----------------------- Page 1-----------------------

Lisa Penaloza & Mary C. Gill

y
Marketer Acculturation :
The Changer and the Changed
Adapting to consumers from another culture is a quintessential task for marke
ters in the global marketplace . This
research investigates marketers' processes of multicultural learning and adapt
ation using ethnographic methods in
a longitudinal study of an ethnic marketplace in the United States. The aut
hors derive an empirical model of indi-
vidual marketer acculturation that consists of learning and translation pr
ocesses, adaptation strategies, and their
outcomes. The findings indicate that marketers serve as bicultural mediators,
both accommodating their consumers
and working to alter their consumption patterns to bring them into line with t
heir own ethnic and larger U.S. nation-
al market customs . Marketers' adaptation to the cultural charac
teristics and needs of their clientele results in
changes to themselves, their firms , consumers, and , ultimately, the marketpl
ace. The authors contribute to a theo-
retical understanding of the complex dialectical relationships between
marketers and consumers , which together
^constitute culture in the contemporary marketplace .
The rising economic and conimunications interdepen-
consumers positioned within and traversing multiple cultur-
dence of the world means that nations, however unified
al spheres. In this research, we strive to understand the mar-
internally, must nonetheless operate in an increasingly
keting implications of these multicultural market
multicultural global environment. Ironically, a world that

juxtaposition s by investigating marketers' processes o
f
is coming together pop culturally and commercially is a
world whose discrete subnational ethnic and religious
leaming and adapting to consumers of other cultures.
and racial parts are also far more in evidence (Barber
The illustration in Figure 1 cleverly shows some trou-
1996, p. 11).
blesome assumptions underlying conceptualizations of mar-

ketplace diversity in the dress ofthe characters and the titles
n the preceding quote. Barber (1996) recognizes two ma-

of the respective books. First, cultural differences often are
jo r forces for cultural change : global market integration
Ias the result of corporate expansion and ethnic differenti-
conceptualized as a matter of marketers of one culture learn-

ing to target consumers of another culture. Although con-
ation as the result of persistent racial, religious, and/or na-

sumers have been noted to acculturate (Peiialoza 1994),
tional interests. Examples of ethnic conflict include the Los

marketers have not. This simplification expedites the con-
Angeles riots ofthe early 1990s (Hunt 1996; Min 1996), the

duct of research, yet remains a reduction of the contempo-
ongoing armed struggles in Algeria and Bosnia, and the im-

rary marketplace, in which marketers and consumers of

migrant versus resident clashes currently taking place in

multiple cultures adapt to each other simultaneously. Sec-
Western Europe (Drozdiak 1997) and North America. Al-

ond, organizations typically are structured such that those in
though it is a source of tension, ethnicity provides a power-

marketing managerial roles charged with developing multi-
ful basis for the identity and community of its members.

cultural strategies are removed from day-to-day interactions
Barber (1996), similar to a growing number of market-

with consumers, yet these are primary sites for cultural

ing scholars (cf. Costa and Bamossey 1995), is interested in

leaming. As a related point, market researchers typically in-
the ways cultural and market forces unite and divide people.

vestigate culture indirectly, through marketer and consumer
The market separates people by distinguishing them on the

respondents. As a result, the literature retains an idiosyn-
basis of their sociodemographic characteristics and other

cratic quality, composed of references to disparate cultural
consumption patterns. It unifies them by assembling people

groups and market practices, with less attention to general-
with similar characteristics, ideas, and behaviors; providing

ized adaptation processes and their contexts.
products, services, media, and social spaces that reinforce

We empirically examine mariceter acculturation, de-

cultural identities; and promoting the consumption of cul-

fined as the general processes of movement and adaptation
tural market artifacts. Interactions between cultures and

by marketers of one cultural market system to consumers of
markets are accelerated in the global economy.

