The U.S. Constitution Reader Table of Contents L. Novus Ordo Seclorum: ‘The Creation of a “New Order of the Ages” er aweene 9. A.) The Regime of Liberty: Ancient, Medieval and Early Modern Sources Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics, excerpts (fourth century B.C.) Aristotle, The Politics, excerpts (fourth century B.C.) Cicero, The Republic, excerpt (51 B.C.) Augustine, The City of God, excerpts (A.D. 426) ‘Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, excerpts (1275) The Mayflower Compact (1620) ‘The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut (1639) John Locke, Second Treatise on Government, excerpts (1630) B,) The American Declaration of Independence Local resolutions on independence (1776) 10. Thomas Paine, “Common Sense,” excerpt (1776) ul 12. 13, 14, 15, 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. Declaration of Independence (Jefferson’s draft, with Congress's changes, 1776) Declaration of Independence (final draft, 1776) . Denis Diderot, “Natural Law” as defined in the Encyclopedia (1755) “The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen” (1789) . Gad Hitchcock, “An Election Sermon,” on the state of nature (1774) . Alexander Hamilton, “The Farmer Refuted,” on natural law (1775) John Adams, letter to Hezekiah Niles on the American Revolution (1818) ‘Thomas Jefferson, the Minutes of the Board of Visitors for the Univ. of Virginia, on the Declaration as “the fundamental act of union of these States” (1825) ‘Thomas Jefferson, letter to Henry Lee on the object of the Declaration (1825) ‘Thomas Jefferson, letter to Roger C. Weightman on enlightenment (1826) Calvin Coolidge, “The Inspiration of the Declaration” (1926) C.) The Constitution of the United States of America 22. Articles of Confederation (1781) 23. 24, 25. 26. Northwest Ordinance (1787) ‘The Constitution of the United States of America, with amendments (1787; various years) Letter transmitting the proposed Constitution to the Confederation Congress (1787) Joseph Story, glossary of legal terms (1833) 27. Ratification chronology of the U.S. Constitution (chart) 28. 29, George Washington, First Inaugural Address (1789) James Madison, “Property” (1792) 7 45 46 58 70 n 74 85 88 97 101 104 106 108 Mm 114 120 121 122 123 131 135 141 156 157 162 163 16730. George Washington, “Farewell Address” (1796) 31. Marbury v. Madison (1803) 32. Thomas Jefferson, letter to John Adams, on equality and aristocracy (1813) 33. Ronald Reagan, First Inaugural Address (1981) D.) The Bill of Rights 34, Joseph Story, “Amendments to the Constitution,” in A Familiar Exposition of the Constitution of the United States, excerpts (1833) E,) Virtue and the Pursuit of Happiness 35. “Virtue,” Founders’ quotations from The Founders’ Almanac (2002) 36, Alexander Hamilton, letter to John Jay on the danger of trusting in virtue (1775) 37. John Adams, “Thoughts on Government” (1776) 38. Samuel West, “On the Right to Rebel Against Governors” (1776) F.) Religious Liberty 39, John Witherspoon, “The Dominion of Providence Over the Passions of Men” (1776) 40. Virginia Declaration of Rights (1776) 41. The Constitution of Massachusetts (1780) 42. Samuel Cooper, “A Sermon on the Commencement of the Constitution” (1780) 43, Fast Day Proclamation of the Continental Congress (1776) 44, Thanksgiving Proclamation of Congress (1789) 45. Patrick Henry, “A Bill Establishing a Provision for Teachers of the Christian Religion” (1784) 46. Thomas Jefferson, letter to James Madison on Virginia’s struggle for religious liberty (1784) 47, James Madison, “Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments” (1785) 48. Thomas Jefferson, ‘An Act for Establishing Religious Freedom” (1785) 49, James Madison, letter to Thomas Jefferson on Virginia’s struggle for religious liberty (1786) 50, Thomas Jefferson, “Autobiography,” on the “Bill Establishing Religious Freedom” (1821) 51. George Washington, letter to the Quakers (1789) 52. George Washington, letter to the Hebrew Congregation of Newport (1790) 53. Drafts of the First Amendment religion clauses (1787-1789) 54, Correspondence between Thomas Jefferson and the Danbury Baptist Assoc. (1801) G.) Slavery and the American Founding 55. Thomas Jefferson, draft of the Declaration of Independence, excerpt (1776) ‘56. Thomas Jefferson, “Autobiography,” on the Declaration and slavery (1821) 57. Sections of the U.S. Constitution concerning slavery (1789) 168 176 184 189 195 201 203 205 209 229 245, 247 260 276 207 218 279 282 288 290 292 295 296 297 299 301 302 30358, Five Founders on slavery (Washington, Adams, Franklin, Hamilton, Madison; various years) 304 59. Benjamin Franklin, “An Address to the Public from the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery” (1789) 305 60. