International Political Science Association IPSA

1
st
International Conference on Public Policy - ICPP






Exchange Meanings and Implications
for Recent Brazilian Public Policies


JUSTO, Carolina Raquel Duarte de Mello
1

RODRIGUES, Carolina Cantarino
2








Panel: Public Policies in Latin America and the Cognitive Approach : Paradigms,
Actors and Coalitions

Chairs: Carla Tomazini (IHEAL-Sourbonne Nouvelle/France and UNICAMP/Brazil)
and Melina Rocha (IHEAL-Sourbonne Nouvelle/France and FGV/Brazil)



June 26- 28
Grenoble, France

1
Political Scientist, PhD in Social Sciences by the Universidade Estadual de
Campinas (UNICAMP), Professor of Political Science at the Universidade Federal de
So Carlos (UFSCar), Brazil. E-mail: carolinaraquel@yahoo.com.br
2
Anthropologist, PhD in Social Sciences and Professor at the Universidade
Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), Brazil. E-mail: carolcantarino@gmail.com



1
Abstract:



In this article we intend to discuss the meanings and implications of the
exchange or gift notions in some Brazilian recent public policies, especially the
Income Transfer Policies commonly and not amazingly called Cash Conditioned
Transfer Policies and the quotas established for some social groups to enter in
the public universities as part of affirmative action policies. What are the advocacy
coalitions who work in favor of and against each of such proposals? How do they
justify their demands? What are the normative effects and implications of any
proposal? As we intend to show, depending on who are the stakeholders of the
policies, they carry with themselves a range of cultural references and worldviews
that have specific results for the societies configuration perspectives. On the one
hand, they may contribute for social solidarity, interdependence and reciprocity,
which could aggregate citizens in the gift circulation cycle, as observed by Mauss
in the Gift Essay. On the other hand, they may contribute for the diffusion of a
utilitarian and contractual notion of debt, which could disaggregate citizens in a
kind of eternal debt dependence cycle, different from the Mauss observation.









2
1. Where and what we part from

When Barack Obama was elected the United States president the first
Black to become president in that country , in 2008, it was expected that he would
defend the minorities interests particularly the Blacks ones during his
mandate. Almost the same hope has been expected from Dilma Roussef, who was
elected president of Brazil in 2010 the first woman to become president in this
country: to govern in advocacy of minorities but particularly, in such case, in the
Womens interests.
Even some of the most powerful politicians in the world have been not
completely free people and autonomous citizens. Independently on whoever they
represent and whatever they have promised in their campaigns, they have a debt
to pay: the debt embedded in their corps and faces maybe more precisely, in their
DNA and from which they cannot(?) escape: the debt created by inequality that
imprisons minorities and dominated identities.
Have Black, Women, Homosexuals, Poor and People with Disabilities the
(free) right to be and act as they want politically? Maybe yes; formally yes. Maybe
even in fact it is possible to escape from the identities traps to act politically as a
free individual. That is not the point. The point that matters here is about the
individuals action expectations created by identities, by identities policies and by
any public policy carried out and hold by collective action from advocacy
coalitions.
Different groups, unified for shared views and interests, and so identified,
may choose among many strategies in order to fight against domination and
inequalities and in favor of some notion of Justice. Among Blacks movements, for
example, there are those ones, on the one hand, who ask for affirmative action
policies and idenditarian policies some race identity recognition and affirmation
to (paradoxically) fight racism , while there are others who prefer the citizenship
claim the equality rights discourse to fight racism, on the other hand. Both of
them seem to have the same (commendable, we could say) goal: to fight racism
and inequalities. Their senses of fairness, and the correspondent strategies to