another cultural market system.' This is part of an eight-year
This research is positioned at the nexus of ethnicity and
the market as distinct forces spurring contemporary inter-
cultural contact and change. The distinguishing characteris-
^Acculturation is a general term that encompasses intercultural

interaction and adaptation and includes assimilation of a new cul-
tic of the contemporary global market is marketers and

ture, maintenance ofthe old culture, and resistance to both new and

old cultures. Adaptation is broader than acculturation, in that i
t
Lisa Penaloza is Assistant Professor of Marketing, College of Business,
refers to responses to outside stimuli, both cultural and noncultur-

al. Consumer acculturation is used to refer to intercultural contact
University of Colorado. Mary C. Gilly is Professor of Marketing, Graduate
School of Management, University of California, Irvine. The authors thank
and the resulting change for consumers in contact with a new cul-
the Office of the Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs and the College of
ture; marketer acculturation is used to refer to intercultural contact
Business at the University of Colorado for their support of this research.
and the resulting change for marketers in contact with a new cul-

ture of consumers.

Journat of Marketing
84 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
Vol. 63 (July 1999), 84-104
----------------------- Page 2-----------------------
FIGURE 1 w
ork falls within a growing tradition of joint studies of mar-
Diversity in the Marketplace k
eters and consumers (Arnould and Price 1993; Hernandez
a
nd Kaufman 1991; Kaufman and Hernandez 1991; Price,
A
mould, and Tierney 1995).

We begin by reviewing the literature on ethnicity, accul-
t
uration, and market learning and then discuss the ethno-
g
raphic methods used to collect data for critical interpretive
a
nalysis. The ethnographic account provides a descriptive
o
verview of the field site and participants, from which we
d
evelop an empirical model. The model that emerged from
t
he data describes the acculturation process implemented by
t
he individual marketer as he or she learned and translated
l
anguage and cultural customs and developed adaptation
s
trategies to work effectively with consumers and other ac-
c
ulturation agents. Marketers enculturated themselves into
t
heir consumers' culture, reproduced elements of multiple
c
ultures, developed the community, socially validated Mex-
i
can consumers in the United States, and forged a dialectical
r
elationship with consumers.

Our research contributes to marketing theory and prac-
t
ice by furthering substantive understandings of intercultural
m
arket dynamics. Culture is a fundamental aspect of mar-
k
eting phenomena, with increasing relevance in the global
e
ra. We examine the intersections of many aspects of culture

in the marketplace : consumers' ethnic culture, marketers'
e
thnic and organizational culture, and national culture. At the
h
eart of this work is an examination of marketers attempting
t
o capitalize on ethnic consumers' buying power, with atten-
t
ion to how it was exercised and, in turn, reacted to and mo-
b
ilized with and against by marketers. Finally, we discuss the

implications of marketers' cultural activities in markets in-
c
reasingly composed of transnational migratory movements
o
f consumers, products and services, and companies. By in-
Illustration reproduced with pern^lssion of artist, Milan Kecman . v
estigating microprocesses of intercultural learning and

adaptation, this work helps marketing theoreticians and man-
ethnographic project investigating intercultural market
agers alike understand the intricacies of the global market.
adaptation in a Mexican immigrant neighborhood in south-
ern California. Previous work has examined the adaptation
Multidisciplinary Theoretical
processes of Mexican immigrant consumers (Pefialoza

Foundations
1994). This study examines retailers of multiple cultures
Latino, Asian, Middle Eastern, and Anglo^and focuses on
Cultural pluralism is the Westem experience of the real
how they culturized the marketing concept in adapting to
postmodemization of the world, the ethnicization and

cultural pluralization of a dehegemonizing, dehomoge-
these same Mexican immigrant consumers. Important were

nizing world incapable of a formerly enforced politics of
such issues as how marketers influenced consumers and

assimilation or cultural hierarchy (Friedman 1994, p.
were influenced by them, hence, the double entendre of the
100).
subtitle, the "changers" and the "changed."^ As such, this

