Drew Summer Program

World History
Unit 2: Imperialism
1 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
Modern History Sourcebook:
The Earl of Cromer: Why Britain Acquired Ey!t in 1""#$ %1&'"(
http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/mod/1908cromer.asp
This is the Earl of Cromer's (first British Viceroy of Egypt) account of why the British took over Egypt. It is also
a goo e!ample of "olitical Imperialism # i.e.$ we on't really want the amne place %ut if we on't someone
else will gra% it an the whole %alance of power will %e mucke up....Egypt may now almost %e sai to form
part of Europe. It is on the high roa to the &ar East. It can never cease to %e an o%'ect of interest to all the
powers of Europe$ an especially to Englan. ( numerous an intelligent %oy of Europeans an of non#
Egyptian orientals have mae Egypt their home. European capital to a large e!tent has %een sunk in the
country. The rights an privileges of Europeans are 'ealously guare$ an$ moreover$ give rise to complicate
)uestions$ which it re)uires no small amount of ingenuity an technical knowlege to solve. E!otic institutions
have sprung up an have taken root in the country. The capitulations impair those rights of internal sovereignty
which are en'oye %y the rulers or legislatures of most states. The population is heterogeneous an
cosmopolitan to a egree almost unknown elsewhere. (lthough the prevailing faith is that of Islam$ in no
country in the worl is a greater variety of religious crees to %e foun amongst important sections of the
community.In aition too these peculiarities$ which are of a normal character$ it has to %e %orne in min that in
*++, the -Egyptian. army was in a state of mutiny/ the treasury was %ankrupt/ every %ranch of the
aministration ha %een islocate/ the ancient an ar%itrary metho$ uner which the country ha for
centuries %een governe$ ha receive a severe %low$ whilst$ at the same time$ no more orerly an law#
a%iing form of government ha %een inaugurate to take its place. Is it pro%a%le that a government compose
of the rue elements escri%e a%ove$ an le %y men of such poor a%ility as (ra%i an his coa'utators$ woul
have %een a%le to control a complicate machine of this nature0 1ere the sheikhs of the El#(2har mos)ue
likely to succee where Tewfik "asha an his ministers$ who were men of comparative eucation an
enlightenment$ acting uner the guiance an inspiration of a first#class European power$ only met with a
moifie success after years of patient la%or0 There can %e %ut one answer to these )uestions. 3or is it in the
nature of things that any similar movement shoul$ uner the present conitions of Egyptian society$ meet with
any %etter success. The full an immeiate e!ecution of a policy of 4Egypt for the Egyptians$4 as it was
conceive %y the (ra%ists in *++,$ was$ an still is$ impossi%le.5istory$ inee$ recors some very raical
changes in the forms of government to which a state has %een su%'ecte without its interests %eing a%solutely
an permanently shipwrecke. But it may %e ou%te whether any instance can %e )uote of a suen transfer
of power in any civili2e or semi#civili2e community to a class so ignorant as the pure Egyptians$ such as they
were in the year *++,. These latter have$ for centuries past$ %een a su%'ect race. "ersians$ 6reeks$ 7omans$
(ra%s from (ra%ia an Bagha$ Circassians$ an finally$ 8ttoman Turks$ have successively rule over Egypt$
%ut we have to go %ack to the ou%tful an o%scure preceents of "haraonic times to fin an epoch when$
possi%ly$ Egypt was rule %y Egyptians. 3either$ for the present$ o they appear to possess the )ualities which
woul rener it esira%le$ either in their own interests$ or in those of the civili2e worl in general$ to raise them
at a %oun to the category of autonomous rulers with full rights of internal sovereignty. If$ however$ a foreign
occupation was inevita%le or nearly inevita%le$ it remains to %e consiere whether a British occupation was
prefera%le to any other. &rom the purely Egyptian point of view$ the answer to this )uestion cannot %e ou%tful.
The intervention of any European power was prefera%le to that of Turkey. The intervention of one European
power was prefera%le to international intervention. The special aptitue shown %y Englishmen in the
government of 8riental races pointe to Englan as the most effective an %eneficent instrument for the
graual introuction of European civili2ation into Egypt. (n (nglo#&rench$ or an (nglo#Italian occupation$ from
%oth of which we narrowly an also accientally escape$ woul have %een etrimental to Egyptian interests
an woul ultimately have cause friction$ if not serious issension$ %etween Englan on the one sie an
&rance or Italy on the other. The only thing to %e sai in favor of Turkish intervention is that it woul have
relieve Englan from the responsi%ility of intervening.By the process of e!hausting all other e!peients$ we
arrive at the conclusion that arme British intervention was$ uner the special circumstances of the case$ the
only possi%le solution of the ifficulties which e!iste in *++,. "ro%a%ly also it was the %est solution. The
arguments against British intervention$ inee$ were sufficiently o%vious. It was easy to foresee that$ with a
# | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
British garrison in Egypt$ it woul %e ifficult that the relations of Englan either with &rance or Turkey shoul
%e corial. 1ith &rance$ especially$ there woul %e a anger that our relations might %ecome seriously
straine. 9oreover$ we lost the avantages of our insular position. The occupation of Egypt necessarily
ragge Englan to a certain e!tent within the arena of Continental politics. In the event of war$ the presence
of a British garrison in Egypt woul possi%ly %e a source of weakness rather than of strength. 8ur position in
Egypt place us in a isavantageous iplomatic position$ for any power$ with whom we ha a ifference of
opinion a%out some non#Egyptian )uestion$ was at one time a%le to retaliate %y opposing our Egyptian policy.
