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VOL. I.
LONDON :
attempt that was made to satisfy it. His patient and loving
investigations were rewarded by
his presenting in its native
rescued from the distorted
splendour the gold of divine Truth,
and decaying forms in which it had lain through ages of neg
lect. Even in the labyrinth of the Gnostic systems, as well as
under the hardest crust of Scholasticism, he could descry Chris
tian Truth; but with joyous satisfaction he presented those
developments especially, in which, as in the Protestant funda
mental doctrines, the full contents of the evangelic Conscious
ness were to be seen in their simplest form. Yet mindful of the
Apostle s words, that we
have this treasure in earthen vessels,
he recognised in all systems something disproportionate to the
eternal contents of Divine Revelation. There alone the light
was pure everywhere else was an unequal mixture of light
;
points are
excluded, in proportion as they determinately
adhered to the Church system of their times ; and if every
one of them had his own claims, it appears the more ne
cessary to fix a more general standard of what is to be
regarded as Christian. Not as if this also might not be
applied in a prejudiced manner but where it is applied with
;
from the views of the Church has not been cast. For our
part, we
wish to make no complaint against opponents, we
of a far-extending Syncretism of
only notice this connexion
doctrine, which exactly the most gifted men cannot resist,
with a pretension to sharply-defined ecclesiastical views, as an
evidence that our age, incapable of forming a new system, or
to satisfy itself with
a repetition of the ancient one, must
sons would accord that freedom to others which they claim for
themselves.
Hence we can arrive at no other conclusion than that
Neander s free historical composition, imbued with humble
devotedness to the Saviour, and sustained by warm sympathy
for all \vho were animated by his Spirit, will still maintain
its position and we hope that its excellencies will not be
;
for under
Dogmas to it, 10. Importance of the History of Dogmas,
It illustrates the self-
standing the present state of the Church, 11.
developing process of Christian truth, 12.
5. The Theodicy
Three classes of
......
men
according to the Gnostics, 127.
127
Views
129
of
Irenseus, Lactantius, Hermogenes, Origen, 128, 129.
b. ANTHROPOLOGY . . . . . . 176
3.
of Sin
Philo, 177.
.......
The Jewish, Heathen, and Gnostic Doctrine
The
Scripture the normative source of religious- knowledge in the
Eastern Church, 274 in the West, Tradition and the Authority of the
;
B.
a.
CALLED
The Doctrine of God
......
THE DOGMAS OF DOGMATICS STRICTLY so
285417
285316
The Doctrine of the Trinity . . . . 285 316
1. The Doctrine of the Son of God . . . 285303
The Subordination System in the East, the Homousion in the West,
285. Arius, 286. Council of Nice, 289. The Nicene Creed, 291.
isemi-Arianism, 292. Banishment of Athanasius, 293. Council of
Constantinople, 295. Eusebius of Csesarea, 297. Cyrill of Jerusalem,
298. The Arian doctrine, 299. Marcellus of Ancyra, 301. lj hotinus
303.
CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
1. HISTORY OF DOGMAS DEFINED.*
IN the phrase History of Dogmas, the two ideas Dogma and
History should he carefully distinguished.
The word Dogma boypa,, according to its etymology sig
nifies an opinion, a notion. That this is its meaning appears
from an expression in the Cratylus of Plato, ra ruv ai/^oucrwi/
dcypara so also, the Sceptic Sextus Empiricus in his
:
as the Redeemer of
Humanity, so his life must be viewed as a
new creation in Humanity. But though we are thus led to
contemplate Christianity as something supernatural, yet, on the
other hand, its appearance in the world stands in connexion
with human development, and its connexion with
every other
development must be so much more intimate because it is the
final aim of all
development, and to be understood requires to
be viewed in that light. The
Apostle in saying that God sent
"
forth His Son when the fulness of time came," Gal. iv. 4
(ro
<rA?jw/Aa TO\J %0oi/ou), indicates that all ages were made to co
operate for the appearance of Christianity. Although it entered
into the world as a higher element of transformation,
yet it
was not designed to be propagated solely by miracles, but was
subjected to the same laws of development as all other things,
and is
distinguished from them only by the spirit with which
it
developes itself according to these laws.
If we now inquire into the relation of
Dogma to Christi
anity, it is evident that Dogma does not form an original
part
4 HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS,
lists
against traditionary Religion, and in the issue came off
victorious. In Judaism, it is true we find a clear Theistic
doctrine instead of Mythology ; but even in this form religion
was intimately amalgamated with a peculiar civil polity, and
was not designed apart from that to develope itself under all
the forms of human culture. Christianity first of all pre
sented Religion as a self-subsistent power, independent of any
political, poetical, or speculative element, as something which
gave birth to an independent religious consciousness among
all men, and to a doctrine which would be apprehended
with progressive clearness in proportion to its being studied.
Hence Christianity alone has furnished a history of Religion
considered as doctrine. This History has no limits, for
Christianity proves itself to be the only Religion which can
satisfy the necessities of Man. It has nothing to dread from
a conflict with other forms of culture, for it appropriates all.
It has an inexhaustible fulness which can be developed in the
consciousness with ever increasing profundity. Not that we
obtain anything absolutely new, but we have a deeper insight
into its contents. Certainly Christianity could no more than
6 HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
"If we take away from History the Why, and the How, and
the for What, nought is left save what may give momentary
pleasure, but is productive of no lasting advantage." Least of
all can Chronicles suffice for the History of Dogmas which
relates to spiritual facts, to convictions of the Soul, which can
not be contemplated or understood in a state of isolation, but
PRAGMATIC METHOD OF HISTORY. 13
back to
development as it lies before us. It refers everything
the identical contrasts of thinking without a reference to the
diversity of the events. The various stages are presupposed
which the idea must pass through in its development, and
on this Pro
everything that takes place must be stretched
crustes bed. The religious contents of dogmatic phenomena
lie in the very being of the Christian consciousness and only
attain its height before the fourth century, when a new Period
in Church History also begins. Accordingly we shall do well
to connect the epochs and periods of Church History and of
the History of Dogmas.
If we take a general survey of these divisions, we shall,
first of all, have to consider how after Christianity had entered
the world, the doctrine propagated by the Apostles met with
opposition and developed itself among Jews and Heathens.
This Period we shall designate the Apologetic, not merely on
account of the Vindication of Christianity against Judaism
and Heathenism, but principally because Christianity esta
blished itself inits peculiar character against these different
*
Ch. W. F. Walch, BilUofheca synibolica vetus :
Lemg. 1770. Col
lection of the Symbols of the Lutheran Church, by Ad. Rechenberg.
Concordia pia et unanimi consensu repetita confessio fidei, etc. Lps. :
the subject. His merits were great for giving such an impulse
to historical criticism, but his own criticism was biased. Since
that time, historical Theology has gradually become more
unshackled. The study of it received a fresh impulse from
MOSHEIM, who owes his reputation chiefly to his classical
*
Frankfurt, 1G99, fol. 1729, 4to. Sckaffh. 1740, 3 vols. fol.
30 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
"
FIEST PEEIOD,
FROM THE CLOSE OP THE APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE TIME OF CONSTANTINE
THE GREAT (THE BEGINNING OF THE FOURTH CENTURY).
sanctified human
nature and reason as a medium for reveal
ing its peculiar character. By the union of these two aspects
Christianity stands opposed both to Heathenism and Judaism.
Paul marks this opposition when he says (1 Cor. i. 22) that the
Jews require a sign, and the Greeks seek after wisdom.
Among the former there was indeed a supernatural direction,
but only viewed as external, and the supernatural was merely
presented as supernatural and not as appropriated by nature ;
ceived ;
among the latter there was a perverted passion for
knowledge in the one a sensuous tendency of the feelings
;
they were not able to connect the letter with the spirit of
Scripture, but introduced a foreign spirit
with a fanciful,
subjective arbitrariness. Thus they obtained two different
Opp. Par. 1640. Francof. 1691, fol. THOM. MANQEY Lond. 1742,
* :
in the Theol. Stud. u. Krit, 1832, 1. DAHNE in the same work, 1833.
PHILO AND THE ALEXANDRIAN JEWS. 39
those
ment, on the contrary, was advantageous for all even for
who remained on the lower standpoint. This contrast of an
allegoricaland a literal view held by the Alexandrians was
connected with one more general in the contemplation of
Religion. On the higher stage of Ideas, men were raised to
the pure Intuition of Truth on the lower, they must be
;
point was formed, which even in the Apostolic Age made its
way into the Church. After Christianity, at the earliest
period had combated the contracted Jewish view which would
not recognise in Christianity a new creation, there was formed
out of the elements of Judaism which were partly allied to
ASCETIC THEOSOPHY. 41
* Euseb. Hist.
Eccles. iv. 22.
t Justin. Mart., dial. c. Tryph. 46 (p. 264), sq. 88 (p. 315). Iren.
adv. hser. i.
Origen, c. Cels. II. 1, cf. in Matt. t. 16. 12. c. Cels.
26.
5, 61, 65. In Matt. xi. 12. horn, in Jerem. xviii. 12. in Joann. t. 2. 6.
Euseb. H. E. iii. 27. Epiphan. haerea. 29, 30.
Hieronym. (especially
in his Commentary on Isaiah). See Neander s Church ii. 482
History
(Bohris edition). The so-called Clementine Homilies with the Epistles
42 HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
anity, on the whole, was received in its purity there was still a :
what has been already said, that Gnosis must be in its very
nature indefinite a mixture of heterogeneous elements and ;
nius adv. hneres. Theodoret. fabb. haoret. Plotinus, Trpbq rovg yvuaTi-
cowc, Ennead. ii. lib. 9 ed. G. H. Heigl.: Ratisb. 1832. Vgl. Recens.
v. Creuzer Stud. Grit. 1834, 2. Neander lib. d. welthistor. Bedentung
des Bucb.es des Plotin. geg. d. Gnost. in s. Wissenschaftlichen
Abhandl. s. 22. Massuet, dissertat. praeviae zu s. des Iren. J. Beausobre
histoire critique de Maniche et du Manicheisme. Mosheim, de reb.
Christian, ante Const. Magn. p. 333 Hunter, lib. d. Kirch. Alter-
:
critique der gnosticisme, 2 t. 1128, ed. 2. 1843, iibs. v.: Dorner, 1833
J. J. Schmidt, iib. d. Verwandtsch. d. gnost. Lehren mit d. Religions-
the latter had a religion of fear and hope. In this way the
Gnostics brought in again the Aristocraticism of Heathenism.
The multitude were destined to remain enthralled in a mixture
of truth and error, and to be ruled by the privileged class.
Had Gnosticism gained the ascendancy, the peculiar feature
of Christianity would have been lost ; an esoteric religious
doctrine would have been introduced along with a mythical
popular religion. The Church would have been broken up
into a multiplicity of speculative schools, and the Christian
doctrine would have been distorted by phantasms. Re-action
against the peculiar principle of Christianity, and the dis
ruption of the Unity it effected, formed a characteristic of
Gnosticism. But this involves a contrast between the religion
of Knowledge and the religion of Feeling. Christianity
restored the harmony between Heaven and Earth the ;
Owing to the
this work has been little
obscurity of the Latin Version,
circulated and read. Seinler has availed himself of this, to
cast on its genuineness, but his hypercritical
suspicions
amply refuted both on external and
is internal grounds.
opinion
The work is all of a piece, and bears marks of the historic
of Irenaeus. The ability is remarkable with
personality
which he sets forth what is peculiar Christian in opposition
to the Gnosis, nor less so his moderation and purity in
of Christianity, and in
maintaining the realistic substance
Grabe Oxon. 1702.
* Bishop of
Lyons, A.D. 177202. Opp. ed. :
Gottg. 1843.
lib. v. Only
f t\fyxC Ka avarpoTrrj rJJc -^tv^vv/Jiov yj w<rewe,
its authenticity in
complete in the Latin translation. Semler doubts
his treatise De cavenda molesta sedulitate sacra, 1772. Compare the
vindication by C. G. F. Walch, authentia libror. Iren. adv. haer. Nov.
Comment. Societ. Gb ttg. hist, et philo?. v. 1.
HIPPOLYTUS. 5 1
well agrees with the fact that Photius, following the notice of
another work attributed to Hippolytus, speaks of Irenaeus as
his teacher. The existence of this other small polemic work, so
far confirms the composition of the I k -y^c, by Hippolytus,
that in the introduction of the latter, reference is made to a
smaller piece on the same subject which the author had
written at an earlier period. Lastly, from the end of the
second to about the middle of the third century, to which
period the author of the iXsy^os belongs, no church teacher
in connexion with Rome has been found who could be held
with any appearance of truth to be its author, excepting
Hippolytus or Caius. Dr. Baur has expressed himself in
favour of the latter (Theolog. Jahrbb. 1853. 1.3) but his
chief reason is only this, that Photius attributes to Caius the
book itz^l rqg TO\J vavrbg ouov ag, and says that many also
ascribed to him the Labyrinth&s, evidently the same work as
the eXe^/os. But Photius is too late a witness. In his second
statement follows an assertion not otherwise supported, and in
his first, only a marginal note in the manuscript which might
of that
Church, Jewish points of view may indeed be noticed, but we
need not trace these to an immediate influence of a Jewish
kind, but rather account for them from the opposition to the
original Gentile-Christian element. In many places it was
connected with an original Jewish element, but here it was
formed independently of any outward connexion with Judaism,
because originally the idea attaching to the Church and to
universal priesthood of believers had been corrupted. The
political element, also,
which was so powerful in Rome had its
influence on the development of the Christian community.
With this the conception of an external priesthood coalesced,
and thus Old Testament ideas and the Old Testament spirit
acquired a stronger influence.
The scientific spirit of the Roman Church had, on the whole,
54 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
and good sense, for which IrenaBus was so noted hence with ;
thus the phrase, credo quia ineptum est, has been thought to
give an idea of the whole man. But Tertullian intended to
assert that paradox belongs to the essence of Christianity
in opposition to the triviality of the sensus
communis ; Veritas
56 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
ticularly also many of his Epistles. Opp. ed. N. Rigaltius Par. 648. : )
of all whether they really knew the whole system, and had
become influenced by it, or only come in contact with some
ideas belonging to it which were afloat in society if the latter;
*
ACKERMANN, das Christliche in Plato u. der platonischen Philo
sophic Hamb. 1835. Reviews by Nitzsch and H. Ritter in the Theol.
:
1837.
THE PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY. 59
mythical representation
and the pure scientific development
are to be distinguished from one another in Plato, and, con
sequently, whether
that which, from a certain standpoint, must
be regarded as mythical, was taken strictly in Plato s sense.
If thelatter be the case, then the doctrine of the fall of souls,
and the foreign element of the uXjj, cleaving to them, gave a
point of connexion for the consciousness of a view of Redemp
which we find something similar in the Neo-Platonists.
tion, to
But on the other hand Platonism contained an important
element antagonistic to Christianity. As to Plato himself, it
is questionable whether
he taught the doctrine of a personal
God or only an Absolute of the Reason, the ov, or whether
both are to be connected with one another. To the former
could itself to the latter it was diametrically
Christianity ally
opposed. There can be no doubt that the doctrine of a
no
Supreme Being as held by Neo-Platonism, presented
of connexion for faith in a personal God :
nothing was
point
left but the ov to which all consciousness was denied. This
a mere intellectual entity, was on that
highest simplicity,
If in Plato we find the
system the origin of all existence.
doctrine of a Creation as an act of God on the other hand
as the necessary
among the Neo-Platonists, everything appears
of the immanent Reason, according to
process of development
the deduction from their first principles. The Christian
doctrine of a personal super-temporal God acting freely in
creation, providence, and the government of the Universe,
finds here no point of connexion. The idea ot sin adhering
to Man is not indeed wanting, but it is too much a part of his
original constitution, since evil is traced to a mixture of the
spiritual
with the UATJ.
life Here again, much depends upon
whether Plato spoke literally or figuratively in what he says
of the formation of Chaos or the uXij. The Neo-Platonists, at
Jdast, admit of no transitive act, but a necessary development,
and the uXfl appears not as a real Chaos, but only as something
negative, as the limit of the divine development of life, and
the boundary between Being and Not-being. According to
Plato the divine ideas must reveal themselves in the process
of becoming, in the formation of the iiXjj, but they find an in
surmountable obstacle, it is founded in the nature of things,
that the Divine cannot be perfectly realized in this world.
Hence the Neo-Platonists came to the conclusion that evil,
THE NEO-PLATONISTS. 61
Translated by
Martyrer Bresl. 184042, 2
* vols.
Justmus d. :
HASSELBACH.
Strom, i. 319 0pay/zoc onciTof flprjrai Kai SpiyKOQ tivai.
t Strom, vi. 647, i. 310. Strom, v. G93, C.
64 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
what no eye has seen ears to hear what no ear has heard
; ;
new eyes, ears, and hearts. The disciples of the Lord will
believe and know with these new organs will speak and act ;
,
a senusuous Judaism where the ^aidayuyof was
still necessary, and a higher standpoint of those, who, by
the spiritual revelation of the Xoyoj in his sT/foj^/a \>a^rr\,
irpotbijTiK&v
Oxon. 1715, 2 vols fol. R. Klotz Lpz. 193134, 4 vols. 8vo. Hof-
:
the flesh and the letter, but now he knew him so no more.f
This is equivalent to saying, that his theological development
was marked by two distinct stages, and that he had advanced
from a literal to a spiritual mode of viewing. While restricted
to the former, his ascetic zeal had led him into the error of
4to. tv\ns*
fiaprvptov 7rporp7rrtic6f Xoyo.
TTtpt Important
dogmatic passages of his writings are to be found in the PhUocalia of
Basil of Csesarea and Gregory Nazianzen. The Commentaries, ed. D.
Huetius, 2 torn. fol. Rothomag. 1668. Par. 1679. Col. 1685. Col
lected editions of his works, De la Rue Par. 733 :
59, 4 t. fol. Lom-
matzsch, 1831 sq. 25 t. 8. Origeniana by Huet in his edit., and in De
la Rue s, t. iv. G. Thomasius, Origenes e. Beitr. zur
Dogmengcsch :
Niirab. 1837. Redepeuning, Origenes e. Darstettung seines Lebens u. sur.
Lehre. 2 Bb. 841. 46. Ritter, Qesh. d, Philosoph. V.
t Com. in Matth. t. xv. 3.
70 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
()/
such is the kingdom of God" in this respect Christ became a
child to children.f Christianity appears to him as an image of
writings the apologetic interest
Christ. In all his is predomi-
* See Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. 19. Hitter contends that Ammonius
Saccas had been his teacher. See, on the other hand, Redepenning s
iiber d. Verlidltniss des Origenes zu Am.
Origenes i. 230. L. Kruger,
histor. Theol. 1843. 1.
Saclcas, in Ilgen s Zeitschrift f.
f In Malth. xv. 6, 8. Compare also the beautiful fragment of a
letter to Firmiliauus of Csesarea, in Cappadocia, in the Spicilegium
Solesmense, ed. a. B. Pitra Par. 1852, i. 268.