In building our theoretical framework, we drew from work
^Regarding ethnic nomenclature, we use the term "Latino"
on ethnicity, acculturation, and market orientation in anthro-
throughout this article to refer to consumers at this particular mar- p
ology, economics, and marketing. Whereas work on eth-
ketplace site who were predominantly Mexican immigrants, but al-
nicity and acculturation emphasizes cultural contact and
so included Mexican-Americans and Central and South

change, work on market orientation emphasizes the organi-
Americans. When used to describe the marketplace site or the cul-
ture of these people, we use the adjective "Latino/a" to designate
zational context of marketer acculturation. Intercultural con-
both genders more explicitly, though the term "Latino" technically
tact and adaptation is the defining feature of the global
is inclusive of both genders in Spanish. We use the term "Anglo"
marketplace. Once largely the purview of war, conquest, and
throughout the article to refer to the majority segment of the U.S.
colonization (Padilla 1980), acculturation increasingly is
population of non-Spanish, European ancestry. The term "white" is
brought about by the market forces of immigration (Cor-
used synonymously when contrasting this group with minority

nelius, Martin, and Hollifield 1997), international trade
racial and ethnic subgroups (i.e.. Latinos/as, blacks, and Asians)
and in some of the verbatims.
(Costa and Bamossey 1995), and tourism (Belk 1993). Both
3The inspiration for this phrase comes from the title of a record
domestically and internationally, cultural adaptation occurs
by Chris Williamson, The Changer and the Changed (Olivia
as the result of interactions along diverse social demograph-
Records, Oakland, CA, 1975).
ics (e.g., race/ethnicity, social class, gender) and geograph-