The complicate rights an privileges possesse %y the various powers of Europe in Egypt facilitate action of
this nature.There can %e no ou%t of the force of these arguments. The answer to them is that it was
impossi%le for 6reat Britain to allow the troops of any other power to occupy Egypt. 1hen it %ecame apparent
that some foreign occupation was necessary$ that the :ultan woul not act save uner conitions which were
impossi%le of acceptance$ an that neither &rench nor Italian cooperation coul %e secure$ the British
government acte with promptitue an vigor. ( great nation cannot throw off the responsi%ilities which its past
history an its position in the worl have impose upon it. English history affors other e!amples of the
government an people of Englan rifting %y accient into oing what was not only right$ %ut was also most in
accorance with British interests.
:ource;&rom; The Earl of Cromer$ 9oern Egypt$ , Vols.$ (3ew <ork; 9acmillan$ *=>+)$ Vol. I.!vii#!viii.:canne %y; ?. :. (rken%erg$ @ept. of 5istory$ Cal. :tate &ullerton.
"rof. (rken%erg has moerni2e the te!t.
This te!t is part of the Internet 9oern 5istory :ource%ook. The :ource%ook is a collection of pu%lic omain an copy#permitte te!ts for introuctory level classes in moern
European an 1orl history.
Modern History Sourcebook:
Ca!t) *) +) ,uard: The -ise of .ur East African Em!ire$ 1"&/
It is sufficient to reiterate here that$ as long as our policy is one of free trae$ we are compelle to
seek new markets/ for ol ones are %eing close to us %y hostile tariffs$ an our great epenencies$
which formerly were the consumers of our goos$ are now %ecoming our commercial rivals. It is
inherent in a great colonial an commercial empire like ours that we go forwar or go %ackwar. To
allow other nations to evelop new fiels$ an to refuse to o so ourselves$ is to go %ackwar/ an
this is the more eplora%le$ seeing that we have prove ourselves nota%ly capa%le of ealing with
native races an of eveloping new countries at a less e!pense than other nations. 1e owe to the
instincts of colonial e!pansion of our ancestors those vast an no%le epenencies which are our
prie an the outlets of our trae toay/ an we are accounta%le to posterity that opportunities which
now present themselves of e!tening the sphere of our inustrial enterprise are not neglecte$ for the
opportunities now offere will never recur again. Aor 7ose%ery in his speech at the 7oyal Colonial
Institute e!presse this in emphatic language; 41e are engage in 'pegging out claims' for the future.
1e have to consier$ not what we want now$ %ut what we shall want in the future. 1e have to
consier what countries must %e evelope either %y ourselves or some other nation. . . . 7emem%er
that the task of the statesman is not merely with the present$ %ut with the future. 1e have to look
forwar %eyon the chatter of platforms$ an the passions of party$ to the future of the race of which
we are at present the trustees$ an we shoul$ in my opinion$ grossly fail in the task that has %een lai
upon us i we shrink from responsi%ilities$ an ecline to take our share in a partition of the worl
which we have not force on$ %ut which has %een force upon us.4
If some initial e!pense is incurre$ is it not 'ustifie %y the ultimate gain0 I have alreay pointe out
what other nations are oing in the way of railway e!tension. The government is not aske to provie
the capital of the railway$ %ut only a guarantee on the su%scri%e capital.... Inepenently of money
/ | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
spent on railways$ the con)uest of (lgeria alone cost &rance B*C>$>>>$>>>$ an it is estimate that
her 1est Coast colonies cost her half a million yearly. Italy spens on her (%yssinian protectorate a
sum variously estimate at BD>>$>>> or BE>>$>>> per annum. Belgium$ %esies her heavy e!penses
for the Congo railway$ the capital of which she has avance without interest$ guarantees B+>$>>>
per annum to the Congo state$ an is altering her constitution in orer to allow her to take over that
state as a colonial possession. 6ermany has spent over a million sterling in East (frica$ %esies her
e!peniture on the west an southwest colonies. The parallel is here complete$ for the 6erman
company faile$ an government steppe in to carry out the pleges an o%ligations incurre. Even
"ortugal is content to support a yearly eficit on each of her (frican possessions$ gives heavy
su%siies to the mail steamers$ an B*>$>>> per annum to the ca%le. (ll these nations are content to
incur this yearly cost in the present$ confient that in the future these possessions will repay the
outlay$ an willing to %e at a national e!pense to fulfill their treaty o%ligations uner the Brussels (ct.
The Fan2i%ar 6a2ette$ which is in a goo position to 'uge$ since the imports an e!ports from
6erman East (frica can %e fairly assesse there$ speaking of 4the comparatively large sums from the
national resources4 investe in this country$ says$ 41e think it is only a )uestion of time for such
investments$ with a careful management of the territory$ to show highly profita%le returns.4 :uch a
view from those on the spot an possessing local knowlege$ shoul %e a strong testimony in favor of
the far richer British sphere....
( wor as to missions in (frica. Beyon ou%t I think the most useful missions are the meical an
the inustrial$ in the initial stages of savage evelopment. ( com%ination of the two is$ in my opinion$
an ieal mission. :uch is the work of the :cotch &ree Church on Aake 3yasa. The meical
missionary %egins work with every avantage. Throughout (frica the ieas of the cure of the %oy
an of the soul are closely allie. The 4meicine man4 is creite$ not only with a knowlege of the
simples an rugs which may avert or cure isease$ %ut owing to the superstitions of the people$ he is
also suppose to have a knowlege of the charms an dawawhich will invoke the ai of the @eity or
appease 5is wrath$ an of the witchcraft an magic (ulu) %y which success in war$ immunity from
anger$ or a supply of rain may %e o%taine. (s the skill of the European in meicine asserts its
superiority over the crue methos of the meicine man$ so oes he in proportion gain an influence in
his teaching of the great truths of Christianity. 5e teaches the savage where knowlege an art
cease$ how far natural remeies prouce their effects$ inepenent of charms or supernatural
agencies$ an where ivine power overrules all human efforts. :uch emonstration from a meicine
man$ whose skill they cannot fail to recogni2e as superior to their own$ has naturally more weight than
any mere preaching. ( mere preacher is iscounte an his 2eal is not unerstoo. The meical
missionary$ moreover$ gains an amission to the houses an homes of the natives %y virtue of his art$
which woul not %e so reaily accore to another. 5e %ecomes their aviser an referee$ an his
counsels are su%stitute for the magic an witchcraft which retar evelopment.
