'1M

CHRISTIAN PELRAS ' \

Bugis and Makassar houses

Variation and evolution

I" South Sulawesi, the houses of the Toraja have long aroused keen interest
.11111 are the subject of excellent studies (for example Kis-Jovak et al. 1988).
Iinlil now, though, there has been a dearth of research on the houses of
II,,·,,' lowland neighbours and ethnic cousins, who are primarily Bugis and
M.lkassar. This lack is all the more regrettable since recent research in eth-
,,"linguistics and ethnography has clearly shown that although their back-
glllunds differ, these three peoples share a largely common ancestry and a
'tlbhtantial number of cultural traits. Trus is contrary to the outdated opin-
'"n still found in many guidebooks and popular works, which consider the
I11 raja to be 'proto-Indonesian', and the Bugis and Makassar to be 'deutero-
Indonesian', meaning by tms that they belonged to two successive 'waves' of
M.llayo-Polynesian immigrants. Recent research in etlmolinguistics and eth-
nllh'Taphy has clearly shown that these three peoples. although with different
h,H~kgrow1ds, share a largely COlnmon ancestry and a substantial number of
, tI Ilural traits. These undoubtedly link them to other western Indonesian peo-
ple's, especially those of Borneo and South Sumatra, although they also dis-
pl"y some common traits with the Moluccan peoples. This puts synchronic
'"1d diachronic comparison of these groups on a significant new footing.
The present article, dealing primarily with Bugis and secondarily with
M.lkassar houses, does not attempt such a comparison, but I hope it will
l'llntribute to that undertaking. This essay is based mainly on data collected
l'xlensively if unsystematically since 1967 throughout the province of South
Sulawesi. The data include the external aspect, arcrutecture, building pro-
(t"',s, and symbolism of Bugis and Makassar houses, as well as whatever
,,·.'ltered data could be collected to document transient fasruons, progres-
"V,· evolution, and the appearance of models that depart radically from the
pll'vious line of tradition. Further information and documentation was col-
I.., I"d on the few old Illl).;1k h,,,,,,,,
that still survive in the Malaysian state
pi lohol". Olhl'r ~OIlntl'4 \-vllh \'llllI,lhl(' information are B.F. Matthes's Bugis
.11 'd Ml1 "L1"''-;~lr d IllIP1\ill It " .• llld lIh'll ,ll'pt'nd,-'t1 1.'1 hnographic atlases (Matthes
 Figure 1. Fro~t view of a tradi~onal Bugis house in Simpang Kiri Sungai Karan}~.
Ponhan, Johor(Malaysla), that is particularly faithful to the early
twenheth-century South Sulawesi model (1991)
1859,1874), as well as texts from the La Galigo epic cycle (Mullammad Salim
dnd Fachruddin 1995). Although the latter are believed to have been com
posed mainly in the fourteenth century, they appear to refer to a civilization
tentatively placed between the eleventh and the thirteenth centuries. Therl'
is also a wealth of manuscript texts relating to the rituals and techniques of
house construchon, and although these texts merit a thorough and system-
atic survey, this has not yet been attempted.
'Traditional' Bugis houses in the twentieth century
Before reviewing the past and present evolution of the Bugis and Makassar
houses, It IS useful to describe their main architectural features as they were
Just before the 1950s, a time that marked the begiruling of dramatic changes in
the culture of lowland South SuJawesi. These features, described in my previ-
ous artIcles on the BUgIs house (petras 1973, 1993a), can still be seen frequently
I IH\lfC 2. Side view of the same. At ~he back (to t~e left in the photograph), it, fea-
1lIl'es a kitchen built as an extensIOn of the mam body of the house (jongke),
with its typicaJ (and now rare) curved roof.
IIIwhat I will refer to as 'traditional' Bugis houses for the sake of simplicity.
Ilowever, they now coexist with various innovations, disc~ssed I~ter. ,.
The traditional lowland South Sulawesi house (bola m Bugls, balla In
Makassar) usually possesses four of the seven structura~ features of th;
"outheast Asian-type house as enumerated by Schefold: the trlparllte house,
the 'multi-levelled floor', 'gable finials', and 'differential treatment of root
and tip ends in the use of limber' (Schefold, this volume). Lacking the othe:
features of the Southeast Asian-type house - the 'outward-slanhng gables,
the 'outward-slanting walls', and the 'saddle-backed roof', and having on
the contrary 'inward-slanting gables' or 'multi-tiered gable panels', 'verllcal
walls', and a 'straight ridge pole' - it thus belongs to what Dumar~ay calls
the 'Malay type of the Southeast Asian house', which is also found In Malaya
and Sumatra as well as in Borneo (Dumar~ay 1987:27, 30). Indeed, the types
of Indonesian houses that most resemble the lowland South Sulawesi houses
are found in South Sumatra (Pasemah, Rejang), although these are bUIlt
using the 'box-frame' construction technique, and in eastern Kalimantan.
 11~~llrt' 3. Transportation of a house in Wajo', on the road from Singkang to Lll\.\ II
(1987)
M,i1,'ysin they are most closely related to the old Malay type 01 h,,"
III
",Ih'd /'lIlI/n" blllllbling pnnjnng (Abdul Halim Nasir 1985; Lim Jee Yuan I'IM
(I'lMUl'Cb 1 and 2), built using the 'H-frame' construction technique.
I have previously presented a structural analysis of the Bugis house U.... 11l
I.t'l'oi-Gourhan's principles 01 the 'deg""s du lait technique' (hierarch ill
dcgrees in technical phenomena) (pelras 1975, 1993a). This analysis is SUIlI
I11srized below.
As with other Southeast Asian houses, it is not accurate to say that Ih
Bugis house is 'raised on piles'. It only seems to be so, since its posts (B. nil"
Mk. benteng), which stand on the ground on stone bases, are unbroken fro.
grotrnd to roof, and carry the beams on which the floors of both the livill
quarters and the attic rest. The first floor is raised about two metres ollih
grolmd - sometimes more for older houses, sometimes less for newer onl
- and the space under the floor is usually completely open. Because of thi" I
have used the term 'maisons a plancher sun,leve' in my French articles, whi, h
corresponds to 'raised-Iloor houses' (see Domenig, this volume p. 497), In
their basic lorm, they have a rectangular plan and leature a rool 01 the tyl
the Malays call bU1IIbllng pnnjnng (literally 'long roo!',' to be distinguish,'d
I In Malaysian Malay, bumbung means 'roof', not 'ridge' as in Indonesian (this is t/liang bum
bltllg in Malaysian Malay).
I'igure 4. The frame of a house under construction near Kajang (1973)
,,,' ., hipped rool). This roof has two inclined planes and a straight central
I,.' (Il. nlekke', buwungeng, Mk. bumblll1gnng), in contrast to the curved ridge
, 'h,' TOl'aja houses, The weight 01 the rool is carried by the posts only and
I I'y the walls, which are made 01 a lightweight material. The lact that these
I' '"'C not sunk into the ground but stand on stone bases makes it possible
H'Il\(We and transport even the larger houses over quite long distances
I I)lllll' 3).
1111' wooden Irame is made 01 pieces litted into each other using post
".I III'am construction (H-frame, in Domenig's terms) (Figure 4). Whether
,I" IllIgis and Makassar ever used the box-frame construction technique
1I111·lear. The posts are lirst provided with rectangular mortises through
hlo h the 1I00r beams (B. amteng, Mk. pnlnnggn) and attic beams (B. ware',
II dMoso') will pass lengthwise, and the upper and lower connecting beams
I /",'/olo', Mk. pato'do') will pass widthwise. The Irame is then assembled
" Il1g neither pegs nor nails - by first fitting the transverse horizontallloor
,,,I .\Itic beams into the rectangular holes that have been made in the posts.
I" IlIl' case of a basic house, this forms a series of four 'porticoes'l as Pierre
".1 Sophie Clement have called SUcll frame elements in the Thai houses they
I,,, I"'d (Clement and Charpentier 1974). These are then erected, and longitu-
 11\',1111" ,In' IIhl'WI..,t' iiiit'd IIlln tht'II1 Ill. II I 1111 til I
1l111,1Irwd by Wt,'dglllg or, 1M L1w hdh.'!'I' ,11111'1. 11\ III hi
I 1111 \\!lil'!l 11'~lVl':-;
no roor'll rOJ" play, In sonw IlIndl,l· 1.111 I d
ItIlTlh'I,H liid b the UHl' or sinuous posts, which IOgl'lill'! "" 1111
I I.. .1111 torlllllLlJdrilatcrals that arc not ubject to d fOlln,l!ulll
ri ll10nri
111111 HIIIl1A the beams into the posts, and erecting the l l11e rr..
y •
I

/~
Ilh 1111' hl'lp of neighbours and relatives, who are supervised
11,"'"14'" (13. pallr~ bola, Mk. panni balla').

~
J , I" IIII' rl'st of the frame, the roof truss is not jointed but nailed.

,.,,0~ I " "I'III1'nts would have been tied together with rattan fibres. The
I
iT
I
I •• 'lillf; (Il. ale', Mk. pa'iongko') are made by professional workers.
I, ""l Ihl' Nipah frlllicalls were usually used for traditional roofing;
''''1'''''''11
/ ~
I
hearth II cylilldrica thatch or bamboo tiles would also be used,
. '" 1\ J,lvanesc clay tiles or Bornean wooden tiles. Gable panels (E.
II 'I/II/bllng layang) made of split bamboo matting or wooden
ul ub- _ - posi' bola
.-:s-
.,,0~
9 C t ""llling from one to several parallel slopes - used to provide
" 101 11ll' interior, but nowadays this option is rarely used and gable
• '''' made of corrugated iron sheets. TIle walls are made up of
I I '.,,,,,hoo matting or wooden planking that are fastened to the outer
II II I'le fashion, making them easy to replace. Formerly, the floor (8.
I II ,(1111111'11', daserii') was usually made from split bamboo laths or, in
, houses, of areca wood. Tn the twentieth century this was replaced
I rilaleng 10' ,'V by a jointed plank floor (B., Mk. knlabang, the same word used for
h t
n _0 ~
• r
I ) Some of the planks are provided with slits that allow dust to fall
" whl'n sweeping the floor. Most kitchen floors are still made of split
lawa teng'a
rJ' , , "Ihat waste can fall easily to the area below.
1I,,,und level (B. awn bola, 'under the house') usually remains
risaliweng
'10'.1 II was formerly used to stall cattle, and now serves mainly as a
'" ""t during the day, and for storing buJky equipment. Both liquid
,'"I waste fall into the area under the kitchen from above; as a result
, "" is a gathering place for fowl and dogs. The middle level is used for