3
pursue them, which are political-culturally built, may vary enormously. And
because of that, the results from their political action may also be very different. It
is what we want to deal with in this paper.
Depending on the goal is pursued, there are many ways and forms to
evaluate and analyze public policies. We agree with the idea that, depending on the
angle we look to the public problems, and on the glasses we choose to wear for
doing that, according to our tastes and preferences formation, we may see these
problems and propose solutions for them in very different ways too. In other
words, decision-making is a process symbolically-oriented, and cannot, nor would
never be considered as a merely efficiency-efficacy-effectiveness issue, as it is not a
objective neutral calculated process, free of references, perspectives, beliefs, values
and world views from different individual or collective actors involved in it.
The premise of the cognitive approach, second Jobert and Muller (1987), is that
identities are socially constructed and thus generate different interpretations of society,
leading thus to different diagnoses with respect to the problems faced by it and the
choice of different alternatives, tools and strategies for practice intervention on them.
This role is played fundamentally by professionals within sectors of society such as
public managers, into education, health and assistance sectors.
The authors believe that different social actors, according to their different
worldviews, have influence on what public policy comes to be, and in a reciprocal way,
that these policies also have an effect on the social actors constitution. So if there are
ideas, values and discourses that shape policies and programs, this cultural dimension is
also permeated through the policies in direction to the actors involved in them (not only
users or beneficiaries, but both the operators and policy makers). Theorists of "State
action" as they are also called, believe, moreover, that public policies are also
instruments for the formation of collective identities. Thus, if public policies are
designed according to a process of social dispute, in which occurs the politicization of
actors, this politicization can also be developed as an effect of public policies, through
the formation of identities. (Jobert and Muller, 1987).
The establishment of professional and administrative hegemonies is a basic
condition for the existence and implementation of a given policy, defining the limits, the


4
relevant issues and actors participating in the political processes within the sector. These
dominant actors model the sector according to their image and interests, giving it form
and content (MARQUES, 1997: 85).
Muller (1990) opposes the visions in which public policies are seen as fruits of a
bureaucratic-technocratic organizational structure and defends that their design and
formulations are directly related to policy choices. The cognitive approach, in
comparison with others, has the advantage of recognizing the fundamental role of
values, beliefs and ideas to understand the effects and outcomes of public policies, since
they are structuring identities, which are the basis of political action. Moreover, by
assuming that the belief system permeates society as a whole, without, however,
conceiving it as static, the cognitive approach is able to explain the social changes and,
at the same time, different designs and formulations of policies that are directed to the
same problem, as well as the varied results, effects and impacts of these policies.
We intend to continue this text by considering such cognitive analysis
assumptions, in order to show how some identity and income transfer policies, which
could contribute for social solidarity, interdependence and reciprocity, so
aggregating citizens in the gift circulation cycle observed by Mauss in the Gift
Essay, may however contribute for the diffusion of a utilitarian and contractual
notion of debt, which could disaggregate citizens in a kind of eternal debt
dependence cycle, different from the Mauss observation. We will use in these
analyses mainly current Brazilian policies experiences.











5
2. Starting through the third via: Labels and/or Citizenship


Fonte: http://www2.uol.com.br/laerte/info/biografia-top.html

Fonte: http://agenciaaids.com.br/usermedia/images/laerte2.jpg


Laerte Coutinho, who appears in both pictures above, is a Brazilian
cartoonist who has required the right of being whoever/whatever. A man? A
woman? A transgender? A? Which label? It does not really matter.
Identity policies, especially those ones for minority groups, like women,
Blacks, homosexuals, as they have been used to be called, have been great and
useful, first of all, to put the socio-economic and symbolic unfairness and
inequalities in the public agenda and, besides that, to try to minimize them and to
be really able of doing that, in some ways. The success and need of such kind of
policies, as the quotas for affirmative action policies, do not mean they are free
from internal criticism, as we intend to do here. They are subjected to be reviewed,
corrected, reformulated, remade and extinct, as any policy, since the contingency is
an inherent character of public policies. So, our goal in this paper is to shed light
into the trap such policies carry with themselves, in order to reflect about them
and other alternatives and possibilities.
We will start exactly with some alternative ways of thinking and public
acting, and only after we will point the problems we see in some policies cash
conditioned transfer policies and affirmative action through quotas for entering in
universities -, using mainly some Brazilian experiences to help to reflect.