The value of the inustrial mission$ on the other han$ epens$ of course$ largely on the nature of
the tri%es among whom it is locate. Its value can harly %e overestimate among such people as the
1agana$ %oth on account of their natural aptitue an their eager esire to learn. But even the less
avance an more primitive tri%es may %e e)ually %enefite$ if not only mechanical an artisan
work$ such as the carpenter's an %lacksmith's craft$ %ut also the simpler e!peients of agriculture are
taught. The sinking of wells$ the system of irrigation$ the introuction an planting of useful trees$ the
use of manure$ an of omestic animals for agricultural purposes$ the improvement of his implements
%y the introuction of the primitive Inian plough$ etc.###all of these$ while improving the status of the
native$ will rener his lan more prouctive$ an hence$ %y increasing his surplus proucts$ will
ena%le him to purchase from the traer the cloth which shall a to his ecency$ an the implements
an househol utensils which shall prouce greater results for his la%or an greater comforts in his
social life.
0 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
In my view$ moreover$ instruction (religious or secular) is largely waste upon aults$ who are wee
to custom an pre'uice. It is the rising generation who shoul %e eucate to a higher plane$ %y the
esta%lishment of schools for chilren. They$ in turn$ will sen their chilren for instruction/ an so a
progressive avancement is institute$ which may prouce really great results. I see$ in a recent
letter$ that @r. Aaws supports this view$ an appositely )uotes the parallel of the Israelites after their
e!ous from Egypt$ who were etaine for forty years in the esert$ until the generation who ha
%een slaves in Egypt ha passe away. The e!tensive schools at his mission at Banawi were
evience of the practical application of his views. These schools were literally thronge with
thousans of chilren$ an chiefs of neigh%oring tri%es were eagerly offering to erect schools in their
own villages at their own cost.
The Esta%lishe Church of :cotlan 9ission at Blantyre was (if I may so call it) an aministrative
mission. It was starte uner a wholly ifferent set of conitions. The site of the mission$ instea of
%eing in a ensely populate country$ like the &ree Church mission stations$ was in a istrict largely
epopulate. (roun the mission grew up a population chiefly consisting of fugitive slaves. This initial
mistake le to serious ifficulties later$ an I %elieve the resentment of the tri%es from whom these
slaves ha run away was eventually isarme only %y the payment of ransom money %y the mission.
Thus the missions %ecame the aministrators an lawgivers of the native community which grew up
aroun them. ?ust as the mission houses an plantations were themselves an o%'ect lesson to the
natives of (frica$ so the little colony %ecame itself a moel. The spotless clothes of the chilren$ the
neatness$ an orer$ an iscipline enforce$ were like nothing I have ever seen elsewhere in (frica.
The chilren in the schools were %oarers/ native chiefs from surrouning tri%es sent their sons to live
in Blantyre$ an %e taught in the schools/ neigh%oring chiefs came to the white man of Blantyre$ as
ar%itrator in isputes/ his intervention on more than one occasion prevente war.
The great coffee plantation an %uilings of the missions$ the Aakes Company$ an 9essrs.
Buchanan$ were the means of instituting on a large scale the e!periment of free la%or in (frica$ an
natives came from great istances$ even from the warlike (ngoni tri%e$ to engage themselves for
regular wages....
(n aministrative mission can$ of course$ only %e foune in a country not uner the aegis of any
European power. Gner such circumstances$ a mission may %e 'ustifie in unertaking to some
e!tent aministrative functions$ pening the a%sorption of the country uner European protection$
especially where no central native authority e!ists$ an there is no cohesion to repel the attacks of
slavetraers$ or the tyranny of the ominant tri%e. This is$ of course$ more especially the case when
the community has grown up in a previously unpopulate country$ as at Blantyre. But when a secular
aministration is esta%lishe$ it appears to me that the missions shoul resign entirely into the hans
of the authori2e e!ecutive government all functions pertaining to aministration....
8ne wor as regars missionaries themselves. The essential point in ealing with (fricans is to
esta%lish a respect for the European. Gpon this###the prestige of the white man###epens his
influence$ often his very e!istence$ in (frica. If he shows %y his surrounings$ %y his assumption of
superiority$ that he is far a%ove the native$ he will %e respecte$ an his influence will %e proportionate
to the superiority he assumes an %ears out %y his higher accomplishments an moe of life. In my
opinion###at any rate with reference to (frica###it is the greatest possi%le mistake to suppose that a
European can ac)uire a greater influence %y aopting the moe of life of the natives. In effect$ it is to
lower himself to their plane$ instea of elevating them to his. The sacrifice involve is wholly
unappreciate$ an the motive woul %e hel %y the savage to %e poverty an lack of social status in
his own country. The whole influence of the European in (frica is gaine %y this assertion of a
superiority which commans the respect an e!cites the emulation of the savage. To forego this
vantage groun is to lose influence for goo. I may a$ that the loss of prestige conse)uent on what
1 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
I shoul term the humiliation of the European affects not merely the missionary himself$ %ut is
su%versive of all efforts for secular aministration$ an may even invite insult$ which may lea to
isaster an %looshe. To maintain it a missionary must$ a%ove all things$ %e a gentleman/ for no
one is more )uick to recogni2e a real gentleman than the (frican savage. 5e must at all times assert
himself$ an repel an insolent familiarity$ which is a thing entirely apart from frienship %orn of respect
an affection. 5is welling house shoul %e as superior to those of the natives as he is himself
superior to them. (n this$ while aing to his prestige an influence$ will simultaneously promote his
own health an energy$ an so save money spent on invaliings to Englan$ an replacements ue
to sickness or eath.....