I.
secondary ritual post
,,',Ice - usually for a nuclear family and its unmarried children, and
h n " ---.C
Ii 'ill'S also an aging parent or a married daughter.
IM"Iic, minimal house plan consists of three sets of three posts, which
" ,I 'l'ctangle with one post at each corner, one post in the middle of each
'"ld one in the centre: the latter is called the 'house's navel' (B. posi'
0 I Mk. poci' balln'). Such minimal models are uncommon - most houses
riolo , mOre posts, both lengthwise and widthwise. In all of them, however,
h ('
,',11'1 delimited by the nine posts in the corner diagonally opposite to
""nt entrance, with the posi' bola in its centre, is called in Bugis ale bola,
I ," l' proper' or the 'house's self'. This should not be confused with what
Figure 5. Layout of a Bugis house
I ""'I'cans as well as the Makassar call the 'body of the house' (Mk. kate
 I Ih. 111.11111'.111 WlthOll1 ,IllY ,HJdlluII1" (hgUI' fl)
1,1 I IlllllJ1HlI\ly, llll' 1t"1I111l body of II Bugi ... hOUht' I'" (uur po~th wHII' .111
111111 1'11·.1 IOl1g, I II..· IIlh,'rV~lll"o or I"ol'cliol1~ h~lw"'(,11 Ilw bit 'f dfL' ralkd
lutt, I
Ifltl/rlllS Bugi.s, UI' fmt/f1Sl.1rrlllg in Makas~<-Ir, onl! thL' liun,bcr of SL'CliOl11i is It I
111 I

III diHlinguish :-luh lypes of hou:icS Be ording to their length. Only I'l'Hid"1111
til till' hight'r nobility were allowed to have an uneven number of posIt> 11\ III
WI Ith (noI 'mll1ting a supplementary post for a possible lean-to), and fOIll ,.

Ill"" or more in Ihe length (although they sometimes have fewer). On Ill' 011"
hill/; Mid,s of the 'lhree-section' and 'four-section' houses, a covered gall("l (II
IIIIIII'/IIS; Mk. jnJllbang) with a slightly lowered Aoor is often added. This w,,"I.1
hllVl' front 'nlrance at one end and, if there is no separate outdoor kitclwll ,
nlOking hearth at the other. It is not separated from the rest of the hall..... "
., I","ilion. A few older models of houses also used to feature a cantilevl",.1
I'I.'tlmm (8. sOllrollg JIIpawoi, Mk. tala-tala) at the back that was somew".,1
h'f;llI'r thon the main Aoor, and which could be divided into small bedrollll'
(II Mk, IJili'), Possible additions include a separate kitchen (B. bola dnpd M~
,,,,1/11' 1,"'/III/III1IS) al·the back of the house. This may constitute an extension III
"I" "' 1"ISl.,') of the tnmping, with its own strongly curved roofing.' It ,,"101
lib u hI' lin Ollihuilding set in the same axis as the house, as in thegajah meu,tIlI .,
"'t.,I"v lVI'" of housc or ruma ben/ge of Pasemah, which is joined to the 11(>11 ,
1111' h. Inside a simple house near Pare-Pare: the plaited bamboo walls and split
10\ ., I ,"NI'd ",vered walkway (8. jambatang, Mk. tete). Alternatively, the kitch,'" bamboo floor provide natural ventilation (1979)
"'1'\ Ii" I'l'I'pl'ndicular to the main body of the house, and joined to it by .111
"1"'11 ,III' 1,1,1Iform (8. palalltareng). The latter two variants have become qlllh·
1.111' ~t1dl additions to the back of the house are not taken into account wl1l'1l ,,' II down easily. A newly built house does not need permanent walls to
d,'IIIIII'/; the house's self, which is always situated in the innermost comer III •• II"idered complete and ready to live in. During the first month of its
Iii,' houMc's body (even in large houses more than four sections long). ''1','li n, a few planks attached to the outer posts often serve the purpose
A110ther common addition to one side of the front of the house is eith,·, 11,111 proper walls can be put up. The most traditional kind of walls cons,sts
.1 HimI'll' landing (B. paladeng, Mk. pnlndallg) or, more commonly in 8uf;' I l'oIl11'ls, frequently prefabricated, that are made of plaited or flattened barn-
houscs, a covered entrance platform provided with benches (B. tego-Iego, M~ I H' ,11' sheets of split bamboo. Wooden panels are preferred for the fa~ade.
(tego-rlego). The staircase (B. n'delleng, Mk. tuka') leading up to this is alwa\ ,II in the back where the kitchen is situated are usually made of plaited
parallel to the fa~ade except in houses of the highest nobility. Their staircaM' II,IIl"', or even of loosely bound palm leaves. This facilitates the ventilation
were set at right angles to the fa~ade, and were usually sheltered by a rool I II1llke, which can also escape through the roof's thatch. Windows are not
(8. bola-bola a'delleng). The main entrance door (B. babang, Mk. pake'bu') opcn, oIlv needed in the simpler houses with walls of plaited bamboo, because
"nt the staircase either at the right or left side of the fa~ade (never in till' 1,\ 1'l;ht enters the house through the slits in the walls (Figure 6). In better
middle), and is shut by a flap (B. tallge', Mk. teko pake'bu') made of the san". j"," ,,'S, however, there will be a few window openings (B. tel/ollgeng, Mk.
material (wood or bamboo) as the fa~ade wall. There is often also a side doo, ",,,"ga"g), sometimes in the side walls and nearly always between each
at the back of the house that leads to the detached kitchen. A bamboo ladd(" I ,', IIf posts in the fa~ade. They are usually all fitted with wooden bars and
is used to reach this, and there is no prohibition on setting either this laddrr j,IIlkrs (8. tallge').
or the bamboo ladders of simple huts at right angles. III' until the 1960s, most traditional houses had no partitions. An occa-
The walls of traditional houses are light structures that can be put up and ,,,".d exception to this was a single light middle partition (B. lawa teng'a, M.
11"1'""8 tang'a) that separated the front or 'outside' (B. risaliweng, M.,isulu');
2 Such a feature can also be found in some Sumatran houses. , I \'\ hich non-relative male visitors were restncted, from the back or tnSlde

