Asher Dygowski Genre Project 1. I chose option 1.

2. http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/07/nyregion/many-mayoral-candidates-havebeen-what-bloomberg-is-not-close-to-cuomo.html?_r=1& http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-10-18/republican-civil-war-erupts-businessgroups-v-tea-party.html http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB1000142405270230456100457913779168753738 8

3. My Genre is Political Colums/Articles 4. My final product will be in the form of an analytical assessment of the three articles focusing on their genre of political articles. Im going to write a political column assessing the genre of political column.I am going to play with the genre by saying I am not biased but be bias. I chose this genre because it is interesting to me and I wanted to explore it. 5. I want to make a point about the genre while assessing it. Many of the political columnist say they are not biased but the very organizations they write for are biased so naturally their articles are biased. Political Articles Assessed: In Depth Genre Discussion
Written by Asher Dygowski Published by the Non Biased Reporters Union, October 20 2013
th

Republican Civil War Erupts: Business Groups v. Tea Party

By Michael C. Bender & Kathleen Hunter - Oct 18, 2013 7:51 AM PT

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<p>You need to enable Javascript to play media on Bloomberg.com</p> Play U.S. Business Leaders Are `Frustrated': Pawlenty A battle for control of the Republican Party has erupted as an emboldened Tea Party moved to oust senators who voted to reopen the government while business groups mobilized to defeat allies of the small-government movement. Enlarge image

Republican War Erupts Pitting Business Groups Against Tea Party

Dermot Tatlow/laif/Redux An "Oathkeeper" demonstrates in Washington, D.C. Most are under a loose coalition of "Tea Party Express" activists. An "Oathkeeper" demonstrates in Washington, D.C. Most are under a loose coalition of "Tea Party Express" activists. Photographer: Dermot Tatlow/laif/Redux

1:49

Oct. 18 (Bloomberg) -- A battle for control of the Republican Party has erupted as an emboldened Tea Party moved to oust senators who voted to reopen the government while business groups mobilized to defeat allies of the small-government movement. Phil Mattingly reports on Bloomberg Television's "In The Loop." (Source: Bloomberg)

0:38

Oct. 17 (Bloomberg) -- In today's "Morning Must Read," Bloomberg's Scarlet Fu recaps the oped pieces and analyst notes providing insight behind today's headlines. She speaks on Bloomberg Television's "Bloomberg Surveillance." Enlarge image

Republican Civil War Pits Business Groups Against Tea Party

Mark Peterson/Redux Senator Ted Cruz attends a rally in front of the World War II memorial on Oct. 13, 2013. Senator Ted Cruz attends a rally in front of the World War II memorial on Oct. 13, 2013. Photographer: Mark Peterson/Redux

Enlarge image

Mississippi Senator Thad Cochran

Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images Two Washington-based groups that finance Tea Party-backed candidates said yesterday theyre supporting efforts to defeat Mississippi Senator Thad Cochran, who voted this week for the measure ending the 16-day shutdown and avoiding a government debt default. Two Washington-based groups that finance Tea Party-backed candidates said yesterday theyre supporting efforts to defeat Mississippi Senator Thad Cochran, who voted this week for the measure ending the 16-day shutdown and avoiding a government debt default. Photographer: Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images Enlarge image

Tea Party Vows Future Fights as Republicans Bemoan Brand Damage

Drew Angerer/Getty Images Tea Party activists cheer during the "Exempt America from Obamacare" rally on Capitol Hill, in Washington, on Sept. 10, 2013. Tea Party activists cheer during the "Exempt America from Obamacare" rally on Capitol Hill, in Washington, on Sept. 10, 2013. Photographer: Drew Angerer/Getty Images We are going to get engaged, said Scott Reed, senior political strategist for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. The need is now more than ever to elect people who understand the free market and not silliness. The chamber spent $35.7 million on federal elections in 2012, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a Washington-based group that tracks campaign spending. Meanwhile, two Washington-based groups that finance Tea Party-backed candidates said yesterday theyre supporting efforts to defeat Mississippi Senator Thad Cochran, who voted this week for the measure ending the 16-day shutdown and avoiding a government debt default. Cochran, a Republican seeking a seventh term next year, faces a challenge in his partys primary from Chris McDaniel, a state senator. McDaniel, who announced his candidacy yesterday, is not part of the Washington establishment and he has the courage to stand up to the big spenders in both parties, Matt Hoskins, executive director of the Senate Conservatives Fund, said in a statement supporting him.