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 18, “Manners” (1784) 307 61. Thomas Jefferson, letter to Henri Gregoire on equal rights of blacks (1809) 308 62. Alexander Hamilton, letter to John Jay on arming blacks (1779) 309 63. John Jay, letter to the English Society for promoting manumission (1788) 310 64, James Madison, Memorandum on a Colony for Manumitted Slaves (1789) 31 65. Thomas Jefferson, letter to John Holmes, “A fire bell in the night” (1820) 312 IL Natural Rights, ights, and the Post-Civil War Amendments to the U.S. Constitution 66. Missouri Compromise (1821) 313 67. James Madison, “Sovereignty” (1835) 314 68, Abraham Lincoln, “Address Before the Young Men’s Lyceum of Springfield, Ilinois” (1838) 317 69. John C. Calhoun, “Speech on the Oregon Bill,” excerpt (1848) 321 70. John C. Calhoun and Daniel Webster, Senate Speeches (1850) 326 71. Dred Scott v. Sandford, excerpts (1857) 359 72, Frederick Douglass, “The Constitution of the United States: Is It Pro-Slavery or Antislavery?” (1860) 366 73, Alexander Stephens, “Corner Stone Speech,” excerpt (1861) 375 74. Abraham Lincoln, First Inaugural Address (1861) 379 75. Abraham Lincoln, fragment on the Constitution and the Union (1861) 384 76. Abraham Lincoln, “Speech in Independence Hall, Philadelphia” (1861) 385 77. Abraham Lincoln, “Gettysburg Address” (1863) 386 78, Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address (1865) 387 79. Civil Rights Act of 1875 (1875) 388, 80. The Civil Rights Cases, excerpts (1883) 389 81. Plessy v. Ferguson, excerpts (1896) 395 82. Brown v. Board of Education (1954) 399 83. Clarence Thomas, dissenting opinion, Grutter v. Bollinger, excerpt (2003) 402 IML. “The Living Constitution”: The Progressive Movement, the U.S. Constitution, and the Growth of the Administrative State 84, Oliver Wendell Holmes, “Natural Law” (1918) 403 85. Woodrow Wilson, “Cabinet Government” (1879) 405 86. Woodrow Wilson, “The Authors and Signers of the Decl. of Independence” (1907) 415 87. Woodrow Wilson, Ch. 3, Constitutional Government in the United States (1908) 42788, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Commonwealth Club Address (1932) 89. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Democratic Convention Address (1936) 90. Franklin D. Roosevelt, State of the Union Address, excerpt (1944) 91. Lyndon B. Johnson, Univ. of Michigan Commencement Address, on the Great Society (1964) 92. William J. Brennan, Jr., speech on the Constitution (1985) 93. Thurgood Marshall, “Reflections on the Bicentennial of the United States Constitution” (1987) 94. The U.S. Supreme Court's “Mystery Clause,” Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) 95. Dickerson v. United States, excerpts (2000) 441 449 453 455 459 470 414 476I. Novus Ordo Seclorum: The Creation of a New Order of the Ages"I. 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We all consider some people more worth ofrespect than others, and if we disagree about who they are we can begin discussion. A serious harpist is notjust one who is highly sled tecrically, but one who ‘chooses well the uses worthy ofthat ski, The serious person isnot one who displays a sense of urgency and cannot relax but one who recognizes the fev things that are worth being serious about. (Compare 1025a 9-16) ‘The beautiful (oll) i often translated a “noble” of “ine,” on the grounds thatthe Grek word applied o admirable actions as wellas things well ehaped or formed, But again, this nota use of language peculiar anyplace or tine, ‘uta word that intends something that belongs the primary evidence that all ethical discussion must have in common, Just recall the ls time you said “that was a besutifal thing you did,” and reflect on what you meant It may be that such judgments are Suctuating or conventional (1094b 14-16, but even to raise the question whether they always are, ne must be open tothe possibilty of judging on a more table basis well as a result ofthe virtue appropriate to tif this isso, the food comes tobe disclosed asaBeing-atworkof te soulinacconey with virtue, and if the virtues are more than one, in accordance with the best and most complete virtue, But also, this must be ina complete life for one swallow does not make a Spring, nor one day, and in the fame way one day orashorttime does not make a person blessed and PY.ayy SOyERS spo 8 0114 Jo Pua ayn» as pue Apap poof s 84m 226 01 31g luyteou yuatag> ‘sida aap WL aay ou qed ona! poe oe Sunbe, oe et eae gg aba an oe nga oe reedon ten fem 2 oT we gaa st sno vowenznnmp 22 si Rhtenwrosena a nese do yr suina ona eed si uenenannane a po uns eayelbete tee ode agenda oper ep Piette wopeauop 4 Amique jo zis ue 39 pBOM 049 PLE Iota ‘ayo s azaig 30y oma Jo WEA ww uae ‘bamiog pn joaos ers auqaeTon AoA POG SEM TY ION AL asynayt Uy 1 3eyy adysn{ Jo yzos ayy jnoge SirzT " spaap at op 0}; @ ayy ut sired syt 10 ssaunddey aazasaid sqeads am ‘asuas auo ul og “108 yeUR Jo {plo poururoyap rout w ‘8 2e49 wax Ol a8OKR 4s0q 249 Jo afiquvape ayy 20 ‘Te Jo afiesueape uoUnIZeD Ine pue ‘SumpAzona ynoge Anand xTe sat ap ana. asnl se soup JO a ‘Suprewey ayy 4 pa styrgoney Sun Asana ye 38979 fun sx oxeasqe- ae] at jauzos pure aatsuayeidur tf afRon “Spuay sry Prem PUE SU 0} UONETBE ‘ajqeambaut st uosrad © yons inq “az0Ur 40} Spaas8 94 0% SuI90 a {ur a0ra jo asn saxjeur o1ja4 auo st osrad ys10M atp og ‘AypuTUTUFOD ayy HOS UOSEAL SM 10] ‘poo8 st JEYAr 105 st paszT pue 20 sas oi a0 03 Jayna “uosiad s=\OUR OF Sung so0p auo 20j 2s aUO=ATOE Oy WORE ‘Sump yo aseo ap ut Zayrews axp Ose yng ‘Axes OBIE, 329 , POOR sas auOAINOS aq 0} suza96 sanaatA avy SuOUTE UOTE shempe jou saop uosiad jsn{im ayp