I'I~',IIH' 7, 11nskcl'S and cooking implements stored on a cantilevered rack
of the traditional houses of Karampuang, Sinjai (1979)
(Il, ,.ililie/'lg, M. i/alang), which was the more private area of the hUll" II
h,',"'I'h (B. dapll,.eng, M. pa'pallua/'lg) (which is always oriented traMV,'" "II
Ihe house's axis), or the kitchen if there is one, is always located at UII "
Even today, most kitchens in such houses have neither cupboards nOl pI
to store meat. Above the hearth, firewood and salt are stored on a SI1 '" II , I
plotform (B. para-para, Mk. katu pepe'). Prepared dishes are hUl1g Ih"
plaited bamboo carriers to keep them away from insects. The WOI'l'WlI •
in a squatting position, or sit on very low benches. There is no Pl'111I1l
tobletop. Work like washing rice in basins, or pounding spices and [""
cnts in wooden or stone mortars is done on the floor. Platters are also 1.1 I
011 the floor for mincing or chopping meat or vegetables. Until quite II'" "'
l'hcre was almost no furniture in the rest of the house except for rallolll It
(B., Mk. jali'), mattresses (B., Mk. !ciso,.o'), and pillows (B. angka/'lgll/'lI/ '
pa/llngang, kallongang). At night, the mattresses were unrolled over a 1111,1
bed curtains were then hung over them to provide sleepers with SIll'"
vacy. The attic, which could be reached using a ladder, was used to HI,"
sheaves. In the past, the family's unmarried females slept there wh"11 II
were male guests. Supplies (except for rice), clothes, and various bel,,"
were stored in earthenware jars, and in baskets and boxes made o( ill
,I II "lllll'II,III'!, 'lllt'~(' Wl'l'P Ilwll pl,ln'd on l.1 1\11,:"- {/lIIltI III II/filII, .111 , I
"I, "I \'\'\ll\d~'Il1-ij'lllillh111,11 W.)S l.:onlil 'Vl"'t.'d fl'0111 IhL' oLill'1 \1\'lllllllltl. I Ill.
,I, ,[/,,' , (I "fi"""
7),
1111 w,tli dt'(,(,)I'dlioI1H of l3ugis <1l1d Makassar houses was spon,t',~' l,'l'pl!lll
I III v('d op 'nwol'k panels around t.he wjndow$ and at the gable 1.'11d~ 01
!Il' Illlhll' 110U1'lt't', More comrnon in the Bugis area were roof decoratior'l~
I/I""S 111,/11, literally 'bowsp,'its of the house') at both ends of the ridge,
I d, II II I h'd lIcc{)J'd i ng to a rea. Those preferred in Wajo' were carvings of
h,l.oIllIl'o foliage, said to either 'rear up' (B. tetlong) or 'creep' (B. ma'kalolo).
,. '" I,,. I ,'''presented a dragon (B. naga), with the head at the front and
I,ll ,01 IIII' back, whose claws (kant/ku) often appeared at each of the four
.. ' "I IhL' rooP The anjong of Bone houses were just simple skittles of
I lV"od; those of Sinjai and Bulukumba were carved upright vegetal
'" "II,'n flanked on both sides by ascending animal motifs. Finally, on
III Itdo1W<.'si,'s western coast and in the Makassar area in general, instead
'I~ IIw two extended bargeboards (the boards fixed to the verges of
,I "~I 111<' two gable ends) formed a kind of St Andrew's cross where
Itli. I "it,~·lt.'d.4
(JlIlIlIllll 1IIIIIIrI ['voilltion oj traditional jo,.ms oj Bug;s and Makassa,. houses
'I I ll'I"lively easy to reconstruct the evolution of Bugis and Makassar
1'"111 ih eighteenth century onwards using a variety of evidence (old
Ih'"" main features are said to date from that time, old photographs,
Illld descriptions by early travellers and researchers, local manu-
I I hi i" not the case for earlier times. In the absence of archaeological
III 1111"110 rely on less solid evidence taken from comparative lexicog-
11101 ,'Ihnography, as well as the interpretation of ancient texts.
'/'/l1nl! evidence
, I,. IV! Irk with lexicographical evidence, it has to be placed within the
,I Ih,' I,resent state of knowledge of the languages of South Sulawesi,
I, h, I'0lheses regarding their origins, which are summed up in my
I !l1I1I Ihe dragon's head and tail are represented by foliage can indeed be seen as a
I. 'II Ilull look place under the influence of Islam. In older times, the representation of
I 111I1I'i' explicit.
I' t,d bargeboards, which are found in commoners' houses and for which I have
I, III '4i'illI"C a specific name, are merely a decorative feature. They do not, as often
I " "Ill huffalo horns: these may only adorn the gables of noble houses.
 I 11111,1\11 1,1 (1'1 lid 1I11Jh\1j II) A·'I'.III\,.I',J1I'H,I'~~,t'IIt·III~111
II, 11,",II.I)~' 1111111dll')~ IIl1gl';, t\·1.d.,il ..•.. 1I, M,lIhJ,lI, .lIltl 1IlI,q., I
"11 Itllllt·d hllh1l1'iIU suhgroup. I ht,\, h,IV~' lW~'1\ sludlt'd tlll'1
\1111'
II II till' II" .., ' III hi"; \illi.1mpl 10 n'~nll"lnllt" 'I',"t,
\1'.lI"111I'SO
","1,1\\1" 1 l,lI\gllllg,·, l{ogVI')1 Mdls (197'l, 197,) h.l... pul forw\lld II II )
Iholl "pl',lk"ls 01 Ih.l1 pruto 1.lllgU.)g~· miHht h.1Vt' C()Jl)l' (1'0111 (1\1'1 I I
Bllllli'O ,IS lilt·", most logi '.11 point of dl'rMrtur '. '( h 'l--l' 1"('01"1(' Ill.l\ II I
',I'IIlI'd nil llw Ult! ... 1 of thl' MJkas~ar Strait between present d,l\- I'll
.Illd I'olt.'w.lli.
Mil'" "l'Cl'nl reseJrch by Sander Ad.<:!aar (1995a~1995b) 1''' '"I
,,'111,11 '.)hk' fJcts: fjr.~ that the cluster of languages in we,1 ""111,,11 II,
~llUWI1 ~lS ' amanic' (including Taman, Malol1, and Kafis) lIlldllld,'
hl'llll\gs to thc same subgroup as the SOllth Sulawesi langu,'gVI , 111ld
!llld, Ih,lt in southeast Borneo there is clear evidence of conldel 111'11111
"\I-Illh entury between the ancestor languages of Malgaclw (M.d,
,tlld 1.1I)~l"'gCS of both the Barito and South Sulawesi subgroup~. /I" '" I
III Mdl~, there is also evidence that Proto-South-Sulawesi supcJ's~'~h'd I
)~III""III._' substratum that may have been related either to the Pmnoll.1 .II
(ltullle!'1 known as 'Bare'e Toraja') of the Central Sulawesi sllbgnllll' .
lilt' BUl1gku-Mori subgroup, while other evidence points to the MlIl1d I
",hgroup. On the other hand, while acknowledging the existenCl' "' ,I
",1\' SIIuth Sulawesi language subgroup, 010 Sirk (1975, 1989) 51"", ,
11\ general, these languages are closer to other SuJawesi language 1'luhrl' •
Ih,1I1 10 any Born""an language subgroup except for Tamanic. He arg'" II
IIlI'" supports the case for local development rather than irnmigl'i'ltltlll "
Illll"l1eo. Assuming that the diffusion of language must have been 1,,,
roncornitant with the diffusion of traits of lllaterial culture - includillg hi"
l'(mstruction and architecture - one can also assume that the terms l'l'l.lh ,I
house parts and building techniques at least partiy reflect a distanl!,., I
Ih,' same time, this may help to account for the striking differences b,'11
Toraja models of houses and Bugis and Makassar ones, in spite of the 1,,, I II
th ' Toraja, Bugis, and Makassar languages belong to the same subgr''''I'
It is surprising that in these languages only a small proportion "' 'I
lenns for parts of the house are related, namely: alliri (B., 'post'), a'nll II
'post') < *5aDiRi (Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, 'post'); knso (B., archai, I
fr.) < *knsnw (PMP), 'rafter'; bnbnng (B., 'door -opening'), bn'ba (Tr., 'dllll' I
*bnlibali (PMP, 'door'); renring (B., 'wall, partition'), rinring (Mk. 'wall'), ,..
illg (Tr., 'wall') < *dillgdillg (PMP, 'wall'). Other related words have ta,,'" ,
different meanings, such as pnrn (B., 'storage rack'), as compared with I
(Tr., 'outward-slanting upper part of the gable'), and rnkkeang (B., 'aU" I
compared with lnkkean (Tr., 'elevated platform used as a resting place fll' II
corpse in death rituals'). These few shared terms, which in fact belong 1"lh
II l'lIllil M.II,lyo Pol r'll'liinn hlock, 111,1 indk,\It, ,1111'111 h 11,111 oil I
I III Ilu, nllll'r hllnd, l"dh:"xl':4 or Ihe Ipl"m ~IJfII/I/II wlill Ill., 1111.111111,
to Ihl'T()f;\j.l MH.t llnlt'a] Sulawesi and MUll,l UlIIIIIlI.1I1
til • III II 11 l(H1
InllP , wlll'l"('a~ they mean' unifY, domain' in both th' BugI'... 1Itd
II 1,IIlHthlgt.'~, Tht' Proto-South-Sulawesi term for 'house' was pfoh
. , w,lh rl'f!exes in the kOlljo Makassar dialect (also balin' in standard
"I "'1"'; MJndar: sapo (also bojnllg in standard Mandar); Bugis: sao
, 1,1 III _1.lnd,!'d Bugis); Embaloh: sno; Taman: SOD. Interestingly, other
I, III ·"tlJlu arc to be found in Sumatra and Mentawai. The existence
'1''' .111\1 in addition to a *ban"a area might tentatively be explained
liPllllH tl'h'll the diffusion of the word *sapo bears witness to the intro-
" ""I " new ('Malay'?) type of house around the seventh century AD,
"" II Sumatra to Southeast Borneo. However, the differences that exist
, II II", 'J'o!'aja houses and those of the Central and Southeast Sulawesi
I I, ",lVI' et to be explained.
"",lti( evidence
II "1',11 ""n is not limited to purely linguistic aspects but also extends to
., 1.1 "I both material and non-material culture (including its specialized
l/\llli1gy), one cannot help noticing the existence of remarkable con-
II' '" between the cultures of South Sulawesi, and Borneo and South
,', I (,"pecially Malay) in such areas as metallurgy, goldsmithery, weav-
.1\. growing, and music, and to some extent architecture,s This is in
.1, d nlntrast to Central Sulawesi.
hI !'olhesis put forward by Duman;ay (1987:49) is that Toraja houses,
""'lI1gkabau and Batak houses, perpetuate a form that originated from
I ' "'Ii 'on) type of house with a 'sagging truss'. This type of house, which
I III I',ld throughout all of Southeast Asia by around the first century AD,
I' II Ily replaced in the thirteenth century by a new type with a roof of
"," "rigin. Toraja houses differ from Bugis and Makassar houses not
""\ ,Iuse of their mof and a number of other outward features. They are
III',IlIy diffecent as well: Toraja houses are of the box-frame type, and
, , .,·d either on posts connected by rails or (infrequently) on a crossed-
IIh I!'ucture (Kis-Jovak et a1. 1988:68), while the Bugis houses are H-
ilI' tructures with raised floors, and are quite similar to ancient models
111.,y houses (Lim Jee Yuan 1987).
I "I ,I i'pmparison of weaving looms, techniques, and terminology, see Pelras 1993.
 264 265

Literary sources

The earliest written evidence concernjng Bugis houses can be found III
La Galigo texts, which appear to refer to a civilization that TnllSl hd\\' ,. I
from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries. Although these texts ro"I.I,,"
systematic descriptions of houses, what they do say about them w, 111.1 ,
to apply to models similar to those used by the Bugis until the ni""'"
century. As one might expect from epic texts, the houses mention"d
those of princely, semi-divine heroes and were ca]jed 'palaces' (Iallgl"",<!
these texts. We know from later times, however, that only their larger dill.
sions, better materials, and a few outward signs of status differentiall'd '"
from ordinary houses. They were at least eleven sections (twelve pl"'" I,
and eight sections (nine posts) wide, compared to the three-by-thr (' ",,110
that made up the average traditional house of people of lower rank. />11'
epic exaggeration, the houses of the main heroes of La Galigo texts ,111'1','
gigantic proportions (up to a hundred sections in length). Even though 'h
are saId to have housed hundreds of people, they only have one 11110 101
partition (Iawa teng'a or sawang [angkana), which strictly separates till' ""I
public, from the inner, private part of the house, The highest-ranking "'"""
ned gU'ls may have small sleeping rooms (goari) at their disposal h ,','.
In the La Galigo texts, these houses seem to have no furniture exr", 'I , " A Irl1ditional house with sunken posts in Karampuang, South Sinjai (1979)
:ori?llS, k,inds of wide, curtained divans (lamming). This is where high 11111
"'g II1d,v,duals would sit during the day (with the curtains open) and I, I
"I night (with the curtains closed). There are up to seven layers of CUI I,,, It ,,1,/ ",'''I''lio/7 oj South Sulawesi architecture
(Illil/I/[JII, boca') made of colourful cloth, often brocaded, embroid"I'l'd ,
d 'corn ted with applique motifs, Present-day nuptial seats used in pi "", I 1l1~.11111IL\rpretation of all of the above evidence, one can tentatively as~ume
weddings attempt to reproduce this model, although they usually ma,,' " , 11"'11' we're three successive types of houses in early South Sulawesl: the
f m dern beds. These lamming might be better represented by the m"oI, I III II t \11<', which may have been called *banllo but whose common features
pelamillan ill the reconstructed Minangkabau Palace of Pagarruyung (IV, I IlIlh lilt [(1 ascertain, followed by the 'projecting gable' type, which sur-
Sumatra), where princesses in ancient times would have taken their 1'1",1 I, 111 1""Sl,,,t-day Toraja houses, and later by the Bugis-Makassar-Mandar
view of the striking similarities between examples of such couches/n''I''',1 I I"" h,'pS of Sumatran-Malay origin, and known by the term *sapo,
seats among a great number of coastal Indonesian peoples, the archelYI" , I Ii '"I',lIlhi' type failed to establish itself in the Toraja mountams. But Hus IS
such pelamll1an/lammmg might be one and the same, and perhaps of ril'l" II • 1Il\ll'llurc, and a more thorough analysis should be made that takes Into
or Malayu, Sumatran origin. Domestic implements, and baskets (11' "I , 11111 ltH,\)! variation in architecture and vocabulary across the entire area.
(pelli sabl/ro, taillmbll) made of sheaths of sago palm leaves and conl,,'''''" II 1I1111ld i11 lude not only houses but also other kinds of structures, includ-
lothes and textiles, are placed on racks (porn). Implements of foreig" "" Ill, IJ,"t1,~a. These are temporary ceremonial halls that the Bugis now usu-
gin such as mirrors, jars, china plates, and various types of metalli V\"", I II 1IIIIId <lnly for weddings, but which bissll priests have used as temporary
are imported either from 01' through the w,'sl,'rn part o( the ar hil'I'/.1 l 1I11t·... for worship fr m time immcmorial. 6
('Malaju', 'Marangkabo', 'Jawa'), 01' (rom l"oIi" ('KI'liing'). I, h Ihis period and the ('fHI ninct('cnth century, not many changes
'1'\'1l