I am convince that the iniscriminate application of such precepts as those containe in the wors to
turn the other cheek also to the smiter$ an to %e the servant of all men$ is to wholly misunerstan
an misapply the teaching of Christ. The (frican hols the position of a late#%orn chil in the family of
nations$ an must as yet %e schoole in the iscipline of the nursery. 5e is neither the intelligent ieal
crying out for instruction$ an capa%le of appreciating the su%tle %eauties of Christian for%earance
an self#sacrifice$ which some well#meaning missionary literature woul lea us to suppose$ nor yet$
on the other han$ is he universally a rampant canni%al$ preestine %y "rovience to the yoke of the
slave$ an fitte for nothing %etter$ as I have elsewhere seen him epicte. I hol rather with
Aongfellow's %eautiful lines###
(In all ages
Every human heart is human/
There are longings$ yearnings$ strivings
&or the goo they comprehen not.
That the fee%le hans an helpless$
6roping %linly in the arkness$
Touch 6o's right han in that arkness.4
That is to say$ that there is in him$ like the rest of us$ %oth goo an %a$ an that the innate goo is
capa%le of %eing evelope %y culture.

:ource;
&rom; &. @. Augar$ The Rise of Our East African Empire$ (Ein%urgh$ *+=H)$ I.C+C#C+I$ II.E=#IC.
:canne %y ?erome :. (rken%erg$ Cal. :tate &ullerton. The te!t has %een moerni2e %y "rof. (rken%erg.
This te!t is part of the Internet 9oern 5istory :ource%ook. The :ource%ook is a collection of pu%lic omain an copy#permitte te!ts for introuctory
level classes in moern European an 1orl history.
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J "aul 5alsall$ 3ovem%er *==+
halsallKforham.eu
2 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
Extent of Colonialism (1939)
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intel/pol11!/colonies.htm
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)ea in *+uae ,iles &0$''' #1#$2'' 11$"'' 1/$#'' #1'$'''
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S.4-CE: Mary E5elyn To6nsend$ European Colonial Expansion Since 1871 %Chicao: 7)8) ,i!!incott Com!any$ 1&01($
!) 1&
3 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
-ecenta&e of .eitoies $elon&in& to the Euopean//* Colonial -owes
(1900)
1e&ion -ecenta&e Contolled
)fica &')09
-olynesia &")&9
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)ustalia 1'')'9
)meicas #3)#9
S.4-CE: A) Su!an$ Die territoriale Entwicklung der Euroaischen Kolonien %:otha$ 1&'2($ !) #10
2eny 3. ,assin&ham 45eland6 191!77)nd $eyond46 The Atlantic Monthly6 8ecem9e6 191!: ;ol. 11<6 'o. !6 <397<(=.
htt!:;;666)theatlantic)com;!ast;docs;unbound;flashbks;ireland;massi)htm
5eland6 191!77)nd $eyond
$y 2eny 3. ,assin&ham
<They that ha5e red cheeks 6ill ha5e !ale cheeks for my sake$ and for all that$ they 6ill think they
are 6ell !aid)<==The .ld Woman$ in Cathleen=>i=Houlihan)
?n more than one !eriod of the Anlo=?rish association it has been the misfortune of Enland to
foret ?reland at the moment 6hen the relationshi! of the t6o countries should ha5e been closer
and more sym!athetic than usual) She forot her after the famine$ and she forot her 6hen the reat
6ar broke out) She had her e@cuse) The 6ar had obliterated the 6hole field of her domestic !olitics
and destroyed or sus!ended her !arty system) But e5en then her statesmen 6ould ha5e done 6ell to
remember that 7uly$ 1&10$ had been a time of crisis for ?reland$ no less than for her) She had
6atched the enlistment of at least one hundred thousand ?rishmen$ ans6erin to the ominous title of
" | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
<Aolunteers)< She had found herself unable to fulfill her !lede of Home -ule sa5e under conditions
6hich Catholic and >ationalist ?reland 6ould not acce!t$ or 6hich 8rotestant ?reland 6ould resist
by force) Her e@!erience of ?reland should ha5e tauht her the des!erate seriousness of this sudden
reincarnation of the s!irit of force) The 4lstermen had ot their arms$ and one of their !relates had
acclaimed the merciful 8ro5idence under 6hich the un=runnin 5essel$ the *anny$ had reached her
destination <uided< by <:od<s hand< and <shielded by his fos)< 4lster 6as ready$ or affected to be
ready$ to !ut all to the test of force)
BWe en5y not the sluard<s !eace$
We ras! our trusty s6ord$B
san one of the bards of Belfast of the inci!ient re5olution)
The thunder 6as not all of the stae) 4lster<s threat had all but demoraliCed the British army$ and it
6as at least an im!ortant element in the :erman calculation of the !art that Enland 6as likely to
!lay in a Euro!ean strule) ?n 7uly$ 1&10$ there 6as 6ell=founded belief in the imminence of at
least a local ci5il 6ar) ?n Auust$ 1&10$ the smaller disturbance had been s6allo6ed u! in the
conflaration of the 6orld) But the ?rish !roblem remained$ subDect to three ne6 and serious
ara5ations) The first 6as the !ost!onement of Home -ule) The second 6as the 6eakenin of the
?rish 8arliamentary !arty) The third 6as the ro6th of Sinn *ein) All three causes 6ere connected)
?f Mr) -edmond<s follo6in had been a little stroner and youner$ he miht ha5e 6rested from
Enland a definite concession for Home -ule in return for his rally to the 6ar) This in turn 6ould
ha5e dra6n the 5itality out of the ro6in mo5ement of re5olt and turned its eneries in6ard and
to constitutional lines) Mr) -edmond$ ne5er$ like 8arnell$ a reat !ersonal force in ?reland$
committed the enerous error of leanin too hea5ily on Enlish o!inion in face of an uncom!leted
treaty of reconciliation 6ith ?reland)