PUY "warp 10} poo8 are yep Sau suoswat aures sia 403 3h EIS ayy Wry AyRMUTUOD v UAL 247 as0oyp pur “uray 20} o5Te pod 2q fi Rduns pood are sep sump ays anq ‘iduats poo8 sdeayye are yorya"YREM Op 4 axBy BUTHIOS Peg PUE poof se Avewsse ng uni Jo Te ou-sSunp pod Wpta poUsaDoD 94 TEA ou pur ‘979 auoMUOS oF UORE|Ar UT Asn oy BuRINd Jo-qgede> ose 24 Spaai8 sr uosiad yenfim atp aduys PUY “apqeIMbaut pur prysKeTUM st Damzaq aiafdizoo st pure mia a9[duoo Jo aen 0} aeaut « Dare -somyzra ap Jos}: a4 st auoawsos sop 05 pe “salu. 103 pury “asf 210005 0} UOREIBE aff s auoauos sosuDs dupur enox ur “in warys 9q 31403 at 9] 05 turing Aids our ymax ‘ania jojdiao> sua SonsnJ03208 SU toe sein pi atdood wos oe RY 0} Jou sv Yon “uosiad apUaB v Jo asouR 29 40 Aaaynpe jnunus0> 0} jou se ypns ‘uosiad 4asn{ ap ypt aseo up {S5U 5,9UO Bava oj OU Se Yons ‘uosIad snoaBemnoD v JO jueaur ose st apis 224pk 18 aAliNOOm 78"T-9‘A PUP BDLZOL “AL ‘oppor, 995 “sepyseag 20} ZouDy yeip SUDA Jo shrettas [Te umop Sunzeay ha AONTY aoUMaT ALL 2G ATE: pain suaay ueye 1 Tutpuayap 1Y wos) 34) “aoeay uy Auopoo LEENA Ue ‘sod ‘oye feauad unedg wing ‘ay A2epus89130 poe ION 4, ‘ame £q 30U St PUD pu amyeu 4q st Sung Jo pupy auo ‘ssajaups0sau ‘ajqea8se4p st sux ¥ 20} pasvayar Bufaq Se Yon ‘2DuBIAYp ¥ aeU S90P "t 2 aavy ajdoad uaya ing Kem 140 BUI0s 10 AEM SHIN OP 0} SCI) a4e[s pur i2}seu yj09 0 snes ‘wo}En9 uo soa rem Uy pastyde> ajdoad usm nos 90 detent piv snmp an wun Sogou sss asus a xp wt sone moD Taiie eyo ned ing spas ous Gnodd joys tp pu feb yur are Xtaupmp.np 5a ouate suey sun Porsnny20 Aes ean soo -RB! 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Bumkzn0 S907 108 430) poo atuos Jo aes ax 309 parmnsuoa st drysiourzed am pu *diyssounzed jo Hos awos st Ajo Asano reNp 305 a1 SOUS (1)21) In general, all seek not the traditional but the good. The first human beings), whether they were earthborn or preserved from 2 cataclysm, are likely to have been similar to average or even simpleminded persons [today], as indeed is said ofthe earthborn;” so it would be odd to abide by the opinions they hold. In addition to this, it isnot best to leave wri ten laws] unchanged. (22) For just as inthe case ofthe other arts, 50 with respect to political arrangements itis impossible for ev- exything to be written down precisely; for itis necessary to write them in universal fashion, while actions concer particulars. From these things it is evident, then, that some laws must be changed at some times; yet to those investigating it in another ‘manner this would seem to require much caution. (23) For when the improvement is small, zd since itis a bad thing to habituate people tothe reckless dissolution of laws, it is evident that some errors both of the legislators and ofthe rulers should be let go; for [the city] will not be benefited as much from changing them as it will be harmed through being habituated to disobey the rulers, (24) And the argument from the example of the arts is false (Change in an art isnot like change in law; for law has no strength with respect to obedience apart from habit, and this is not created except over a period of time. Hence the easy alteration of existing laws in favor of new and different ones weakens the power of law itself, (25) Further, if they are indeed to be changeable, are all to be, and in every regime? And by anyone, or by whom? For these ‘things make a great difference. Let us therefore set aside this in- ‘vestigation ‘for the present; it belongs to other occasions.* 12 70h 20-22 adeasielea Book Thy 4 ‘antageous for their affairs.” (22) If a regime is going to be pre- served, all the pars ofthe city must wish it to exist and continue ‘on the same basis. Now the kings are in this condition because of 23ing ought to be carried out. (27) Further, the election they hold of ‘senators is childish in its manner of decision, and to have the one ‘who claims to merit the office ask for it himself is not correct; for the one who merits the office should rule whether he wishes to or not. (28) As itis, the legislator is evidently doing what be has done with respect to the rest of the regime; it is with a view 10 ‘making the citizens ambitious that he has used this device] in the lection ofthe senators—for no one would ask for office unless he ‘were ambitious. And yet most voluntary acts of injustice among hhuman beings result from ambition or from greed. 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opuoyy wo ‘presasoze Avoqoc axp ur Siney IES 20p 403 pu uy Uapfoy 2q 0} unBoq “Araasyacy pel [e2UID L PU sao ‘sated ap Jo suorsag TeEUAD Jo NOD Fay Sims 1p ‘oongeuy usruouy “pa ‘sss0q “9LL1 ‘or key, WNITOUVS HLNOS ‘LOIWLSIG SMYYSHO (elds fr dep] ‘YD ‘JOORIATS FA7IO8 ‘sauumaiog atp jo s9ps0 Aq paysngng: -ummupea ew jo uopoayed ayy pur ‘sat -o> ue woprin ueuNY Ie ouEuuad pur ‘hdday ‘204 wou ap [6ot1/g0rt} ‘nuoupr ur peyengesss aq dem auauusaKoD) ¥ ‘eran 2m Jo LAMY ap je sv2puerd Surpuowuodns atp sapun aeyp ‘osopasou ‘head am Suonuayur aula iq 342 UY 99 UES ‘pupyuE jo Aatadsosd ays pur “suofE 1USUUIBAOE) poor) ue 10215, pun uoRttgauodor ¥saye Susy uEY Uy sxfsemo aso] 20U pur *20fg0 Ares spud ano da daay ‘aqyssod oe 5 se Coun am aeyparuppe sua spDUIOD no Jo