: Exeuntes Hebrsei _de
terra ^Egypti et arma bellica nou habentes ac prscliorum certamina
nescientes, terrore perculsi sunt, videntes
armatos ^Egyptios inse-
tacebitis et Deus pugnabit
quentes. Propterea dicit eis Moyses vos :
dici poterat ;
pro vobis. Si nihil hsec Scriptura significare voluisset,
vos pugnabitis, et Deus pugnabit pro vobis. Quid vero ad timorem
belli pertinebat ut diceret ; (et)
vos tacebitis ? Nisi quia in filiis Israel
non habentibus usum bellicum designabantur fideles, qui in simplicis
fidei soliditate firrnati et disputandi scientiam non habentes, sed regulam
fidei in corde servantes, taciturnitate superant adversaries, expugnare
nitentes recti dogmatis veritatem. [JACOBL]
ORIGEN S WRITINGS. 71
* Historia
dogmatica controversise inter orthodoxos et pontificios
de Scripturis et sacris vernaculis. ed. Wharton Lond. 1690.
:
lung.
** W. L. Christmann, ub. d. ursprungl.
Compare also, Verhaltniss
von Tradition u. Schrift, Logos u. Kabbala : Tub. 1125. C. W. Ch.
Weinmann, Darstellung u. unparthciische Kritik der Strcitfragc ub. d.
Tradit. als Quelle religios. Lehrcn u. Ueberzeugungen, 1825. D. Schen-
kel. ub. d. ursprungl. Verhaltniss der Kirche zum Kanon. 1838.
J. Kirchhofer, Quellcnsammlunfj zur Geschichte des neu. testamentl.
Kanons bis auf Hieronymus : Zur. 1844.
74 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
%oiffrojj,a,6iai,v"
s
translated egiQtia according to
th e rules of rather incorrectly according to its ety
trade," yet ;
mology, the word may have such a meaning, but in this passage
it would be unnatural ; the meaning contentiousness, or party-
spirit, suits better ;
so that he warned them not to do anything
in a contentious manner. The eg/Ma of the Judaizing party is
here condemned. Since I have heard some say, continues the
if I do not find it ev ro?g a^a/o/g, then I believe not
"
writer,
in the Gospel." In this passage there is a various reading
which would mean, if I do not find it in the archives
"
a^iots,
of the Church," which then is explained as meaning that a
definite written Gospel was to be regarded as genuine, and
would be important for the question relative to the genuineness
of the Gospels. You appeal in vain, would the opponents say,
in the archives
to your Gospel if we do not find such writings
;
I appeal,"
tV T/J
t
76 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
"
vagdnsirou
to the text," as we well know that the Judaizers had this
answer ready, in reference to many passages of the Septuagint..
Upon this the author replies, To me Jesus Christ is what is
"
ancient ; his Cross, and Death, and Resurrection, and the faith
obtained through Him are inviolably from of old, by which I
shall be justified." Instead therefore, of appealing to the Old
Testament, he says, everything for me depends upon the
"
Christian consciousness."
A confession of the fundamental truths of Christianity was
formed, in which every one was instructed at his baptism, and
which was regarded as the unanimous doctrine of all the
Churches, as the bond of all Christian communities. It was
called xavuv rJjg exx\qffla$, xavuv rye, v/ffTiug, iragddoa-ts dxoffro-
Xix /], regula fidei. It was looked upon as an independent suffi
cient witness in itself, handed down from the Apostles, and
so regarded by universal consent. Especially in the disputes
with the Gnostic heretics, who often in an arbitrary manner
rejected the genuine records of the New Testament, and
brought forward new ones in their stead, and also appealed to
their secret tradition this was opposed to them as the common
;
* O
Adv. User. ii. c. 27. vynjQ VOVQ icai aKivSwoq Kai evXa(3i}c
,
offa iv ry rittv avSpwTrwv iZovviq, StFwKtv o 6f6f Kat
ry/i6rtp yvwcm, irpoQvfjuijQ sKr/itXtri^Ttt, icai tv
TO.VTO.
,
Sia T^Q KaBrjfitpivfj^ aaioiafioc; paciav Tt}v fidQrjffiv
o^. "Eari Se TO.VTO. TO. r VTT otyiv TrtVrovra TT\V
Kai oaa (pavtpwQ Kai dvaudttfioXovQ avroXtZti iv rai $rtiai
g XtXtxrai.
t Ibid. i. 8. J Ibid. ii. 27. Ibid. iii. 5.
78 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
qutzstio, should
we not turn to the Presidents of the oldest
Churches, in order to obtain certainty.* It is evident that
Irenseus could not here refer to the fundamental doctrines of
faith, for about them, according to him, no dispute could arise ;
he could only rfer to disputes respecting points of worship,
and the like. We must perceive that at that period unanimity
was desired, not only on dogmatical, but on ritual questions.
It is remarkable how Irenaeus was obliged to bear witness
Easter between
against himself. In the controversy respecting
the Roman Church and those of Lesser Asia, an appeal was
made by the former as to the circumstance that
it
professed
the true Tradition, and Victor, bishop of Rome, excom
municated the latter. Irenaeus entered a protest against
this arrogance, and showed that unimportant differences
might exist in the traditions. Inaccuracies might arise from
simplicity and ignorance, and acquire a power through custom.f
The same thing might be said of Tradition generally.
TERTULLIAN, in controversy with the Gnostics, wished to
establish the theory of an independent self-evident proof. He
attempted -it in a work, which forms an era for the doctrine of
Tradition on the Catholic standpoint De pr&scriptione adversus :
error ? f
the Truth, in opposition to innovation and wilful schism from
the Church. Tertullian thought, indeed, that the Exposition
of Holy Writ was sufficient for the refutation of error, but yet
considered it important to oppose heretics by an adequate
authority. Thus Tradition furnished him with a rule for ex
prescription, no length
of time,no respect of persons, can avail. For custom often
pro
ceeds from ignorance or
simplicity, and thus acquires power by
the lapse of time. But Christ our Lord called himself the
82 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
among Christians, he said that every one could find and learn
* De Hoc nemo
virginib. velandis. c. 1. exigere veritatem, cui prse-
scribere potest,non spatium temporum, non patrocinia personarum,
non privilegium regionum. Ex his enim fere consuetudo initium ab
aliqua ignorantia vel simplicitate sortita, in usum per successionem
corroboratur et ita adversus veritatem vindicatur. Sed dominus noster
Christus veritatem se, non consuetudinem cognominavit.
f Ep. 74. c 9. Nee consuetudo quee apud quosdam obrepserat,
impedire debet, quominus veritas prsevaleat et vincat. Nam consue
tudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est.
$ Ep. ad Jubaian, 73. c. 13.
Strom, vii. p. 762.
De princip. 1. proem, c. 2. Ilia sola credenda est veritas quse in
||
the truth in Holy Writ how heresies led into error how, on
; ;
We
for no human testimony, but bring proof of what we assert
from the Word of the Lord, which is the most trustworthy, or
rather the only evidence."f The relation of ficrtg and yvuffif
as stated by Clement, corresponds to that of a faith which pro
ceeds from Tradition alone, and a faith which is developed
from Holy Writ, Yet when any one first attains to faith, the
knowledge of the essential Christian doctrines is communicated
to him by Tradition, He then proceeds to examine the Scrip
tures for himself, and learns the doctrines of Christianity in
their connexion, from the Scriptures. The Gnostic, he says,
grows old in the study of Holy Writ when it was objected to
;
him that even the yvwor/xo/ did not take all they taught ver
bally from the Scriptures, he replied that they breathed in it
and lived in it, and deriving their germs of thought from it,
received the sense although not the verbal expression.
But as the Platonists and Gnostics made a distinction be
tween exoteric and esoteric Tradition, so also the Alexandrians,
in accordance with the analogous distinction of the standpoints
of the iriffrtxbs and the g/vwor/xof, fell into the error of admitting
a Gnostic tradition that belonged only to the susceptible class.
A natural desire also led them to prove an historical con
nexion of Truth and its
antiquity. It was also their prevailing
opinion that the highest truths might be propagated not by
writing, but only by oral communication. Clement|| treats of
such an unwritten Gnostic tradition,, which even the Apostle
Paul preferred communicating not by letter, but in person;
and Origen says, Certain things which we think of acquiring
"
Ibid. i.
p. 762, sq. apa rjn~iv P.OVOQ kv avraiq KaTayrjpaaag Tait,
yoafyctiQ, TTJV cnrooTo\iKf]v KCLI ficicXr/<Tia{TriKj}v ow^uv opBoTouiav TOJV
^oy/idrwv, Kara TO ivayyiXiov bpQoTdTa /3to7, raf aTrofot^ag, w av
STri^Tjr^cry, avtvpiaicetv dvaTTf/iTro/ifvof virb TOV icvpiov, VTTO re vojuou
icac 7rpo<f)r)Ta>v.
Ibid. i.
p. 700. ]|
Ibid. v. p. 578.
G 2
81 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
in Religion
natural tendency, which would have everything
given from without
but on the other hand, there was at the
;
by the expression, rb ucrsg rbv vouv r dri IK rov vvu Tffs7v in his
t
edition.)
86 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
divinities, the Demiurgos and his spirits, and those who had
raised themselves by spiritual intuition to union with the
Supreme Being. Of this latter class were Christ, Socrates,
Aristotle, and others. Christ, therefore, appeared only as one
of those who had borne testimony to the truth, in
pure oppo
sition to the popular religion, and
was possible for every
it
true Gnostic, when he makes himself free from the limits of
same elevation as Christ.
earth, to raise himself to the
Yet from such individuals among the Gnostics we should
not be justified in concluding, that there was
nothing but
Rationalism in the Gnostic system. We
might be tempted to
draw the same conclusion from the relation of the Pneumatici
to the Psychici. For,
according to the doctrine of the Gnostics,
the latter were those who depended only on a faith of authority,
and were convinced by miracles the former, on the contrary,
;
to the surviving apostle, John, and said that he was only crucified for
the lower classes in Jerusalem. He vanished again, and then showed
him a cross of pure light, surrounded by a great multitude of various
forms, which yet represented only one form and one image. Above
the cross a divine voice, full of gentleness, sounded, which said, The
cross of light is for your sakes called sometimes the Logos, sometimes
Christ, sometimes the Door, sometimes the Way, sometimes Bread,
sometimes the Sun, sometimes the Resurrection, sometimes Jesus,
sometimes the Father, sometimes the Spirit, sometimes the Life, some
"
what can be derived from Tradition, and beyond this -we can
not pass;" but the Alexandrian Gnosis did not keep within
these limits. Although it set out from the letter of the Bible,
it was not in
general content to stop there. Origen says,f "We
have in Holy Writ only some elements of Gnosis the whole ;
and limited God, but not hostile to the Supreme, as one who
served for an Organ of the Ideas imparted by God, but not
conscious of them till the appearance of Christ rendered his
consciousness of God clear, admitted that this God inspired
the Sacred Writers of the Old Testament with the Ideas which
proceeded from the Supreme God, but in an imperfect form.
92 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
* wv aTrraioroe, u
Horn. iii. 13. 7rpo(f>r]Tr)G yap
og^wfiH Avpa,
Trog IfTOjUU uti TrXT/icrpoV 6 aj OpwTrot; /coijuarat,
i
mijtil
1ryw ypjjyopii
^ou (cvpiof kanv 6 tKoravtav KapSias dvGpwTruv Kai
s..I ore Kapdui<; ai Qpu)irm.
Contra Marcion iv. 22. Ratione, quam defenrlimus in causa novro
prophetice, gratifc ecstasin, id est ameutiam convenire ? In spiritu
enirn homo constitutes, pr<esentim cum
gluriam Dei conspicit, vel cum
per ipaum Deus loquitur, necesse est excidat scnsu, obumbratua scilicet
virtute divinA, de quo inter nos et
psychicos quastio eat.
94 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
and then adds that some of them had positively denied the
Law and the Prophets, and under the pretence of Grace had
maintained an antinomian and impious doctrine J It is of
special importance, that they pleaded the doctrine of Grace as a
cloak for their sentiments that is, they professed to extol the
;
manner God
operated through Christ they were at
in which ;
* Euseb. Hist. Eccles. v. 17. Trtpl TOV p.^ dtlv irpotyrjrrjv iv tKGTa.au
\a\iii .
the divine and human begins. In the third stage, the Prophet
speaks in his own name, although he announces what is
divine. Here there is also enthusiasm but the human, the ;
fyavivTa Si -fifJiCLQ TipiffTov ytyovkvai, Kai Kai Xoyov Kai -^v^rjv. <ru>fj,a
ypd/^juara, r) ov TO,
"
*
t/c/cXrjCTiaig ^lararrcrojuac," Kai TO ola IrraOov kv AvTio-%iici, kv iKovty,
kv AuffTpoi^,"
Kai ra TOVTOIQ irapaTrXrjata kvioTt VTT avTov ypa^svra
icai (car* i^ovcriav, ov fJ.tjv
TO tiXiKpiveQ TUIV IK Sttag kirnrvolaQ Xoywv.
ORIGEN AND IREN^US. 97
In the
former, there was not the same pure inspiration of the Divine
Spirit as in the latter. His critical acuteness might have led
Origen to notice other passages of the New Testament, to
illustrate the distinction of the Divine and the Human.
Yet where he observes differences in the narratives of the
Evangelists, he explains them, according to his common idea
of Inspiration. He disputes with other Christians, who found
no difficulty in the admission of these discrepancies, and
concludes that, because such differences are irreconcilable,
they
must have been designed. They were intended to lead to the
acknowledgment that the Truth was ideal, that the Fact was
internal, and only represented as external. He would rather
give up the reality of facts than admit any differences.
full
He says,* We
believe that the Gospels were written down
"
their way
through the discrepancies of the Gospels, they at
tached themselves to one Gospel for which they had a
special
preference, and rejected the rest as unapostolic.
IREN^EUS also, though he has not formally developed his
ideas on Inspiration, showstraces of his recognition of two
factors the divine agency, and the conditions of human in
dividuality. For instance, in the writings of Paul, he does
not attribute
everything to divine inspiration, but makes the
quality of Paul s style to depend on his mental characteristics
In Joann. aKo\ov96v yf, /ujjfovoc
vi. 18. ical ivov T& a<t>a\\on
oi a.7rouvT]uovivovTigdia<}>6pwG
ofpvral nvfQ, rivix^n ffav a/cpigoOvreg
riv
ficaffTov tiprjuBVhJv ;
Christianity hence
; Christianity seemed to enter suddenly
into the World without any preparation, by means of the Old
Testament. The severe just God of the Old Testament was
quite different from that of the New, the perfect and holy one
who is the God of Love. He failed to discern there, as in Na
ture, the God that was partially hidden, because he would
admit no Revelation of him but such as was whole and com
plete. Nature, he says, points to a rigid, imperfect Spirit, who
is destitute of omnipotence since he cannot overcome the
intelligible, demand
as a prerequisite, a new sense, a higher
stage of spiritual development. Even the clear announce
ment God is a Spirit was not understood, since men
"
KOI dveideoQ wv
ooXoyi ac a.a\r)\La.Ti<STov avrbv Xfyovaiv, iva a/iop0t>
*
Adv. Praxeam. c. vii.
*f- De carnc Christi xi. Omne quod est, corpus eat sui generis ;
nihil
est incorporate, nisi quod non eat.
inerrabilis. Sensua enim capax omnium bene et recte dicetur, sed non
similis hominum sensui et lumen rectissime dicetur
;
sed nihil simile
ei, quod est secundum nos, lumiui. Sic autem in reliquis omnibus
pater hominem pusillitati et dicitur quidem secundum hsec propter
;
which has for its basis the analogy of God to the human
spirit. Considered in itself, this is not untrue for we can ;
only think of God as the Archetype of our own spirit, and the
idea of God can no longer be retained by us if we lose sight of
this analogy. Anthropomorphism must be supplanted by
Christianity ; Authropopathism is not supplanted, spiri but
tualised and refined. Only what is false must be rejected;
that crudeness which transfers to God human passions (iraQy)
and defects, for want of recollecting the elevation of the Supreme
Being, as well as his relationship to Man. Christianity must
teach us to distinguish what is owing to the corrupting influ
ence of sin, from what constitutes the true analogy between
God and Man In heathenism a false Anthropopathism pre
vailed, since polytheism presented in its gods the apotheosis
of human qualities, not only of virtues, but of vices and ;
to Anthropopathism regarded
platonism, which in its opposition
God as the abstract the highest absolute simplicity, the
"Qv,
~
Kar
Karayivtrai iron" oiirs *tfP%WV( ovrt Treoitx6}Jitvo$ rj
All punishments
according to them were only means of refor
mation ordained by God, in order to lead fallen
beings to a
sense of their estrangement, and at last to a re-union
with God.
IRENJEUS forms the transition to the realistic
standpoint,
which regards punishment as something
developing itself
from within, as something inseparably connected with sin.
Hence he says, God does not punish immediately, in order to
punish, but punishment is that which follows sin of itself;
as God is the fountain of all happiness, and those who abide
in communion with Him, receive all good from Him, so
estrangement from Him 13 the source of punishment. If
TERTULLIAN, NOVATIAN, and LACTANTIUS, in their more
decided Realism, sometimes used
expressions liable to be mis
understood, yet they maintained not the less, that God must
be supposed to act at all times
differently from man, since He
does nothing from mere
feeling or passion, but according to
the dictates of divine wisdom.
Tertullian, especially, who
enters deeply into these discussions, defends the idea of
divine justice
against Marcion, by showing the necessary con
nexion of redeeming love and justice. Does not redemption
from sin,he asks, presuppose the existence of guilt in God s
sight ? Marcion is illogical *, since he denies the justice of
God, and yet maintains the fact of Redemption. Tertullian
aims to prove that the idea of divine
justice has a deeper
ground; that Marcion supposes it does not spring from a
reference to the punishment of evil, but rests on an
original
revelation of God, on Creation
generally, where it is equivalent
to the
justitia architectonica, since God has fixed definite
limits to
every being the goodness of God, he says, created
;
justice,
he must deny the other attributes of God but
also ;
t Ibid, c. 16.
De c. 4.
Poenit. Audaciam existimo de bono dmni proecepti
disputare. Neque enim quia bonum est, idcirco auscultare debemus,
aed quia Deus prrecepit. Ad exhibitionem obsequii prior Cfct majestas
aer- utilitas
divinse potestatis, prior est auctoritas imperantis quam
vientis.
II Contra Marc. i. 22, 23.
IDEA OF THE DIVINE OMNIPOTENCE. Ill
God,"
tv
i
T$ tavTov yvdjati icai ry tavrov Sewpiq, ova-g peiZovi TtJQ
67rt Stov %pri votiv TO. roiavra, StZ Xsya>, on
nee com-
putandum est non habere creaturas quia ubi finis non est,
;
nee contineri vel dispensari a Deo quse facta sunt, potuerunt. Natura-
liter nempe, quicquid infinitum fuerit, et incomprehensibile erit.