6
2.1. The Normative Basic Income Project

The Basic Income proposal, as formulated by Philippe Van Parijs, its main
supporter, is a progressive idea, part of a greater project, and based on the Paines
model of welfare state and on the equity ethical fundament (VAN PARIJS, 1994b).
For some authors, the Basic Income would be at the same time a way to the
overcome and to the improvement of the welfare state. Noguera (2000), for
example, sees it as a fourth model in the Esping-Andersen (1990, 1991) welfare
state classification. Van Parijs (1994a) sees it as capitalist way to the communism.
Anchored in the radical egalitarianism as principle and on the citizenship status,
the Basic Income model does not differentiate people to receive the benefits and,
thus, eliminates the stigmatizing character of the benefits based on means-test.
The main characteristic of the Basic Income consists, however, in the elimination
of peoples dependency in relation to the market.
According to Van Parijs (1994a), a basic income should be distributed as a
right, independent of any need, and in an unconditional way, e.g., not supposing
any restriction to peoples conduct nor to the moneys use by them. The right of
every people to share the common good and wealth is a justification to the moneys
distribution. For Van Parijs, the goal to be aimed through the Basic Income policy
implementation is the promotion of a free and fair society, which supposes the
satisfaction of three conditions: security (the existence of a guaranteed solid rights
structure), property of itself (allowed and guaranteed by the rights structure) and
the leximin opportunity (the rights structure should allow every people to have the
greatest possible opportunity of doing whatever they want); this last condition
supposes not just the formal/abstract rights existence, but also the guarantee of
the means to turn the rights effective. To attend such condition, Van Parijs foresees
the need of transferring to people the highest possible basic income (Van Parijs,
1992, 1994a; Fonseca, 2000). It is possible to recognize that this criterion is not
based on elementary needs satisfaction, as the minimum income is.
Another element to be considered in the Basic Income is the implicit idea of
unlink with work. In other words, the Basic Income project is not founded on the
full-employment as strategy to overcome the crisis, but on the State


7
redistribution of the socially produced income and wealth among people,
independently of work. For Josu Silva (1998), the guarantee of a basic income for
everybody as a right, independently of their insertion in the work market, operates
an important rethinking on the traditional notion of citizenship, which is founded
on the work. The Basic Income oversees to a new version of citizenship, which
does not require the work as its substrata (Justo, 2007). Moreover, the Basic
Income idea has given origin to the fight for a new right: the right to income.
The welfare states were built on two binomial believes: the compatibility
between economic growth and social priorities satisfaction (through the full
employment guaranteed by the state action) and the association between rights
and duties, one as the counterpart of the other, like the work/wage relationship.
Both pacts/believes have broken since the 1970s, when it started the welfare state
crisis and, at the same time, the changes in the works world or in the salaried
society.
According to Pierre Rosanvallon (1997), the contract between State and
individuals, consolidated by the welfare state, implied in the reinforcement of the
organic solidarity and in the weakening of the mechanic solidarity. So, when the
state was not able anymore of giving the social support for everybody who needed
it, people did not have who to ask help for, because of the des-socialization. That is
why Rosanvallon proposes, as an exit to the crisis, the individuals reinsertion in
collective solidarity nets. The first step in such direction consists, according to him,
in the job time reduction, in order to extend the free-time.
The income transfer implementation is considered an important way to go
with and to turn effective the job time reduction. Several authors agree with this
idea: besides Rosanvallon, Robert Castel (2003), Guy Aznar (1988, 1994), Yoland
Bresson, Andr Gorz (1986, 1988, 1992, and 1994) and Alain Caill (2002). While
some of them support the idea of a minimum income for workers, based on the
belief that work is essential for the systemic integration, Gorz abandoned such
vision. Since 1997, he passed to believe that work cannot perform currently the
great integrator function anymore. Differently from Rosanvallon, who criticizes the
weakening of the mechanic solidarity caused by the welfare state, Gorz used to
deny the Basic Income proposal due to the possibility that a person, receiving the