>ationalist ?reland 6as not unreardful of the cause of liberty in Euro!eE but she 6as hardly
!re!ared to stand in a body by Enland<s side in a reat 6ar) >or 6as Mr) -edmond able to secure
for her the romantic and indi5idual share in the cam!ain at 6hich he aimed) He ho!ed for an ?rish
Briade$ commanded by ?rish officers) The briade 6as ne5er formed) Military etiquette stood in
the 6ay$ and the delicate task of recruitin for the 5olunteer armies 6as not al6ays intrusted to men
6ho kne6 ho6 to attract the !olitical and reliious sym!athies of the to6ns and countryside of the
West and the South) >or 6as !ro=:ermanism quite absent) A section of the hiher clery$ and
some of the !arish !riests$ 6ere friendly to Austria as the reat conser5ati5e Catholic !o6er in
Euro!eE a smaller section !rofessed to find in :ermany the cham!ion of the !rinci!le of authority
in the State$ as aainst *rench ske!ticism and se!aratism) ?n a 6ord$ 6ar distracted ?reland 6hile it
united Enland) The latter 6as cauht u! in the 6hirl6ind$ 6hile she 6as in the middle of a slo6
and much=im!eded bit of !olitical e5olution of her o6n) E5ents marched too quickly for her)
Abo5e all$ the ?reland of the last ten years 6as herself the centre of an attracti5e and disturbin
intellectual mo5ement of her o6n) The Aictorian re5i5al of letters had died a6ay) But ?rish enius
had rarely shone more brihtly) Sha6$ Wilde$ Feats$ Syne$ Moore$ :eore -ussell$ and ,ady
:reory 6ere ackno6leded stars of literature and Dournalism) Behind them raned a !eculiarly
& | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
nati5e and oriinal fliht of !oetry and ins!iration) The scholars of the :aelic ,eaue$ and the
youner !oets 6ho s!ran from its re5i5al of the ?rish tonue$ o6ed nothin to Enlish influences
and traditions) ,ike so much of Feats and Syne$ they 6ere !ure Celt) And they stood a!art from
?rish !arliamentary !olitics and in real$ thouh not al6ays a5o6ed$ hostility to it) What 6as
Westminster to themG The homes of their thouht lay amid the heather and cabins of Connemara
and the rock=islands of the Atlantic coast$ 6here the old lanuae and the old folk of ?reland
linered) These 6astes they re!eo!led 6ith the delicate forms born of a half=tender$ half=ironical
and critical s!irit) But they could not banish the !resent) The ne6 ?rish !oetic drama 6as di5ided
bet6een the tendency to rebuke the romanticism of the national mo5ement and the im!ulse to
in5est it 6ith a fresh a!!arel of beauty$ 6o5en of !oetry and leend) Who can say 6hich 6as the
stronerG The mockery of H7ohn Bull<s .ther ?slandH$ the more sa5ae satire of HThe 8layboy of
the Western WorldH condemned the re5olutionary strain in ?rish !olitics) <*oret and 6ork)==,earn
and ada!t) ==:o back to business and ood sense$< 6as their messae) But neither could e@orcise the
idealism that looks throuh ?rish !o5erty by the 6indo6s of the soul) ?n HCathleen=>i=HoulihanH
the idealism is undisuised) The Sinn *ein risin yields no sur!rise in the liht of that sliht but
6onderful 5ision of the unreconciled ?rish s!irit) When the <shi!s are in the bay< the ?rish boy is still
minded to lea5e home and s6eet=heart$ as he left them in the s!rin of 1&12)
But it 6ould be e@cessi5e to attribute Sinn *ein merely to the restless memories of the !ast 6hich
flit throuh the ?rish mind$ in the 5acancy of unem!loyment and half=em!loyment) ?reland$ indeed$
is still idle so far as her intellectual life is concerned$ and 6ill be so until Home -ule$ an oraniCed
ci5il ser5ice$ and a conenial educational system ha5e filled the blank s!aces of her eneries) But
she miht ha5e settled do6n to 6ait for the Home -ule bill to become a la6 but for the immense
disturbance of the 6ar) That brouht 6ith it t6o e5ils$ the Coalition and Conscri!tion) The first
larely o5erthre6 the ?rish !o6er in 8arliament) When the t6o main British !arties came into
union$ the ?rish control of our !olitics ceased to e@ist) ,iberalism$ the friend of >ationalism$ had
fallen==or had a!!arently made friends 6ith 4nionism$ its enemy$ Conscri!tion$ aain$ set u! a
stron belief in the intention of the mi@ed o5ernment to draft the youn ?rish nation into the
armies before it had settled in its mind 6hether it 6ould acce!t a treaty of !eace 6ith its old master)
Sinn *ein 6orked on this sus!icion) The 5olunteers 6ho broke a6ay from Mr) -edmond<s control==
and the maDority seceded==6ere diliently !racticed in tactics desined to resist a house=to=house
5isitation of the recruitin sereants) ?m!atient ?reland 6as told that conscri!tion had been decided
on in the secret session) ?n any case$ 6ith the !ost!onement of Home -ule and the certainty that
either four or si@ 4lster counties 6ould be e@cluded$ the fi@ed !oints of ho!e or calculation in ?rish
!olitics seemed to disa!!ear) What could the Home -ule bill set u!G <>o real !o6er of self=
o5ernmentE only a deri5ed and enfeebled assembly$ subDect to the concurrent leislation of
Enland and to concurrent ta@ation$< IThe Sinn *ein ConstitutionJ said the e@tremists) To this Sinn
*ein o!!osed the idea of :rattan<s 8arliament==the claim$ namely$ of the !eo!le of ?reland < to be
bound only by la6s enacted by his MaDesty and the 8arliament of the Kindom)< :i5en a coordinate
!arliament in +ublin$ the Sinn *einers 6ould ha5e been content) Mc+onah$ one of the e@ecuted
leaders$ 6as in the habit of declarin he 6ould make !eace 6ith Enland on the day after the Kin
had been cro6ned in ?reland) The 6ilder s!irits of the ?rish -e!ublican Brotherhood$ the e5il
enius of Sinn *ein$ sa6 such an inde!endent ?reland arise from a :erman 5ictory$ and looked to a