iVIarketer Acculturation / 85
----------------------- Page 3-----------------------
ics (e.g., nation, region) among consumers, marketers, prod-
This paradox stems partly from the way culture oper-
ucts and services, and companies aligned with various na- a
tes; it seldom is recognized except in terms of differences
tions and subcultures. b
etween two or more groups. The paradox also stems from
In anthropology, culture is operationalized as a construct a
unidirectional view of the interrelationships between cul-
at once pervasive, compelling, and elusive, from which a t
ure and market phenomena such that culture is partitioned
person's sense of reality, identity, and being emerge (Clif- a
nd held static, almost as if marketers had no culture at all
ford and Marcus 1986; Rabinow and Sullivan 1987). As a o
r their activities had no cultural effect on consumers. Bod-
social phenomenon, culture is characterized by the confla- d
ewyn (1981) criticizes marketing studies in which cultural
tion of individual processes, including personal expressions f
actors are compared across countries with little sense of the
of self-identity and affiliation with a larger group (Roosens i
mpact of marketing activities. Observes Bouchet (1995, p.
1995), with disavowals from other groups in the form of 6
9, emphasis added), "many marketers tend to adopt an at-
group relations and boundary activities (Barth 1969; Jenkins t
itude toward ethnicity and cultural identity in which they
1997). Despite its foundational qualities, however, culture is c
onsider the market/ram the outside, without really realiz-
not deterministic, because people maintain an agency and i
ng that their understanding of it and the actions they take to-
integrity apart from, but related to, their culture. Balancing w
ard it in fact contribute to further manifestations of
individual and collective aspects of culture is relevant to this c
ultural identity and ethnicity."
research because marketers were part of several cultures, yet
. Nevertheless, there is growing evidence to suggest that
acted as relatively autonomous agents in adapting to the dis- c
ultural differences affect marketers' behavior in ways par-
tinctive cultural influences of consumers. a
llel to their effects on consumers. Deshpande, Farley, and
W
ebster (1993) examine organizational culture in Japanese
Culture and Ethnicity in the Marketplace f
trms; Tse and colleagues (1988) compare executive deci-
Culture and ethnicity have been dealt with extensively in the s
ion making in China, Hong Kong, and Canada; and Camp-
consumer behavior literature, raising important issues for b
ell and colleagues (1988) note national differences in
the study of marketer acculturation. Culture is recognized as n
egotiation processes in France, Germany, the United King-
a general influence on consumption; it is constituted and ex- d
om, and the United States. However, these studies have fo-
pressed in tbe cotisumption of countless products and ser- c
used on marketers' culture in relation to other marketers.
vices (Lee 1993; McCracken 1988), as well as homes (Joy O
ur work studies marketers' culture in relation to con-
et al. 1995), offtces (Belk and Watson 1998), and stores and s
umers, posing basic theoretical questions such as the fol-
marketplace sites (Sherry 1995), with differences noted l
owing: Do marketers have a culture related to marketing
across various subcultures and nations (e.g., Bristor and Fis- a
ctivities in the same way we refer to consumer culture? If
cher 1993 on women; Campanelli 1991 on African-Ameri- s
o, what is the nature of its characteristics and adaptation
cans; O'Guinn and Meyer 1984 on Latinos/as; Schmitt, Pan, p
rocesses? And how would marketer acculturation process-
and Tavassoli 1994 on international consumers). e
s vary in concert with consumers of different cultures?
Acculturation bas been studied previously in a con-
sumption context, with fmdings usefully extrapolated to M
arket Learning
marketers, who necessarily adapt culturally as well. Gron- M
arket orientation, with its emphasis on "the development of
haug, Gilly, and Penaloza (1992) discuss barriers and incen- k
nowledge or insights tbat have tbe potential to influence be-
tives to immigrant consumers' acculturation, whereas h
avior" (Slater and Narver 1995, p. 63), helped provide a
Penaloza (1994) emphasizes the acquisition of cultural mar- f
oundation for studies of marketer acculturation. Jaworski
ket skills, such as the translation of currency, social symbols, a
nd Kohli (1993) and Shapiro (1988) note the importance of
and meanings, with attention to the social relations between a
customer focus in achieving a market orientation, and Day
the host and immigrant cultures. Because marketing in- (
1994) emphasizes direct contact with customers. However,
volves a conscious decision to do business and an outlay of s
uch work has considered only firms that are part of the same
assets, marketers were expected to be more receptive to con- c
ulture as their customers. The literature's focus on large
sumers' cultural differences than consumers were to mar- f
trms may be responsible for its omission of cross-cultural
keters. Other distinct factors included (1) individual l
earning as a result of its emphasis on human resource issues
differences in marketers' characteristics and motivations; (2) a
nd industry competition. In contrast, we focus on retailer in-
firm characteristics, such as size and type of business; (3) the t
eraction with multicultural customers. Retail marketing is a
opportunity presented by consumers in terms of size, growth g
ood site for investigating marketer acculturation because di-
rate, accessibility, and profitability of the market; and (4) the r
ect contact with consumers is an important factor in cultural
cultural distance between marketers and consumers, in terms l
earning, as is the specific cultural context of the interactions
of cultural characteristics and larger sociocultural relations. a
t the level of the neighborhood and larger cultural relations.
In the field of marketing, treatments of culture are para-
Regarding organizational learning processes, Garvin
doxical. There is consensus that culture is a fundamental in- (
1993) emphasizes systematic problem solving and transfer-
fluence on market practice, yet this important construct r
ing knowledge quickly and efficiently throughout the firm.
tends to be concentrated in the subfields of consumer be- S
later and Narver (1997) distinguish among learning from
havior, cross-cultural, and international marketing rather o
thers, from experience, and by experiment. Marketer ac-
than included in the full range of studies. All too often, cul- c
ulturation likely shares these general organizational learn-
ture appears only in those studies whose main purpose is to i
ng modes but differs as the result of the type of learning
study it. i
nvolved in adapting to consumers of another culture.
86 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 4-----------------------
Intercultural Market Adaptation
employment.6 The U.S. Bureau of the Census (1992b) re-

ports the following figures for self-employment as a pe
r-
Knowledge and experience of other cultures is acquired in

centage of total employment : Mexican 6.8%, Anglo 11.2%,
reference to and in terms of a person's own culture, within a

Korean 27.9%, Israeli 28.6%, and African-American 4.4% .
context of larger social relations (Rabinow and Sullivan

Self-employment has driven the social mobility of immi-
1987). Thus, we investigate marketers' cultural adaptation
within the context of cultural relations in the area. Because
grants, whose self-employment is greater than native resi
-

dents for most ethnic groups (Borjas 1986). Less advantaged
the majority of consumers and marketers at this site were