THE DOCTRINE OF CREATION. 113
into being out of nothing." * But this Idea found its way
only by degrees, and when an entirely new direction had been
given to the religious spirit and thinking. The speculative
and popular mind, thinkers and simple people, as Tertullian
remarks, took offence at it;f especially that Oriental specu
lative tendency of the Gnosis rebelled against it. The religious
doctrine of the ancient World was connected with a speculative
Cosmogony. Christianity, by its doctrine of Creation, dis
solved this connexion, and thus established the independence
of religious doctrine. The re-introduction of such a
Cosmogony
would have altered the essential character of Christianity. It
was a first principle of the Gnostics that from nothing, nothing
is made, and thus no agreement with them was
possible from
the Christian standpoint. For they were not willing to admit
the fact as a matter of faith, but required an explanation
how the Finite could be educed from the Infinite. To make
this intelligible, they imagined a development of the
perfection
* II. Mandat i. t De Resurr. Cam. c. 11.
I
114 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
* I
add here a few remarks on the principles of Basilides which differ
in part from the Gnosis, in which I follow Hippolytus in his t\tyx,
vii. 20. A
comparison with the statements of Clement Alex, makes it
certain that we there have a description agreeing in all essential points
with it, and founded on authentic sources. This is demonstrated
against Hilgenfeld by Uhlhorn (Das Basilidianische System. : Gb tt.
1855). See also Hase s Church History, 1854, p. 94. Basilides laboured
to avoid all limiting ideas of God. He was not satisfied with calling
him the Being, but placed him above all existence by the idea of the
OVK an>. We
find exactly similar language in Plotinus and other
Platonists. The influence of Platonism is unmistakeable, though
Uhlhorn will not allow it. In his doctrine of Creation, Basilides
denies the existence of matter independent of God, as well as an
Emanation or Evolution from God according to him the Biblical
;
longing after whose infinite beauty all things tend upward from below.
The idea of a airkpiia TOV Kocr/iow is probably taken from the Stoics ;
but it leads to unfounded and forced meanings if, like Uhlhorn, we
find nothing in Basilides respecting God, the Creation, and the deve
lopment of the universe, but the stoical notions of an original unity of
God and matter, and of an independent separation of both, clothed in
Christian phraseology, and modified in their results by Christian
teleology. When Basilides repeatedly says that God has sent forth
the seed of the world (TO Kara^\r]Qev v-rrb TOV OVK OVTOQ Siov) by the
word of the speaker, it would really be his opinion that the seed of the
world had produced God ; he held it to be a too physical representation
THE DOCTRINE OF CREATION. 115
that God should allow beings to emanate from himself, but thought it
worthy of God that he should develope himself from chaos. The viorrjc
must be identical with God, who separates himself from matter, since
these beings of Light are bpoovffioi
3t<p
and yet it is said that they
:
develope themselves as the first from the TraiHTTrspfjla, but not God, who
rather stands above the whole has designed beforehand the plan of
the universe, and attracts the children of God to himself by over
powering glory who cannot, indeed be in the full sense o^iooixnoi
with him, because they are not equal among themselves. In the
abstract idea of God, and in the contemplation of the Universal Life,
we may recognise Pantheistic influences, but they do not occur in the
first of these, and in the second only in the Stoical ideas above
mentioned. It is far too confidently asserted that Stoicism was the
most widely spread philosophy, the vital air of the second century
the century in which Plutarch, Justin, and Clement lived. We cannot
recognise in Basilides so much of Pantheism, and so little of Dualism,
as Uhlhorn does, though lie allows that the latter could not be
altogether concealed. Basilides, in his attempt to abolish Dualism,
and then relapsing into it, resembles Valentine. He adheres to it
when he contemplates TravvTrippia in the aspect of formlessness, as
ajiop0m perhaps also in supposing an antagonism between the living,
;
the Evil Principle had mixed itself with the kingdom of Light,
and the Soul with Matter whence the earthly world originated.
;
* 529
Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 18. Hippolyt tXeyx- P- -
what God had done before he created the World, Holy Writ
does not reveal ; the answer to such questions must be referred
to God.
In the writings of the Platonizing fathers, we recognise a
mixture of the Platonic forms. Philo had expressed himself
as if he admitted a pre-existent Hyle which received a form from
God. Yet it is a question whether Philo deviated so far from
Judaism. In a fragment preserved by Eusebius he says, that
God prepared exactly as much Hyle as he used for the Crea
tion. This appears to contradict the opinion above-mentioned.
The Apologists of the Platonic School followed his example. Jus
tin Martyr says,|| God formed all things out of an unorganized
"
matter." Yet
according to the connexion of his style of thinking
we cannot suppose that he approved of the Platonic Hylozoism.
His Scholar Tatian serves to explain his views, for he also
*
Adv. Hseres. ii. 28. t Ibid. ii. c. 7, 8.
Deo. Quoniam autem mundus hie factus est apotelestos a Deo, tem-
porale initium accipiens, scriptune nos docent; quid autem ante hoc
Deus sit operatus, nulla scriptura manifestat.
imply that in fact God and Matter were never separated, and
that the Hyle always existed along with the
organization.
He compared the operation of God upon it to the attractive
power* which Beauty according to its nature exerts on be
holders or to the attraction of the Magnet, which
;
according
to its nature operates on iron.
Consequently, like the Neo-
Platonic School, he admitted a Universe that was
always be
coming, which in this form exists from all Eternity, so that
God, and his formative agency, and Matter, must always be
presupposed, and the idea of Hyle is only attained by separating
what lies at the basis of the material world. In the Hyle is
always to be distinguished what is allied to the divine formative
power, and what is counter-active and destructive from the later ;
*
Tertull. adv. Hermogenem. c. 44. t Ibid. c. 19.
Ibii c. 3.
120 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
ijv, d(i tlvai dtl TavTa, Si 8, iravroKpaTiijp sort, Kai aft ijv VTT UVTOV
3. TavTa TU yivi) Kai TO, ildr)
KpaTOVfjifva, apxoi Trj avr<
xpo;/i>a.
ati ijv aXX ov dr) TIQ tpel Kai TO Ka9 lv aptfytoir TrXtjv f/carpwg
SrjXovTai, OTL OVK rjoZaTO b SrtOQ Srjpiovpytii aoyfjcras TTOTI. Ep. Justi-
niani ad Mennam Patriarch Mansi, ix. 528. TTtpi apx&v, p. 4, ed.
Redepenning.
J In Joami. t. xxxii. 18. (olnai) <j)6av(iv pivToi ye airb TOV
cnravyaa^aTOQ TOVTOV Tijg vXrjg 6%r)Q [ifpiKa aTravyac^aTa STTI Ttjv
XOITTT/V \oyiKrjv KTIGIV OVK oifjiai yap riva TO TTffXii cvvaffdai ^op?7(rat
Trjg o\r)Q TOV
o6%r)<; aTravyaapa i] TOV vibv avTov. t. xiii.
$toi> 25.
In his work 7rpt yfvvrjTwv (v. Lardner s
TO>V
Credibility of the
"
Gospel History," ch. 57. Works iii. p. 303, ed. 1788), an abstract in
Photius Bibl. cod. 235.
METHODIUS ON CREATION. 121
God, the total revolution of the Universe and all its contrarie
ties are to be derived, The misunderstood idea of the divine
righteousness had also led him into the error of carrying the
Unity into that original Spirit-world so far, that he thought of
them as all alike, endowed with equal gifts of power, and differ
ing only in number from one another hence it followed that
;
affirmari, id est quod vivere prscter corpus possit ulla al * natura prater
Patrem et Fi.li.um et Spiritum Sanctum, necessitas o-nsequentise ac
rationis coarctat intelligi, principaliter quidem creatas ease rationa-
biles naturas materialem vero substantiam opinione quidem et intel-
;
lectu solum separari ab eis, et pro ipsis vel post ipsius effectam videri,
sed uuiiquam sine ipsa vel vixisse vel vivere.
T1IK DOCTRINE OF PROVIDENCE. 123
orbs of Heaven should perish but Man be eternal The wide- ?"
Supreme God only for the Pneumatici, while the rest were
beyond his pale. Many Gnostics ascribed to Fate a limited
influence ;* in the kingdom of the Demiurgos the decree of
the Spirits of the Stars was absolute, till by Redemption the
*
Thus Bardesanes supposes three Factors by which Man is deter
minedNature, Fate, and Free Will. What is similar, and takes
place in all of us, proceeds from Nature what is dissimilar is from
;
Fate and Free- Will leads us as we may wish. Fate has not power
;
over all things for what we call Fate rests on a co-operation of the
;
higher powers (i.e., the Spirits of the Stars) and the elements, regulated
by God. See the Book of the Laws of the Lands," which W. Cureton
"
hi.s Prcepar. Evang. vi. 10, gives a fragment, and to which he affixes the
title Trtpi unapfjLEvrjQ. See his Hist. Eccles. iv. 30. That in its present
form it was written by Bardesanes himself is not so probable as that
one of his pupils gave this account of his doctrines in a dialogue form.
Compare Jacobi Deutsch Zeitschr. /. Chr. Wiss. u. Chr. Leb. 1856. N.
15. [JACOBI.]
THE DOCTRINE OF PROVIDENCE. 125
far down as the Moon in the region of the Moon, and of the Star-
;
5. THE THEODICY.
The doctrines of Creation and Providence are necessarily
connected with a Theodicy. In the controversy with the
Gnostics, Creation out of nothing and an all-comprehending
Providence could only be maintained by repelling the objections
which are founded on the existence of Evil. They always
asserted that a Creation out of nothing carried back the
causality of Evil to God and as to the distinction between
;
ciple of life shows itself; and thirdly, the -vj^/xo/ between the
other two, governed by the rational element, depending on
the faith of authority standing between good and bad, deter
mined by fear and hope, but who are not able to attain the
intention of perfect Truth, so, parallel to these three classes,
sunt quse transgressa sunt, cujus autem naturae quse perseverant, cedere
oportet Deo, etc. Nos super terrain, quemadrnodum et Paulus ait
(1 Cor. xiii. 9) ex parte quidem cognoscimus et ex parte prophetamus.
f Adv. Hser. iv. c. 39. Mens per utrorumque experimentum disci-
plinain boni accipiens firmior ad conservationem ejus efficitur obediens
Deo inobedientiam quidem primum respuens per poenitentiam,
:
* 4.
Ilfpi apx&v iii. c. 5,
t Ibid. 4. quod non indiscrete vel fortuito aliquo
Puto ergo
c.isu vel principatus teneant principatuin. vel ceteri ordines suum
quisque sortiatur efficium, sed pro meritis gradum dignitatis
f<uis
hujus adepti sunt, licet non sit nostrum vel scire vel quserere, qui illi
actus fuerint per quos in istum ordinem venire morucriut. Cf. ii. c. 9,
2, in Joann. t. i. 17.
K
J30 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
MARTINI, pragmatische Geschichte des Dogma von der Gotthirt Christ) in den
ersten 4 Jahrhh. Rost. 1800. B. i.
SCHLEIERMACHBR liber d. Gegensatz der Sabell. u. Athanas. Trinitatslehre,
Tbeol. Woike, b. ii.
J. A. DORNER, Entwicklungsgeschichte der Lehre von der Person Christi. 1839.
45 Abtb. i. 1, 2.
F. CH. BAUR, die christliche Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit und Menschwerdung
Gottes in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung. 1841-43. Th. i.
G. A. MEIER der Lehre von der Trinitat. Hamb. 1844. Th. i.
* P. F. Stuhr. di*3
Religionssysteme der heidnischen Volker des
Orients. 1836. Colebrooke, sur la Philosophic des Hindous, traduit de
T Anglais par Pauthier Par. 1833, 2
:
Rhode, relig Bildung, Philo
p.
sophic u. Mytholg. d. Hindus, 1827, Bohlen, d. alte Indien met be-
v.
sondrer Riicksicht auf ^Egypt, 1830. Kleuker. Zendavesta ira Kleinen.
Th. ii. Rhode, die heilige Sage u. d. Religion ssyst. d. Zendvolks. 1820.
K 3
132 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
Xoyoj to the soul of the World he calls calls him God s Vice
;
It was not difficult for those who regarded the Logos as the
medium of Kevelation, by which G-od made himself
cognizable
to pious souls ; and, on the other hand, who held the Messiah
to be the highest of God s messengers, to
suppose a particular
connexion between him and the Logos. Various manifold
ideas of spiritual appearances, and of the appearance of the
highest Intelligence, the Logos, were spread abroad. In the
fragment of an apocryphal Jewish writing before the Christian
era, the vr^offev^ luffqp* the .patriarchs of the Old Testament
are represented as incarnations of higher
spirits, and Jacob
as the d^dyyt^og, the begotten before all living, so that
first
we have here suggested us an Incarnation of the
to
Logos.
Among the modifications of the Logos doctrine which
existed among the Jews was the notion, f
according to which
the Logos w as a power which came forth from the divine
r
C. 31.
Cls> fyw $e fai TroXXoT^ lov^aiotc Kal aotyolg ye tTray-
ii.
its form, still he assumes that this doctrine was not prominent
tilllong after the apostolic age, an assumption which stands in
connexion with his view of John s Gospel. The point in
debate here is, whether the idea of Christ in the Christian
consciousness is only a necessary impress of the historical
in the Epistles
What is said in the shorter Pauline Epistles, as
and -of the Pre-existence of
to the Colossians Philippians,
to John s description of the Logos. These
Christ, corresponds
as Baur asserts; yet, apart from
Epistles are not spurious,
them there are also in the earlier Pauline Epistles, references
to that idea, as in 1 Cor. viii. 6,
which is to be understood, not
with Baur of the moral Creation, but of Creation in an
are
absolute sense 2 Cor. viii. 9, where the riches of Christ
;
of the
the production of a distinguished apostolic disciple
its rising the word
Pauline school is important, on account of
a link between -Ql and M/OC, and
e^a, so as to form
with John s
thus constitutes a natural point of connexion
But there are stages within the apostolic doctrine on
Gospel.
which the higher consciousness was gradually formed.
The
term
Looos idea furnished the Apostle John with the peculiar
what had been derived from immediate
by which to express
and had become matter of certainty to the
impressions,
Christian mind. Possibly he might have
taken this word
to designate that by
which
itself from the Greek language,
the concealed divine nature was revealed
but it is far more
;
2, p. 414.
140 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
Logos, who was with God before all creatures, and was
begotten by him in the beginning, when God
created all things
Here, therefore, the two ideas of the immanent
by him.f
God, and of the Logos hypostasized for the Creation are dis
tinguished. He calls the Logos the firstborn of God, who
hence is also God.J To markthe Emanation and to express
* 56.
Apol. i. 63. C. Try ph.
+ Apol. ii. 6. vibq iiedvov, o HQVOQ Xtyo/ztvoc KV^ UDQ vl&, o
?e
ore rf)V dpxrji> di
Xoyotj Trpo r<iv
Troi^juarwv Kai avvwv Kal ysww/itfog,
avrov tKTivt KO.I tKoa^rjffe, K.T.\.
sellor. At first God was alone, and the Logos was in him ;
the Son is in the Father, and the Father in him. The voDg and
the Xoyoj, the revelation of the vov$, are to be thought of as one.
elvai Tpirqv ijdt] rr/v Stiav eiKOva, ic.r.X. P. 700 B. Iv fit roig VOIJTOIQ,
TO Trpta&vTfpov tv ytVEffti, Trjv ci xpovov Kal avap\ov apxn v r fai
a7rap%?)v raiv ovrwv, TOV vlov, Trap ov tK^avQavtiv (sc. ro ?) lirsiceiva
a iTiov, TOV Trarspa T&V bXwv, TO 7rp<ri(7roi sr.r.X. ,
J Strom, iv. 537 C. Sta Srj KOI TO (if avrbv KOI rb Si avrov iriOTivffai>
povaSiKOv iffTt ytvtoQai, airtpiffTrdaTajg tvovyavov iv avrtji TO Si
diriffTtjaai, SurTCKTai l<rri /cat Siaffrrjvai Kai [ifpiff9iji>ai.
Qiioi yap Xfyerat fitv KOI o v tog Xoyoc, bfiuvvfjiaQ ry Trarptjey Xoyy,
aXX ov\ OVTOQ 6 ytvopfvoc ovftl fifv o iraTpyoc Xoyog, dXXa
<rd$
Svvamc Tig TOV Siov, olov diroppoia TOV Xoyov OVTOV, VOVQ ytvofitvog
Tag ruiv Kapdiag Siairnpoi-rjict. See Hagenbach, Dogmen-
dv9p(i>TT<iiV
gesch, p. 91.
Sect. 6.||
6 Xoyoc T<P
TOV Trarpyov Xoyov.
L
146 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
the life from God, the Spirits in a certain sense can be also called
Ssof. On this account he recognises some truth in Sabaeism,
respecting the homage paid to the God-allied spirits in the stars.*
When God in an absolute sense is intended, like Philo, he
prefixes the article, 6 Ssoc, but leaves it out when designating
the divinity in a derived sense (%e6$). Now, the Logos is the
medium of the Life that flows from the essence of the Father ;
one autonomous reason, the Logos, and in him the one revela
tion of God. Man, like the rest of the world of spirits, must
recognise God in his Revelation, and created beings must
perceive this communion of the consciousness of God. As
certainly as there is one Logos, there is one Truth therefore ;
* In Joann. 3.
t. ii.
t Ibid. xxxii.
t. 18. o\rjg [itv ovv olfiai TTJQ do?/c row Siov avrov
a7ravyaap,a tlvai TOV vlbv, Kara TOV tiTrovra Tlav\ov, wv airav-
"
O\T] do^ris fitptKU cnravyafffjiara ITTI rr\v \onrrjv XoyiKrjv KTiaiv OVK
oipai yap nva TO TTCLV SvvaaQai \(ii^i]<jai Trjg o\t] do%r]Q TOV Srtov
a7ravya<r^ia f;
TOV vibv avrov.
ORIGEN ON THE LOGOS. 147
j|
Ibid. t. i. 32. AXXd $iu TOVTWV irdvrwv ov
<ra0wf 17 ivyivtia
Xiytrat Trpof avrov VTTO TOV Stov, qt dd tort TO arififpov OVK tvi
yap ta-rripa Stou, tyw tt /zat, on ovSe irpwla, aXX o ffVfjnraoacTii-
ijfyof
vtuv Ty dytj j/ry Kal aitiy avrov ^wy, iv OVTUQ t nrh) xpovoe,
r/fitpa
iff Tii
avrifi orintpov, iv p ytyiin TjTai o VIOQ, dpx^C ytvtafwj; avTOV
L 2
148 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
ntroducing his own views too much into the subject under
discussion, and entering too little into the views of others.