5olunteer ?rish army to uard and uarantee it)
1' | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
But the >ationalist Aolunteer mo5ement did not arise from the 6arE it 6as an ans6er to the 4lster
oraniCation and 6as a more democratic co!y of its method and s!irit) 4nder the scheme of
!artition$ >ationalist ?reland sa6 the flo6er of ?rish >ationalism !lucked a6ay from the !arent
stem) Who 6as to look after the rihts and liberties of Catholic 4lster under an .rane
administrationG The >ationalist Aolunteers decided that they 6ould) Who 6ould kee! the tender
!lant of Home -ule in beinG That$ aain$ should be their care) The daner of surroundin Mr)
-edmond$ 8rime Minister of ?reland$ 6ith this unasked=for bodyuard 6as ob5iousE he had not
created it$ but neither could he disband it) +o6n came the Euro!ean storm$ blo6in a6ay the
4lster re5olt and the threatened schism in the army$ but lea5in the >ationalist Aolunteers in the
field)
Had time marched a little slo6er$ had Anlo=?rish reconciliation one a little further$ all miht ha5e
been 6ell$ for 4nionism 6as slo6ly edin to6ard an acce!tance of Home -ule) But there 6ere
5iolently hostile elements) .rane 4lster had one back to its drum=beatin) Brouht shar!ly face
to face 6ith a !arliament for all ?reland sittin in +ublin$ it 6ould not allo6 that so bad a thin as
Catholicism could turn out ood men of business$ fit to o5ern ?reland and be !ut o5er the heads of
the merchants and manufacturers of Belfast$ the ins!irers and directors of the immense acti5ity and
success of the >orthern industries) 8ride of 6ealth$ of race$ and reliion made it at once ske!tical
and intolerant of Home -ule) >or$ in s!ite of the secession of Sir Ed6ard Carson from the e@treme
tenets of ?rish 4nionism$ has it to this day taken one !ractical ste! to6ard con5ersion) ?t notoriously
rebuffed Mr) Asquith on his 5isit to Belfast) ?t is not at all certain that it 6ill consent to follo6 Sir
Ed6ard)
Fet the 4lster re5olt aroused a dee!er resentment in ,iberal Enland than in >ationalist ?reland)
,ookin back6ard$ the more e@treme ?rish >ationalist may ha5e seen in it the re6ritin of a
famous !ae in ?rish history$ 6hen the 8rotestant >orth led in the battle of liberty and it 6as a not
unnatural instinct for Mr) -edmond and his colleaues to counsel tenderness in dealin 6ith it)
They did not 6ant to be res!onsible for coercin ?rishmen$ 6hether the color they 6ore 6as reen
or orane) But the ominous fact 6as$ not only that ?rishmen of all colors 6ere ettin in rifles$ and
that the country 6as beinnin to look like an armed cam!$ but that the 8arliamentary !arty 6as
losin control of the situation) ?n the mere course of nature its strenth had !assed its meridian) ?ts
leaders 6ere ro6in old$ tired$ and==in the 5ie6 of an intensely ?rish ?reland==o5er=AnliciCed)
Westminster had 6orn them out) A reat 8arliamentary fiure$ Mr) -edmond 6as ne5er kno6n and
follo6ed in ?reland as 8arnell 6as kno6n and follo6ed) With the oraniCation of the trans!ort=
6orkers$ ne6 economic questions had arisen in urban centres$ 6ith 6hich he 6as unfamiliarE and
ne6 leaders$ hot and im!atient men like ,arkin and Connolly$ had arisen$ to control or be
controlled by them)
Mr) +illon maintained a closer and firmer touch 6ith the country$ but he 6as unsym!athetic to the
coo!erati5e mo5ement and the ne6 scientific s!irit in ariculture$ linked as they 6ere$ throuh the
!ersonalities of Sir Horace 8lunkett and Mr) :eore -ussell$ to the literary re5i5al and to the more
tem!erate s!irit and the moral teachin of the earlier Sinn *ein) ?reland bean to 6ant a different
kind of !arliament from that !ro5ided by the Home -ule bill$ and different men to lead it) The Sinn
*einers themsel5es called for a federation of county councils) 8earse$ the most idealistic of their
11 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
leaders$ 6as one of the fe6 ?rishmen 6ho 6elcomed Mr) Birrell<s Councils bill as a ste! in this
direction) >e6 ideas and !ossibilities for ?rish education$ the 5ision of a trained and oraniCed race
of farmers$ 6ere in their minds) The 8arliamentarians 6ere forettin ?reland at the critical hour$
and to her reat misfortune ?reland forot them)
>or 6as Mr) Birrell$ the Secretary to the ,ord ,ieutenant and the real o5ernor of ?reland$ the man
to !iece toether the sunderin elements in ?rish !olitical society) After years of office ?reland had
tired him out) He had done t6o reat thins for her) He had carried a Home -ule bill$ and he had
settled the reat !roblem of hiher education$ before 6hich the leaders of the t6o o!!osin schools
of British !olicy in ?reland$ :ladstone and Balfour$ had equally recoiled) That 6as enouh 6ork for
his unambitious$ literary$ and !essimistic tem!erament) The task of seein ?reland throuh the
interim !eriod$ durin 6hich the Home -ule bill 6ould become a la6$ 6as distasteful and difficult)
+istasteful$ because it in5ol5ed a series of small com!romises in >ationalist administration$ and
difficult because of the ro6in .rane re5olt and the unrest !ro5oked by the 6ar) ?t 6as necessary
to o5ern to some e@tent 6ith Mr) -edmond$ and yet ho6 could there be true !artisanshi! bet6een
him and +ublin CastleG Some sho6 of !atronae >ationalism must claim$ in 5ie6 of the comin of
the ne6 order$ but not 6ithout 6eakenin its !ublic s!irit and !o!ular a!!eal) Moreo5er Mr) Birrell
felt that the half=acquiescence of the E@ecuti5e in the inci!ient 4lster rebellion had disarmed it for