III 1111111\,\' (clken pld (' in hOll<"\' (orn, \-,)).,;1 building teduliques. The older
266 ( 'III /'.11//11 1'1 II ,/
sketches, which date as far back as the l\.ll"1y ~l'v\'lllt't"lllh n.'nlur , o,;hllW 111 I
sturdy wooden houses that fit the La 'i;1Iigo dt..'~criptiol1s. W' Lin ohldlll
more precise idea of how older models of Bugis and Makossar house"~ '"') hi
have looked by examining examples of houses people say are 'hun,h,·d "
years old'. Three of them are situated in Karampuang, in the mount,,", ,I
the Sinjai regency in the southern Bugis area (Figure 8). Several otl1<'r ,. 01111
pies are to be found in Tana Toa, the traditional core of the Kajang don1.ll11 III
a region where the coastal kOl1jo dialect of Makassar is spoken Thes . h,,"
must conlply with a number of rules and prohibitions concerning pl°tltl ill
or techniques considered by the people there to be technical innov,dllllll
introduced after the advent of Islam in the early seventeenth century. S,,, II I
also the case for a few houses in Cen,kang (Ussu', northern Luwu'), ,11.1",
linked to the Bugis myth of origin. Even though one might doubt th.. t Ih,
houses could have survived intact over the centuries, one can prcsunw III II
because of their sacred status, repairs or replacement of parts would h,'
been done in accordance with the original.
These houses had their posts driven into the ground, and all inforlll,'"'
agree that such was the case not only with these houses, but also wilh ,II
older houses. In Karampuang, the staircases in two of them lead up frolll II,
ground under the house to a trapdoor in the floor, and are provided wllh
heavy counterweight. There are no lower connecting beams in hOlls'~ \\ II"
posts sunk into the earth. Although the floor beams are fitted throuf\h II,
posts in both the Karampuang and Tana Toa models, informants insisllh,,' III
fernler times the floor beams were tied to the posts with rattan binding~, ,"Ill
the rafters were tied to the truss in the same way. Such a technique cnll ,I,ll
be seen in the houses of Ussu', which follow the prohibition of not all"wII'
the ara.tel1g to pass through mortises.
Between the La Galigo period and the nineteenth century, though, " I, \
changes must have taken place. For instance, we know that at the turn "I II.
seventeenth century a few pieces of furniture began to find their way 1111
the richer houses of the high nobility, as evidenced by the Portugues ",,,,,I
borrowed to name them. It was at this time, then, that chairs (B., Mk. kad,.",
Port. cadeira) and tables (8., Mk. lIlejallg < Port. mesa) began to appear, illli ,I
ing the replacement of split bamboo floors with wooden floors, and '"111 ,I
openings in the outside wall sometimes became real windows (8., Mk./I/I,d, I
< Port. jane/a).
The later evolutiol1 of Bugis al1d Makassar hOllses
It was perhaps in the second half of t1w nilw!l'~'l1th ~t'llllll- lh,)1 D ni,.'W hP11 I
building technique appeared, in which II1\' IIp'lI ... WI'Ii' no IOl'lgl'I' dr'IVt'll 11111
1111llld hut pl.ltl'd on 4lonL' fOllntl ..:llion~. This made it quit' ea~ ItllTlOVt'
II 1111' hIght'" hOll"'l'~ from onl' plJ e to nnoth 'I', This new tcchniqll(', tOft!'lh
IIII lilt' 'portico' tl'(,'hniquc used for the cn."Ction
. of the frame, m.IY h..l\I'
1l111l1100;Vl'd from Iht' Mal.1ys, since this has been widely used in 1\11,11.1\.1
I I h,lillll1d. As it requires more precise carpentry than the previOll~ 0111' II
II I ,d'ltl h.)vc d pcndcd upon I'he availability of more sophisticat\.'d t .11111'11
111111, lhl)n those previously used. The other changes that pr gJ"p"'-lI\I'l\
,I 111111 t' ()l'lly affected the houses of the aristocracy at first, since lhi~ gnH III
1111\ .-d liw privilege of innovations il) furniture as well as in other .11'1..,11-1 l'tll
11111 ", ollly the nobility were permitted to use squared-off or 0 ''It.lglJl1,11
I Ill.,h'nd of rough-hewn ones, and floors made of wooden planks i f1l;lt'lld
, 1,/11 h,"nboo, whieh permitted the introduction of Clipboards, beds, Inbll'H,
. I, I,,,,,,, Following the Dutch takeover of South Sulawesi in 1906, the 1.11
UIlI\I\'oIlions were gradually adopted, and further promoted by tr'adc in
kill Ilh1de manufactured goods, diffusion of Western cultural n,od'ls,
I tllllhllivcs of the colonial administration. For example, the coJOniol gov
1l1l"llll'llcouraged the use of corrugated iron roofings for reasons of health
1.,1 IIloring was seen as a nest for vermin) and safety (the replaterTIenl of
II, h h\ mrrugated iron lessened the risk of fire).
,,1/1111111 of sell/elllellt pallents
1,1 Illl' hOl'S s, the patterns of Bugis settlements have also 1lI1,h-"f\llll('
1'ltlW' ovcr' the centuries. The settlements described in the La Galig( .., It' IN
1Illllllh'd on moderately high hills near dyer estuaries, on eillllJ. 'I MI'd
'I '" 1.1ke shores. A landing downhill is where people take th,,", .1.111\
III lInd where women do the washing_ In later times - arouJ'HI I h, t' IiiII'
III j'nlh 'entury - it seems that seclil-ity considerations led people tu .. '''1,111
II I III I IllbL'r of new, partially fortified settlements located on much l1"I~~IH'1
I III summits, such as Sewo, Gattareng, and Bulu' Matanre in Sop pellg,
I IIIJlLl' Aruang in Bacukiki'.
III II", I"urle 'nth century, people began living on floodplains, when' i1wy
'wd lip r.Jin·fcd rice fields. One can gather from the texts of diversc'" l( ',11
'1111 !t'.. that their houses were sometiJlles isolated, or loosely gather . i, or
"lll'd lIl1t) t;ll1all clusters near cultivated land. These settlements, 11()\lVcvl'!',
II 11111 ,llholutcly p rll1ancnt, nnd the texts often m ntion as common l pll\u'
It t.ll'hl growlh or sudd 'n dl\"ll'l'lion, uS w II as the movement of I K.'oplt.'
'Ill I'ld~t' In pl.)CL', In Ihl' Il1lddl(' of !l1usl d(H'l'l,lins 01' petty p()lilie~(lll tll/lltI)
H dl'!I'IlSlvl' t'nclo:-.w·~'s (1m/a) I ht"'l' c'nTlliihh'd <if ,111 ('"wtlwn I,lltl~, """",ilh ,l
llill'll Mhwk,Hh'hlll'pl\'lllt'lllt'd wllllll1l1l11Y .llllllh:J ('I'P 1('<.1 on il~ r'idHt', '1.'lll'Nl'
I 1ll'lIdt' lilt' vnclo4ull,1 (II/I/II'''S 1)11111) 1,,\'1'1" lItll nih", III IIw Hid, I t'II"'11I' III
 268 CIlI/'I/111I1 "l'l,,1
the word, nor even fortified settlement:;, but Wl'l"l' l'..l thl'l' prot· ll'd .1It .1
the people of the wanua could come and take helt '[in as \ or w.\I
Such areas were not completely built up. They included (ields, 1,1",,1 ,I'
gardens, coconut and other fruit-tree groves, and of course J It'W III III
tlements. These settlements usually harboured one of the lord's H' hi. II
where the domain's regalia were kept, and after Islamization Willlhl I
have included the local mosque. There were neither shops nor WI \I I 1" I
Trading took place at marketplaces scattered around the variOll~ (III I.
of the wnnun, while artisans used to gather in specialized settlen"'''1 ",I \I
smiths (as in Massepe, Sidenreng), pot-makers (as in Kampiri, W"I" I
boat-builders (as in Ara', Bulukumba). When he visited Tosora (11w 10, ,,'
ancient Wajo') in 1840, James Brooke described it as 'a large str"m.;I"'1
greatly in decay; the ancient boundary of which is marked by a (01'111" ,,,
which embraces a space of several miles in circumference, and 0 CLIpII'" I,· I
eastward a slightly elevated ridge, and to the westward sinks 10 " ,." ""
(Mundy 1848:55). His description, of course, was correct, but not hi" 11,1, 'I '
tation: the fact that the area was only partly settled had nothing 10 .I" "
decay - it had probably always been so. Some other settlements in '10, '"
area were quite important: in 1840 Brooke's estimate of Lagosi, the ''''1''1 ,I
the Pammana wanua, was 'at least a thousand houses', which aCC('lldlll I
him corresponded to around 10,000 inhabitants. But this, too, was Ill"',
extended cluster of villages than a city in today's sense of the word.
The factors that favoured the mobility of Bugis settlements and Illl' I, .. t
cities as we know them in the West were indeed generated by the ve,~ , "
acteristics of the Southeast Asian house, of which the Bugis hous' j, .. I I
ieal example. The necessary building materials (wood, bamboo, and v"I,' I
covering such as palnl1eaves, sugar palm fibre, Imperata grass, 01' IMllIl"
tiles) were readily available, could be processed everywhere eaSily, "nd , "
inexpensive. The construction of these houses was a progressiv IHpl1
since up until this point they were made of interchangeable parts and, ""II
be gradually enlarged quite easily. One could thus begin with a vcr)' \1"1 I
bamboo hut, then replace it with a still simple but slightly mor "1"1,,,, ,I
wooden house that could be improved bit by bit. Even big houses co"ld I
taken apart and reassembled elsewhere, since they were construcled "1111" I
by jointing and binding. The smaller bamboo houses could even b,' '"'' ,.1
without first being dismantled, but because the posts of the bigge, wood, "
houses were sunk into the ground, these first had to be cut off at t1wi,' 10" ,
in order to move such houses intact. 1n the 1960s, such method" w,'" , .1111
being used on some of the surviving old houses.
2h9
", III ,1 1I'IId,llon,,1 Ullgi~ house is distributed according to gcndl'r: llw
I I 01 III IIH' hOW"l' it" considC'rcd the men's section, and the ba k P<Ht lhv
I' \VII.'lll'Vl.'r possibl', each of these sections has its own entran c, with
and 011 at the back for women. In actual fart, tlh 1
.1 llll' jllllll fOJ" 111t,'I1,
d 111111 II I'ClI'11!1011Iy lIsed by the women of the house, women kinfolk, .1I'Id
Illlli'" wlwn appropriate, but the back door is seldom used b n1l'l1,
111t\ Ill\' l11('n of the family, and almost never by outsiders. The WCH'I'I 'Il
olio 1\ ',I.ly in the front part of the house, but avoid it when unr ~1~1h.'d
", I, ,11,' visiting. onversely, although the kitchen at the back is Ih,'
" "',,1m, Ihe men of the family do sometimes come here, especially tn
110, II <I,lIly meals. A specifically feminine part of the house is the atlie,
," " " stored. Even the men of the family seldom climb up there.
I h- 111\ l,..ion of space according to gender is most visible during visits by
1111 "",I",,: they are confined to the front part of the house along with the
_ II IIII' (lunily, and the women avoid the area unless they are bringing in
I '" "1I,,,r refreshments. The men then eat aJone in the front part of the
"HI Ihe women - including female guests - eat in the kitchen or th
t I "I ,,' the house. When a big feast is given, honoured female guests may
.. 110,· honl part of the house, because the kitchen will be crowded with
I III iltlking and making pastries; although the men and women remain in
II Ill' ~;rnups, the segregation is not so strict. After the meal is finished, the
" I <'I "I' ,md go to sit elsewhere (for example, on the balcony, or on rattan
I, til II", lounge in the front part of the house, where they may driJ1k coffee
I , d'HI "l11oke cigarettes (formerly, they would have chewed betel).
III Iltlll'lhll'y, rather than a strict and permanent distribution of space, one
.0101 I""tk o( a flexible scheme in which women benefit from those areas
II I"" t I'"rt, the attic) that are protected from the intrusion of those male'
I "I", who would normally only have access to the 'male' section of other
'1'" houses. At a more general level, one can say that the house is the
I ,,' 'Ill 01 women, not men. It is indeed usually iJl.herited by the youngesl
11I1~lhll'l Ilowever , the Bugis man is not a visitor in the house of his wife 01'
,II ... , ,lI1d (ecls genuinely at home there. This is in contrast to the situalion
Illtlllf. nlhl'r Indonesian etlmic groups such as the matrilineal Minangkabtlu ,
'II II \'1'11 l,mong lhe patrilineal Batak and the bilateral Acehnese.
IJIIIlI Il'l.'ently, certain peculiarities of the houses were related to lht'
III I' ",Id('l' in the so ial hierarchy. The Illost conspicuous one ha I to do
1111 110.. numb 'r of pan I~ Ih,ll m,ld,' lip the gable (til/lpn' Injn', Mal"y t"'Jl/1'
,,) 110,,,,, h.ld to be Iwo sll< h 1'.111,,1, roll II", 10WN nobility, th,,·,· (or 1111'
lliddh I\llbdily, (jVl~ for tlw IlIghl'l IIlIhlllly "I,d '"It'Vl'n (or Ih' l'uh.'rs of tlw
1111111 Ihl)jl I..lngdnrn... Mil h .l~j 111\\'11 1llIIIIl W,IIO', SOPI'W"hl M\ll Sid"1l1l l1g,
1
 27U 271