U.S . minority groups, blacks and Mexicans demonstrate the
Mexicans living in the United States, we focus on

lowest levels of self-employment (Fairlie and Meyer 1996;
U.S.-Mexican relations in discussing this point, though is-

U.S. Bureau of the Census 1992b).
sues related to the presence of Korean, Cuban, Lebanese,
and Israeli immigrant marketers also are acknowledged."*
Furthermore, as previously mentioned, there is evidence

that cultural differences between marketers and consumers
U.S.-Mexican relations have been strained for 200

are not conducive to business success or community devel-
years. Early disputes centered on land and resource owner-

opment. Such businesses appear particularly vulnerable to
ship, and confiict continues over appropriate development

cultural misunderstandings and even violence, especially
and treatment of each other's people (Acufia 1988, 1996;

when aggravated by a larger climate of persistent economic
Pefialoza 1995). For years, U.S . firms have been charged

differences and disparities in police and government treat-
with extracting natural resources, emphasizing export crops

ment. In a study of more than 200 riots that occurred in ma-
over local sustenance, labor injustice, and pollution in Mex-

jo r U.S. cities in t966-67 . Light (1972) notes blacks'
ico, even as they have been credited with providing jobs,

troubles with white retailers "ripping them off." The 1990
creating wealth, and elevating the standard of living for
Mexicans in the United States and Mexico.
riots in Los Angeles between black and Latino consumers

and white and Korean merchants began in protest of the ac-
Most recently, the increasing proportion of minority

quittal of white police officers charged in beating African-
consumers in the United States and, subsequently, the visi-

American Rodney King, with economic disparities listed

bility of minority markets (e.g.. Fisher 1991) have strained

among the causes (Hunt 1996).
cultural relations in the United States.5 Recent English-only,

Nevertheless, there are precedents for community sup-
anti-immigration, anti-affirmative action, and antibilingual

port from cultural outsiders, though they are somewhat con-
education initiatives may be viewed as reactions to these

troversial. Mainstream advertising in the Spanish language
trends. To this day, networks of Latinos/as and Anglos ex-

has been recognized in support of Latino culture (O'Guinn
tend beyond both sides of the U.S.-Mexican border. Inter-

and Meyer 1984), and major U.S. corporations such as
-
cultural contact is stimulated by international labor and

Anheuser-Busch and Atlantic Richfield regularly contribute
capital migration, tourism, and trade, all further accelerated

to Hispanic and black community organizations. In addition,
by the North American Free Trade Agreement.

tourism has provided an economic basis for renewing and
For our purposes, the key focuses were whether and how

strengthening minority cultural traditions (Friedman 1994).
the match between the ethnicity of merchants and con-

Even so, community organizations grapple with their de-

sumers affected market activities. The marketplace has be-

pendence on outside contributions.
come a primary avenue for cultural expression, with an

Our field site exhibited a localized struggle for main-
unprecedented array of cultural possibilities (Firat and

taining an ethnic presence relative to a dominant group, and
Venkatesh 1995). On the one hand, cultural insiders have an

marketing activities were an infiuential agent. Mexican im-
advantage in their ethnic markets due to intimate knowledge

migrant consumers predominated, with mainstream con-
of consumers' customs and product and service preferences

sumers joining in celebrating Mexican holidays. Thus, the
(Kaufman and Hernandez 1991). Furthermore, having a

site was similar to Olvera Street in Los Angeles, though on
strong entrepreneurial base in an ethnic community has been

a smaller scale. Olvera Street, once inhabited predominant-
considered instrumental in community development (Portes

ly by Mexicans and Mexican-Americans, has become a

and Bach 1985).

year-round tourist attraction where white consumers are pre-
On the other hand, cultural confiict has been concomi-

dominant (Acuiia 1996).
tant with the presence of multiple cultures in the market-