Controlling Congress
Cochran is at least the seventh Republican senator to face a primary in the 2014 midterms. The intra-party contests come as Republicans seek a net pickup of six seats to regain control of the 100-member chamber that they lost in the 2006 elections. Party leaders are also working to protect their majority in the U.S. House, where they have 232 members to the Democrats 200. Those goals became more difficult after the Tea Party-aligned House and Senate Republicans embraced a plan tying government spending to defunding Obamacare. President Barack Obama and Senate Democrats rejected the proposal and had the power to stop it, and their partisan adversaries took the lions share of the blame for the impasse leading to the government shutdown that began Oct. 1. The Republican Partys favorability was at a record low of 28 percent in a Gallup Poll conducted Oct. 3-6. That was down 10 percentage points from the previous month and 15 points below Democrats. The Tea Party is less popular now than ever, according to a poll released Oct. 15 by the Pew Research Center. Forty-nine percent of U.S. adults have an unfavorable opinion of the movement, while 30 percent have a favorable one.

Revised Ratings
The Cook Political Report, a nonpartisan Washington-based group that tracks races, changed the ratings of 15 U.S. House seats yesterday, all but one in favor of the prospects for Democrats. After three vacancies are filled in the 435-member House, Democrats are expected to need a net pickup of 17 seats to win back the majority they lost in the 2010 elections. Both sides are using the Oct. 16 vote on a bipartisan agreement to reopen the government and lift the nations $16.7 trillion debt ceiling as a barometer for choosing their targets in next years elections. In the Senate, 18 of 46 Republicans voted against the final deal. The opponents included Senators Mike Enzi of Wyoming, Pat Roberts of Kansas and John Cornyn of Texas, each of whom face primary contests. In the House, Republicans cast all the 144 votes opposing the accord.

Hurting Brand
They voted no because they understand this is a rallying cry and that backing the agreement could be used against them, Tom Davis, a former National Republican Congressional Committee chairman and now director of federal government affairs for Deloitte Consulting, said in an interview. This has not helped Republicans. Its hurt the Republican brand. To improve their odds, Tea Party leaders are fine-tuning their strategy by targeting incumbents in states where Democrats have little or no chance of winning in the general election. In 2012 and 2010, the movement nominated weak or flawed Senate candidates in Indiana, Missouri,

Delaware and Nevada who were defeated in the November general elections, dashing Republicans chances for taking over the chamber. Thats part of the calculation in challenging Republican Senator Lamar Alexander in Tennessee, where no Democrats hold statewide office, said Michael Leahy, a Republican activist. State Representative Joe Carr announced in August he would run against Alexander in next years primary.

Volunteer Effort
Leahy is helping to organize volunteers to knock on doors tomorrow in the state and urge voters to protest Alexanders support for ending the Washington impasse by backing Carr. Whoever wins the primary in Tennessee is going to sail to victory, Leahy said in an interview. Democrats are anemic here. In addition to Cochran and Alexander, Republican senators who supported the agreement to reopen the government and face primary challenges include Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina. The strategy of primarying people like Thad Cochran is more of the same and it means more Senate minorities in the future, said David French, the top lobbyist in Washington for the National Retail Federation. I question the judgment there. French said the federation would back candidates in Republican primaries. Neither he nor Reed would specify which incumbents theyd support.

Dropping Support
There are incumbent Republicans who are on the wrong side of some of these issues, said French, whose organization spent more than $300,000 on races in 2012. There are definitely some incumbent Republicans were not going to support again. The chamber has challenged the Tea Party before and Reed said they will follow a similar strategy next year. Leading up to the 2012 Republican primary, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Michigan Chamber of Commerce paid for television ads backing Representative Fred Upton, chairman of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Upton was fending off a challenge from Jack Hoogendyk, a former state representative backed by the Tea Party-aligned FreedomWorks, which posted online a Down with Upton petition. Upton won with 67 percent of the vote compared with 33 percent for Hoogendyk.