8
monetary benefit without working, became definitely excluded from the system
and society. In other words, he used to emphasize the need of the belonging not
just through the mechanic solidarity, but also through the organic solidarity, via
work market participation. However, as he passed to believe that such integration
is nowadays an illusion, he adopted a different position.
Gorz changed his mind and turned to criticize the contractual notion on
which is based the welfare state and the economic-instrumental rationality
subjacent to it. So, he argues that the full employment strategy is not defensible
anymore, since it is tributary of the work ethic and of the industrial economic
thinking according to which the salaried work, full time, is seen as the main way of
social integration a supposition that does not sustain anymore. For him, the free-
time is the new central category in the contemporary societies. Therefore, the fight
to be faced is for the time self management (SILVA, 2002). The progressive
reduction of the work time with productive goal should conduce, gradually, to a
free-time society, where the cultural and social spheres should surmount the
economic one. In such meaning, Gorz passed to agree with Rosanvallon, advocating
for peoples dedication to communitarian, cultural, political and no-paid activities,
which would improve the micro-social ties, the mechanic solidarity. Finally, he
proposes the unconditional Basic Income and the job time reduction as
fundamental steps toward a non-utilitarian society; these measures are important
part of his new utopist free-time society project.
It is possible to recognize that the unconditional character of the Basic
Income is very consistent with such a project, since it breaks not just the rights-
duties binomial notion, as the income-work one. So, the Basic Income
implementation can contribute to the construction of a new citizenship conception,
which may abdicate of work as its base. (SILVA, 1998). It can, at the same time,
launch new light on the way we are used to see the exclusion, abandoning the
insertion or not in the work market as the main criterion for social belonging.
Gorzs criticism to the utilitarian and instrumental economic reason that
prevails in the contemporary societies matches also with Nancy Fraser and Linda
Gordons (1994) argumentation about the need of overcoming the contract and


9
charity ideologies dilemma, which would be replaced by non-contractual
reciprocity social forms, like solidarity and interdependence.
Besides, the gift notion has also been remembered as alternative to the
equivalent exchange in which is based the workfare and even the wage social
practices. To recuperate and foment the gift idea and practice implies in
reinforcing the social pact and mechanic solidarity. Inside gifts theory, exchange is
taken not in utilitarian, but in solidarity terms, not as a way, but as the end of the
social relations (JUSTO, 2002). For Alain Caill (2002), gift means Politics
(against the utilitarianism) and it should be exerted through the association, which
means participative democracy. The Basic Income is also seen, in his
argumentation, as a strategy to root the gift culture in the society.
Thus, the Basic Income proposal has been enriched as a political-cultural
project for changing society. The main points related to it are the job time
reduction, the overcoming of the contractual notion of equivalent exchange and
also the overcoming of the utilitarian economic reason that sustain it, and the build
of a free-time society, where people can recuperate micro-social solidarity ties and
dedicate to political and cultural activities.

3. Identity and Cash Conditioned Transfer Policies Traps the Eternal
Debt

We do not think meetings are bad, nor children health conditions
and school frequency accompaniment are. But we contest the monetary
benefit reception be dependent on the satisfaction of some requirements.
The beneficiary has the right to access health and other public services.
And she also has the right to the monetary benefit. But these things can
not be connected. The right to the income transference is independent on
the access to these other services. Because her family receives a monetary
benefit, the beneficiary does not have to bring me x, y or z documents to
prove her children go to the school and health center. To access such
services is her right, not an obligation! () In the PGRFM, it has prevailed
on the idea of instituting it as a policy of right and of trying the income
redistribution, in order to guarantee the income access to those families
that are totally excluded. We intend to fortify the income transference as


10
a right: the beneficiary has the right to a minimum income and so,
according to this logic, she does not have to give back any counterpart.
(Glria, PGRFM coordinator, Campinas, 09/06/2008).