Many noble houses could also be r~ ogl1l/l'd hy 11ll' pJ'C~l'nCl' ,II liw 1"1
the gable of either a buffalo or stag had, 01' il~ wl)odl'n represl'nt,ll HHI I II I
the middle and higher nobility had the right to have thei,· ,IJin d"
lengthwise instead of the usual crosswise, and only the higher nobilih ..,
certain domains the leading nobleman, had the right to use an inclj,ll'd I,j 01
of bamboo (B., Mk. sapana) instead of an ordinary staircase. In en h d..", ,
polity, or kingdom, specially appointed officers were in charge of pn'\" "'01
people from using symbols inappropriate to their rank.
The cosmic aspects of Bugis houses were no less importanl th.OI' II
social ones. According to the Bugis pre-Islamic worldview, whi h ,Iill I"
vails today among many of them, there is symbolic eguivalenc' h..t\ ,
five socia-cosmic realities: the universe (alang), the territorial COl11l1l1l1llt
(wanua), the house (bola), the boat (lopi), and the human body (ate 11111). \ "
correspondences between their respective parts both vertically and hili I •
taBy.? Thus, in the house there is a symbolic equivalence between lh, .,11
(rakkeang) and the upperworld (langi'), and the space under the hou" I"
bola) and the underworld (peretiwi) (both of which are the abodes f Ih, i"
Islamic gods (dewata) some people now consider to be jinns), while til<' ,,,,
floor (salil1/11) corresponds to the middleworld (lino) where hlUnankind Ii ,
When complete rituals are performed at home, offerings for the upp'" \ ,., I
are brought close to the house's navel in the attic, while offerings Ii 1I II
underworld are submerged in water in a big basin set near the enll,lll'. II I' M,1l'king of the 'navel' post (posi' bola) with blood by the bride's father on
ritual post (the post supporting the staircase). 11ll' eve of his daughter's wedding, i.n Balannipa, Sinjai (1978)
Horizontally, the internal terms of orientation are the front (%nIlN, '11111
also of a boat), the back (mllnri, 'aft'), the side closest to the entranet' " ..,
(toddang, 'foot'), and the side opposite this (ulu, 'head'). Formerly, the ,,, ,,,I, 1.1 JIll' IJl1ivcrse to the 'land's navel' (posi' tana, which can still be fot.md in
the house had to face inland (a}a', which now means west, its opposill' ii, 101 llutlu1j pf I3Llgis wanua' or territorial cOmJllunities), to the 'heaven's navel'
alall', which now means east), but nowadays most houses face till' "" I /,,'111'11, ,1 ,pecial decoration that hangs from the middle of the canopy
Rainwater must flow under the house from the 'head' side to the 'fOOl' , ,.I ,I" 1""lt'"ly bridal settee (lamming)), to the post barJlga (the middle post of
which accounts for the entrance door being located at either the lefl 101 "t I, ,. '''1"1rdry halls that were formerly built, and are still built, by the few
side of the front. The core of the house (ate bola, 'house's self') is comp"'.,·" , I ,II 1I11lng hisslI priests for the perforn1ance of solenm pre-Islamic rites), and

the nine posts adjacent to the comer diagonally opposite the entrann' dill I
in the middle of these is the house's main post or posi' bola Chouse', n,II' I
which can be found in all houses, and not only those belonging to til<' ", ,I "I
ity, in contrast to what prevails among the Toraja. The sguare portion ,,' , I""
(su' bola, 'house's corner') situated between this post and the corm',' .. I 110
house is one of the most sacred spaces within the living quarters. Tlw P\ III
and his wife should sleep there on their firsl night in Ih house.
The house's navel is comparable to t1'll' o...mil" r'n'l' linking till' Ihlt'l' II
7 l1H:'rt.· j~ <In (,XCl'Il(,1l1 dcscriplHltl \ll Iht' ".IIIh' hllll I Hili 1'1111 ..\ Illholl"111 (hIlU"I' ,.
1'<1oI1 .IS il hOlN') for Hulon Ill~' Sl\lIlhnn liN 1'1
,I" 1,,,,,1'. navel' (posi' lopi, a hole in the bottom of the hold used in impor-
" ,It", th.ll lake place before a boat is launched)8 As is the case with all of
""v"l.: the post bola is the house's main spatial axis, and the place of
01, ", .. "f the main spirit guardian (pallg'onroallg bola), whose vital force
11'. ",') is ",sential to the prosperity of the building and to the well-being
II 1111 IIp.lIltS. For this reason, when the frame of a house is erected (an
"OI' <lftl'n equaled with Ih" h,",,,". birth),9 at weddings of the family's
III IIIl M~ILt"'j,tl .\1\',1, Ilw 111111""'" 11.'\ I I 1\ hit II l' .11>"1 Inl"lh'd ill tht' 1ll,11Il 1l(l'.1 (/If'/lII'II,,\
I I I I I lll.'d 11f"''' lit/Uri. II\\' III I,d 11,\\,,11 .111. tl I"M I "111/". ,\lid till' hU,I!'!' .1.1\.d IIf'f I III /1"',,\
,hll,I"·,,. h"Il'.'· ••lIId hll,ll ,11.' "II, "II 1.111. J h' 1'1 11\ tl,~ hl'III)\'~ 11" 'lll ..,l 111,11. 1,IHIIlI'1 ,I"
 272 ( I" I 111111 I', 1,,1

daughters (Figure 9), and on olh 'I' OlT<l!'oipll"l, It l... tlw 'oIl\' nf 1l11pOl'l'l111 Illl
which include smearing it with the blood of oJ thl(~l'n ill ul"lh'l' to ... tll·ll~ .1
its sumange'. Similar rites are also performed for the hOLlSl"S s{'('on"!.ll \ I
guardian, who is considered to reside near the entTancc, ell Ii'll' pll',l "l
which the staircase rests.
The attic is also an especially sacred part of the house. In till' lillll ,
some traditional Bugis there is often still a place where the rice deily S.llIl'
Serri is worshiped in the form of the 'rice mother', This is a rice 111.01111.' 1111
up of the first and last rice sheaves, which have been ritually cui Jnd ,'111 I
brought back and welcomed home. The area behind the front gabl" i, .11', ,II
important part of the attic. ntis is where a plaited bamboo tray (mil ,,') " II
and upon which offerings to the ancestors are laid on certain occasioll II
often also where the earthen pots are hung that are used to keep the a II,'" '"I
and umbilical cords of the children who were born in the house. 1\11",,1
level in many houses - even those of practising Muslims - a bOUle "' "II
contai.ner of water is hung at the top of the house's navel in order Il> I'"
fi res .1O In the attics of houses belonging to a number of tradition,,1 1"'''11
structures in the shape of miniature beds (palakka)," or miniature hou"," II
bola a'karame'kelIg) complete with small mattresses, pillows, and b d nil' ,It
can be found. They are considered to be the temporary residences uf '1'"11,
beings, and where offerings are brought when these beings are summll'" d
II III PW">l'ntation of food offering... to a spirit's house (lHJ/a 1>01/1 tll/u"l/a) hy
the occasion of certain ritual celebrations (Figure 10)12
II (IIIYO (ritual practitioner) in Tonrangcng, P~1n:.'i-rJr~ (1973)
By now the reader will probably have been struck by the facl lh,'1 '""
terms for house parts are similar to those for boat parts, such as afll"", ,
('bowsprit of the house'), timpo' laja' ('opening of the sail'), oloollg ('10", II 111110 n1e that the most important symbolic equivalence fol' hOll~l''''
IIl1myi ('stern), and kotobal1g ('deck'). This is not to suggest that til" II" II 1\)1 hOJIs - is with living beings. This was c1cnrly expr sscu b sor..,\.'
P