Campaign Spending

Joining the Senate Conservatives Fund in backing McDaniels primary challenge of Cochran is the Club for Growth, another Tea Party ally. The groups super political action committee, Club for Growth Action, spent $17.9 million on federal races in 2012, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Senate Conservatives Fund spent $15.9 million in 2012 and $3.9 million so far on 2014 campaigns. The group, a political action committee founded by former South Carolina Republican Senator Jim DeMint, backed Republicans Rand Paul in Kentucky in 2010 and Ted Cruz in Texas in 2012 as each won Senate bids. McDaniel is the groups first endorsement in the 2014 elections, and today it pledged its backing to Louisville investor Matt Bevin, who is challenging McConnell. Its too soon to know whether the boost the Tea Party-backed Senate candidates are anticipating will materialize, said Jennifer Duffy, who tracks Senate races for the Cook Report.

Not Serious
With the exception of Bevin, who is spending his own money in his primary race, none of these other candidates are really serious yet, Duffy said. Its going to take a week or so to figure out how Tea Party voters feel about it, Duffy said. If they are angry, that could give some of these candidates momentum. Democrats are also looking to use the government shutdown battle to their political advantage. Rickey Cole, the Democratic chairman in Mississippi, said a Republican civil war presents an opportunity. Cole is pitching party leaders in Washington to help in recruiting a candidate for the states Senate contest. Folks are returning my call, but everybodys got to do a poll to decide which side of the bed to get out of, Cole said in an interview. This race could be a replay of what happened to Senator Lugar in Indiana. After 36 years in the Senate, Richard Lugar lost the Republican primary in Indiana last year to state Treasurer Richard Mourdock, who had Tea Party support. Mourdock went on to lose to Democrat Joe Donnelly in the general election.

Targeting Republicans
The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which assists candidates, is attacking the Republican House members who are running for the Senate, saying theyre partly to blame for the unpopular shutdown.

Montana, West Virginia and Georgia Senate contests all feature Republican House members running for seats where incumbents are retiring. In Arkansas and Louisiana, Democratic senators are squaring off against House Republicans. Republicans are immeasurably damaged by this, said the Democratic committees spokesman, Justin Barasky. They repeatedly voted to keep the government shutdown. It highlights a recklessness and irresponsibility that all those candidates have. To contact the reporters on this story: Michael C. Bender in Washington at mbender10@bloomberg.net; Kathleen Hunter in Washington at khunter9@bloomberg.net To contact the editor responsible for this story: Jodi Schneider at jschneider50@bloomberg.net

The Debt Denouement

It's time to wrap up this comedy of political errors.
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An error has occurred and your email has not been sent. Please try again. Updated Oct. 16, 2013 7:03 p.m. ET The Beltway budget melodrama rolls on to its predictable and dreary end, with both sides now split over increasingly small differences. None of this is worth a partial government shutdown, much less the risk of a debt default, and both sides are looking like losers. Let's get it over with.

As we went to press Tuesday night, Republican leaders in the House had abandoned a plan to pass a debt-increase bill that was nearly identical to the one that Senate leaders agreed to on Monday. The main differences were funding the government only through December 15, rather than January 15 in the Senate bill, and a provision to require Members of Congress and their staff to live by ObamaCare's subsidies. None of that was enough to please the small band of 20 or so House conservatives who have been all but running the House since this fiasco began. They refused to support House Speaker John Boehner and even Budget Chairman Paul Ryan. Another 30 or so Members were tired of getting kicked around by Heritage Action and Senator Ted Cruz and want the whole thing settled. With Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi keeping her troops in line for a no vote, GOP leaders pulled the bill from the floor. The conservatives thus undermined whatever small leverage the House GOP had left. Without a united majority of 218 votes, Republicans might as well hand the Speaker's gavel to Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid. Senate leaders announced immediately that they would resume negotiating to finish a deal that they would bring to the floor as early as Wednesday. We should add that House Republicans also blundered in refusing to accept the Senate proposal to delay a reinsurance tax of about $60 a year per insured person. Democrats originally passed this tax to help float ObamaCare's exchanges. Insurers pay the per capita fee, which they can pass along to consumers in higher premiums, and the fee goes to a fund that then pays back the insurers if they end up with a mix of patients with higher than average claims. House Republicans objected to the delay in the tax because unions supported the delay for their own insurance plans, but that was short-sighted. Senate Democrats were willing to delay the tax for a year to please labor and in return agree to better income verification for Americans who apply for ObamaCare subsidies. So out of political pique, House Republicans opposed two ways to make ObamaCare less destructive. Senate Republicans should try to retain it in their compromise. This is the quality of thinkingor lack thereofthat has afflicted many GOP conservatives from the beginning of this budget showdown. They picked a goal they couldn't achieve in trying to defund ObamaCare from one House of Congress, and then they picked a means they couldn't sustain politically by pursuing a long government shutdown and threatening to blow through the debt limit. President Obama called their bluff, no doubt in part to blame the disruption on the GOP and further tarnish the party's public image. Now the most Republicans will get out of this is lower public approval and a chance to negotiate with Mr. Obama again before the next debt-limit deadline. If the Senate passes its compromise, Mr. Boehner will have little choice other than to bring it to the floor and let it pass with votes from either party. Mr. Obama will have to deliver enough Democratic votes to pass it. At least that's better than getting the blame for whatever happens if Treasury stops sending out Social Security checks in order to prioritize debt repayments. The politics of that are little better

