare sancti Stephani ex uoto Remigii humilis episcopi (cod. 463
:
'
'

[39 2 J) Jerome on Isaiah) Liber oblatus ad altare sancti Stephani dono Remigii episcopi (cod. 609 [525], Augustine
;
'
'

de doctrina Christiana).
 APPENDIX V 63

to copy it (see Traube, Hieronymi Chrom'corum codicis Floriacensis fragmenta, pp. iii, iv, xii) : as between
the rest, Lyons, Corbie, Reims, St. Denis, and so on, my own conjecture would fall on St. Denis as perhaps
the most probable of all localities. But such a conjecture claims no further recognition than to serve as

a starting-point for future inquirers.

That the MS. was written in Italy (Traube, op. cit. p. xii) there can, I think, be little doubt. The only
addition which I can make to the exhaustive treatment of its characteristics by the editor of this volume relates

to a curious and (as far as I know) hitherto unnoticed feature of its palaeography, namely the occurrence
of Greek forms of abbreviations. At Ann. Abr. 940, 980, and 21 12 (foil. 49 b, 51b, 119 a) we have dad
for David : at Ann. Abr. 1005, fol. 53 b, and also in the column headings of every left-hand page (with
one exception) from fol. 54 b to fol. 66 b, IsT for israhel at Ann. Abr. 1023, fol. 53 b, ilm for hiervsalem.
:

At 01. cci. 4, fol. 1 1 1 b, the scribe originally wrote ic for iesvs, but then drew a line through it and went
on to write ihs. And
on the upper margin of foil. 119
finally, 119 a, b, a contemporary hand has scrawled
tertivs epc clemens an vim, qvartvs epic —
what followed on fol. 119 b is covered up by the writing of
the late annotator and cannot be deciphered. Each one of these five abbreviations is rare or unheard
of in extant Latin Christian documents, regular or common in Greek. What is especially noticeable about

these Graecisms is that they are not confined to the fila regnorum, or even to the text as a whole, but occur in

marginal additions also. They cannot therefore be all explained as simply survivals of the original use of either
Eusebius or Jerome : they rather appear to indicate that the MS. was written at a time and place which still

experienced the direct influence of Greek Christian writing on Latin.

Such relative completeness as this appendix may now claim could not have been attained without the
unstinted and ungrudging assistance of many scholars. Chief among these must be named M. Henry Omont
of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Professor L. Traube of Munich, and Mgr. G. Mercati of the Vatican Library : but
thanks are also due to M. Marais of the Bibliotheque Mazarine at Paris, M. G. Barringer of the Department
of Printed Books at the Bibliotheque Nationale, Prof. K. Lake of the University of Leyden, and not least to the
editor of this volume, both for the kindness with which he has welcomed this appendix to a place in it, and for
the trouble which he has taken in verifying many of the references.
C. H. Turner.

Note 1 (p. 58, MS. iii). The MS.

of Ulpian was accessible to Pierre Pithou, for a careful collation of it in his
handwriting is copy (now in the Bodleian, 8° I 24 Jur.) of the Brachylogos totius Juris Ciuilis siue
preserved in his

Corpus Legwnj cui adiunctae sunt Institationes T. Caii lurecons., Vlpiani ex toto scriptorum ipsius corpore Tituli
vndetriginta ex recenti reperto (Lugduni. Apud Mauricium Roy, et Ludouicum Pesnot. 1553).
Note 2 (pp. 58, 59, MS. v). A request addressed to the library of the Arsenal, with a view to further information
about the MS. of the libri Carolini preserved there, has remained without effect.
Note 3 (p. 60, MS. viii); The MS. of Claude Hardy may perhaps have been not du Tillet's MS., but a sister MS.,
no. 562 in the Benedictine catalogue of the College of Clermont, which seems have contained the same collection of
to
canonical and other material as Vat. Reg. 1127 and Paris lat. 1451. What has become of this Clermont MS. I am
unable to say: the greater part of it appears in the Meerman sale catalogue of a. d. 1824 as no. 583, but it did not
pass into the Phillipps collection.
Note 4. At the last moment I learn from Dr. Mercati that in the preface to Menard's edition of the Gregorian
Sacramentary (Paris, A.D. 1642) mention is made, among the codices employed, of a liber MS. Bibliothecae Tilianae, '