The investigations of L. Lange are too much affected by his
Unitarianism, and those of Baur by his peculiar standpoint
in the philosophy of Religion. ||
ovffiag QdffKtiv TOV TrarpoQ ytytvvijaQai TOV vibv, olovei fisiovfiivov Kai
\ttTTovTOQ Ty ovffia, y TrpoTipov il\, TOV viov, eirdv ytvvijoy TOV vibv,
faxrti vorjaai Tig TOVTO Kai tiri TWV
syKVfjiovwv. A.KO\ov9ti fit avrolg Kai
auifia \iytiv TOV iraTSpa Kai TOV vibv, Kai diypfja9ai TOV Trarlpa, airtp
tori dojfiaTa dvOodjirttiv, p,i]S ovap tyvaiv doparov Kai dcrajjuaroi/
ovaav Kvpiwg ovcriav.
7Tf>avTaafiBV(i)v,
Ignorant
at the names of the Trinity, and accuse us
people are alarmed
of wishing to teach three Gods while they would be the wor
of one God." Origenf also observed the same offence
shippers
taken at the distinction of the Logos from God the Father. Many
who God are disturbed by believing that
profess that they
love
they speak of the Logos and
admit two when the
they Gods,
Father. Either, they say, they deny the independent existence
of the Son separate from the Father, since they confess
him as
God whom they call only by the name of Son, or they deny the
his independent existence
divinity of the Son, but acknowledge
and being as separate from the Father. Here two classes of
Monarchians are evidently to be distinguished the one ;
God of the Universe is the God of the elect, and still more
the God of the Saviour of the Elect but the Logos is perhaps ;
the God of those who refer everything to him and call him
the Father himself." The latter must be those of whom he
They know nought but Jesus
the Crucified, and think
"
says,
that they have the whole Logos in the Word made flesh.
This is the character of the multitude of believers."* These
were perhaps not the Ebionites of whom Origen speaks in the
passage where Christ heals the blind man at Jericho, although
he acknowledged only the Son of David in the Messiah.f For
of theseit could not be said that
they constituted the great
multitude of believers. Hence, also, it is thought that the
mass were intended who adopted the Patripassian theory of
one divine Being, and of the Union of the divine Logos with
the body without the human soul in Christ.
While the Logos doctrine stood in opposition to the Monar-
chian standpoint, men of higher culture, whose rational views
the Patripassian scheme did not satisfy, nor that of the other
Monarchians their religious consciousness, attempted a middle
course. According to Dr. Bauer, the Logos doctrine itself
proceeded from such an attempt at mediation, but it was least
of all suited to that, since it gave a shock to the Monotheism of
the parties as well as to the Christian Interest of the Patri
passians. These mediating ideas formed themselves in alto
gether a different manner they appeared in Beryllus, Bishop
;
Xpiorov, cat TOVTOV IffTavpwu tvov, TOV ytvo^itvov crapica Xoyov TO TTO.V
vopiffavTig tlvai TOV Xoyov, XOIUTOV Kara, oapica fiovov -yivwaKOvai
TOIOVTOV St. t(TTl TO TT\rj9oQ TWV IWTlffTtVKBvai VOfjtt^OfJ,iVii)V.
t In Matth. t. xvi. 12.
J Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vi. c. 33. Br/piAXog TOV vuTTJpa icai KVOIOV
r)p.uv Xsyetv roX/iwv fit]
icar iSiav ovaiaq 7r*piypa0?}v,
Trpb rijs tig av9pu>irov
irpov<f>t<TTa.vai
him, which are the chief source of our knowledge, are not free
from obscurity. According to these, he taught that Christ
before his appearance in Humanity was not in a self-subsistent
existence, that he had not an indwelling divinity of his own,
but only that of the Father. The first words might lead ns
to identify the doctrine of Beryllus with that of the first
Monarchians, as Baur has done, but the second clause says
too much for this class, who ascribed to Christ
only a special
illumination from God, and Eusebius, if he had not held the
doctrine of Beryllus to be different from that which was suffi
ciently well-known, would not have used so many words about
it. But the passage quoted above, from Origen s Commentary
on the Epistle to Titus, is also to be taken into account.
Origen speaks there of two classes of Monarchians ; and since
one class is that of the Patripassians, it might be supposed that
the other is similar to the Monarchians of the first class. But
this is clearly not necessary since it cannot be maintained that
* Contra
Cels. viii. 12.
f* Ibid. ct Se rig tK TOVTWV TrepiffiraffOriyeTai, ftrj Trrj av
irpoQ TOVQ avaioovvTaq dvo tlvai inrooTaatiQ, irar tpa Kal v\bv
aa.T(t>
T(ft T]V $t irdvTtttv TUIV iriffTtvffdvTutv 17 KapSia ical T;
Stuprjay TO
"Iva
yu KCU 6 Trarrjp iv tfffitv. QptjffKtvofJifv ovv rov
Trartpa rr/f aXrjOiiac, KO.I rov vibv rr\v a\T)Qtiav,ovra Svo Ty viroaraati
rrpdyfiara, tv Ty t)^ovoi(j., jcai ry ovutyuviq., Kat Ty TavrorrjTi TOV
<$i
/3on\?7/Ltarof wg TOV twpaKora TOV viov ovra cnravya&fix TTJQ $6i;f icai
roii 3 tou,
XapaKTTJpa TIJQ twpaKtvai iv airy, UVTI tinzovi
i>7ro<rrd<Ttwff
IIAdv. Praxeam. c. 5.
IREN^EUS AND TERTULLIAN. 155
nated from it. When it was objected to him, that this led to
a Monarchian view since the Speech of Man is nothing real
and distinct from Man himself, he rejoined, that what is abso
lutely nothing can never come from God,
but only something
real, and thus by sermo we must understand something real.*
that even in
Against the objections of the Patripassians
the Old Testament the doctrine of the Unity of God is so
is had
sharply expressed, Tertullian rejoins, that there regard
to the opposition against those who admit other gods besides the
euim et ipae, qua) facta sunt per ilium. C. 8. Sermo autem spiritu
structua est, et, ut ita dicam servionis corpus est spiritus.
f Ibid. c. 9. Pater enim tota substantia est filius vero derivatio
;
ytyov6ra varepov (suppl. St) liri TOV flair Tifffiarog ITTI T$ lopddvy
t
*
Gieseler, in his History of Dogmas, edited by Dr. Redepenning :
describes the occurrences while fresh in his memory, and does not
once mention the Artemonites.
It is quite different as to the doctrine of the Logos. The representa
tion of the SIOQ Xoyog who was in Christ might have been taken, in
relation to the Father, sometimes in an identifying, sometimes in a
subordinative existence, and if the differences were at first held without
being precisely defined, the Patripassians might be disposed to be
connected with those who subordinated the Logos, but yet always
allowed God to be in Christ. If in the ideas of an individual, Irenseus,
expressions favourable to the subordination theory could alternate
with others Avhich were almost Patripassian, how much more easily
might the opinions of a whole church include such varieties without
open controversy and so much the more since even the Monarchian
;
views could admit, and actually had admitted, the use of the designa
tion Xoyoc and no trace is in existence that this class of Monarchians
;
had rejected the Gospel of John, but proofs of the contrary exist. Also
the common opposition against the Ebionitish Monarchians united
both tendencies, no doubt, for some time. But gradually the differ
ences, reciprocally determining themselves, came forth more decidedly
marked, and the time when Patripassianism gained the outward
ascendancy in the Eomish church, during the rule of Zephyrinus and
Callistus, appears to have been the chief epoch of the conflict against
the subordination view of the Logos doctrine. It appeared to Callistus,
as he maintained against Hippolytus, to lead to the admission of
two Gods (SiQtoi iffri). (Compare Tertullian Adv. Prax. 3.) Since the
idea of the Logos was familiar on both sides, to the party of Callistus as
well as that of Hippolytus, we may venture to conclude more confidently
that it had long been current in the church. The Dogma of Callistus
gave an exclusive form to the fundamental view of the unity which was
most prevalent in the West Hippolytus was perhaps influenced by
;
also had been at Rome, and though young, probably not uuinfluential,
as he was early developed. This might be one of the reasons which
afterwards induced the Roman Church to take the side of her bishop
against him. In the time of Zephyrinus, Sabellius also was at Rome;
at first he was on friendly terms with Callistus, since their doctrines
were not altogether dissimilar. But it seems they fell out, as their
differences were developed, and Sabellius was excommunicated. So
that at that time the subordination doctrine, the Dogma of Homousion
only in a one-sided and crude form, and Sabellianism, stood in opposi
tion to one another a conflict which formed a very notable preparation
;
[JACOBI.]
t Adv. Hser. 9.
iiiAlii vero ut donum spiritus frustrentur
11,
quod tcmporibus secundum placitum patris effusum esi;
in novissimis
in humanum genus, illam speciem non admittunt, quae est secundum
Joannis evangelium, in qua Paracleturn se missurum Dominus promisit :
A.iyov<Ti ydp OVTWQ iva Kai TOV O.VTOV $tbv tivai TrdvTiav Srj^iiovpybv
icai TrctTspa, ivSoKYftravTa Si Tri$r]vkvai (Mill, for iretyrjicivai) TOIQ
apX^Qtv SiKa ioig ovra aoparov. "Ore
fiiv yap ov\ oparat, r/v aoparoc,
a%<i)pr]TO dt, ore JUT) xtoptlaOai, SreXti, ^taprjTOQ Si ore %apeirai. Owrwf
Kara TOV avrbv \6yov a.Kpa.TT)TOQ Kai KparrjroQ (cod. for Kai Kpar.
a/cpar)ro(;), dyBvrjrog, aQa.va.TOQ
Kai SVIJTOQ. "On de Kai TOV avTov
viov dvai \tyti (soil. 6 Sicoreivog, i. e. No^rot;) Kai Trarspa ovottg
ayvoil. Aiyti Si ourwf ore fiiv ovv firj ytytvrjTO 6 iraTrjp, diKaiu)
7rar?)p TrpocTjyopevro* ore Se rjvdoKrjae ysveffiv virofjielvai, ytvvt]9tig o
vlog tytvtTO UVTOQ tavTOV, oy% tTfpov OVTWQ yap ^o/cei fiovapxiav
avviffTav (avat) ev Kai TO avTo QctffKwv VTrap\tiv TraTtpa Kai viov,
Ka\ovfj,evov ov% sripov s? erspov, a\\ iavTov 14 taVTOv, ovofiaTi \ikv
iraripa Kai V LOV KaXovptvov Kara. %povd)v TpOTrrjv, sva Si dvai ai)TOv
TOV QavivTa, Kai ykviaiv KK TrapOivov vTropeivavTa, Kai EV av9puTTOig
BpwTrov avaaTpatykvTa, vlbv p-iv kavTov TO"IQ opuxriv oftoXoyovvTa Sid
JVytvon tvr}v jrarkpa Si tivai Kai Tolg xwpovcrtv fj,rj diroKpv-
ysvtffiv,
avra.. TOVTOV TrdBei ZvXov KOoairaykvTa Kai tavTtfi TO irvtvfia
&vTa, cnroSavovTa Kai fjit} d-jroOavovTa, Kai iavrbv Ty rptry
dvavTrjaavTa TOV tv jiyifftfiy Ta<psvTa Kai Xoyxy TpwOivTa, Kai
Kara Trays j/ra, TOVTOV TOV oXtiv Stbv Kai ?rarepa etvai Xsyti
TU>V
Stove, TraTSpa KOI vibv, a\\ sva b yap kv ytvopfvoQ rcarf/p avT<
dvvaaQai tlvai dvo Kai OVTWQ TOV Traripa avuTrtirovQkvai T(f ov vi<$,
ydp $i\tt \tyeiv TOV iraTtpa irtirovd tvai. In the last sentence there
is
TOVTOV b XoyoQ povog iZ avTOV, Sib Kai Stbg, ovaia vTrdpxwv Stov b Sf
ovPtvbg, dio ov 5oc. Ttt dt TTOVTU SioiKti b Xoyog b Stov, b
essence, the will of the one is also in the other hence the two ;
* Athanas. Orat.
4, contra Arian. 13.
According to :
Paul s words, there are many gifts but only one Spirit, so we
may also say, The Monad developes itself into a Triad in the
Son and Spirit, and yet there is only one essence in three
different relations,"* It is an ontological Trinity, but
<not
order that we might be created, the Logos came out from God,
and because the Logos came out from God, we exist. Here
the question is whether
he speaks of the new creation of
under
Redemption or of the Creation of Nature. Athanasius
stands it in the latter sense, and rightly. The most natural
the Father is
meaning is the outcoming of the Logos from
the necessary instrumentality for the existence of rational
creatures. Like Philo, he regards the reason of Man as a
If God had not come forth by his
copy of the divine Logos.
reason, outwardly active, rational creatures could not have
existed. This agrees with what Sabellius says, that God "
Logos, nor both together were so called, but in the beginning the
Logos was only for himself, but when he became man in that act
he became a Son.* Without doubt, Sabellius had similar views
to those of Beryllus, of the Person of Christ. He also
regarded
the Logos in his original form, not as a hypostasis, but as a
Power of God. He was first hypostasized in Christ. The
whole God-man personality of Christ is nothing else than the
irradiation of the power of the Logos in the body. Thus a
personality originated of which the personifying principle is
the hypostasized Logos. But in this Sabellius differs from
Beryllus, that he regarded the hypostasized existence of the
Logos not as eternal, and, therefore, admitted that the person
ality of Christ would be transitory the Logos would at last ;
wv TrpoTipov ffdp, ovrwg o \6ypc vib yiyovs, OVK &v irporepov vlo.
f Hacr. 62. YiipfyQivTa TOV vlov Kaipy Trort, wtrirtp ctKriva ical
ipyaaafjitvov TO. iravra tv KOO^ TCI rfjg oucovo/w/af r^c i>ayyiXi/ci/<;
T<J>
Kai awrrjpiag TUJV avQpwiriov, avaXrjtyOevTa. dt avQiq tiq ovpavbv virb <*
T/Xi ov irip.\f>9tt(rav
aicri va, cat -jrdXiv fi c TOV ij\iov avaSpap.ovffav. Thus
also J3aur, p. 226, and Gieeeler, K. Gesch. i. p. 300.
168 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
about
Synods had been held respecting them, he was deposed
the year 272. He belonged to the first class of Monarchians,
and insisted afresh on the distinction between the Xoyoj
; and Topo/xoj. The Logos, as he taught, was the
* See the
Fragments in Athanasius, De Scntentid Dyonysii.
t See the Fragments of his work, in Athanasius, De Decretis Synodi
Nicence.
J K\iyxt Kai airoXnyla, a letter to Dionysius of Rome. Fragments
in Athauasius, De Sententid Dyonisii.
Euseb. Hist. Scales, vii.2730. Mansi, Coll. Cone. i. p. 1033, sq.,
especially Epistol. Episcopar. ad Paul.
v. 393. Epiphan. h. 65. A.
Maji, Nov. Collect, vii. 1, p. 68, 299, sq. Fragments in Leont. Byz.
Contr. Nestor, et Eutych. iii. in J. G. Ehrlich, Dissertatio de Errorib.
Pauli Samos : Lipz. 1745, 4, p. 23. G. Fuerlin, De Hares. Pauli
Samos : Gottg. 1741, 4. J. B. Schwab, De Pauli Samos, vita atq. Docir. :
Herbip. 1839.
170 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
further for the distinction of the Logos and God the Father,
according to their essence, and so for the srtgoua-iot,,
while in
the Western Church the idea ot Subordination was constantly
supplanted by that of Unity.*
7. THE DOCTRINE OF THE HOLY SPIRIT.
KEIL, Obdie altesten Lehrer einen Unterschied Zwischen Sohn und Geist
gekannt? in Flatt s Magazin fur christliche Dogmata und Moral, iv. 34.
K. A. KAHNIS, Die Lehre vom heiligen Geist Halle, 1847- :
bumau body God suffered for us. In truth the Father was crucified ;
but they are mistaken who suppose that God had intended to make
this known beforehand by the Prophecies it rather lay in the plan of
;
Redemption to keep this secret from the Devil, and to conquer death
by the Resurrection on this account he took the name of Son.
;
Apol. i. 6. aXX IKEIVOV Tf. (sc. rbv Trartpa) Kai TOV Trap avrov
v tbv iXOovTa Kai Ci$aZ,avTa ripag Tavra, Kai TOV TMV dX\wv
leal i^ofioiovfA(v(t)v aya0u>j> ayyfXaiv orparbv, Trvfvpd re TO
THEOPHILUS AND ATHENAGORAS. 173
the Logos and Sophia, he refers the passages in the Old Tes
tament in which Sophia is mentioned to the Holy Spirit, and
hence says that the Holy Spirit emanated jointly with the
Logos. He is the first Christian writer in whom the term
||
Triad occurs.^"
ATHENAGORAS illustrates the Spirit by the image of a ray
issuing from the Sun, which might lead us to suppose that he
ascribed no personality to him. But this comparison has
been used for the emanation of personal Spirits. At ail
events, he thought alike in this respect of the Holy Spirit and
of the Logos. However strong his expressions on the Unity
of the divine essence, he yet admits a division in it,
5/a/getfe/c
and a certain order in that division which includes a Subordi-
* Dial. c.
Tryph. 116, p. 344. 6 JyyeXog TOV Stov, TOVT tffTiv 17
dvvani TOU Stou jj TrefJityOtiaa r
lfilv Sid Lrjaov XpioroD tTrm/ip avrqi
(sc. rift Siao\({>) icai a0/<rrarai
a> r
tfjiuiv.
t Justin der Martyrer, ii. 305. Compare Mb hler, TheoL Quartahchr.
1833, 1.
J Apol. i. 13. viov avTov TOV OVTU) $eoi> iv 8tVTtp<f. x^PQ *X ovr C
jrvivfid re TrpoipririKov iv rpfry raei, on p.trd \6yov rt/jw/uv, diroSti^ofjifv.
The Jewish Augelology might form a transition to this. The
Jewish-Christian sect of the Eikesaites, who at the beginning of the
third century spread themselves from Asia to Rome, asserted that
they had received the contents of their sacred books by the revelation
of an Angel tlvat dk avv avry KO.I $rj\tiav, // rd fAtrpa Kara rd
;
jrpo(ipr]i.itva tivai Xey, Kal TOV piv dpffeva v tuv tlvai TOV Stov, TIJV 8k
$ri\tiav KCiXtfrrOai fiyiov TrvfT /xa. Hippol. t\tyYO 9, 13 p 292
||
Ad Autolyc. 10. Cf. i. 7.
ruTroi tioi Trie rpia^og, TOV Siov icai TOV \6yov avrov Kal ri)f
aotyiae
174 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
* 19.
Ilptffg. c.