Public services should be asked for quality improvement, not families. The
mother leads children to the school, independent on receiving or not the
monetary benefit. What is necessary is to improve education quality, so
that it becomes more attractive and guarantees children maintenance at
school. The mother also leads children to the health center, if it
guarantees service quality. It is not necessary an income transfer program
to obligate her to do that. So, the control should be over policies quality,
not over families. (Marina, PGRFM technician, Campinas, June 28
th
2008).

It is very easy for us to regulate where the other is going to spend her
money. But who are we so that we can tell her where to spend it? It is her
right. This money is her right! People are used to say they [PGRFM
beneficiaries] receive money free. So, those who work get revolted and
think they have the right to tell them what they can and can not do, where
and how to spend the money, since it was earned free. Barbecue they cant!
() I do not control their spending, because I think we create a linkage and
I do not want to establish such relation to watch and to punish. (Joana,
PGRFM technician, Campinas, May 14
th
, 2001).


As the discourses above show, there are policy makers inside the assistance
sector in Brazil who hold the Basic Income idea. An earlier research (JUSTO 2002)
observed how the bureaucrats who implemented a local income transfer policy, in
the city of Campinas, state of So Paulo, have given support for arising with the
Basic Income project in Brazil. An idea that was planted by the senator Eduardo
Suplicy and gained the federal level advocates in the coalition that is currently
managing the Bolsa Famlia, the greatest Cash Conditioned Transfer Policy in the
world. This federal program, however, has other coalitions supports, as showed by
Tomazini (2011), and does not have an unique design, even if the Basic Income
perspectives may be viewed in some of its characteristics (JUSTO, 2011).
Despite of that, we may see other worldviews inside the assistance sector,
which give support for the Minimum Income, or tha Cash Conditioned Income
Policies, characterized for the counterpart requirements in exchange of social
benefits, as the discourses below show:


11
The program can continue just if beneficiaries assume the
commitment of coming to work at the workshops four hours a day, five days
a week, during eighteen months. (Mriam, PAGRM coordinator, Jundia,
24/05/2005).

We establish norms for the program working. There are penalties,
suspension, verbal and written advertences for who arrives late or does not
come to the workshops. (Helena, PAGRM technician, Jundia, 24/05/2005).

The personalized individual plan is the contract beneficiaries sign,
where it is stipulated what they must do. It is a counterpart. Every six
months a new contract is signed, because it is pre-required for their
continuity in the program to show improvement: that a stage has been
carried out and that another one is going to be established. In the monthly
meetings we verify if beneficiaries have been complying with the contract.
(Lucas, PNF technician, Santos, 06/07/2005).


So, in the local level, bureaucrats from Jundia, Santos, Campinas and Santo
Andr, Brazilian municipalities, have different views about the income transfer
program benefits nature. While the ones from Campinas and Santo Andr tends to
defend it as an unconditional right, and so to not agree with counterparts
requests, those ones from Jundia and Santo Andr advocate exactly the opposite:
that counterparts are the programs core, what makes the perspective of seeing
benefit like a right impracticable.
Since 2005, in Jundia, workshops have been replaced by professional
courses, but beneficiaries still have to be committed to attend classes everyday to
be entitled to receive the monetary benefit. Otherwise, it can even be
proportionally to absences discounted. Following the work ethic, the technicians
from Jundia also defend the existence of controls, norms and punishment in the
program operation, as one of them tells:
The benefit discount is the worst punishment beneficiaries are subject to. If
they are absent to the workshops without justification, they should pay for that.
Therefore, it is possible to recognize this local program follows the employment
relation; the benefit is almost like a salary, even subject to discounts. So, the
workfare is the logic subjacent to the program. In view of that, we definitely can
not support the benefit is a right, neither technicians. Indeed, they advocate for the