qui est ordo Romanus, cuius mihi copiam fecit vir clarissimus Ioannes Tilius.' The 'vir clarissimus,' as the date
shows, must be that Jean du Tillet into whose hands the MSS. of his relative the bishop came, as recorded on
p. 58 supra. Menard goes on to say that the MS. had lost its first gathering, that it had belonged to the church
of Seez in the province of Rouen, and that it differed from the 'ordo Romanus' in several respects that it contained ;

at the end a list of popes ending with Sergius III [a.d. 904-911] and a chronicle extending from the Creation of the
world to the '
forty-second year of Charles, successor after four years' interval of Charles and Carloman '
— i.e. appa-
rently a date about a.d. 928, near the close of the reign of Charles the Simple— but that elsewhere in the MS. a list
of French kings is brought down to Henry I in the eleventh century : and that this seemed to be the date of the MS.
 APPENDIX VI

DESCENDANTS OF THE BODLEIAN MANUSCRIPT

The fact that thirty-three (perhaps thirty-five) leaves of the Bodleian Manuscript are missing, lends
some importance to its descendants in so far as they make good this deficiency. The only descendants
known to me have been detected by Mommsen's principle of classification, according to which the
presence of Marcellinus as a continuation in any MS. is a suggestion that the MS. in question is akin
to O. Among the MSS. of Marcellinus is an eleventh-century MS. in the archiepiscopal library at

Udine, ot° 14 (U), which Mommsen .has shown {Chronica Minora, II, p. 52) to be descended from O.
This MS., as we shall see hereafter, contains Eusebius and Jerome as well as Marcellinus. There are
also in existence nine MSS. of Marcellinus which Mommsen, adopting a suggestion of Bethmann's, regarded
as descendants of U. Of these the Vienna and Venice MSS. do not contain Eusebius and Jerome at all ;

five others, including the Bodleian Canonici script, eccl. 193, insert Prosper between Jerome and Marcellinus
and are therefore presumably of the L family, so far as the text of Eusebius and Jerome is concerned ;

I have found this presumption borne out by a comparison of Canonici script, eccl. 193, with some of
the readings of L. There remain Paris. Lat. 4870 (fourteenth century) (W), and the Bodleian Canonici
script, eccl. 96 (fifteenth century) (V), which may be descended from O in the part devoted to the
Chronicles of Eusebius and Jerome. I have found that these two MSS., as also U, contain the notice
'
Roma . . . adseritur/ found in the margin of O on f. 66 b. As this entry belongs to a class of sloping
marginalia peculiar to O, its appearance in UV W renders it highly probable that they are descended
from O in Eusebius as well as in Marcellinus. A further resemblance converts this probability into a certainty.
These three MSS. contain instead of the complete Chronicle, the two prefaces followed by select entries.
As the selection is the same in all cases, it must have been made by the scribe of U, or else all three must
be descended from a common ancestor in which the selection was first made. A comparison of V with
the photographs of O has shown me that in the first part of the Chronicle, where O spreads each year across
two pages, the author of the selection has not adhered to the strict chronological order, but has completed
his selections from each verso (left-hand) page of O before commencing those on the opposite recto
(right-hand) page. This proves that his archetype corresponded page for page with O ; but as I have
shown elsewhere (p. 23), the sloping marginalia were copied into O, after the MS. was written, from a MS.
with a different division of pages. It is therefore clear that the MS. used by the author of selection was
not an ancestor of O, but either O itself or a descendant.
A few details about these MSS. may not be out of place. U has been described by Mommsen (loc.