than defaulting on debt. Republicans can best help their cause now by getting this over with and moving on to fight more intelligently another day. Enlarge Image

Many Mayoral Candidates Have Been What Bloomberg Is Not: Close to Cuomo

Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo in 2012 with Joseph J. Lhota, who was then in his administration as chairman of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority.
By THOMAS KAPLAN Published: August 6, 2013

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John A. Catsimatidis let Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo borrow a Gulfstream IV jet this spring so he could fly to Binghamton, N.Y., for a wedding. Bill de Blasio was a deputy to Mr. Cuomo during the Clinton administration; William C. Thompson Jr. was a chairman of Mr. Cuomos gubernatorial campaign; and Joseph J. Lhota served in his administration. Connect With NYTMetro

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Mr. Cuomo, right, with William C. Thompson Jr. in 2010, when Mr. Thompson was a chairman of Mr. Cuomo's campaign for governor.

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Mr. Cuomo with Christine C. Quinn, the City Council speaker, in 2011 at a fall gala for the Empire State Pride Agenda, where he was honored for his work for marriage equality.
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Inspector General for Police It is the job of the mayor to have authority over the NYPDs policies. Joseph J. Lhota , Republican

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For the last several years, Mr. Cuomo has not had much of a friendship with City Hall in New York he and Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg have been, at best, civil partners during civic emergencies, and, notwithstanding a friendly white-water rafting race last month in the Adirondacks, have rarely expressed much affection or respect for each other. But the field of candidates vying to succeed Mr. Bloomberg presents Mr. Cuomo with a rare opportunity to hit the reset button: many, from both political parties, have long, close, political and personal relationships with him.

Governor Cuomo is a guy who wants to get it done, said Christine C. Quinn, a Democrat and the speaker of the City Council. I learned an immense amount from Andrew Cuomo, said Mr. de Blasio, also a Democrat. You see him wear my ties all the time, said Mr. Catsimatidis, a Republican who says the Democratic governor often sports limited-edition neckwear that Mr. Catsimatidis designs and gives annually to his friends. Mr. Cuomo, who grew up in Queens but now lives and votes in Westchester County, has studiously avoided getting involved in the race, publicly or privately. There have been a few exceptions he has made it clear that he finds the notion of former Representative Anthony D. Weiner as mayor to be unacceptable but otherwise he tended to parry questions about the race by describing it as a form of performance art that makes the city entertaining. This is summer political theater in New York, he said last week. We laugh, because if we didnt laugh, we would cry. But much is at stake, for the state and the city. The city provides much of the economic fuel for the state, and the mayor of New York has a national bully pulpit, but the state has much of the political power to decide important issues in the five boroughs, which has often created tension between the Capitol and City Hall. Mr. Bloomberg, for example, counts Albanys rejection of his congestion pricing proposal as one of the great disappointments of his tenure. Mr. Cuomo and Mr. Bloomberg are poorly matched. Mr. Cuomo, whose father was a governor, is a tough and shrewd inside player, while Mr. Bloomberg, a self-made billionaire, is impatient with the political process; Mr. Bloomberg has often been frustrated by his inability to persuade Albany to support significant elements of his agenda, while Mr. Cuomo has chafed at Mr. Bloombergs periodic imperiousness and envied his ability to command attention. Much of the agenda being outlined by the candidates proposals about rent regulation, housing development, criminal justice policy and mayoral control of schools and subways requires approval by Albany, which has been the death of many a mayoral proposal. But translating friendships into political alliances can be difficult. Already, for example, the relationship between Mr. Cuomo and Mr. de Blasio has strained, as Mr. de Blasio has criticized the Cuomo administration for doing too little to save Long Island College Hospital. Mr. Thompson, who played an important role in 2010 shoring up Mr. Cuomos relationship with black voters, said past allegiances were helpful, but no guarantee of future harmony. Were going to disagree, he said. Thats just the nature of both of those jobs. Several of the candidates have said they want to change the relationship between Albany and City Hall. Mr. de Blasio has derided what he called a quasi-colonial dynamic between the state and the city, while also acknowledging that he has to work within its strictures. Bluntly, this current mayor had trouble at times understanding that the governor and the Legislature have certain