a ruthless dealin 6ith the >ationalist Aolunteers) The Sinn *einers 6ere cle5er) They 6ere careful
to follo6 their illustrious model) The un=runnin at Ho6th 6as a close co!y of the .raneman<s
e@!loit at ,arne) :ermany 6as the im!artial !ro5ider of both these hihly !ro5idential ifts) A
,iberal statesman 6as in a dilemma) Ho6 crush a mo5ement 6hich its !romoters identified 6ith
the la6 that 6as to be==that is$ Home -ule==after half=condonin a mo5ement directed a5o6edly
both aainst the la6 that 6as and the la6 that 6as to comeG
?t 6ould seem therefore as if ?reland$ at the moment 6hen she most 6anted o5ernment$ 6as most
lackin in its means and instruments) British rule 6as one or 6as oin) ?rish self=o5ernment$ its
ine5itable substitute$ had not arri5ed) E5en if the !ath to it had been a smoother one$ it 6as doubtful
if the Home -ule bill 6as a 5essel into 6hich could be !oured the ri!enin eneries of the !eo!le)
Sa5e in the to6ns$ the standard of life 6as risin fast) >o 5isitor to the West could fail to be struck
6ith the social chanes 6rouht by ,and 8urchase and ,and +istribution$ by the rehousin 6ork of
the ,and Commission and the Conested +istricts Board$ and the a!!lication of .ld=Ae !ensions
on the Enlish scale to a countryside 6here a flo6 of sil5er money 6as almost as rare a thin as
boots on the children<s feet) The !eo!le bean to feel a ne6 !ride in themsel5es$ and also to realiCe
ho6 narro6 a life theirs must be so lon as ?reland remained at once !oor and de!endent) Had Sinn
*ein been in 6iser hands$ had there been no 6ar and no +ublin strikes$ had ca!ital in the South
been led by a statesman rather than by a man of hard and des!otic tem!er$ and had Mr) -edmond
been able to add the flo6er of the ne6 ?rishmen to the little band of intellectuals he had actually
recruitedE had Britain been quicker and more enerous$ and 4lster less bioted and self=sufficient$==
in a 6ord$ had time and tide been for the most unlucky of countries instead of aainst her$==there
miht ha5e been a !romisin start for Home -ule) The 6orst did not indeed ha!!en) The country
districts refused to Doin the to6ns$ e5en in the one southern county 6here a rebellion 6as most to be
dreadedE and the crushin of the 6eak and di5ided risin 6as certain 6hen the formidable ranks of
Aolunteers shrank to the measure of a cou!le of thousand men and boys I? should say that half the
1# | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
!risoners ? sa6 in Kilmainham 6ere under #'==THE A4TH.-J$ and a short=li5ed stratey of
street=fihtin) Aain Enland had her chance in ?reland$ and it is not certain that she has lost it)
The first ste!s 6ere mistaken ones$ for Enland failed to realiCe ho6 com!letely the risin 6as
broken and ho6 im!ortant it 6as for the main body of ?rish >ationalism to hold it in due
!ers!ecti5e) ?ts e@traordinary folly and im!atience$ the inconsequence of its leadershi!$ the e5il of
the :erman association$ 6ere e5ident) But it had features bound to endear it to the ?rish man and
6oman 6ho read the history of their country less in sequence than in the flashliht of its romantic
e!isodes) The Sinn *ein leaders 6ere men of !iety and sinleness of character) ? ha5e heard the
story of their deaths from an eye=6itness: it 6as a study in unaffected courae and nobility of
bearin) ?reland heard of it almost before the echoes of the firin !arty<s rifles had died a6ayE and
the Catholic Church$ faithful to her sons$ has i5en it a canoniCation of !ity and sym!athy) Had the
dribble of e@ecutions been a5oided$ or had it been stayed after the death of the sinatories to the
re5olutionary manifesto$ ?reland<s first im!ulse of re!udiation 6ould$ ? think$ ha5e remained 6ith
her) ?f it chaned to sorro6 and aner$ 6e must blame our 6ant of mananimity$ and see ho6 the
break in the reconcilin !olicy can be mended once more)
To this amendin !olicy there are$ ? think$ t6o main clues) The first is the break u! of the solid
4nionism 6hich had ne5er ad5anced since 1""2$ 6hen its hihest !oint 6as Mr) Chamberlain<s
conce!tion of a rant of Home -ule based on the relationshi! of a colonial !ro5incial leislature to
a +ominion or Common6ealth !arliament) There is aain a 4nionist Secretary for ?reland) But it is
kno6n that Mr) +uke has one to +ublin to !romote a settlement of the t6o inse!arable questions
of social order and self=o5ernment) His success 6ith Southern 4nionism can hardly be doubtedE
three fiures of the quality of the Archbisho! of +ublin$ Sir Horace 8lunkett$ and ,ord Monteale
could make a treaty 6ith >ationalist ?reland on a basis that 6ould i5e the South and West a
conser5ati5e$ but a fairly enlihtened and re!resentati5e$ o5ernment) 4lster remainsE the 6all of
her local se!aratism is unbroken) >ot so her old$ fast alliance 6ith British 4nionism) Whether Sir
Ed6ard Carson<s understandin 6ith Mr) -edmond holds or no$ the British 4nionist !arty is under
an un6ritten but ineluctable com!act 6ith the >ationalist leader to i5e him the full equi5alent of
his su!!ort of the 6ar and his tender of >ationalist aid for it) There is only one limit) A 8arliament
for all ?reland 6ill no6$ it is clear$ ha5e to come throuh 4lster<s disillusionment 6ith !artition$ but
also after fair trial of that e@!eriment) What she 6ants is to realiCe once for all that the trial 6ill be
made$ that is$ that direct British o5ernment o5er t6o thirds of the ?rish !eo!le 6ill soon determine$
and that her choice 6ill then lie bet6een acce!tance of her lot in ?reland and a cram!ed and
e@!ensi5e life as an anne@e of +o6nin Street) This is the !oint 6hich 6ill test the statesmanshi!