house can only be compared to a boat. There is in fact symbolic COI'I\"q II 111
ence between several levels of reality. A house may be seen as being syll,l" I
cally the same as a boat, a living being, and the universe; likewise, " h",01 ,
be seen as being symbolically the same as a house, a living being, .111.1 'I
universe. I suspect that the same kind of reciprocal symbolism hold, I", II
houses of many other Austronesian peoples.
well as traditional Bugis and Makassar people, their respective births are marked by ,I p.IHt
treatment of their pas;' (navel). Although this treatment varies according to tht, typt' 01 I ' ,
child's umbitical cord is cut, the house's main post is erected, the boat's hole in the ki.'I,II'II,llI
up), their symbolic equivalence is made clear by the similarity of the rituals aCC0l11p,ItI\-1t1t II
operations (the same kinds of offerings, burning of incense, and smearing with bluod)
10 If a house bums down, many people say it is because it has been abnndorlt'd h\' It
guardian.
11 Those found in Makassar houses are called plilltasn'. According tn M.1Hhl'''l, .. mil ·,1111' II
are considered to be where the ancestors rest when tht,y vi.. it till' hou,;(' tm hid,IY \'\'1'1\111
12 Other miniature houses ar(' broughl as 0(( 'rin~.. to J numlwr nf 'hI( l'I·d pl,lI 1 I,
throughout the BUgl'l r('~ion, In giVl' thanks IlH' htlvin}.; h\'\'n "hll' tn hudd ,I Ilt"W 11,,11' "
1IIll111lllints, who equated the rituals accompanying both 111(.' ('I\.'(!iOr1
III lllillfw'ri !1nvel post and the plugging of the boat's navel with lho~\'
"I' II 'viII>; Ihe cutting of a child's umbilical cord. The hous~ and bO,'1
I I"'" III" "WI'S (re!.pectively the sOl1ro bola and SOIlYO lopi) were ("IU,ll"d
",,, .. mlt/' (midwife) during construction and in thc first year (ollowin h
I 111I1l1~1 tlw housc, and with a sauro pn'bllra (healer) for the periodic rilu
111'01,,, 111 subsequently. The tradi~onal pre-Islamic rites pel'fol'l11~d by
"",,/10/11 .11"(..' often interspersed with Islamic rituals, just as <.\1'(.' tlw ritt.·"
IHI 111'rllwml'd fol' living b ings.
1111 f'rJ/llltrJIIlowar(/s IIco-traditional Bugis and Makassar houses
>l1"d"111 c"volulinn of Bu~is and Makas~ar housC'~ i~ inl'xtricably n'l,lled
, I d Itll IllP",. Or\(' of thl'~(' is the ~()(,'i() political hanAl's nee-oml ,lI1ylllH
I , I"" IP,I- of hi'lory, n,lnwly 1101, h 11111' (II/Or, 10 1'141), II", ),11""""'"
 274
occupation (1942 to 1945), the struggl ' (01' Indonesi,H1 indl'!' 'ndl'lI, I' II
to 1949), the South Sulawesi Rebellion (1950 to 1965), and the Nl'" II,
regime (from 1965 to 1988). These time periods have all contl'ibull'd I" II r!
ing the power of the former local political organization, and 10 " ",,11
transformation of traditional social structures.
The main turning point was between 1950 and 1960, when 1111' ',,,,,
Sulawesi Rebellion was at its height. Most of the rebels were not only ,Ii
isfied former fighters for Indonesian independence, they were aIso """ 10 I
ist Islamists with strongly anti-feudalistic opinions, who blamed the 1ll,'I' 'I I
of Bugis and Makassar nobility for having associated themselves", 'III II
Dutch colonial authorities, and later with the puppet Eastern Indlllll I
State. Because they were strongly opposed to any hierarchical symh,,1 .1
rebels burned down almost all the noble residences. They also d ,.,1,,,
many traditional houses considered by them to be nests of superstil",,' "
they threatened anyone indulging in un-Islamic practices (such as 1'1'11,,"
ing house rituals, bringing offerings to the dewata or to Sangiang 51'1,1 '"
keeping palakka or bola-bola dewata in their attics) with the death pen"I"
the same time, the Indonesian national army tried to bring villagers 11I1;"'1t
in areas it controlled, destroying the villages of those who did not "I;'" I
such a move. As a consequence, much of the architectural heritage o( 111,· I'
was annihilated. Nearly all the best models of houses have disappean'r! "
those that did survive have been divested of many of their former s 1111,,,1
The architectural character of even the simplest villages has been altl·II·r!
Meanwhile, the Indonesian government had also put an end to tl1l' I,,,
system of administration it inherited from the colonial period, in whil II II.
Bugis and· Makassar nobility still exerted a degree of power as "1')'''''''
district, or subdistrict heads. As a consequence, once law and order W,ll I
established, very few people returned to the custom of displaying sy"rt" I
of rank on their houses, while some commoners adopted features (lIllulI
reserved for the nobility, now that the only penalty they might incur ",,,,,,
be the reprobation of a few traditionally minded people.
In another context, in the Malaysian state of Johor (on the southwI' ,I. I
coast of the Malay Peninsula), I was able to survey a small number (11""
of Bugis emigrants that still retain either the original or a modified II" I
style. Of these houses, all but one have staircases set at right angle,. I" lit
fa<;ade. This is in fact a clear manifestation of the egalitarian, anti-hiel"" I 1111 I
trend that prevailed among these Bugis migrants from the beginning 01 II""
migration (between the late nineteenth century ond Ih early '19305). M" I I
these emigrants held stronger Islamic views Ih"n 11""p in Ih h nwl,H'd 1111
left behind. Moreover, their emigration pl,\n·d Hwm outside th' tr..l dII ItllI ,I
Bugis political sphere, out of reach of Ihn c' III ~ h.lI~I' of ~upt'rvisiI1A 11ll' .111 I
enforcement of traditional ruh.''''
7'>
'llih ·lIl,IWC'~i it~c1(, onu' Ilw rl'lwllion was put down and SCClIl'it
,1,1i I",d "nder the ew I'd 'I' regime, people began to rebuild tlwil'
jll ,I ilIon' 'm dern' way, although only a few of the innovationR tht'
I" I \ 'I'll' 10 last for any length of time. The influence of civil adminislra-
I I 1l1111' 11H.'l'casingly important, especially through voluntary campaigns
I rI 1"'I"'oving the villagers' welfare', People were encouraged to build
III hllwl'r cubicles and toilets behind their houses, and corrugated iron
, II' !'l'tll11oted to replace thatched roofs. Villagers were encouraged
II" " "lIie floors, which were considered unhealthy because they PI'O-
I I III.Hl' (or rats to nest. Furthermore, new harvesting techniques were
Ii" ,." wh 'reby paddy was shelled as soon as it was harvested and then
1i"I,·ly pl'ocessed in rice mills, which eliminated the necessity of keep-
I tdtl, hundles in the attic.
II' Ilhl'" Ctlll1paign was ainled at knl11arisasi (1.), the division of the house's
'I 1j11dlh.'l's into a number of separate rooms for the parents and the chil-
I \ 1111 II I"lcparate living room and a separate kitchen. Sometimes the area
I, , II", wooden floor was enclosed with brick walls in order to provide the
,'I\1i ,1 ground floor and the possibility of having more rooms.
II,. ,. 'h,1I1ges led to the loss of the house's cosmic symbolism, the aban-
III III tl( rituals, and the adoption of new social behaviours and new modes
I to, ,,1Ioration based on gender. At the same time, new kinds of furniture
". 1"ll'l'd, such as dining tables and chairs, tea tables, lounge chairs, TV
,II pill abinets, mirrored wardrobes, and spring beds, which showed
,"w"'g affluence of the villagers. What was considered to be better mate-
I III olh4.'1" words, not only Bomean wood but also corrugated iron - was
I 1,,, w"lIs and gables, and glass windowpanes (mostly of the 'louvered'
,I< 1\ ) wl'rc installed. Other innovations in the layout of houses included the
I Iii'"'' 01 halconies (either at the front or on one of the sides), and doubling
111111';1' ilrl'[l by building twin houses with no separation between them.
," t",ditional Bug!s and Makassar houses have increasingly adopted
,ollllttl ll~lils that can be said to have become symbols of a supra-ethnic,
,,,.d (h)wland South Sulawesi) identity, notably the crossed barge boards
II, ,', l"l'l1tly multi-tiered gables as well. However, completely new models
11\llll'n houses have not appeared in South Sulawesi. This is in contrast to
hll,ly I'l\ninsula, where deviations from the recognized South Sulawesi
'''' I,.I"tl'd before the 1920s. These included such features as 0 hipped
II ,1,"lI,II' to th Malay bUII/buJlg lima in Parit Sayang, and in K~mpLlng
III 'h, tl'pl\.l ing piles with stud w,llls t make a walled ground floor.
II, " ,'I I!Ie l'nd o( the 1920s, wl'dlthy Illlgis pl"nlers began to adopllhe new
1,1,\0111 11 'Anwl'i ,1n-slyh" fI,lI g,llllhH'IIOofll1g. 1 his wns snn1l.'linll's u"ol'd
 276 Chn'll/flll /11'//11

on houses with waUed ground floors, but I11Llinly on mulliplc-ridhl'd hili 1

with floors lower than in traditional models. There were also cen\t'III 1"1
for the wealthiest ones, a Malay-style alljollg (front room), and sonWIi"h
entrance veranda at the front and a separate kitchen lower than lIw III
l