"t
Strom, vi. p. 681 A. ivvarov $e .TO fiy^ioviKov TTJQ
TIKOV
J Strom, v. p. 591. The books Trepi irpoQrjTtiaQ and irtpi
In Joann. ii. Oi/xat Sk TO ciyiov irvevfjia TTJV, tV
6.
vXrjv TUIV cnrb xapi<T/xdra>v 7rapi\tiv TOIQ Si avTo Kai Trjv ^itTO^riv avTov
ayioiq, Trjg tlprjiJievtjg vXtjg TMV %api(r/iarw^ svepyovfisvijQ
%p77juanou(m>
fitv airb TOV Seov SiaKovovfj.ivt]g 5e VTTO TOV Xpicrrov, i^eoTwff^f ds
Kara TO tiyiov Trvev^a.
II
De Princip. p. 6, ed. Redep. -"On 6 \ikv 10$ icai 7rarj)p avvk\(v
TO. TrdvTct
tyQavti eic, EKCLGTOV OVTWV, lUTadiSovQ cfcaorw airb TOV idiov
TU>V
TO tlvai Siv yap HffTiV i\a.TTU)v Si Trapd TOV iraTepa 6 uioc tyQavtav STTI
fiova TO, \oyiKa dtvTepog yap iffTi TOV iraTpoQ in 8k T\TTOV TO
TO liyiov t7rl (jiovovg TOVQ uyiov dliKVOvfjifvov wore Kara TOVTO fji
IREN^EUS, TERTULLIAN, AND NOVATIAN. 175
TOV irarpbc; iraoa TOV v ibv KOI TO Trvtvpa TO ayiov Kai ird\iv
/taXXov TOV dy iov TrvtvpctTOQ r/ SvvafiiQ Trapd ra aXXa ayia.
* Adv. Hser. iv. Adest enim ei semper Verbum et Sapientia,
20, 1.
Filius et Spiritus, per quos et in quibus omnis libere et sponte fecit, ad
quos et loquitur, dicens faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitu-
:
TOV Stov TriifffJiovr) fikaia KO.I tig TO irvtvpa TOV Seov TO rag oiKovofiiag
Trarpoc Tt Kai viov ffKijvo^arovv Ka9 tKdaTqv yivedv iv rolQ dv9p(tt7rot,,
Ka0wc fiovXtrai b ?rar^p.
Adv. Prax.
||
viii. Tertiua enim est spiritus a Deo et filio, sicut
tertius a radice fructus ex frutice, et tertius a fonte, rivus ex flumine,
et tertius a sole apex ex radio. Nihil tamen a matrice alienatur, a qua
proprietatea suas ducit.
176 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
spirit,
but the same who acted in the Prophets. Proving by
this the divinity of Christ, he adds, Christ is God over all,
and appears to include the Holy Spirit.* Dionysius of Rome,
in opposition to the Alexandrian Subordination ism, expresses
the Unity in the most decided terms as the Logos is united
;
mankind arise and pass away, and that the higher culture is
communicated by the remains of decayed nations, a perpetual
revolution without any ultimate aim. The Christian view in
opposition to this, was defined in its leading tendencies. The
tradition in Genesis was distinguished from all others by
giving
what was practical and important for the religious conscious
ness with the utmost simplicity and depth. But the Jewish
theologians had already taken a different view of it; some
literally,and therefore paltry and sensuous others allegorically,
;
bility for the higher Christian life only the Pneumatici were ;
Ages, of siKUiv and opoiwfftg TOV 3soD, the former denoting the
likeness to God in the natural constitution of man ;
the latter,
the realization of that constitution in its matured and developed
state. It is the first germ of the later important distinction
between the dona naturalia and supernaturalia in the original
state of Man. The Church Teachers used to regard the Image
ofGod as comprehending all the intellectual and moral powers
ofMan, Reason, and Free Will, but to which communion with
God must be added, in order to bring forward the likeness by
which Man is raised above his natural limits. Many reckoned
the body as belonging to the image of God, founded on the
idea, that the peculiar human stamp and impress
of the divine
life must be also represented in a bodily organism.* But this
caro, sermo, quod et terra tuuc. Sic enim prsefatio patris ad filiurn ;
the soul was allied to God, but asserted that the soul
was
transitory and could only be restored to life by a
naturally
divine miracle. It agrees with this, that he taught that the
wicked will be dissolved in the uXj.* However disposed Ter-
his deep religious
tullian might be to sensuous representations,
consciousness of the divine constitution of the Soul kept him
back from Materialism. He wrote a work entitled De censu
and ex
anima, which has been lost, but of which fragments
tracts are to be found in his treatise De animd. In this book.f
and in one controversial writing against Hermogenes, he
teaches the natural immortality of the Soul. Among other
proofs of it, he
reckons its uninterrupted activity which is
Hera-
continued even in dreams. Origen maintained against
that it is a contradiction for a being naturally mortal to
cleou,
be changed into one that is immortal. He reckons the a<p&agrov
allied to God.J In
among the marks of a spiritual nature,
later years he was called from Csesarea to a synod
in Arabia
strongest terms. But such was not the case, at least to the
be expected we rather find it among those
degree that might ;
preceding thought,
that man was created to rule all things. For since
184 THE HISTORY OV CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
qui enim quod est sine initio habet, non iustitutione est ; habet illud,
sed natura. Homo autem qui totus ex institutione non natura
est,
in bonum despositus est, sed institutione, non suum habens bonum
esse, quia non natura in bonum dispositus est, sed institutione, secun-
dum institutorem bonum, scilicet bonorum conditorem. Ut ergo
bonum jam suum haberet homo, emancipatum sibi a Deo et furet
proprietas jam boni in homine et quodammodo natura de institutione
adscripta st illi potestas arbitrii quae efficeret bonum, ut proprium
jam sponte praestari ab homine, &c.
t De Anima, c. 41 ; c. 22.
TERTULLIAN S VIEWS OF THE FALL. 185
tree cannot bring forth good fruit," therefore, good can only
proceed from a good nature he rejoined, the bad tree will
;
bring forth good fruit if it be grafted, and the good tree will
bring forth bad fruit if it be not grafted. The corrupt nature
of man can be purified, but even a good constitution requires
fostering. This is effected by the power of grace, which is
more powerful than nature, and to which the free will is sub
ject. Whither this turns itself, thither the whole human
nature turns.* He wished to prove that there is no irresisti
ble opposition in human nature to Christ. His words might
appear to speak of a grace attracting the will irresistibly for ;
divine grace alone can impart it, which gives to every one as
it seems good. Here he certainly speaks of an unconditional
divine operation, but not in reference to morality in general,
but only in reference to certain particular charismata, and
hence in other cases, we must suppose grace to be connected
with Free Will. Tertullian s Montanism was also not without
it was the to set forth
its effect ; peculiarity of this tendency
the unconditional operation of the divine Spirit, the almighty
power of God, and the passivity of man. Only this principle
was maintained by him, not generally, but in reference to
of the Prophets.
particular cases, such as the Inspiration
But certainly such were his principles, that Tertullian, of all
the Church Fathers of this period, asserted the power of
grace in the most unconditional terms.
CYPRIAN, writing in the name of an African Council, calls
original Sin a contaaio mortis antiquce.^ He distinguishes
between the evil implanted by Nature and that which has
taken root by the lapse of Time. No one is pure from the
stain of Sin, but freedom to believe and not to believe lies in
the will of Man.J
LACTANTIUS considers the condition of Man in Paradise
as the childhood of an innocence not yet arrived at the know
ledge of good and evil. According to the relative Dualism
which be found in him, and which makes the opposition
is to
of Good and Evil necessary for the development of the Uni
sin but adds, that every man is evil through his own will.
;
had not departed from his union with God, he would have
attained to a condition exalted above all Sin. By the firs,,
sin Evil gained power over him, but yet a reaction
against it
remained in him, and it is his own fault if he allow himself
to be carried away by Evil.* Against the heathen f he
developes this doctrine without reference to Genesis; he
rather proceeds on universal human experience, and draws a
contrast between the higher life of Christians and a life on
mere natural impulses. follows the blind impulse of his Man
nature without the consciousness of his higher destiny as the
child of necessity and ignorance, until he is enlightened
by
Christianity and attains to a morally free and conscious life.
TATIAN sets out from the general antagonism between -^wyjn
and Tvsu/Aa. The ^vfcn is by nature transitory, and attains
to a higher life only by its connexion with the cri/su^a. Since
man has estranged himself by sin from communion with God,
he is no longer exalted above the rest of the Creation, the Soul
has lost the higher life, and he is distinguished from the
beasts only by the faculty of speech. Yet the Soul has a
spark of the Divine left, and can turn again to God by its free
will, can attain to Christianity and to a share in the cmu/Aa.
The admission of this reaction against Evil is an incon
sequence, but the undeniability of the fact determines him,
and he places the free decision of Man exactly in this reaction,
according to which he embraces the faith or not.J
* Dial. c.
Tryph. c. 88. virlp rov y tvovs
dvBpuirtav, o cnrb TOV TU>V
Strom, iii.
p. 468.
Ibid. iii. p. 453. ^uffticy de dvdyiry Stiag oiKOfilaQ yevs
Kai ffvvodip ^v^ijg Kai awjJiaTos r) TOVTCJV didXvGig aKoXovOtl.
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 189
passage, f he asks,
who has done nothing, can fall
how a child
under Adam s We
observe a certain influence of the
curse.
Neo-Platonic doctrine of the origin of Evil in matter, which
oppresses the Reason and produces
an ignorance of good, when
Clement says, The cause of evil is the weakness of matter, the
irrational propensities of ignorance, the necessity which lies
in unreason and ignorance. J Notwithstanding the dominion
of sensuality, he maintains the free self determination of Man,
which makes resistance to it in the higher part of his nature,
and which must be strenuously retained as a condition of all
divine influence. In disputing against the Gnostics, he
combats the arguments which were at a later period brought
forward, for the doctrine of absolute Predestination, and which
led to arbitrary interpretations of the Bible. urges that if He
Man only followed a necessity of Nature, there would be no such
thing as criminal unbelief or righteous condemnation.
The
were not chosen on account of any peculiar natural pre
Apostles
eminence, as the presence of Judas among them shows; their
election was only an act arising from the Divine prescience
of their conduct. Paul s question (1 Cor. 1. 20),
||
Hath "
not God made foolish the wisdom of this world appeared to ?"
rjSovij iiri yaartpa (pTrovcra, Kaxia yrfirrj, tig vXng Tftt^of^vtf 7rapr/y*ro
o Si
liriOv/jitiaiz 6 iraiq avSoi^ofifvoQ aireiQiiq aTrXorijra
dv9pu)7ro(; a/iaprfac evptflq
t Strom, iii. p 468. J Ibid. vii. p. 707.
sense ;
Paradise is a symbol of that heavenly region from
* Strom, 89. Ibid. v. p. 518. Ibid. v. 21.
i. c. 18, f
t
^ ^
J
In Matth. t. xv. 23. Ta%a fit /cat Kara (lev TTJV yivtaiv ovfitig
tern Ka9apbg cnrb OVTTOV, ovff ti f.ila r)/ispa ttrj r] ZHJIJ avrov, Sia TO Trtpi
TIJQ yivictwq y TO virb TOV Aa6<$ iv irtvTr]KOffT<^ Trp
[ivffTriQiov, ttj)
t\tyfjiivov t lcaarog
TTCLVTWV t iQ ykvioiv l\r\\vQoTit)v Xyoi, t
ore iv avofiiaig ffvvtXrityOtjv, xai iv a/iapriaic ftciffffrjce p
which Souls have fallen. The coats of skins denote the bodies
which form the prison of Souls." He refers also to the
estrangement from the divine life, when
Satan is called a
murderer,* not because he has inflicted death on any parti
cular person, but because he has been the agent in the fall of
the whole race. He opposed the doctrine of Pre-existence to
Trad ucian ism, which was too sensuous for him, and on this
point felt himself at liberty to indulge in speculation, because
Holy Writ and the Church doctrine had determined nothing
positive upon it.f From the passages we have quoted, it
appears that the universal sinfulness of
man and the need of
Redemption occupied their proper place in his mind, though
somewhat differently expressed from the current mode. Hence
he says,* As no man is pure, righteous, and without sin, so
no one is always pure from evil spirits ;
perhaps many would
give as examples to the contrary, the Patriarchs, Prophets,
and Apostles, as those who could say like Christ, I have not
"
tya>
iravriq yap
"
i
lpaprov Kal vartpovvrat rr) ^o^jjc T v S foD Kal a\T]9i TO oi>K
u OVK
ovdtic Ka9apb<; airb pvirov" ovdl rtfocuprj/iEVWf ilprjTai TO
"
f<m
We perceive therefore,
as the collective result, that a disturb
ance in human nature owing to which it needed Redemption and
of Redemption, were main
Regeneration, and a susceptibility
tained by all the Church teachers. Nor is the doctrine of Free
Will carried to the length of self-sufficiency, nor the doctrine
of human depravity to the exclusion of free self-consciousness
and a point of connexion for Redemption. This is character
istic of the Period; yet in Tertullian and Clement two
observed in the one, the
diverging tendencies may be
:
tus.* For although this history was not written with a polemical
design against Christianity, yet the decoration of the life of
Apollonius proceeded from the necessity of investing the
sinking cause of heathenism with fresh splendour. Neo-
Platonism could indeed allow some individuals to be organs of
divine Revelations and thus admit of an Eclectic attachment
to Christ as a teacher of Philosophy among others but the
:
* The
Cbristology of Basilides, according to the representation of
Hippolytus, is somewhat differently constructed from the view taken
of it by Neander. The Person of Christ was formed from the com
position of mundane and supermundane elements, in order that
Redemption might be co-extensive with the order of the universe.
The powers of the highest children of God, guided by the Holy Spirit,
the TTvtvfjia diaicovovv, and further mediated by the pneumatic sous of
the Archon, operate downwards through heaven, and become known to
the Archon nearest the earth as the Gospel, and alight on the Virgin
whose Son Christ is. Hence what took place at his baptism had not
for him the same importance as if he had been a man like other men,
p. 241. KarfjXOtv cnro Ttjg iSo[j.dSog TO 0w TO KdTfXQbv cnrb riig
byftoddoQ av(aQtv, viijj rjj
r<>
tcopddo<;,
tTTi TOV Iijaovv TOV vlbv T?IQ
0u>ri
the contemplation of the life of Christ that some knew not how
to reconcile it with the sensuous and the human, and regarded
it as an optical illusion. This was seen especially in Marcion,
a man in whom the contrariety between speculative thinking
and the Christian consciousness was remarkably visible, and
which was quite characteristic of this age. He was deeply
imbued with* faith in the Historical Christ yet though the
;
*
Hermogenes taught the birth, sufferings, and resurrection of
Christ according to the Evangelists. To the body he ascribed, at l^ast
after the resurrection, a finer materialism. But this could not be
taken into heaven, but was left behind in the sun by Christ at the
ascension. The proof of this he found in Ps. xviii. 6, Iv T<
r/
the Beautiful.
dum illos seduxit, ut videretur iis ipse hoc quod non erat, et nos
eeducit, adhortans perferre ea, quac ipsa non pertulit. Erimus autem si
supra magistrum, dum petimur et sustinemus, qua? neque passus est
neque sustinuit magister.
t Ibid. iii. 19, 3. yap fjv avQfxairoq, iva TrupaaQy
"QffTrep
even unto death," and to the tears shed at the grave of Lazarus.
Although a characteristic of a human soul is here presented,
yet Irenseus marks as a sign of ffag% taken from the earth.
it
*
Hippolytus speaks in his f\(yxog of the likeness of the human
nature of Christ to our own, but yet only under an ethical point of
view. He represents it as consisting in the body ; TOVTOV (scil. rov
Aoyor) tyvufitv IK TrapO tvov trw/za avti A^ora Kai TOV iraXaibv
avOpio-rrov $ia tcaivijc 7rXd<TW
Tre^oprjKora, iv fity Sid -rraffrjQ yXiKtas
i\T)\v9oTa, iva -jraay f/Xuci^t airof yevr]9y, KCII (TKOTTOV TOV ISiov
vo/j,o<;
Atqui nihil putem a Deo subitum quia nihil a Deo non dispositum.
Adv. Prax. 27. Videmus duplicem statum, non confusum Bed
conjunctum in una persona, Deum et hominem Jesum. De Christo
autem dissero. Et adeo salva est utriusque proprietas substantise, ut et
spiritus res suas egerit in illo, id est virtutes et opera et eigna, et caro
passiones suas functa sit, esuriens sub diabolo, sitiens sub Samaritide,
flensLazarum, anxia usque ad mortem, denique et mortua est.
Quodsi tertium quid esset, ex utroque confusum, ut electrum, non tarn
diatincta documenta parerent utriusque subatantiae.
200 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
adds,
on account of its awkward position at the end of the sentence.
The position of the Logos between body and soul is also odd,
*
Adv. Prax. c. 30. Sed hsec vox carnia et animse, id est hominis,
non serai onis nee spiritus, id est non Dei.
t Cf. De Carne Christi, 12 ; De Anima, 12. Nos autem animum ita
dicimus animse concretum, non ut substantia aliam, sed ut substantiee
officium.
10. MeyaXtiortpa }itv ovv iraffrjg avOpwirtiov
QaiveTcti TO, rjfjieTepa did. TO Xoyucov TO o\ov rbv QavkvTa
Xpicrrov yiyovtvai, KCU <7wjua /cai \6yov Kai
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 201
Christ therefore felt and acted as man, but not that he shared
the wants or desires of human nature, a view similar to that
of Valentine that Christ performed what was sensuous in a
{ Ibid. vi. p. 649. aXX ITTI [itv TOV SutTrjpog TO aUJfici arrairtiv O>Q
spirits tobe originally all equal and that all differences among
them, all moral pre-eminence and divine communications are
founded on free will, so he also maintained of the soul of
Christ, that it attained to this close connexion with the Logos
not according to an arbitrary divine determination nor by any
but owed it to its love to him and the
pre-eminence of Nature,
constant tendency of its free will towards God. He applied
ava\awv b aQavaroq Sfbg Xoyof SoKti T<J> KtXery a\\aTTf<r9ai Kai
ai. pavQavirui, on 6 Xoyog ry ovaig, pivuv Xoyog, ovdtv
7rs?x TO <ru>pa 77 r/
204 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
with ^v^sffdai, ^v^pog) when the soul was connected with the
body, and incorporated with the world. The mievpa of man is
not affected by evil, but where the -^w/j] and its worldly
tendency predominates, the consciousness of God is repressed
and the cmtyza is hindered from acting. If in holy men doing
and suffering proceed from the ^y^af which operates through
the lower powers, this is in the highest sense the case with
Christ. The point of distinction in Him is, that by the
assumption of human nature everything else is determined
by the TvgtJ/aa. Since the existence of the -vj/u%^ in Christ
appears not to have been brought about by
a fall, so the
connexion with it is to be considered as an act of condescension
on the part of the fl-vsD/aa, which thus made an entrance into
humanity possible, Origen regards Christ s body as one strictlv
*
npi dpxwv, ii. 6, 3. Unde et merito pro eo vel quod tota eseet
in Filio Dei, vel totum in se caperet Filium Dei, etiam ipsa cum ea,
quam assurnerat carne, Dei Filius et Dei virtus, Christus et Dei Sapientia
appellatur. In Matth. xix. 5, p. 187, ed. Lommatzsch. f) yap voijrr)
ava&aaiq iKtivi\Q rr\q tyvXWG inrepiriin|fllfe6 Kal TrdvraQ TOV^ ovpavovg
Kal, tffTiv dirtiv r/5r/ e00a<re irpoq avrbv rbv Stov.
o>c
could rise with him, and for them illuminated the whole Old
Testament. J On account of this quality many did not know him,
as Judas was obliged to give a sign to those who were sent to
apprehend him. Here then is an approach to Docetism.