of her leaders) Hitherto they ha5e hardly been tried$ for British 4nionism has stood bet6een them
and true res!onsibility) The time is comin 6hen they 6ill stand alone)
The second clue to the future of ?rish o5ernment is that 6hich the rebellion itself has afforded)
Strateically the +ublin risin 6as based on a cle5er !lan of resistance to e5erythin that a reular
army could brin aainst the method of the barricades==e@ce!t artillery) The moment this 6as
brouht to bear on the rebel lines by land and 6ater$ the fihtin 6as at an end) The oriinal
!olitical miscalculation==for there 6as no inherent connection bet6een Sinn *ein and rebellion$ and
in its earlier staes the mo5ement 6as both ethical and !olitical==6as still more 5ital) ? ha5e
1/ | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
suested that the Sinn *einers had not entirely misread the ?rish situation) Absolute se!aration 6as
not their real oal$ but rather the oraniCation of an ?reland cut a6ay from the bliht of
Anlicanism and <West Britonism)< And they achie5ed one true !oint of criticism) They sa6 that
?reland 6anted somethin at once more !ractical and more ideal than the kind of !arliament that the
Home -ule bill$ both in its first and in its amended form$ could i5e her) The blunder of Sinn *ein
6as to think it !ossible that t6o 5irtually coordinate !arliaments could e@ist %in dissension 6ith
each other( in ,ondon and +ublin) .b5iously the dis!arity of 6ealth$ of !o6er$ 6ould be too reat)
A self=o5erned ?reland could al6ays embarrass Enland) But Enland in isolation from ?reland or
in hostility to her could ruin her economically and !olitically so lon as the British Em!ire e@isted
and 6e remained at the head of it)
The question is 6hether another and a better 6ay is not o!en for the reater and lesser unit$ to 6alk
toether) Such a 6ay has been o!ened by the suestion that a final settlement should come after
the 6ar$ throuh the inter5ention of the o5er=seas +ominions$ and as !art of a ne6 ?m!erial
constitution) Some such 6ork of federation is o5erdue$ for the British Em!ire has clearly outro6n
its one so5erein 8arliament on the banks of the Thames) That idea is the one sur5i5al of Mr) ,loyd
:eore<s aborti5e scheme of !artition) ?t im!lies somethin more than a system of deleation from
the ?m!erial 8arliament$ 6ith local assemblies sittin$ say at Edinburh$ +ublin$ and Cardiff) .ur
?m!erial constitution must assume ?reland to be a unit in the Em!ire$ and i5e her both a local
re!resentation and a share in the ?m!erial o5ernment) Her resultin liberties 6ould then come$ not
as a ift from the nation that broke ?reland<s 8arliament$ but from the union of states on 6hich the
stam! of her o6n e@iled enius is 5isibly laid)
But before the Em!ire takes on so reat a res!onsibility$ there is a question 6hich she must ask
?reland$ and 6hich ?reland must ask herself once and for all==6ill she acce!t British citiCenshi!G
Why notG E5en the Sinn *ein constitution does not !rohibit a free union 6ith her old suCerain) >or
6ith the defeat of :ermany does any other !ossible future o!en u! to her) Absolute inde!endence
is a dream) But inde!endence on the scale or after the likeness of Canada$ or >e6 Lealand$ in
6hich thousands of ?rishmen ha5e a share$ is no dream$ but a !ossible$ and e5en a near$ reality)
.nly in this 6ay do 6e attain a solution of the mi@ed !roblem of nationality and em!ire$ 6hich
neither the Home -ule bill$ nor Mr) Chamberlain<s !lan of !ro5incial self=o5ernment$ nor the Sinn
*ein !ro!aanda could yield) The e@istin deadlock in Anlo=?rish !olitics miht seem to forbid
such an issue) But the entanlement$ like the blaCin forest that lay in Siefried<s !ath to
Brunnhilde$ is more a!!arent than real) >ationalists cannot force Home -ule aainst 4lster) But
neither$ in face of Mr) -edmond<s la5ish ift of ?rish youth for a British 6ar$ can 4lster sto! Home
-ule) ?s it in her interest to tryG 4lster is ?rish$ not Enlish) Her trade looks on t6o reat markets)
The road to neither is in her hands or in those of ?reland) *or the day after the !artition to 6hich she
is in effect a consentin !arty$ the 4lster commercial==6ho is a debtor to the ?rish !easant=farmer==
must ask himself 6hether he really 6ishes to see his creditor sole master of the finance and the
administration of the West$ the Centre$ and the South) His ans6er may not be immediate$ but it is
not doubtful) When it is i5en$ the story of old ?reland comes to an end and that of ne6 ?reland
beins)
"Ireland, 191!!"nd #e$ond" %$ &enr$ '( )assingha*, The Atlantic Monthly$ Dece*%er, 191+ ,olu*e 118, -o( + pages 8.9!8/0(
10 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y
11 | D r e w S u m m e r P r o g r a m Wo r l d H i s t o r y