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First: Margaret Thatcher, love her or
loathe her, through the sheer ram-
pant force ight
‘or wrong ~ fundamentally altered the
very fabric of society, for better or
‘worse. And secondly: Tony Blair, bless
him, bereft of any Big Ideas and able
only to follow a Thatcherite agenda ~
right and wrong ~ will try to be well
meaning, for richer or poorer.
Le's the obvious first
Thatcherism failed. The
Conservatives made two basic promis.
¢3 on coming to power, way back in
1979 when Posh Spice meant tar-
18 Isis
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words Stephen Fairweather-Tall
ragon and Ken Livingstone was a
Socialist: to cut taxes and to slash pub-
lic spending. Yet expenditure on pub-
lic services has remained a stubborn
40% of Gross Domestic Product,
while the burden of individual taxa-
tion, despite having shifted from.
income to expendinare, actually rose
between 1979 and 1997.
What of that second myth? Te,
grandiose promises and. visionary
policies are scarcely the New Labour
‘way. Rather their great success has
been in reassuring the British people.
‘This was the significance at the last
election of Blair's five famous
pledges, bland promises which in
themselves were and are and will
Worried about youth unemploy-
ment? No hassles, there’s a New Deal
ready to expunge 100,000 jobless 18-
24 yearolds from the statisties. Never
mind that a third of these have cho-
sen the ‘soft option of education and
training, Uneasy about schools and
hospitals? Then be woned by the
tra £40 billion resources miracu-
ously found by the Treasury. So what
if it’s to be spread over the next three
years. Upset by widespread poverty?
Hey, there's a minimum wage just
slavering to help two million of the
neediest. Who cares that it’s only
£3.61 per hour.
New Labour has given the elec-
torate exactly what it ordered: free
market economics with a social com
science, And in so doing they have
anaesthetised political debate.
But that's not the revolution.
No, Blai 1m concerns the
British constitution, that impotent
concoction of gentlemen’s agree-
ments, unwritten rules and patrician
privilege by which this country is
ruled, And itis here that he has slain
the myth that new Labour has no Big
Ideas to contribute. Devolution is, as
's revol
irrelevance, a
footnote in an
appendix to an
epilogue on the
history of the
death of the Tory
Party.
yet, the most substantial of Blair’s
achievements as well as being one of
the most important domestic events
this century, 199 marking the first
exer elections to Scottish and Welsh
Parliaments. It is unlikely to stop
there.
Back in the 1960s the promise of
self government was simply an expedi-
ent for Labour to woo defectors in
traditional strongholds back from the
Nationalist parties. Now, though, |
regional government is mainstream
and crusading groups are springing
upall over the United Kingdom. Overthe last 30 years the campaign for a
north-east assembly has accelerated to
the point where itis embodlied by the
Constitutional Convention chaired by
the Bishop of Durham and supported
by businesses, unions and voluntary
organisations. The Campaign for
Yorkshire, which has as its aim the
establishment of a parliament for
England's largest county, was
launched in March, Its chairman,
Paul Jagger, has vowed to support the
Government's regional initiatives
declaring, “We don’t want to put walls
around the region — we're not an
island.” “The days when English
regionalism was exemplified by the
narrow parochialism of the Cornish
separatists, Mebyon Kernox, have
long since vanished.
Devolution’s cause is aided still fur-
ther by the Labour Government's
publicly proclaimed ambitions. Yet
Labour is proceeding with a caution
which borders on terror Last July a
White Paper, In Touch With the
People, was published promising a
truly radical extension of local
democracy. Referenda, more fre
quent local elections, the abolition of
rate-capping, the freedom to vary
Did anyone
seriously expect
anything other
than foot
dragging from
New Labour?
business rates and ‘yalueformoney’
audits to replace compulsory comper-
itive tendering were all proposed,
along with the more familiar pledge
to create directly-elected mayors in all
major citics. Strangely the Bill did not
survive intact for last year’s Queen's
Speech,
New Labour has been made well
aware in the last couple of years of the
problems inherent in openly support
ing participatory politics. This has
exhibited itself very publicly in
Millbank’s none-too-subile efforts to
thwart both Rhoddri Morgan's
chances of becoming leader of the
Welsh Labour Party and Red Ken's
valiantly showbiz selfpromotional
blitz in London.