Christ s body by its connexion with the divine nature after
the Resurrection was spiritualized and acquired ethereal and
divine properties. Origen was the first to assert the Ubiquity
of the glorified Christ.
The doctrine of a rational soul in Christ
was not developed
by any one so clearly as by Origen, not even by Tertullian.
It was introduced on the occasion of the dispute with Beryllus
of Bostra, in the Monarchian controversy. Origen maintained
the distinction of the different parts of the person of Christ,
in opposition to those, who under the pretence of glorify-
Tf/V $Vfftl TQtTTTTjV Kai dXXoiOir/} Kttl flf TCCLVTO. O. fiovXtTUl 6 SrjfllOVO-
J>,
yoQ vXrjv fJ.tTaXr]Tt}v } cat TrdarjQ Troiorqrot;, i}v o Tf%v iTT] fiovXtrai,
dtKTlKtjV OTl fitV t\tlV TTOlOTIJTCt, KO.6 T]V XkftTdl TO OVK tl "
the one hand, the different parts of the Person of Christ, the
distinction of the Divine and the Human and, on the other ;
in ihrer geschicht-
Salzb. 1833. F. Ch. Baur, d. Christ. Lehre v. d. Versohnung
lichen Entwicklung v d. altesten Zeit bis auf die neustre Tub.
1838.:
ti
T^fiaprtv plv, o/ioiog ! f/v rf Trda-^ovTi vrjTriy a^odportpov
fiivToi
icCufoaiO TOV Xoyov, iput dvQpwjrov, OVTIV dv ovofidoyQ, dvdpwTrov
tlvai, diicaiov (5e TOV Stov KaQapbg yap ovdtig uiOTrfp link Tig drrb
pvTTOV dXXd TIJJ BaffiXiidij ii viroBtaiq 7rpoajuapr//(ra(Taf ^//(Ti TIJV
\lsv%f)v iv trtpy KoXaatv inro^ivtiv ivTavQa TI}V fiiv IK\IKTI)V
J3i<{i,Tr}v
had sinned, but even here he could not reconcile suffering with
absolute sinlessness and rejoined that as all men brought with
them the apagrqrMov from a former state, so in Christ there
must have been a predisposition for sin to which the suffering
stood in relation. The separation of the divine and the human
was rendered more decided by this idealistic tendency till it
went to the length of denying and dispersing the historical
Christ. The Pseudobasilidians went beyond their master in
this tendency, and said that they who professed Jesus the
crucified were no Christians but remained in Judaism they ;
Kai aTTOKciTdaraffiG rtir avyKtyvfjiiviov tig TO. oucela. JYijq ovv QvXoxpt-
vr]atu)Q cnrapxr) yeyovev 6 Irjffov^, Kai TO irdQoQ OVK
dXXov TIVOQ %dptv
.
[JACOBI.]
MARCION. 209
* Dial.
t
Tryph. 72, p. 246, ed. Otto.
c.
EpvfiffOri ft /cvptog 6 $ 6 C
a.7ro T(JJV vtKpwv avrov ruv
I<rpa/}\ KtKOfirj^tviav tig yfjv ^aJ/mrof, icac
KaT&r) Trpof avToiiQ dvayyfXiffaa&cu avrolQ TO atariipiov avrov. See
OTTO on the passage.
P
210 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
tion to them." Irenseus who quotes the words with the clause
slightly varied,
"
nor the other. The meaning hardly can refer to the appear
ance of the Messiah on earth, but rather to his descent to the
lower world. In attributing this agency to Christ, it was
commonly supposed that the pious under the Old Testament
dispensation were thereby redeemed and admitted to Heaven.
In the Apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus it is poetically
represented how Christ appeared unknown in Hades, and
exercised his power. Marcion fashioned both doctrines in the
following manner. The Demiurgos had promised a Messiah
to the Jews in the Old Testament prophecies. He was to
establish an earthly kingdom among the Jews, and severely
judge the heathen, representations which by no means apply
to Christ. But the good God, who only shows compassion,
sent his Son in order to rescue the poor heathen from the
destruction threatened them by the Demiurgos. The Son of
God came merely as an apparition, unknown to the Demiurgos,
who took him for his own Messiah, and, at first, did not
prevent his forming a party. Marcion applied that passage
in the Epistle to the Corinthians to the Demiurgos and his
powers. When Jesus had already, by his deeds of love, drawn
many to himself, the Demiurgos saw that he had been deceived,
and that kingdom was shaken, and so stirred up the Jews
his
to crucify him.But this was to happen in accordance with
the divine plan. Christ descended into Hades and freed, not
the believers of the Old Testament who were self-justified, but
led up to heaven the heathen in whom he found faith. The
Demiurgos was enraged more than ever; but Christ now
manifested himself to him in his divine nature, sat in judgment
upon him, and referred him to his own law, that whoever shed
innocent blood was himself worthy of death. The Demiurgos
could make no defence, and humbled himself; thus Christ s
object was attained, and the kingdom of the Demiurgos
over
thrown. { All the Gnostics, however, did not receive the
f Adv. Hcor. iii. 88. Quando incarnatus est et homo factus, longam
hominum expositionem in
seipso recapitulavit, in compendio nobis
salutem pnestans, ut quod perdideramus in Adam, id est, secundum
imaginem et siniilitudinem esae Dei, hoc in Christo Jesu reciperemua.
P 2
212 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
able life, dpdagffia, since he was the mediator between God and
Man he must be related to both; he had filled his human
nature with divine life, and passed through every stage of
human life, to sanctify each stage. The holy life of Christ is
set in opposition to the sin of the first man.f By the obedience
of one man must many be made righteous he rendered that :
Ei yap
.
fj.r) av9pti)Tro iviKtjae rov avriiraXov rov avOpwirov, OVK
iug iviKijQr) 6 6%fy>6f.
TIaXtv Tf, il urj 6 SftoQ sdioprjffaro rrjv
OVK av /3sat wg Kai ct avvtjvwOr) o
tG-^o^tv avrrjv. fit}
jap TOV atairriv Srtov re Kai avOpwTrwv Sid rrJQ i8ia irpbg (
I!
C. Marcion, 5, 6.
if Instit.
iv. 11. Ergo quum statuisset Deus doctorem virtutis
mittere ad homines, renasci eum denuo in carne praecepit, et ipsi
homini similem fieri, cui dux et comes et magieter esset futurus.
JUSTIN MARTYR. 213
Christ by his life and death freed human nature from death
and imparted to it divine life. To his victory over evil spirits
belongs also the victory over the sin and delusion of Humanity.!
By means of it man has acquired confidence to resist the Evil
One. The curse of the Law had come upon all men Christ ;
*
Ch. 8 and 9. avrbg rbv ISiov vibv aTridoro \vrpov inrep vj^iutv, TOV
iiyiov inrtp dvofJiMV, TOV dicciKov vwep TWV KctK&v, rbv SIKCIIOV virep TU>V
f/ iv T( rou 3 tow;
fiov(i> it<p
t Apol. ii. 6.
Qaivovrai tlvai Sid TO fitj irdvra 0v\dai, ov\i iro\v /uaXXov iravra rd
t9vrj (ftavr/ffovTai VTTO Kardpav ovra, KO.I tiSuXoXarpovvTa KOI
Kal rd aXXa icaicd ipya^ofitva (I ovv Kai TOV iavTov
<j>QopovvTa ;
vr)9rjvai Kai iraQilv VTref.iti.viv, iva d-jroQavuv Kal avaaraq viKtjay TOV
Srdvarov.
* Dial. c. 121.
Tryph.
t Strom, vii. 703, 704.
J C. Gels. 68. "QaTiQ tv dpxfl Trpbg TOV Srtbv a>v,
did. TOVQ Ko\\rj-
^
Q tVTa. Ty aapKi Kai ytvo^ivovQ o-xep <rdp, tyiviTo ffdp%, iva \^pr]Qy
VTTO T&V dvvdp.tvujv avTbv (3\t7rtiv KaOb \6yog rjv, Kai Trpbg Srtbv rjv,
p.ij
Kai Srebc; rjv. Kat (ru>/ian/cw ye \a\ov /JIEVOQ Kai we;
adp% dira-yytXofifvog^
tavrbv KaXeT rowt; ovrag adpKa OVTOVQ TTOIYJGJJ irpujrov (j.op({>(jj9fjvai
"LV
Kara TOV \6jov TOV ytvopevov odpKa, Kai fitTa TOVTO avrovg dvai.dcri}
tTTt -b ififlv avTov, OTrep ffv -jrplv ysvrjTai cdp%.
In Joann. xxviii. 14.
||
Ibid. ii. wore avTovQ ct)((>t\r)9ivTaQ, Kai dv ajSdvrac; OTTO
21.
/cardrd ffdp/ca etVaywy^g, tiTrelv TO tl Kai X Xpurrov rrore Kara
"
eyv<jjKap,e.v,
dXXd vvv OVKST
ORIGEN. 215
representation that
the sacrifice of the guiltless for the guilty
could effect their deliverance. He concluded that if this
were true in other cases much more would it be in the self
sacrifice of Christ. The effects of Redemption he thought
would continue until evil in all fallen creatures was perfectly
blotted out, and therefore to the period of a General Resto
ration.
ori ov iirl
0cpct rrjv mrix tt* (M***9*. Aiu KoJ 3avaroc; OVTOV
r<p
equally above Sin and Death. Thus man is now freed from
theoretical and practical evil, especially from idolatry and the
moral corruption of Heathenism. The appropriation of Chris
tianity was regarded as an exit from the kingdom of Evil, and
the ceremonies at baptism referred distinctly to this fact. But
the Church teachers expressly advocate the connexion between
Redemption and Sanctincation. They deduced new and sincere
obedience from faith in Redemption, and repudiated the sepa
ration of the forgiveness of sins from Sanctincation. CLEMENT
of Rome, says in a Pauline spirit, Called by the will of God
in Christ, we can be justified, not by ourselves, not by our
own wisdom and piety, but only by faith, by which God has
justified all in all ages. But shall we on this account cease
from doing good, and give up charity? No, we shall labour
with unwearied zeal as God who has called us, always works,
and rejoices in his works.* IREN^EUS contrasts the new joyful
obedience which ensues on the forgiveness of sins, with the
legal standpoint. The Law which was given to bondmen
formed men s souls by outward corporeal work, for it coerced
men by commandments, in order that they
a curse to obey the
might learn obey God. But the Word, the Logos who
to
frees the soul, and through it the body, teaches a voluntary
surrender. Hence the fetters of the Law must be taken off,
and man accustom himself to the free obedience of love. The
obedience of freedom must be of a higher kind we are not ;
set us free, in order that we may leave him this no one can
;
the more we obtain from him, so much the more must we love
him and the more we love him, so much greater glory shall
;
1837. J. MULLER, Die unsichtbare Kirche Deutsche Zeitschr. fur. chr. Wissensch.
11. chr. Leb.: 1850. J. KOSTLEN, D. Katholische Auffassung von der Kirche iii ihrer
ersten Entwicklung Deutsche Zeitschr. 1855, 1856.
:
placed above the Political, so here the Political had the con
trol of the Religious. Hence everywhere in Antiquity there
was priestly domination or a State religion, and since there
was no religious community which prevailed over all the
differences of mental culture, the distinction was necessarily
formed of an exoteric and esoteric religious doctrine, the one a
religion of the People, the other of the Philosophers. The
Christian idea of a Church stands in diametric opposition to
all this ; it is a living community forming itself from an
internal principle, from faith in the E-edeemer it establishes;
/
on such outward forms. It was CYPRIAN who adopted and
matured these ideas and through him chiefly the monarchical
;
special sense it was the church of Peter, and that the Roman
bishops were his successors. Cyprian speaks of it as if it were
destined to represent the Unity of the Church all
throughout
ages. To prove that this was his
opinion we need not refer
to the
passage in the De Unitate Ecclesice, in which the read
ing is doubtful ;* it unquestionably is at the basis of Cyprian s
reasonings and illustrations, and is elsewhere expressly stated
by him.f Notwithstanding this, he is very far from attri
buting to the Roman Church a higher authority over the other
Churches, for he connected no definite idea with this
repre
sentation though he readily acted in
agreement with the
Roman Church. But in the minds of the
bishops of Rome
this idea had
already given rise to The
greater pretensions.
political world-wide ascendancy of Rome was exchanged by
them for the idea of a primacy of the Roman Church. This
was attested by the conduct of Victor
(about A.D. 190) in the
disputes respecting Easter, and of Stephen in the differences
about the baptism of heretics. But Cyprian who himself suf
fered from Stephen s
arrogance would not yield, but declared
that no one had a
right to be judge over the bishops, but that
each of them ought to act
independently according to his own
conscience. He firmly maintained, the
therefore, collegiate
position of the bishops. J Thus we see, how from an exter
nalized idea of the Church
proceeded the idea of a necessary
outward unity, and from that the
necessary representation of
it and transference to the Roman
Church. Such was the
germ of the Roman Papacy. If once the spirit of the Gospel
is abandoned, and the
germ of an error admitted, the door is
thrown open for greater and more
important aberrations.
Still, there were not
wanting reactions against this deterio
ration of the Church. One such proceeded from the ALEXAN
DRIAN GNOSIS; its deeper and more
spiritual conception of
doctrine connected with the
ability to discriminate ideas
*
Cap. 4. Qui ecclesiso renititur et resistit (qui cathedram Petri
super quern fundata est ecclesia, deserit) in ecclesia se esse confidit
&c.?
t Epist. 55. Baluz. Goldhorn. c. 19. Petri cathedram
ecclesiam principaleru, unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est.
atque
t Epist. 72, c. 4. Qua in re nee nos vim
cuiquam facimus aut
legem damns, quando habeat in ecclesise administratione voluntntin
suse arbitrium liberum,
unusquisque prrcpoeitus rationem actus sui
domino redditurua.
224 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
appealed to Christ s
:
seems as if it. would say, ubi spiritus ibi ecclesia. But the
with Protestantism is only in the opposition the
agreement ;
*
De
Unit. Eccles. c. 12.
t De
Pudicit. 21. Secundum cnim Petri personam spiritalibus
aut prophetcc. Num et ecclesia}
poteatas ista conveniet aut apoatolo
in quo eat triuitas unius
proprie et principaliter ipse eat spiritus,
divinitatis pater et films spiritus eanctua. Ilium tocleaiam congre^at,
et"
who are under the influence of that agency are the true
spiritales, which character is also transferred to those who
acknowledge the new Prophecy. Montanism sets out from
the same idea of the Catholic Church, since it derives it from
the sedes apostolic, only it gives prominence to the contrariety
of the true and the false Church. Therefore, the element of
externality and the confounding of the Jewish and Christian
standpoints are to be found in it, only in a different manner.
From the Catholic standpoint everything depends on the
Episcopal Succession here the development of the Church is
;
especially to
Gnosticism.
POLLING Das Sacram. der Taufe nebst andern damit Zusammenhangend. Acten
der Initiation. Erie. 1846. 2 Th. W. WALL, History of Infant Baptism.
Lond.
1707. Lat. vert. L. SCHLOSSER: 1748, 1753.
"J.
2 1. J. G. WALCH, Historia
Jen. 1739. 4to.
psedobaptismi 4 prior, sseculor.
*
Adv. Hares, v. 15, 3. t Ibid. in. 17, 2.
i Ibid. ii. 22, 4. Omnes venit per semet ipsum salvare, onines,
inquam, qui per euro,renascuntur in Deum, infantes, et parvulos,
et pueros, et juvenes, et seniores. Ideo per omnem venit setatem, et
iufantibus infans factus sanctificans infantes, in parvulis parvulus,
eanctificans hanc ipsam habentes setatem.
BAPTISM AND REGENERATION. 231
Holy Spirit, whereby God enters again into union with man,
and which is especially connected with the laying on of hands
by the Bishop. Thus he joins Baptism and Regeneration, by
which the Soul is freed from the covering of sin.* Now
human nature first attains its free activity. The soul beholds
its whole light ; the body follows the soul, wedded to the
spirit
as part of the dowry, the servant, not of the soul but of the
spirit. When he attacked the Cajanitesf (in his work De
Baptismo), he showed a strong bias in favour of the outward,
and laid great stress on the sanctifying power which was
communicated to the water. Still he considered it of im
portance to enforce the spiritual conditions for securing
the efficiency of Baptism. Hence he combated the view,
partly heathenish, partly Jewish, that Baptism secured a
magical forgiveness of sins without deep repentance, he says,
;
they are not yet regenerated, and the agency of the Holy
Spirit is not to be recognised in them. He opposes the
operation of baptism to the /Avffrfigtov rye yevv7i ffeu$, inasmuch
as every one, as a fallen spirit,
brings sin with him into the
world. Here, also, the vindication of Infant baptism finds a
point of support. We
find some expressions upon it in
Origen s work, but only in Latin translations, which may
have been modelled by a later orthodoxy. Yet, as we have
them, not only through Rufinus, but also through Jerome,
their authority is so much more to be
depended upon. He
derives Infant baptism from the Apostles.
MANI,* also, referred to Infant baptism as a common prac
tice among the Persians. It was therefore regarded, in the
third century, in the North-African, Alexandrian, and
Syro-
Persian Churches, as an Apostolic Institution. But yet we
see that it was not the established practice before the fifth
century.
As to the question respecting the validity of baptism, dif
ferences arose as early as the second century; about the
middle of the third a controversy upon it began in the Roman
Churches, against the North-African and Asiatic Churches.
From the standpoint of the latter, Cyprian maintained that
an ecclesiastical rite could only be valid when
performed
within the pale of the Catholic Church; hence baptism
administered in an heretical church was invalid; and, there
fore, persons belonging to heretical sects must be re- baptized
ovStv TJTTOV Kai
, ytvofiivai wvrjffav, fig TT HTTIV
<rwfj,aTiKu>
*
See Cyprian s Epistles, 69, &c., and the Epistle of Finnilianus of
Caesarea, in Cappadocia, 75, in Cyprian s Epistles. Eusebius. Hist
Eccl. 7, 29.
t Euseb. Hist. Ecclea. vi. 43.