body at the back. Nearly all Bugis villagers in the state of Joh r now h.II.
this model, which seems to have originated in the Riau Archipcl"l;lI "
which by the 1960s had become the so-called standard 'traditio,,,,l' ~I ,I
house throughout the entire peninsula.
However, although their details differ considerably from both Bug" '"
ancient Malay houses, contemporary Malayan wooden houses simph "I
resent a new development in a continued tradition. Thus, even in ft.'1 \ l'lltl
Islamic Malaya, it was not so long ago that some rites were (and perh"I' I I
are) performed when building and erecting the frame of a house. And "II.
some Malaysian Bugis still hang a bottle of water at the top of the na\.,1 I"
(in Malay the tiallg sri or 'main pos!') to protect the house from fir. I" ,,,.
traditional houses in South Sulawesi, offerings are still made to the '1"'1" ,
entities of the uppenvorld, altllough they are now set on top of a cup""'" ,
rather than in the attic, which has now been eliminated.
Needless to say, the settlement pattern has also been strongly infllll"'" ,
by administrative intervention, along the lines of what had been 51,1110 I
before World War II by the colonial administration. People have been I" •
II II 1\ modern brick hOllse on a hOllsing estate near Par~-PaI'6. It r('t<ltllloj 1"1) I
suaded to leave isolated hamlets - even though the houses there were. I.,
II III 1'!I'll1l'nts in its roof decoration (alljoJlg. kalluku) and a three-tiered g~lbll' {lllllill
to their fields - and to group thell1selves in large settlements near the 1I1i1ill
roads. Most of these settlements have adopted a grid-based street plan, "I. "'I
which the houses are set in parallel rows behind uniform fences, with II" II
front gables facing the street. The administrative offices, school, health ",,", II" and the development of new professions (bricklayer, plumlll'l
hllll'S,
and mosque are usually located in the middle of the settlement, occasio,,,,11 llllllln). It also harnpers the continuation of former rituals, which CUll 1111
along with an open field for ceremonies, which takes its inspiration fronl ,I" I 1I jl'l lw linked to house symbolism,
Javanese ohm-alun. III II I...lllying and stonemasonry in South Sulawesi are techniqucs thol ,111
I II IIl'W as one might imagine. Sincc the sixteenth century, brick forlifird
I '11 III h'l1 supplemented with cornerstones, have been built to rcpla ,('<-U III
The COil temporary /1/utatioll: brick alld COllcrete house cOllstructioll "1111,,,I,ons. A thorough study of this was recently conducted by l),lV,d
I ,,11,,·\ ~ (1996). He shed light on the fact that, from the mid-sixteenth 10 Ihl'
In addition to tile evolution from 'traditional' to 'neo-traditional' houses, ,I" lllo"'l1lh c 'l1lury, the skills of Makassar engineers developed cumulalivl'l\
main architectural change occurring nowadays in South Sulawesi and otl" , >Ill Ilwi!' own experience, This technical kl1 wledge was disscmin.ltl'd
parts of Indonesia and Malaysia - namely, the shift from building wood "".I 1111 11l)~hollllhc entire area by thousands of workers (quite a number o( whom
bamboo raised-floor structures to brick and concrete buildings at grmll'" h •.1 /1"1'11 rl' ruited from the l3ugis arC'n) who I11ddc hUl1dreds o( thous.lI'\l1
level- is not evolution but technical change. In ffc I, it is ba ed on com ph'" , Itl" """ ,1I) t built w"lIs that were kiloll'leln.'.... long (2,2 km ell Stllll".lbol1t.', .7
Iy different building principles, which lead lo ,ww living habits, new Sl" ,.,1 'Ill II 1.1110', <-lntl 3.8 km at K;l! CO,], .nnong others), I 0:1('11" o( mnsl/lil's WIth
I II ~ \\.dls .H'H.lI..)di.)til1~ tih.' l~o\''''r'l'd ruof (rI1l1'll·.... Wt,'I't.' hudl.lll nVt'1 Ilw lllt',1
belonged was (British) Malaya (Tal/alt Mf'/IIl(II) t hi \\,.1 IllI'Il II nil 11'11 1IIIIw MI11,ly 1','nm.... I,1 ,Ill I 111111)', till ... \'.lrly p('riod o(hl'ick l'!Hl'ltIIH lUll) Al Il'll .. t \'lI'W nltht"ll' 1110'\lllll"'j
was nO! yel port or M.lla .. in, whirh 1I,(llId,' ,110m .l~ ,111.1 11',111 In 11I1IIhwl''lIt'1Il B\lllll'\! 111111\\11', \'·... 1 hlldl of IIi'l,... lllllt' ()thl'l •• !tlIH'\PIl+.;lru"IUH\ II'ltludt'd Itullh'
278 ( 11,,',11'''' /1.1111

ItI,lll\ Ihilt ,Ill' M'ldllr110pl'IWd, Ml Ihlll 1111' lUI lllr-<Idl' Iii 1111i'1l 1111111
"11110111.1" lillIe if tillY ,,'ffnrl 1141'1 bl'l'l1 I1hHh' lo ndl11'1 thl', Ill'\'\-' lilld III
I ,11111 Ip It)\ 1\ I (ond I tion~ .H'1d 11 fl'lll YIl' , 0" In rOl1w 1I p wll h /,l,lIINt.h It 11 \
I'll 11\ IHI,lpling lin'l' honolln:d ll'c!1nilILH.'S to Ilw nt.'w ... HllillHIII
I •.tll It 1111 , tll Iht, snml' timl' ,1 Il'nd"'11 y "..II' lw nb~l'l'vl'd ill holll 1I\l'
• hll,'( IiIH' of offici",1 buildings (l1KI pl'iv,lIl' hCHlll'S 10 includl' ,I lillll!l'd
I I III 1)'1I'1Ii l'k'l11l'nl:-> found in llll' womkn huut{ ':-;, Thih'''lfl hc' ()h~I'l'vl'd
II1I ,III.IWt'si, as well dB in Ih rest of Indonesia and Jlso Mal,'y:ooi,l, 'I h":'1P
In h .\14 Ihi.' gable roof, the I'os:-.ed hnl'gc h041rds at lhl' l'l1d of Ilw
11.11111' I'nulti tiered gabl' are tdk 'n Olll of context, and ar' 111 '."11 Itl hl'
III. l.llltlll elf f..'lhni ,or mOl'c often regional, idcntity (Figures II and 12).
. '"""II'Il', Ihis only payA token homage to Bugis and Makassar culture',
,dl'll houses arc incrcasingly being abandoncd as reli s of the past.

I illtl"" U.: Dugis; E.: Embaloh; I.: Indonesian; Mk.: MakasS<:1.r; Md.: Mandnr;
I 11\ I'lld.: Portugllcse; Tm.: Taman; Tr.: Toraja.

Figure 12. The South Sulawesi provincial house of representatives (DPRIJ) bioI I til) staircase
in Makassar. Common South Sulawesi stylistic elements are the doublc-pllllll.1 ,III world
with crossed barge boards (although this last feature was mainly limited to till , , I cast (etymologically, 'towards the sea')
and Makassar areas of the western coast) and the elevated floor (1979). I III I core of the house (literally, 'house's self', 'house's
body')
,'ll) <:In individual (literally, 'human sclf', 'hLlman
body')
and the very peculiar funeral chambers that housed the graveA 01 ,II J roof ridge (synonymous with bllwlmgellg)
high-ranking persons. Other funeral monuments were either py,',,",loI I house post
cubical in form, with domed roofs - known as kobbang - and W('I',' 11I11.! "
II I plaited bamboo tray that hangs in the attic behind
the fronl gable, and upon which offcrings to tht
bricks or freestone until the late nineteenth century.
However, the introduction of shops and colonial-style hOllses (01 11111 ancestors aTC laid
Illll"H (Il.) pillow
and bureaucrats that reflected both Chinese and Middle Easlcrn illlll'" ,,, ,I,. (II ) roof decorations (literally 'bowsprits of the hOllS(")
belonged to a new, unprecedented architectural tradition ThcAc' W,,, , placed al bolll ends of the ridge
introduced in Makassar, and then also in secondary adminigll..l1l\1~ t. IIUllllh (M.ll.) the front l"Dom of a Malay house
after the Dutch takeover of the area in 1906. By progressively in"" I'''' ,I
other elements, they have evolved into a new kind of lndon 'Si.Hl ,Ill III
(" ) floor beams
house post
I " I
ture, which I do not intend to analyse here. Suffice it to say Ihol IIt,,\ ' I 1l1~1'1l~; (B.) rack f wooden grating (also called para), c,mlilt,v-
have features that are much less well suited to the c1imale Ih,lI\ lit" ('red from the outer wall under the roof Cdgl'
I I roof, roofing
the former wooden houses. For instance, instead of having ,,1e'v.,I,'oI II
I, (II) the p.ll'l lIndl'!' tht, house ,11 ground kvd
they are built at ground level, and often have no crawl SpaCl\ ilnd 111,1 I dow
1'1
lack a foundation. Because they are frequently located in (11'(',1" '111 I I I I III) lhlllT 1II'It'I'I"H
to flooding, many of them are flooded cvery year dlll'in!\ till' ,,1111\ , II I hO\I'o('
Likewise, instcad of having nJlural vl'nlil,l!iCln, Ilw ,1I"l' h"'ll1wllI,llI\ I I 1'·llllldl1~i (Ml.) dt'l.llllI'd 1111 1ll'11 (1lIlIhlllldll"'lH)
280 ( II""tll'II 1'1 JI,/