However, this is as nought com-
pared with the internal battles that
have raged between the Treasury and
John Prescott's super-Department of
Environment, Transport. and the
Regions, which bears the responsibili-
ty for the Greater London Authority
Bill enshrining the new Mayor of
London's powers. The Deputy Prime
Minister - 2 man about whom the
phrases ‘he looks like’ and ‘he’s chew:
ing a wasp! are often to be found in
conjunction ~ had sought to win for
the Mayor the freedom to raise and
spend new traffic taxes within
London. He lost. New taxes can be
levied on Londoners by the Mayor but
a prescribed portion may be seized by
the Treasury, via the Secretary of State
responsible, to be spent nationally.
Electors can be entrusted with many
things but not, apparently, how their
‘own money is to be spent.
Indeed this Government is giving
every appearance of starring in its
‘own badly dubbed film, You could
swear that the main character
declares, "New millennium, New
Labour: let's try a pluralist political
system”, Yet all that can be heard is
the desperate cry, “Batten down the
hatches everyone and prepare to cen-
tralise power like you've never cen
tsalised it before.”
But it doesn’t matter anymore, The
zenie’s out of the bottle, the cat's out
of the bag and the dish has run away
with the spoon.
Critics are right to carp that the
isis 14|
RO acne
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The New Labour project has always
defined itself by its opposition: the
Conservatives. Each and every Policy
was formulated, drafted, market-
tested, re-drafted, leaked, re-drafted
again and announced in their shadow
Government's existing proposals for
local goverment reform are merely
half hearted sops tovards liberalism,
Did anybody seriously expect any-
thing other than foot-dragging from
Labour? This is a party which has
maintained, for almost the entire cen-
tury ofits existence, that all social and
economic problems can be solved
only through national policies enact
ed from the top down by Jeaders
accountable not to members but to
activists, New Labour might have fh
ed with Charter 88 but ~ pending the
protracted divorce proceedings ~ it
remains married to the trades unions,
All that’s irrelevant, though, nov
constitutional reform has its own
momentum. Just because Blair insti
gated this revolution does not mean
that even he is capable of halting or
controlling it. As Professor Robert
Hazell, director of the non-partisan
Constitution Unit, has noted in its
recently published analysis,
Constitutional Fatures, “the cumulative
impact will be profound, because the
constitutional reforms already set in
train will unieash a political and legal
dynamic which the Government will
not be able to rein back”
Proof of this truth abounds. At the
last election John Major sought 10
rally the country in outright oppost-
tion to Labour's plans to sip heredi
tary peers of their right to vote. Back
in December William Hague even
sacked his Shadow Leader of the
House of Lords, that ‘ill trained
spaniel” Lord Cranborne, for dating
0 propose Labour's reform bill be
given an easy ride in return for
reprieving 10% of the hereditaries
threatened with extinction. Since
then, Hague, the Tories’ very own
Millennium Dome, has been assailed
by a ‘wind of change’. He meekly
accepted Cranborne’s compromise
within days of the peer's dismissal.
Indeed it seems increasingly likely
dat Hague will campaign for a partly-
elected ‘Senate’ in’ a last-ditch
attempt to seem relevant and out
flank Labour who so far have resisted
this option,
And as proportional representation
becomes an accepted reality for the
Scottish, Welsh and European elec:
tions, so it will seem increasingly
bizarre that these are fought under a
different system from the local and
general elections. Thus will the out
dated banner of firstpastthe-post,
which condemns to obscurity parties
unable to concentrate their support
in particular regions and elevates to
supremacy parties unable to secure
the support of a majority of the clec-
torate, be torn down by a
Government dependent upon such
bias for its: thumping majority.
Someone once observed, “It’s a funny
old world”, and she wasn’t wrong.
Where, then, does this leave British
politics? Well for a start, swo-party pol-
itics is out and two-party government
That should trouble the modern
Conservative Party, hell-bent as it is
‘on going out on a European limb and
excluding itself from grownup poli
ties for a generation, Of course this
could suit Hague who by that time
Just might have matured sufficiently
to be thought a credible political fig-
ure. As Harold Wilson so nearly said,
“A weak leader is a long time in poli-
tics”. In all likelihood, however, he is
a doomed irrelevance, a footnote in
an appendix to an epilogue on the
history of the death of the Tory Party.
And when that destruction occurs it
will complete the New Labour project
which was always defined solely by its
opposition, the Conservatives: they
were its enemies. Fach and every pol
icy was formulated, drafted, market
tested, redrafted, leaked, redrafted
again and eventually announced in
their shadow. Once they are deceased
New Labour will have no positive pur-
pose. Who cares? The legacy will five
Blair meanwhile can rest easy and
bask in the anticipation of his place i
history. He might not have control of
the political situation but nor has he
sought it, merely abiding by
‘omwell’s dictum, “He who does not
know where he is going wavels fur
thest.” Now where could that be ~ frst
President of Europe anyone?