236 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
t Ibid. iv. 16, 4, 5 The Greek text has here tyfpatt;, but this is a
gloss, -jrvii fia denotes in this Church teacher, the divine essence
and principle of life.
Compare, also, the edition of Irenacus by Stieren, who regards as
spurious, and it
seems on good grounds, the whole clause, icai 6/io/\o-
Kai 7rvti>fiaTOQ iytpaiv, which is wanting -in the Latin
verson.
J Ibid. 5. W yap airb rfjg oproc Trporf\afjL^(ivof.i(voq TIJV fKK\Tjffiv
TOV Stov OUKITI KOIVO^ doTOf tOTtv d\\ tv\n()i(rTta tit TrpaynaTwv di>o
per quod offertur Deo. Stieren has admitted the various reading
verbum, quod, yet with much hesitation, and explains verbum as referring
not to the Logos, but to the prayers offered up at the Supper.
JUSTTN ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 239
God
says,*
receives sacrifices from no one unless
through his priests ; but
all Christians when
purified from their sins are the true
priestly generation." He mentions a twofold object in the
presentation of the bread and wine ; the grateful commemora
tion of the redemptive
sufferings of Christ and of the gifts of
Creation. These two topics are referred to, becauseby the
former which had been given to Man, but
all
through Sin had
lost its
just relation to him, is now given back to him. Both
objects, therefore, are brought forward in the thanksgiving
prayer at the Lord s Supper. According to this, Justin s view
contains nothing but what is consistent with the universal
Christian priesthood. The Sacrifice in the Lord s Supper is
an act belonging which the Bishop performs in the name
to it
of the congregation. It is not the introduction of a Jewish
mode of thought, but of one directly opposed to it.
But we are not to conclude from the spiritual and
sym
bolical construction of the idea of Sacrifice that Jus tin attached
* Dial.
c. Tryph. 16.
t Apol. i. 66. Ov yap KOIVOV dprov ovSl KOIVOV
<if
Tro/xa raura
\afidvontv, d\\ ov rpoirov Sid \6yov Stov
ffapKuiroirjOtiQ lr,aoug
XpKTroc o ffwr)p //iwv Kai trdpica Kai al/za i/Trtp (rwr;p<ac tlftuv ia\iv,
OVTUQ KOI rnv Si iv\fiQ Xoyov TOV Trap avrov fuxapHTTrjOtlffav
rpo^/v,
t
al/xa Kai adoKfQ Kara fitra^oX^v rpg^oj/rai
>/(,
tKtivov TOV
T)/UU}J>,
Christ made
the bread his body, i.e., called it his body,
to wit, fignra corporis ;* further, Christ consecrated the
"
vita panis. Ego sum, inquit, panis vita?. Et paulo supra Panis est :
Bermo Dei vivi, qui descendit de ccelis. Turn quod et corpus ejua in
CYPRIAN ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 241
spiritually, as far
as Christ is to our
may be understood
what bread is for our bodies, and as far as the
spiritual life
body of Christ is signified in the bread. Here, then, he dis
tinguishes from the spiritual
communion with Christ that
which is effected through the medium of his body given in the
bread. He supposes that through the Lord s Supper there is
an indissoluble connexion between the body of Christ and the
Church. Accordingly, taking all things into account, we per
ceive that Tertullian, though he certainly admitted no combina
tion of the bread and wine with the body and blood of Christ,
and regarded the bread and wine in themselves as symbols
of ihe body and blood of Christ, maintained the existence of a
supernatural element in the Lord s Supper and a supernatural
connexion with the body of Christ for the sanctification of the
whole man.
CYPRIAN speaks of the blood of Christ which is drunk, and
is in the wine,* but the force of this expression is weakened
pane censetur : Hoc est corpuu meura. Itaque petendo panem quoti-
dianum perpetuitara postulamus in Ckristo et individuitatem a corpora
ejus.
*
Ep. 63, c. 2, 13. Non quia nos omnes portabat Christus, qui et
peccata nostra portabat, videmus, in aqua populum intelligi, in vino
vero ostendi sanguinem Christi. Quando autem in calice, vino aqua
miscetur, Christo populus adunatur, et credentium plebs ei, in quem
credidit, copulatur et conjungitur.
t C. 11.
R
242 THE HISTORY OF CHKISTiAN DOGMAS.
the Logos becomes the food of the soul. Both the worthy and
the unworthy can partake of the visible Supper but it is not ;
so with the Logos, the true bread and the true wine which a
bad man cannot eat. This is the divine promise of the Word
of Truth, by which the soul is nourished. In like manner he
* i. 102. Strom, v. p. 579.
ITaitfay. p.
t Ibid. ii.
p. 151. 77 Si aptyolv avQiQ rpa<rtc,
TOTOV re *cai
Aoyov,
diXapiffTia KtK\r]Tai, \cipi i-Traivovfiivrj KO.I raA>), 7/f ot Kara Trirmv
/iera\a/i6drorr ayidovrai icai trw^a cat ^v^tjv TO $t7ov tciiaua TOV
Toil iraroiKOv ftov\f]paroQ irviv^iaTi tcai
Aoyat avyKOivavTOQ
Kai yap u*c aXrjOijjf fjiiv TO Trvtvfia uiKiivTai air CLVTOV
1
ry
/u XV r) ^ Aoyqj
0*ip rt
i>
1
iijv 6 Aoyog yiyovt <rdp.
* In Matth.
14, towards the end
In Joann. xxxii. 16. votiaQta Si b aproc cat TO
iroTrjpiov roTf fih>
,
KUTO. Trjv Koivoripav TTIOI r/Jc tv
i
ftaOvnpov dicovtiv fif^aQrjicoffi, (card ri\v StioTtpav jcai TTIOI
TUV
Xoyov tTrayyi\iav.
R Q
244 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
(o/ yi/wtfr/jio/). But still the outward Supper has its own
peculiar reference. The bread used at the Supper, Origen says,
becomes by prayer a holy and sanctifying body for those who
partake of it with a right disposition. He therefore ascribes
the sanctifying influence to the consecration, but assumes, as
in baptism, a susceptible state of mind as a necessary condi
tion, and therefore differs from those who ascribe a sanctifying
influence to the Elements in themselves. f As not that which
goes in at the mouth denies a man so neither can a man be
sanctified by what goes in at the mouth, although simple-
minded persons regard the so-called bread of the Lord as
something sanctifying. The cause of receiving benefit is the
good disposition of the individual, but it is the uttered prayer
which is of use to him, who worthily partakes of the Supper.
To sum up the whole we recognise in this period a three
:
g. ON ESCHATOLOGY.
is
nothing more than the unfolding of what is contained in
*
Corrodi, Erititcke GescMcUe des Ckiliasrmis, 3 Th. 178194.
W. Munscher, Entwicklung der Lehre vom tauspndjahrigen Reich in den
3 ersten Jahrhunderten, in Henke s Magaxin, iv. 233.
t C. XT.
THE MILLENNIUM. 249
* J. P.
Cotta, Historia Succincta Dogmatis de Poenalium Infernalium
Durations Tub. 1774. J. A. Dietelmaier, Comment! Fanatic! diroica-
:
led into error respecting the real nature of what was practical
in Christianity. To persons of this class Dogma was of no
importance ;
the essence of Christianity consisted in Morality,
as if this did not derive its value from Dogma. They availed
themselves of a passage in the Epistle to the Philippians, that
itmattered not if only Christ were preached. This party was
UNION OF THE CHURCH AND STATE. 259
1.
Basil Opp.: Bern. 1842, fasc.
t Opp ed Morellius Par. 1615, 2
:
t. fol. Appdx. by Gretser 1
A. Maji, Scptor. vet. nov. Collectio
.
:
in A. Magi, Spicel. iv. This large fragment, with smaller ones from
266 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
and his Programs, Hal. 18.55, 1856, for the Commentaries on the
Epistles to the Philippians and the Colossians.
Other fragments are in
Facund. Hermian. Pro Defens. Trium Capitul. libb. xii. in Bibl. Patr.
Lugduui xii. Galland xi. For Catalogue of his writings, see J. A.
Assemanni Bibl. Orien. iii. 1, 30. Ernesti Opusc. Theolog. p. 502.
Miniter, Standliu and Tzschirner, Archiv. f. Kirchengesch. i. 1. K. E.
Klener, Symbols Litter, ad Theod. Mops. Episc. Pertinentes :Gott.
1835. 0. F. Fritzsche, De Theod. Mops. Vita et Scptis.: Hal. 1836.
T. L. Sieffert, Theod. Mops. vet. Tti. sobr. Interpretandi Vindex :
* 13 Par.
Opp, ed. Montfaucon: Par. 171838, t. fol.; 183439,
13 t.
other as the Platonic Sogoc and ^/OT^?J, the one being the
exoteric doctrine, the other, the esoteric. He had it in con
to construct a peculiar religious Idealism, and to
templation
AUGCTSTIN. 2?1
other writers because they prove what they affirm either from
* Cateches. Ibid. 4, 17.
5, 12. t
J Horn, in Acta, 33, 4, p. 258.
Contr. Cresconium Donatist. ii. 39.
SOURCES OF RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE. 275
* De Utilit. Cred. cap. 21. Nam vera reiigio nisi credantur ea qua)
quisque postea, si se bene gesserit dignusque fuerit, assequatur atque
percipiat et omnino sine quodam gravi auctoritatis imperio iniri recte
nullo pacto potest.
t Contr. ep. Manich. cap. 6.
De Unitate Ecclea. 50.
GENERAL COUNCILS. 277
even these are great evidences of the truth, for if there was a
perfect agreement in every particular, opponents would allege
this as a proof of concert in the writers. But these discre
pancies in unimportant matters free the writers from all
*
Horn, in Philem.
t. xi. p. 773. "Orav rig
Trvft/juariKwg Z,y Kai
Kai jSadi aymra Kai ptj/jara Kai Trpay^ara TOV TOIOVTOV icai
<r\;j//tara
epistola, turn quse extra probationem sunt, sive ad Galatas dicta sive ad
adversaries, inveniet densam earn esse et sensua varietate illustratam.
nunc quidem ista, nunc vero ilia dicentem, quod proprium est illorum
qui irascnmtur. Ita ut et multa contingant, et omnia frequenter et.
compendiose dicant, nullo in loco sensum dilatantea. In Philemon v.
16, p. 158 Est quidem obscurum quod dictum eat ob nimium com
:
Srfov OVK sTTiffTCtfJievwv, Trvevfia Si Sreov Kai irvtvpa ciyiov Kai irav, o, n
drjiroTf TOIOVTO Ttjv X^P LV avT v K i T n v KTfSfnoviav Kai TTJV StdOfffiv
KaXovvTwv, K.r.X. In Sachar. i. 7. Wegn. 539 :
SrjXov ovrog, on TWV
Trpo rfJQ TOV StffTrorov XptffTOv 7rapoi<ria ovStig T/Trioraro Trarspa /cai
viov ov Trarkpa Stov viov Sriov irarkpa, ov% vibv Stbv vibv irarpbg Srtov
TOVTO ovTa oirtp sffTtv 6 TTGtrfjp, art Kai ovTa i, avTov iTTfidr} Trarobq
jikvovofiaaia Kai viov 7rt ira\aia.Q ijv tiiaQfiKrjg, Trarpog fitv KOIVWQ
KljituovUttf TOV Seov Xeyopivov
<cara
rf)Q iictiQtv 7ri/i\ftac diov-
TU>V
last, yet he would have been content at the time with its
being
merely tolerated. But Alexander held the difference to be
too important to admit of such a settlement. Constantino
also, who after his victory over Licinius, had obtained the
sake of peace, and satisfied his mind by affixing his own sense
to the terms. The majority of the Bishops followed his
example, and the Creed was accepted.* But, very soon, a
dispute arose on the interpretation of the Creed, between those
who had received it voluntarily, and those who had received it
by compulsion ; and the latter, of course, were desirous of
getting rid of it.
In order to gain over the Emperor, who had no settled con
victions, it was represented to him, that the doctrine of Arius
was, after all, not so very objectionable, and that the con
troversy had been owing chiefly to the passions of those who
had engaged in it. He adopted this view of the matter, and
allowed Arius to lay before him a new creed in self-justification.
He professed his faith in the Logos as ^dc, IK SeoD, and begotten
before all time, and represented the dispute as an idle one.
The Emperor was satisfied. Arius was permitted to return
from exile in 328, and the zeal of his opponents only con-
* The Symbolum Nicsenum, in a letter of Eusebius. Theodoret.
Hist. E. i. 12. TTiaTtvopev tiQ eva Stbv Trartpa Trairoicpdropa, Travruiv
byaTuv Tf. cat dopdrwv iroir\Tf]v Kai tig tva KVOIOV lr}<rovv Xpicrrov,
TOV vibv TOV Qtov, yivvrjQivra tK TOV irarpog f^ovoyevij, TOVT IOTIV IK
rfJQ ovaiciQ TOV Trarpoc, Stbv tic Siov, KO.I 0wg tK 0wrog, Stbv a\T)9iv6v
IK Stov aXrjQivov, ytvvriQkvTa y ov TroirjOtvra, OHOOVGLOV ry Trarpt Si ou
TO. irdvTa iyivtro TO. Tt Iv ry Kai TO. iv ry yfj, TOV i THICLQ TOVQ
ovpav<j>
the East, became the tool of the Anti-Nicene party, who again
effected the deposition of Athanasius. Yet the Oriental
Bishops were quite ready to be on terms of harmony with the
West, arid, hence, at A*<tioch (341 345) put forth five creeds,
in which they sought to clear themselves from the suspicion of
Arianism, and explained their middle course, which was after
wards distinguished by the names of the oftoiovff/ov, and Seini-
Arianism. They approximated, as far as possible, to the
Western Church in these Creeds only they were unwilling to ;
T<$
iroit]fj,a wj
iv T&
BANISHMENT OF ATHANASIUS. 293
ever, did not take place ; but the Eastern Bishops met at
Philippolis, in Thrace, and the Western at Sardica.* The
former explained themselves in accordance with the fourth
Autiochian Creed at Sardica new definitions were proposed,
;
nothing, ~ab extra, by the will of God to the idea of the Son ;
God brought the Son into being by his own will, or that he
was begotten against his will by necessity. Athanasius
emphatically maintained the doctrine they impugned. If the
will of God be supposed to be the origin of the Son s exist
ence, then the Son of God belongs to the class of creatures.
The existence of the divine Logos precedes all particular
acts of the divine Will, which are all effectuated only by the
Logos, who himself is the living divine Will. Our opponents
think only of the contrast between will and compulsion they ;
OVK virf]pt Kara Tffv t/cttvwv avoiav, TTUQ TO ctvTtpov, oirfp tari KCLTCL
^owXr/fftr, yivoir av\ TrpoTfpov
SB o Xoyo^, cai StvTfpov
i<TTiv KT IOIQ >}
aXX 6 Xoyoc,
ICTTIV TrXeiova roXjuwtriv 01 aottilq St avTov yap
>fg,v
row Stov car ovffiav, OVTW Kai 6 Xoyog dXXorpiog jjiiv Kai
1
incomprehensible to the
Son he knows him only ia conformity
;
predestinated ;
he was created before all the rest of Creation,
which he brought into existence as the organ of God. The
will ; the Son
natures of creatures differ according to God s
of God must attain among them the highest possible perfec
tion. to God s will he is the image and reflection
According
of the Father,} the only begotten God. In support of his
(jjt
o/jiaffTO Truig yap Svvarbv, TOV ati OVTO. TrpwroroKov HVCII TIVOQ ;
* Euseb. contr.
Marcellum, lib. ii. 2, p. 39. irpb TTJQ
cnrdariQ ^Gv-yia TIC, f/v, we fticbg, iv ripTOV Xoyov OVTOQ. P. 41.
Se<p
ovdevbg yap OVTOQ Trporepov r\ $eov povov, TravTuv Be did TOV Xoyov
6 Xoyoc
yiyvtaOai juXX6t/rwv, TrpoqXQtv 6 X6yo SpaCTiicy evspya a,
6 Xoyoc f-v r$
OUT-OS TOV Trarpoe irpb yap TOV TOV Koajjiov tlvai, ryv
a>v
KOI STTI
Trarpi ore 5e b SreoQ TravroKparwp iravTO. TO. tv ovpavolQ y>Jc
f Ibid. ii. 2, p. 42. ov% v\bv Seov iavTov bvofid^fi, aXX [av
iva Sid TYIQ TOiavTTjQ 6/LtoXoytac Stan TOV dvOpuirov did rijv Tc
avTov K0ivh)viav vlbv S tov jtvkaBai irapaaKtvdffy ical j^erd ro rt
rjjf TrpaCewg avOig tag Xoyog tvudy Sty, 7r\r]pu>v tKtivo TO VTTO TOV
T<$
IT must excite
surprise of the Holy
that the doctrine
Spirit is only adverted to in very general terms in the Nicene
Creed. was the Homousion doctrine not applied to
Why
it ? been alleged that at that time there was no
It has
controversy respecting it. But this ground is not correct; for
it is evident from the express statement of Athanasius,J that
Arius applied the doctrine of subordination to the Holy
Spirit; he placed the same distance between the Son and the
Spirit as between the Father and the Son. According to him,
the Holy Spirit was only the first of created beings, brought
into existence by the Son as the organ of the Father. Or
should we be justified in saying that attention had not been
sufficiently directed to this point ? that it was not held to be
of sufficient importance ? The true reason rather consists in
this, that the Oriental Church was at that time much less
7. TIQ Tr\aTvvofiivr]V TT)V ovaiav TOV $>v TOV vibv Xtyoi irottlv,
"Ei
ij
iirdtropoC TOV yovv \6yov (fttjatv tlq b^oioTTjTa ^O^TJC Kai ovaiaQ dXXo-
Tpiov ilvai rravTtXwQ tKaTipuv, TOV Tt Trarpog Kai TOV dyi
S04 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
Christ as his Lord and God. But even as late as A.D. 380, great
indistinctness prevailed among different parties respecting this
Some
Dogma, so that even G-REGORY NAZIANZEN could say,f
"
* A. Mali 3.
Scriptt. Vett. Collectio Nova,
t. iii. fragm.
avTi}Q ptTtxovTts vvv dt, ore \tyop.(9a fjLiTo\oi Xptarow Kai H STOXOI
Seov, SiiKWTCti TO iv tifjilv \p?ffp,a Kai } ^^payjg, fir} ovtra TVJ^ TOV
v tyvatdiQ, a\Xa rijf TOV vlov Sid TOV iv
avTif Trwv/iarof, avvair-
r;/nag Trorpi. 1 Job. iv. 13. ei Si
r<p
ry TOV TrvtvpaTOG fttrovaty.
a Koivwvoi ^ttag tyvaiuQ, paiviT av TIQ
Xtywv TO jrvtvpa TTJ^
Kai pr} ri/c TOV Stov did TOVTO
<)>vffeii)
yap Kai iv olg ytvtrai,
OVTOl StOTTOlOVVTai tl t StOTTOUl, OVK d/X0(6oXoV, OTt r/ TOVTOV 6V(Tl
Srtov ion.