wsop - bee axpurddyRepublican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 1 of 9 BB THE POUNDERS CONSTITUTION Republican Government [Volume 1, Page 103] CHAPTER 4 | Document 4 Thomas Paine, Common Sense 10 Jan. 1776 Life 2:97--110, 114--20, 120--22 On the Origin and Design of Government in General, With Concise Remarks on the English Constitution Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. Society in every state is a blessing, but government, even in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one: for when we suffer, or are exposed to the [Volume 1, Page 104] same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built upon the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other iaw-giver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him, out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others. In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, ‘unconnected with the rest; they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto; the strength of one man is so http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print_documents/v1ch4s4.html 8/19/2004Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labor out the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him to quit his work, and every different want would call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune, would be death; for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he right rather be said to perish than to die. ‘Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form out newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which would supercede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but Heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other: and this remissness will point out, the necessity of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue. ‘Some convenient tree will afford them a State House, under the branches of which the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of regulations and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man by natural right will have a seat. But as the colony increases, the public concems will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concems few and trifling. This will point out ‘the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concems at stake which those have who appointed them, and who will actin the same manner as the whole body would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing, it will become necessary 1o eugment the number of representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number: and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often: because as the elected might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflection of not making a rod for themselves. And as this, frequent interchange will establish a cornmon interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this, (not on the unmeaning name of king,) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed. Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print documents/v1ch4s4.htm! Page 20f9 4 8/19/200490 Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 3 of 9 of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and reason will say, 'tis right. draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable itis to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted Constitution of England, That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was overrun with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious Tescue. But that itis imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated. Absolute governments, (though the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, they are simple; ifthe people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs; know likewise the remedy; and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the Constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies; some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine. I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English Constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new Republican materials. First-The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king, [Volume 1, Page 105] Secondly.~The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers. Thirdly ~The new Republican materials, in the persons of the Commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England. ‘The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the State. To say that the Constitution of England js an union of three powers, reciprocally checking each other, is farcical; either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. To say that the Commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things. First.That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy. Secondly.