cit., p. 50), who however has not mentioned that it is a palimpsest. The lower writing consists of one or
more Latin works in red, black, and green ink, not much older than that with which we are concerned.
The upper writing is in red and black ink, and comprises the Chronicle of Bede, the treatise '
de septuaginta
duabus Unguis/ the prefaces of Jerome and Eusebius to the Chronica, select entries from the Chronica,
brief biographical notices of the emperors, and select entries from Marcellinus. There are 21-26 lines

to a page. The photographs published herewith include the two prefaces, the entries selected from the
lost leaves at the beginning of O, and a page containing part of the matter which must have stood in the

lost leaf after f. 144 in O. After the last page represented by the photographs reproduced in this volume
 APPENDIX VI 65

there is a lacuna, and the next page begins with a mention of the consuls. A comparison with V W
shows that the last words of the Chronicle proper, the chronological summary and list of persecutions,
and biographical notices of the Latin and Roman kings are here missing. Mommsen explains the
lacuna by supposing that this passage has been torn out of the MS., but I have a difficulty in accepting
this view. The MS. consists entirely of quaternions with the exception of one gathering, where an odd
leaf has been prefixed to a complete quaternion. The
comes in the middle of a
lacuna in question
quaternion, so that if two leaves are here missing, the gathering must have been of ten instead of eight
leaves, and the two missing leaves must have been the middle ones. It is true that in O itself, gathering
•
viii' (ff. 72-81) contains ten leaves, while all the other extant gatherings are of eight, and therefore it is not
impossible that U may have had a similar gathering of ten leaves, but it is difficult to believe in so
remarkable a coincidence as that the one quaternion of ten leaves should be the only one except near the
end of the MS. where a leaf or more is missing and that the two missing leaves of the quaternion should
have been just those two which could disappear without leaving a trace behind. As the lacuna begins
exactly at the end of a page and ends exactly at the beginning of a page in U, it is clear that if it

were already absent when U was written, U must here be retaining the paging of its archetype, and,
since V W contain the missing passage, they must be descended, not from U, as Mommsen held, but
from some ancestor of U, itself a descendant of O.
W is also described by Mommsen (loc. cit.). It contains the same works as U, whose lacuna it

supplies ; but it begins with Eusebius, postponing Bede and the '
de septuaginta duabus linguis ' till

after the end of Marcellinus. It is in red and black ink and has 24 lines to a page. Its text

closely resembles that of U, the differences, where not merely in spelling, being generally nothing more
than slips of the pen on the part of the scribe of U. In some cases its readings might be explained
as misreadings of U. Compare 42 b, 1. 9 in U); 'nunc'
especially 'a iure legatis' = ' ani relegatis ' (f.

= 'nuo' (f. 43 a, 1. 21 in U), and '

fonnus '
= 'fotinus
These readings would suggest 85' (f. b, 1. 8 in U).
that in spite of all difficulties is really W
On the other hand U is full of contractions,
copied from U.
where W
writes the words at length with a success which, if U were really the archetype, would argue
extensive historical as well as palaeographical knowledge on the part of the scribe. The most striking
instances that I have noticed where W
has distinct readings, which seem to be more than a copyist's
errors, are Galicia (V 'Gallicia') for Galatia (f. 85 b, I. 9 in U) and the apparently genuine marginal
'
'
'
'

'Syrus,' omitted in U, against the entry Syrus fuisse (f. 49 a in U). The photographs appended
'
. . .
'

to this volume include the two pages where the lacuna after f. 144 in O and the lacuna after f. 85

in U coincide.
V Venetus, of which ff. 1-89, including the Chronica, were written by Daniel Victurius, formerly
belonged to Petrus Victus, afterwards to the Carthusian monastery at Venice, where it would appear to
have been no. xxxi. It is now, as we have seen, in the Bodleian library. It is in black ink and contains

31-33 lines to a page. Coxe in his catalogue of the Canonici MSS. has overlooked the fact that it is

a palimpsest, and I cannot say what the lower writing is. It contains the same works as W, and in

the same order, with the addition of Nicholas de Lyra's Libellus contra Iudaeorum perfidiam, an epistle of
Rabbi Samuel, and a treatise on the abominations contained in the Talmud. It is copied with much less

care than W, and the scribe has often conjecturally amended obscure passages, so that it can be of
little use to any one who has the readings of U and W before him. I have only used it myself because
it has been more accessible to me than the other descendants of O.

FOTHERINGHAM
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