$ Orat. 37, 43.
Oration against Eunomius.
||
TTtpt TOV aylov -rrvevfjiaTo^ irpof ApQiXoxiov.
^f De Spiritu Sancto, translated by Jerome.
** De Spiritu Sancto, libb. 3.
306 TUE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
* Koi a ro
e iiyiov -rrvtv^a
TO Kvpiov TO wo7rotov, TO IK TOV irarpof,
TTUTOl KCti Vly ffVfJLTTpOaKVVOV^VOV KCLl OVVCO^a-
fK7TOpiv6p,tVOV, TO <JVV
that the
Holy Spirit proceeded from the Son as well as from
the Father. AUGUSTIN* illustrates the doctrine of the Triad
by the analogy of the Trinity in the human spirit.
Being
corresponds to God the Father knowing, as a self-representa
;
possible, as
in a glass
darkly. Of the Holy Spirit in particular he
says,
that he is the
Spirit of the Father and the Son, sent by both!
He is that whereby we stand in connexion with God and with
one another ; he is the Love with which the Father and the
*
Conf. 13, cap. 11. Vellern ut ha?c tria
cogitarent homines in
seipsis. Longe aliud sunt ista tria quam ilia Trinitas sed dico ubi
:
from the Father and the Son, and those were condemned who
denied this. But here again, the opposition was not against the
Eastern Church, but the Arians still, in these declarations,
;
* Hist. Eccl.
2, 3, 10, 2.
f Greg. Nyss. Orat. 10. Contr. Eunom. Op. 2, pp. 674, 675. yap
VOVQ T&V tig rbv Kvpiov TTfjriaTtVKOTwv Tcaaav a6r&i/n)v KO.I
ovffiav VTTpcinJ/a, ovSe tTri rrje rov v lov ywrifffuig ivraaOai T
rr/f
EUNOMIUS. 3J1
am
Eunomius* asserted
that his opponents who denied the comprehensibility of God,
were not worthy the name of Christians ;
since for what
purpose did Christ come if we
knew nothing of God, like the
heathen. But here his own unfair reasoning is evident,
since it does not follow from the denial of perfect knowledge,
that there is none at all. As he erroneously placed the seat of
Religion in knowledge, Dogma
and Dogmatic, logical clearness
were the main thing to him, and his adherents persisted in
exalting the Dogmatic above the Practical, while his opponents
attached greater importance to living according to the ordi
nances of the Church. He maintained t that piety consisted
not in a reverence for names and mystical symbols, but in
accuracy of doctrines to this Gregory of Nyssa replied, that
;
he who does not eat the Lord s flesh and drink his blood
cannot have eternal life everything depends on communion ;
with Christ. This controversy would have led, had it been pro
longed, to discussions on the relations of faith to knowledge,
and on the limits of knowledge and its relation to life.
6at rot C ai&vaq pr)/uart Stov, IIQ TO /i/) tic tyaivonivwv TO.
yiyovtvai OVK av uc oo/iat TOVTO (tirwv, tirtp ifjfTo yvuxjTov t
TMV XoyirrfJi&v TO ^ijTovfitvov
aXX* on fitv 3fX///ian ^ei w jcarijp Tiff
avTOQ Tt o alijjv KO.I Travra ova iv avTtp ytytvrjTac ovv dv tirj OVTOQ (>9Tt
aiijjv,
!>
worlds were made. This the writer would not have said if he
had thought that we could comprehend it by the understanding.
The Arian controversy had special consequences in reference
to particular doctrines. The contrast between that which has
its basis in the nature of God, and what is created out of
esse praesens ;
nullum vero tempus esse preesens et videat omne
;
could not proceed from natural powers ; but these powers are
so constituted as to be capable and ready to receive higher
the flesh, but not a man consisting of body This is and soul.
confirmed by a fragment lately published by A. Mai, in which
it is said that the
Logos did not assume animam et corpus,
because in John s Gospel only the Gaofe is mentioned. From
this standpoint the Arians charged their opponents who
separated the predicates of the divine and human nature, with
denying the true Unity of Christ, and admitting both a divine
* Contr.
Eun. Or. 2, torn. ii. frag. 482. rbv iir iff\dru)v raiv
ov arOpitiTrov, OVK dva\acvTa rov tK
MARCELLUS AND PHOTINUS. 317
the Logos for a human soul in Christ, and his personality was
a manifestation of the deaffTiKq evepyeia, of the Logos. He
differed only from Marcellus in maintaining that the person
Man he who raised Lazarus from the dead was no other than
;
* Athan. ad Antioch.
Opp. i. p. 615, sqq. cap. vii. w/ioX6yow yap
icai TOVTO, on oi) aHj^a a\|/ixov, ovd avaivBrfTov, ovd dvoijTov tix^v 6
ovdk yap olov Tt ijv, TOV Kvpiov, di jy/za^ dvBpioTrou
<7w7-f)p,
the Christian faith alone, he said, we find the whole man who
is accepted by God unto salvation. At first APOLLINARIS
adopted the common Church phraseology respecting the three
component parts of Christ s person, and his delegates sub
scribed the creed of the Synod of Alexandria, A.D. 362,
which expressly asserted the doctrine of a human soul in
Christ. But though he avowed his agreement with this creed.
in a letter to the Council at Dio-Ca3sarea, yet, at the same
time, he explained the peculiar sense in which he accepted it.
Deceived by this formal assent, his opponents began with
attacking not himself, but his disciples. ATHANASIUS wrote
against them his Epistle
ad Epictetum* APOLLINARIS did not
regard these attacks as personal, because they were directed
against representations which were not altogether his own.
Yet, as time advanced, he could not keep clear of the con
troversy; he was accused of departing from the simplicity
of the faith, and of adulterating it by arbitrary speculations.
He rejoined, that it was of prime importance to examine what
the true Faith really was that an unexamined faith resting
;
*
Opp. i.
p. 720.
APOLLINARIS. 323
allow only one one in Christ, and urged the zvuaig QvffiK?}
<pvffi$
The connexion of the Logos with human nature was not there
the Prophets, and all other righteous men, but as in his own
Son. Theodore marks the pre-eminence of Christ before all
other men by his vio&seia (adoptio). He meant to assert that
Christ, according to his humanity was taken into connexion
with God, in distinction from the dignity of the Logos, who
was the Son of God by his essence and nature. From this stand
point the Alexandrian doctrine of an svusis %ar ovfflav, seemed
something quite anthropopathic, by which the unchangeable-
ness of the divine nature was denied on the other hand, the
;
the
hour,"* CYRILL said that omniscience belonged
to the one
nature of the Incarnate Logos, and that his not knowing was
only a seeming ignorance for special holy designs. The
Antiochians on this point were influenced by the controversy
with APOLLINARIS, who asserted that in Christ there was no
conflict nor progressive development, from which it followed
that he had no human soul, but had in himself the unchange
able divine Spirit. To them, on the contrary, the temptations,
conflicts, and progressive development of Christ were important,
in order to prove the identity of his nature with ours. In the
system of THEODORUS this was connected with other important
points, of which the foremost was
the Free-Will, which,
according to him, conditioned the development of the whole
human race, and of all rational beings, and on which depended
the reception of all the operations of divine grace, and advance
in the divine life. Corresponding to a double standpoint of
the whole Universe, and of the rational Creation, of the period
of changeableness and of the unchangeable divine life, Christ
also,by whom the exaltation of Humanity is effected from that
lower to the higher stage, must represent both in his life, and
according to the measure of His free self-determination will
be the manifested activity of the divine Logos. For this
reason, he passed through all the stages of human nature ;
behind me, Satan!" if, what that apostle said to him could
not, by any possibility, have seduced him to unfaithfulness.
The Antiochians were indeed willing to admit a transference
of predicates but they never lost sight of the affvyxvrov
;
hence ;
without xga<r/s,
so that each of the two natures retained their
peculiar features hence, one Christ was to be adored in two
;
Trarpof yivvr]QtVTa Kara. Tt}v ^torTjror, STT iy^ciT(t>v Sf Tttiv r/utpuiv TOV
avTov ?i rifiaQ KOI Sid. rf]v rjpfTfpav ourrjpiav tic Mapiot,- rr/ irapQevov
Kara rf]v bpoovaiov Ttfi Trarpt TOV avTov Kara ri]v 3f6-
dvQpwTTOTJjTa
TijTft KOI Kara T//V dvOpioTroTijra Svo yap
bf.wov<riov yjfjLiv
J-j
ytyovi Sib sva Xpicrrov, tva vibv, ivct Kvpiov ouoA
oj<ri
all was divine in Christ, even his body but no human reason
;
*
Mansi, Concill. vi. vii. Liberati, Breviarium Causa Nestorianor. et
Eutychianor. in Mansi, ix. 659. Walch s Ketzerhistorie, vi. Baur,
Gesch. d. Lehre, v. d. Dreieinigkeit. i. 800. Dorner, Entwicklurigsgesch.
Der Lehre, v. d. Pers. Christi. ii. 99.
EUTYCHES. 335
ments were made that gave him and his party the ascendancy.
The expedient was adopted of pronouncing an anathema on all
innovations which, taking the Nicene Creed as the standard,
had been made in this doctrine. Everything relating to the
two natures was condemned as Nestorianism. This Synod
of the Egyptian party
prepared the way for the ascendancy ;
forced, and the worthiest men were kept down. This temporary
victory was gained hy recourse to political power, and hence,
as soon as political circumstances altered, a violent reaction
would necessarily follow. THEODOSIUS II. died; PULCHERIA
and her husband MARCIAN, were his successors this was
;
*
Ep. ad Flavian, c. 3. Mansi, v. 1359. Salva proprietate utriusque
naturae et substantise et in unam coeunte personam suscepta est a
majestate humilitas, a virtute infirmitas, ab jeternitate mortalitas et ad
resolvendum conditionis nostrsc debitum natura inviolabilis naturae est
unita passibili ut unus atque idem mediator Dei et hominum homo
Jesus Christus et mori posset ex uno et mori non posset ex altero. In
integra ergo veri hominis perfectaque natura verus natus est Deus,
totus in suis, totus in nostris. Assumsit formam servi sine sorde
peccati, humana augens, divina non minuens. Tenet enim sine defectu
proprietatem suam utraque natura et sicut formam servi Dei forma
non ademit, ita foianam Dei servi forma non minuit- Cap. 4. Sicut
enim Deus non mutatur miseratioue, ita homo non consumitur digni-
tate. Agit enim utraque forma cum alterius communione quod
proprium est verbo scilicet operante quod verbi est et came exsequente
quod carnis est.
336 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
* Mansi, vi. p. 108. tTro^tvoi TO IVVV rote dyi otg Trarpdffiv sva Kal
TOV avTov 6/ioXoyetv vlbv rbv Kvpiov r/juwi/ Irjaovv Xptarov ffVfjL(p(iivtuQ
(1-rravTf.Q iKSiCd<TKO/j,tv, Ti\tiov
TOV avTov IvOeoTrjTi icai TtXtiov TOV
avTov tv dvOpwTTOTrjTi, Stov dXrjOwQ icai dvOpiiJTrov d.Xj?ffw, TOV OVTOV
IK ^vxne Xoytfcf/e Kal ffWjuaroc, bpoovaiov T$ Trarpt /card TI}V sor?jra,
Kal buoovaiov rbv avrbv rj/^iv /caret TIJV dvOpwTrorrjra, Kara Trdvra
/c TOV TrarooQ
ouoiov riulv %W|0 a/Ltapriag TTOO aiwvitiv /jitv ytvvi^QkvTa
Kara TTJV ^toTrjra, ITT ta\anov Se. Tatv r)/j,tpwv TOV UVTOV di r/jua? Kai
Mapiag rrjc TrapOivov rr\c, 3-foro/cou Kara
Sid TTJV ryjuertpar awTrjplav IK
rf/v dv9p(*)7roTr)Ta, TOV avTov Xpierrov, vlbv, Kvpiov,
tva /cat Iv
^ovoy^vfj
dvo fyvataiv davyxvTMQ, arp7rrwc, dc^taipsrwc, d^wpio-rw^ yvup
cid
ovdapov rr)e TWV tyvaeuv ^la^opac dvr)pr]p.ivr](; ri)V ivwaiv, ff
3t fjid\\ov TrJQ iwTt)Toq tKaripaq (pvotwQ KOI tic ev TrpocwTrov /cat pav
inroaTaaiv avvTpt^ovar]Q OVK ti^ Svo TrpocrwTra p,tpi%6fitvov, fj Hiaipov-
/cat povoyevrj, S tov Xoyov, Kvpiov
fterov, dXX sva KOI. TOV avrbv vlbv
I.Tjaovi> Xpicrrov.
THE MONOPHYSITE CONTROVERSIES. 337
that he was one and not two. The attempt was fruitless, and
the Monophysites persisted in their separation. In the reign
* Neander s Ch. Hist. v. 220228.
t Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 14. Mvinscher, i. 306.
Z
338 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
and that hence it followed that Christ could not have been
affections according to his bodily nature,
subject to sensuous
but only nar o/xovo^/av, voluntarily, for the salvation of men.
To this party also belonged XENAYAS, or PHILOXENUS. In
opposition to this tendency
was that of SEVERUS, who taught
that the body of Christ was precisely similar to that of other
men. His party was styled by their opponents PhtJiartolatrai.
Aphthartodocetism found
some adherents among those who
held the doctrine of two natures, and as such a sentiment
had to the Emperor Justinian an appearance of piety, it
seemed not unlikely that this doctrine would be introduced
into the Eastern Church. But his death shortly ensued and
prevented new and unspeakable
disorders. Many among the
acknowledged the purely human of Christ s
Monophysites
soul, the deacon THEMESTIUS distinguished the divine in
Christ from his soul, and adopted the doctrine of Agnoetism.
He was disposed to interpret in a strictly literal sense all the
in which Christ s not knowing
passages of the New Testament,
heretical as a con
is spoken of. Agnoetism was pronounced
of Nestorianism. Among those who declared against
sequence
it was GREGORY the GREAT.*
The quiet development of this doctrine in the Western Churcl
was now interrupted by the controversy with the Gallic
monk
* lib. x. 35, 39.
Epp.
LEPORIUS. 339
that the Word and the Flesh are so united that each sub
stance remains with its proper completeness, without mutual
encroachment that the Divinity is communicated to the
;
*
Libellus Emendationis et Satisfactionis, Mansi, iv. p. 519.
z 2
340 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
C. ANTHEOPOLOGY.
1. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE HUMAN SOUL.
t
Bibl. Patr. Lugdun. torn. viii.
t Three books, De Statu Animse, to Sidonius Apollinaris. Bibhoth.
Patr. Lugdun. torn. vi.
MAN S ORIGINAL STATE, ETC. 341
is
inseparable from the essence of the Soul, and that its
homine uno universitas sentienda est. Sed in unius Adse errore omne
hominum genus aberravit.
* In Matth. ix 2.
t In Matth. viii. 6. Remissum quod lex laxare uon
est a Christo,
poterat. Fides etdm sola justificat. Neander s Ch. Hist. iv. 281.
J In Psalm 51, 25.
In Ps. 68, 24. Nee ambiguum est, eos in viventium libro esse
qui antea sine ulla Christi cognitione pie in lege versa,ti ornnia prescripta
legis impleverint. Scribuutur autem in libro justorum, quibus justitia
Christus est factus.
HILARY. 343
is of the Law, that the man which doeth those things shall
live a meaning indeed which is quite opposed to
by them,")
organs body,"
accept
not to perceive that we live in dependence on and
"
passage, f
through God, when we imagine that in things which men
undertake and hope for, they may venture to depend on their
own strength. What we have, we have from God on him must ;
We
and by the propagation of Nature, the propagation of guilt
has also passed from one to all in him human nature has ;
At
expressed ;
* De
Trinit. ii. 35. t In Ps. 51, 20.
In Ps. 57,
* 3- Sic Esau alienatus ab utero est, quuin major
minor! serviturus etiam ante quam exsisteret nuntiatur,
Deo futurse
non nescio voluntatis ipso potius hoc scieute, quam aliquo ad necessi-
tatern genito naturamque peccatL
Apolog. David, ii. 71.
|| In Ps. 48, 9.
344 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
the last Judgment we shall be punished for our own sins and
not for another Here he appears to acknowledge guilt only
s."
at the door, is
willing to enter ; but it is our fault if he does
not enter ; whoever does not surrender himself to him,
deprives himself of everlasting light." Hence it was that
even AMBROSE admitted neither irresistible Grace nor an
unconditioned Predestination he admits Predestination, but ;
||
mercy on whom he
and hence he who follows Christ, if
will ;
* L,
1.
Magis lubricum delinquendi quam reatum aliquem nostri
esse delicti.
+ In Ps. 43, 47. J De Interpellation! Davidis, 4, 4.
In Ps. 118, 13. De Fide, v. 83.
|| f In Luc. 7, 27.
*
Ibid. 1, 10. Christus ut id quod bonum est nobis quoque
videri bonum possit, operatur ; quern enim miseratur, et vocat. Et
ideo qui Christum sequitur
potest interrogatus cur esse voluerit Chris-
tianus, respondere visum est mihi. Quod eum dicit, non negat, Deo
:
latter would seek and combat long the one would lead a
;
central point of his doctrinal belief. His own life gave him a
commentary on the form in which he here found Christianity
exhibited the opposition between Law and Gospel Flesh
and Spirit Nature and Grace. His experience and LUTHER S,
both resembled PAUL S. From the Pelagian and recently from
the Rationalist standpoint, AUGUSTIN S Anthropology has been
accounted for from his Manicheism. But this is contradicted
AUGUSTIN. 347
sin. Man who did not perform the good which he knew
forfeited the knowledge ofit, and the power of performing it.
*
Cap. 60. Quod credimus nostrum est; quod autem bonum
operamur illius qui credentibus in se dat Spiritum Sanctum.
t Non quidem Deus elegit opera quse ipse largitur quum dat Spiritum
Sanctum ut per caritatem bona operemur sed tamen elegit fidem.
;
"
What
hast thou, that thou hast not received (1 Cor. iv. 7,)
?"
he infers that nothing can come from man himself. How "
man and not another ? and that even the same dispensations
act quite differently on different persons ? It belongs to God
to furnish the means which lead every man to believe
* Lib. i. quaestio 2.
350 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
perceive how false it is, that his System in this form was
derived from his excessive opposition to Pelagianism, since it
had been formed ten years before his conflict with it. We
might rather affirm of PELAGIUS that he would not have
developed his doctrine in its actual form, had he not been
opposed to AUGUSTIN.
PELAGIUS was a man of mild temper,* gentle development,
and quiet studies the ancient British Church from which he
;
A A
354 THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOGMAS.
had in his mind the assertion that generally no man from the
beginning has lived free from Sin to maintain the contrary
;
HENRY G. BOHN,
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