12
contractual work and income linkage maintenance, and not for the income right,
differently from Campinas and Santo Andrs bureaucrats.
In Santos, the local program technicians think the benefit represents the
right to a second chance. In their ambiguous discourse, however, the right is not
for everybody, but for those who deserve it. While in Jundia beneficiaries are
included in the program under the condition of being committed to attend, learn
and work at the workshops, in Santos the condition to be inserted and remain as
beneficiaries is the disposition to come back to study and to invest in work
activities like self entrepreneur. When beneficiaries are inserted, they should sign
a commitment term, which includes a personalized individual accompaniment
plan. Both the term and the plan are not a pro-form instrument. Beneficiaries
have to comply with them; otherwise they may be excluded from the program.
For Santos bureaucrats, the program should be an active social policy: it
should stimulate desirable behavior among beneficiaries. In such conception,
counterparts are essential. As seen above, according to the technicians,
beneficiaries should show progress. They have to show disposition and dedication
to work to win poverty. If they do not give anything in exchange for the monetary
benefit, or if they do not do anything to change their socio-economic situation, as
attending professional courses or investing in entrepreneur activities, they may be
excluded from the program, since they did not do their part. Therefore, even if they
say the benefit is a right, it does not have any support as a right in their discourses,
which make it very fragile. The monetary benefit is definitely not for everybody,
but for those who act according to a desirable behavior: employing or investing the
money in ways for generating income (preferably in entrepreneur activities) and
accomplishing with the commitment term. In such meaning, the money is seen as
a reward for beneficiaries who deserve it, who have carried out all the
requirements settled in the term and in the personalized individual plan (in
general, who came back to study, took care of children education and health and
developed income generation practices).
The problem in such policies is that poor people are always in debt, in a
gift notion different from the Mauss observation; we mean, a negative notion: the
eternal debt dependence cycle, which breaks the equal citizenship status.


13
So, we should reflect: Black students, just like the poor ones, do not have the
right of being bad students. They are not simply and only students, as the most
part of the students we mean, the white ones. They are always BLACK and POOR
students, who have entered in the university by quotas, who have been favored,
winning, but at the same time who will be because of that in debt forever. They
should pay something in exchange. The universal and unconditional citizenship
and equality principles which should be the base and result of such policies are
inverted in a trap: they are not full citizens. They are citizens in debt, they have
always to pay for social benefits and services and for social recognition. As they
have to pay and are always in debt, they are not equal citizens.

4. Unrecognition and Disidentification as Alternative Escapes Against
Identity Policies Traps

How to escape? Judith Butler (1998) criticizes the politics of identity and the
notion of the subject but at the same time she does not completely rejects these
categories: they were, in a certain context, necessary politically. Such is the clallenge: to
try to refuse and at the same time to reconnect identity and citizenship policies.
A possibility is, instead of rediscovering itself, a letting go of yourself. Assert
itself as not only identity, but also as a creative force. If women and blacks identities
are seemingly a no mystery (Rancire, 1996: p. 48) enrolled as a visible
corporeality, the political subjectification may take them out of this evidence, in a
policy we will call of unrecognition, or of disidentification, wherein subject is
thought of as the opening of a space. A place of permanent openness and
reframing, where unforeseen senses can arise and the word identity remains
almost empty ...
"Deconstructing the subject of feminism is not therefore criticize their use,
but, instead, release the term into a future of multiple meanings,
emancipate it from the maternal or racist ontologies it was restricted to and make
it a place where unanticipated meanings can emerge" (Butler, 1998: p. 36).


14
From the need of identification, raised by the quota policy, in its
strategy of reversing the racialist logic, may also emerge, alternatively, a desire of
unpredictabilities capable of extending beyond it. The stereotype is evoked and
strikethrough at the same time, something goes beyond the framework of the
image, the sight escapes, empties the place of identity.
Which parameter is able to reveal the true identity? Question
undecidable, or only subject to decision by the one who says "I". The fugacity
of an identity defined only in a momentary moment, a strategic
enunciation, to be always said and said again, may be an antidote against identity
traps. For since a proposition, a program, an alternative policy or
"solution" is proposed, it becomes dangerous because it is like a model and
becomes law, which curtails the possibility of invention. So it is necessary to
always assert its temporariness, the precariousness of identification as resistance.
To assert identity as subjectification, through cultural policies, perhaps may
conciliate it with identity and citizenship policies.


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