powers that he depended on and that he needed to work with constructively, he said. I think at times he really undermined his own agenda by not recognizing that reality. And Mr. Weiner has made the relationship a part of his campaign: on July 3, he stood in front of City Hall next to an easel bearing a giant blue placard with the title, A Big Apple Declaration of Independence From Albany, and a list of 10 areas in which he wanted the city to have authority instead of the state, including charter schools, liquor licensing and the redevelopment of ground zero. So much of our lives in New York City are governed by legislators in Buffalo, legislators in Schenectady and legislators in Plattsburgh, Mr. Weiner said, before making an offer to upstate legislators. You let us govern New York City, and I promise I wont try to govern what goes on in Binghamton. Mr. Cuomos longest standing relationship in this years field is with George T. McDonald, an advocate for the homeless who is running a long-shot campaign for mayor as a Republican. Mr. McDonald met Mr. Cuomo in 1984 when both men were working on the Democratic presidential campaign of Walter F. Mondale, and they later connected over their shared concern about homelessness Mr. McDonald founded the Doe Fund, a nonprofit group that helps find jobs for the indigent, and Mr. Cuomo founded HELP USA, which develops housing for the homeless. I love him like a brother, Mr. McDonald said. Mr. McDonald and his wife, Harriet Karr-McDonald, have supported Mr. Cuomo financially, donating over $100,000 to his campaigns over the years. Mr. McDonald was also invited to Mr. Cuomos private 55th birthday party last year, and caused a bit of a stir when he posted on Twitter a picture of the birthday cake, apparently offending someone on Team Cuomo, because the photo was quickly deleted. Mr. Catsimatidis has also known Andrew Cuomo for decades since Andrew was a young aide to his father, Gov. Mario M. Cuomo and, despite belonging to a different political party, he and his wife, Margo, have personally given over $200,000 to Mr. Cuomos campaigns. Mr. Catsimatidis said he did not believe that as mayor he would clash with Mr. Cuomo: I am not a clasher; I am a person thats usually a hugger. Mr. de Blasio, the public advocate, met Mr. Cuomo in the mid-1990s through a friend, Ken Sunshine, a onetime mayoral aide who is now a well-known publicist. Mr. de Blasio worked for Mr. Cuomo when he was the federal housing secretary, and they were close enough that when Mr. Cuomos bid for governor in 2002 imploded, he trusted Mr. de Blasio to help negotiate his exit from the race. He is an extraordinary manager, Mr. de Blasio said. I learned a lot from him strategically; I learned a lot from him about how to create a focused, achievable agenda, and follow it through. It was a very important few years in my life. Mr. Thompson and Mr. Lhota are more recent allies.

Mr. Thompson supported Mr. Cuomos bid for attorney general in 2006 and Mr. Cuomo supported Mr. Thompsons run for mayor in 2009. After being a chairman of Mr. Cuomos gubernatorial campaign in 2010, Mr. Thompson went on to serve him as chairman of a committee tasked with increasing the participation of minority- and women-owned businesses in state contracting. Mr. Lhota barely knew Mr. Cuomo until 2011, when the governor named him to run the Metropolitan Transportation Authority, but Mr. Lhota oversaw an area of pride for the Cuomo administration, shepherding the subway system to a speedy reopening after Hurricane Sandy. Ms. Quinn has known Mr. Cuomo for some time, and worked closely with him in 2011 as they pushed for the legalization of same-sex marriage. After it passed, she introduced him at a gala dinner for a gay rights group, and he thanked her by saying, The best is yet to be for Christine Quinn; the next year, he was a guest at her wedding, sitting in the third row on the aisle.