balla'-balla' tuka' (Mk.) roof proll'(.llll~; tIll' Hlllln",I/'ll' lInd Inndlllg I IIlIIiI (M~ ,) ht'd ~ tlll""1
banua (Tr.) house I '" (I , .) t'll'Vllll'd pl,11 Inr 111
bata (8., Mk.) 1) brick; 2): (ort i ficalion Inad ()f bl'k"
I 1I11111~ (II. MI-.,) 1, div,ltl~ 1111 IIh'l ly, 111,.,11 r,Hl~fl1n ullll "Ill ,I
bentOng (8., Mk.) fortification (made of cnrlh, brick, ur "IPllI I (ill 11",'l~' liming II", dilY (Willi 1111' I 1III1Itl J I
benteng (Mk.) house post ,lnd sl('pt on tlWlllllll"lIghl (wllh 1111 1IIIIllli
bili' (B., Mk.) small room c1osl'd); 2. dlV.H"~, lIN~'d 01'1 lllht'l n,h It· 1111 1111 I,
bissu (8.) (generally transvestite) priest in ChMgI' pI 1·1t lil's il'! bi/'l~lI l'itullll'I;;\, div,mH. UNt·t! III Illi • ,II
Islamic rites dIng ritulll .... of Ihe nobility Wh('ll' llt'wly\ '!'d Hilt
boco' (8.) bed-curtain sl.lll'
bojang (Md.) house I III Mk, I.) upperworld
bola (8.) house I ''',1( II ) princely n'~id('n('l.'
bola-bola a'deneng (8.) roof protecting the staircase and land Itlfo ng II (13. pnrtition f'lCpnralinl) the fronl or 'ollt'lld~" 1'.111 III
bola-bola a'karame'keng (8.) miniature house for spirits thl' houtie (rom the bnck or 'inside'
bola-bola dewata (8.) miniature house for spirits i, W' (II,) stnircnsc Innding with ben /1('$
bola dapo' (8.) detached kitchen (outbuilding) I ,I, ·hu' (Mk.) do r flap
bumbung lima (M.) hipped roof ,II Mk) middl world
bumbung panjang (M.) roof with hovo inclined planes and a :;II'.,j)~hl I H' (II, Mk.) table
tral ridge • fI'II/I.) table
bumbungang (Mk.) roof ridge I,,, (M k.) door opening
buwungeng (8.) roof ridge (synonymous with nlekke') I '''k (Mk.) staircase Innding
cadeira (Port.) chair I "I (II.) staircase landing
ceko (8.) extension of the tamping, with its QWI1 111111 I , (II ) miniature bed kept in the attic as a resting pia ('
curved roofing (synonymous with jO/lgAf' I for the spirits
dapureng (8.) hearth ., ,,' (Mk.) flo r beams
dapara' (Mk.) floor made of split bamboo (synonyrnnu'l \ III! 11l11t'IlH (13.) open-air platform between the main house and
dlisi!rE') the detached kitchen
dego-dego (Mk.) staircase landing with benches 'lOY, (Mk.) pillow (synonymous with kallongang)
dodoso' (Mk.) attic beams I (MI.) miniature bed kept in the attic as a resting pIn ('
gajah menyusu (MI.) small extension at the back of the holl'it' for the spirits
jambang (Mk.) covered gallery on one side of the how1\' III 1111 , .. .Ill (II,) head carpenter
slightly lowered floor ,ill rack of wooden grating, cantilevered from the
jambatang (8.) raised covered walkway between the hOll I , outer wall under the roof edge (synonymous with
the annex at the back a'tallreangeng)
jandela (8., Mk.) window I "., (II.) small open platform above the hearth where pro·
janela (Port.) window visions of firewood and salt are stored
jOl1gke' (8.) extension of the tamping, with its own ",ltflll ,I" (Mk) upper and lower connecting beams
curved roofing (synonymous with dAo) I III) upper and lower connecting beams
kadera (8., Mk.) chair tlllill (M!.) bridal settee used by new-Iyweds to sit in state
kale balla' (Mk.) core of the house (literally, 'house's hlld~ ) , (II ) underworld
kallongang (Mk.) pillow (synonymous with pahl1lgaJlX) 'IlH,I (U.) 'navel of the baruga', or main post of a ritual
kamarisasi (1.) division of the house iJltO scpnrnlc rl:'lOIWI pavilion of the hisslI
katabang (B., Mk.) 1) boat's deck; 2) jointed plank floor 'navel of the upperworld': a special decoration
kaso (8., Mk.) rafter that hangs from the middle of the canopy of tht.'
kasoro' (8., Mk.) mattress prin ely hnd.ll ~{'tl'
katu pepe' (Mk.) small open platform above thl' hCMth ..... hl .. I ,I, (II ) 'n.lVrI ~lf 1/11' hOll'l\"', its main po~'
visions of fin.'woQd ,mel salt ill'!.' stoll'd I 'I" (1\ ) III(' 'htllil' 1l11\.'~'I', II hole in Ihe bottom of IIll' lwld
kubbang (B., Mk.) bt'ick pr' stOll I' hllildin~~, with d d{11l11'd Itlllt II I llNI'tl III 11111'\111.1111 I ih."~ bdnl'c lilt' b<>.11 i~ IdlilldH'd
,Illy ll~l'd 101 !l1l1"l ill"! '1l11vl,11I1 1111' 1,11111', tl1(' syrllbolit· u'llin' (I{ 11'11'
282

Bllgi~ d~lIn~llll (tiltH/fill)

poci' balla' (Mk.) 'navel of Ihl' hOll'-"", lis IlMin P()~I
poci' biseang (Mk.) the 'boat's I1<lVCI', a hole in the bollol1l ulllil
used in important rites that take pklc,- 111'1,," I 'I IlulI N,l'tll
boat is launched II""Sj'/wltll, 1/mwlt Irml, .. io/wl MI'/nyu ,';1'I1II'IIIII1II111S M"/IIII 1.1 I II II I
poci' butta (Mk.) 'navel of the land', the symbolic ccnln' til II .. I 1I1111Hlr' D,lIuJrikir,
Makassar domain (pa'rasnngnflg) 1111 1"1
rakkeang (B.) attic A'li,H'lIOnls of tl1(' Mlil"'g<hYi A lingui-;tic pl'rspl'<.:livl", HlldIllS"1I till d.
rerning (8.) wall IIII/f , I,(/Iul I'll Vofkl'ltk,tllrll', 151 :325·56.
rilaleng bata (B.) protected area, literally 'inside the cnch"jult l1ofl'll'n as ,1 crossnMds for ol11paralivc Austronesian IIngldl'4lh "
rinding (Tr.) wall in 1\ Bl'Jlwnod cl Ill. (l'd~), 'I'lle Alistro//I'sinw;; 11iC:loricnl (IIItlI'CIIIIIII//(/
riming (Mk.) wall //0" fJt'rslll'c!ive,", pro 75-95. anbcrra: cparlmcnl of Anthropnlp~,y,
salima (B.) floor made of split bamboo 1{1'~l'lll'ch School of Pacific and Asian tudics, Aust-ralian Ni1lioll,ll
sambung layang (Mk.) gable panels made of split bamboo matllt'''' HI lJllivl'rsity.
wooden planking, forming one or mon' 1,,11 jill 111\'111
slopes '('tll'lslr'llction, hblOl'y and significance of the Macassar fortificalions'.
sao (B., E.) house 1',lpl1r, International seminar On South Sulawesi hist ry and cullure,
sapo (Mk.) house (koMjo dialect) 111"l1gpandal1g, 16-19 December.
sawang langkana (B.) partition separating the front or 'outsid..·• 1',111 01 II .t!ld S, Charpentier
princely residence from the back or 'insid. 'No!l.'s sur I'habitation sur pilotis en Asic du Sud-Est', Asic rill Slld-[~I
simbang tang'a (Mk.) partition separating the front or 'outsid," I',Ill I't MOl/riL' IUSlllilldicfl 5-2:13-24.
the house from the back or 'inside'
somong mpawoi (B.) cantilevered platform at the back of the IWI! ' 11/1' house if! Soulh-Casl Asia. Singapore/Oxford/New York: Oxford
soo (Tm.) house University Press. I Images of Asia.1
su' bola (B.) 'house's comer', the square space bCtw('I'll 111 i\ IlIW.1 Imrc, Hetty Nooy-Palm,Reimar Schefold and Ursula Schul7-
main post and the corner of the house III
tala-tala (Mk.) cantilevered platform at the back of the hOIl I H/II/lla Torain; IIm/gillg pattems in architecture nlld symbolism nl1lOllg II/('
tamping (8.) covered gallery on one side of the house willi SrI'dall Torain, Slilawesi, Indonesia. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical InstitLlte.
slightly lowered floor t lI!l1I

tange' (B.) door flap {Iii' Malny hOl/se; {~ediscovering Malaysia's illdigcl'lo/./s slldler sY5lclIl.
tebar (or libar) layar (MI.) gable panels made of split bamboo mailing III 1'1I1LH.I Pi nang: Insl'itut Masyarakat.
III
wooden planking, forming one or mol'C pill,lIl. I
Milkl1s!'narscll-llollnlldsch woordellboek //let Ho//nndsch-Mnknssnnrsclll'
slopes
lI'(I(Jr(il'lIliist, ofJgave VIlli Mnknssnarsclle pll11lfel1lll1l11en ell verklarillg VI11I el'1/
tellongeng (B.) window opening
lell o/lheldrrillg bijgevoegdell etJmographischen ntlas. Amsterdam: Muller.
tete (Mk.) raised covered walkway between the hOll~I' III I IJI~'Silll'l!.c:clt-Hollalldscll woordel1boek met Hollandscll-BoegillCesche 1000r-
the annex at the back dl'/Ilii."I, ell verklarhlg vall eeu tot oplzeldering biigevoegdel1 etllllogrn
tiang sri (MI.) main post of the house ,,111'" hell atlas. The Hague: Nijhoff.
limpa' laja' (B.) gable panels made of split bamboo matti,,~~ 'II I I' t
wooden planking, forming one or mon..' p.II,III. I 'lltl' n'construction of Proto South Sulawesi', ArchipellO:20S-24.
slopes 11/'010 South Sulawesi nntl Proto Austrolll.'Siall pllollology. lPhD thcsi~, Uni
tontongang (Mk.) window opening V\'l""lit of Michigan. 1
tuka (Mk.) staircase I 1I111ll'Y
ulampu (B.) bed-clll'tain Nilililtirw of /11('1//." III UIl/II/'O 1/1/(1 Cdr/w', dOl/III 10 lIlt' eJrc/I!Jfllioll (!{ I n/ll/(II/;
ware' (B.) attic b~[II11'4 I I'll/II Ifl/' jOIfI'l/I//'i 0111/11/1',,, Ifwok,', 10,,111111: MUI'l\'y. 'I \lVn v\\I ....
t 1111/1111111
'1,\ rHlll'lon bllhtl-l; Pili III'''' llllli hill". 1'1 IIlIH thillN', Ihie' dll ~r/{II 'lId
284 Christian Pelras

Monde [ns!llindien 6-2:61-100.

1993a 'Rumah bugis; Fungsi, struktUf, aturan, bentuk dan simbal;
perbandingan dengan rumah melayu semenanjung menurut
Jeroi-gouThan', in: Wan Abdul Kadir and Zainal Abidin Borhan
Fenomena 2, pp. 98-143. Jabatan Pengajian Melayu, Kuala L
Universiti Malaya.
1993b 'Textiles and weaving of the South Sulawesi Muslim peoples; A .
liminary report', in: M.-L. Nabholz-Kartaschoff, R. Barnes and
Stuart-Fox (eds), Weaving pattems of life; Indonesian textile sympo--.
1991, pp. 397-418. Basle: Museum of Ethnography.
1996 The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell. [The People of South-East Asia and
Pacific.]
Salim, Muhammad and Fachruddin Ambo Eme (eds)
1995 I La Galigo menurut naskah NBG 188 yang disusull a/eh Artll1g PallO
Toa (1). Jakarta: KITLY.
Southon, Michael
1995 The navel of the PerallU; Meal1i/1g and values ill tile maritime trad,
economy of a Butonese village. Canberra: Department of Anthropolog"
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian Nati
University.