—That the Commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown. ‘nttp://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print, documents/vch4s4. html 8/19/2004Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 4 of 9 oI But as the same constitution which gives the Commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the Commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the ‘king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! ‘There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless. Some writers have explained the English Constitution thus: the king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are a house in behalf of the king, the Commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of a house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of something which either cannot exist, or is oo incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind: for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. how came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provision which the Constitution makes supposes such a power to exist. But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a Felo de se: for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern: and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavours will be ineffectual: The first moving power will at last have its ‘way, and What it wants in speed is supplied by time. ‘That the crown is this overbearing part in the English Constitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident; wherefore, though we have been wise ‘enough to shut and lock a door against absolute Monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key. ‘The prejudice of Englishmen, in favor of their own government, by king, lords and ‘Commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries: but the will of the king is as much the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the formidable shape of an act of Parliament. For the fate of Charles the First hath only ‘made kings more subtle~-not more just. http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print_documents/v1ch4s4.html 8/19/2004QZ, Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 5 of 9 Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favor of modes and forms, the plain truth is that it is wholly owing to the constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey. An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of government, is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a proper condition of doing {justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And as a man who is attached to a prostitute is unfitted to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favor of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession ‘Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance: the distinctions of rich and poor may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill-sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy. But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind, In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology there were no kings; the consequence of which was, there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throws mankind into confusion. Holland, without a king [Volume 1. Page 106] hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first Patriarchs have a happy something in them, which vanishes when ‘we come to the history of Jewish royalty. Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the Christian world has improved on the plan by doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred ‘majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust! As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty as declared by Gideon, and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture, have been very smoothly glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of countries which have their governments yet to http://press-pubs.uchicago.edw/founders/print documents/¥1 ch4s4.htm] 8/19/2004Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 6 of 9 CE) form. Render unto Cesar the things which are Cesar's, is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state of vassalage to the Romans. Near three thousand years passed away, from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Till then their form of government (except in extraordinary cases where the Almighty interposed) was a Kind of Republic, administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of kings, he need not wonder that the Almighty, ever jealous of his honor, should disapprove a form of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven, These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of kingcraft as priestcraft in withholding the scripture from the public in popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the popery of government, To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to'set up his own family in perpetual preference to al others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is that nature disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently tum it into ridicule, by giving mankind an ass for a lion. Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say "We choose you for our head," they could not without manifest injustice to their children say "that your children and your children's children shall reign over ours forever." Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue ot a fool. Most wise men in their private sentiments have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet itis one of those evils which when once established is not easily removed: many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest. This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honorable origin: whereas it is more than probable, that, could we take off the dark covering of antiquity and trace them to their first rise, we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang; whose savage ‘manners or pre-eminence in subtilty obtained him the title of chief among http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print, documents/v Ich4s4.htm! 8/19/2004OH Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 7 of 9 plunderers; and who by increasing in power and extending his depredations, overawed the quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter of claim, but as something casual or complemental; but as few or no records ‘were extant in those days, and traditionary history stuff'd with fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale conveniently timed, Mahomet-like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vwulgar. Perhaps the disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced many at first to favour hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience was afterwards claimed as a right. England since the conquest hath known some few good monarchs, but groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very honorable one. A French bastard Janding with an armed banditti and establishing himself king of England against ‘the consent of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It certainly hath no divinity in it. However it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right; if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and the lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion. Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The question admits but of three answers, viz. either [Volume |, Page 107] by lot, by election, or by usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was by lot, yet the succession Was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that transaction that there was any intention it ever should. Ifthe first king of any country was by election, that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that the right of all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of aking but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parallel in or out of scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to sovereignty; as our innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession are parallels. Dishonorable rank! inglorious connection! yet the most subtle sophist cannot produce a juster simile. ‘As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that William the Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear looking into. But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which http://press-pubs.uchicago.edw/founders/print_documents/vichds4.html 8/19/2004Republican Government: Thomas Paine, Common Sense Page 8 of 9 95 concerns mankind. Did it insure a race of good and wise men it would have the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to the foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it has in it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves bom to reign, and others to obey, soon grow insolent, Selected from the rest of mankind, their minds are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions. Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency acting under the cover ofa king have every opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens when a king worn out with age and infirmity enters the last stage of human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a prey to every miscreant who can tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy. The most plausible plea which hath ever been offered in favor of hereditary succession is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty; whereas it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom since the conquest, in which time there has been (including the revolution) no less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand upon. In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it. If'we inquire into the business ofa king, we shall find that in some countries they may have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave their ‘successors to tread the same idle round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business civil and military lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king urged this plea, “that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business. The nearer any government approaches to a Republic, the less business there is for aking. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a Republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the House of Commons (the republican part in the Constitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For 'tis the republican and not the monarchical part of the Constitution of England which Englishmen glory http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/print_documents/v1 ch4s4.html 8/19/2004