In summary, this research focuses on marketers' cultural
place. Economic discrimination and segregation based on
cultural characteristics form the basis of ethnic economies
learning and adaptation processes as they are situated with-

in the context of organizational imperatives and cultural re-
and partially explain cultural differences in self-

lations. The logic of the market appears to operate through

marketers' routine business activities and interactions with
For further discussion of relations between U.S. residents and
Korean immigrant businesses, see Min (1996); for Israeli mer-
consumers as a localized cultural variant of larger sociocul-
chants, see Cohn (1996); for Lebanese immigrants, see Kayal and
tural relations. In markets increasingly characterized by the
Kayal (1975); and for Cuban immigrant business relations, see
Portes and Bach (1985).
^Economic discrimination may be based on physical features
^Anti-minority and anti-immigration sentiments historically
such as skin color, bodily features, dress, or behavior, as well as on
have followed economic downturns (Lamphere 1992). To date,
nonphysical traits such as religion, creed, or ideology. Economic
globalization has had a disjointed effect on the U.S. economy in the
exclusion may be physical, as in segregation, or symbolic, as in
form of unparalleled growth in stock value occurring simultane-
subordinate status, group identity, and other symbols. Such exclu-
ously with persistent urban unemployment, job losses, and benefit
sion may be imposed on members of one group by another or be
and wage deterioration.
self-imposed (Penaloza 1995).

iVIarketer Acculturation / 87
----------------------- Page 5-----------------------
juxtapositio n of heterogeneous cultures, documenting the g
ender (see Table 1). Participants interviewed came from
specific processes of marketer acculturation is a valuable v
arious retail establishments. Ten were men and five were
contribution to the literature. w
omen; eight were owners of the respective businesses, four
w
ere managers, and three were sales employees. Regarding
Critical Ethnographic Research n
ationality, twelve were immigrants, and three had been
iVIethodoiogy b
orn in the United States. Regarding ethnicity, nine were
L
atino/a (three Mexican-American, six Mexican, and one
Culturethe shared meanings, practices, and symbols that Cub
an), three were Korean, and two were from the Middle
constitute the human worlddoes not present itself neu- Eas
t.' Length of time in business ranged from 1 to 2 1 years;
trally or with one voice. It is always multivocal and a
verage longevity in the business equaled 5.7 years. Average
overdeterhiined, and both the observer and the observed n
umber of employees was 15.5, ranging from a high of 130
are always enmeshed in it; that is our situation (Rabinow
and Sullivan 1987, p, 7), t
o a low of 1. This is somewhat higher than the national av-
e
rage of 12.7 employees (U.S . Bureau of the Census 1996).
Ethnographic methods were selected for their long-standing
Field activities and objectives were more focused over
tradition in studying cultural phenomena (Clifford 1988). t
ime, because the 199 1 data indicated that marketers' infiu-
We employed participant observation, depth interviews, and e
nces on consumers were but a small part of the larger phe-
photography as data collection techniques, with field notes, n
omena of their own acculturation. Follow-up interviews
journa l entries, photographs, and artifacts (i.e., business fiy- w
ere performed in 1994 and 1996, in which the results of
ers, cards, and local newspapers) serving as data for inter- p
revious interviews were discussed with the retailers. In
pretive analysis. Critical ethnography is distinguished by the
1994, follow-up questions emphasized marketers' dynamics
influences of critical theorists (Ozanne and Murray 1991), o
f cultural leaming and use of cultural information; 1996
anthropologists (Miller 1997), and, most recently, postcolo- f
ollow-up questions centered on clarifying marketers' adap-
nial scholars (Appadurai 1996; Bbabba 1994) interested in t
ation processes and roles as cultural agents. In both follow-
modernity and globalization. Of interest in this work were u
p interviews, marketers were asked about the effects of
the power relations between marketers and consumers, with o
ngoing statewide political activities.
emphasis on including participants' issues and exploring
global economic dimensions of the phenomena of interest. I
nterpretive Analysis
T
he complete data set consisted of transcribed interviews
Field Site
w
ith 15 retailers and 16 Mexican immigrant consumers, 450
The marketplace site was a business center that consisted of p
hotographs, 43 1 pages of field notes compiled from 343
a four-block area of retail stores in a Mexican community in h
ours of fieldwork, and a 507-page journal . Analytic tech-
southern California. Cultural spheres of ethnicity over- n
iques consisted of summary description, pattern coding,
lapped and transcended national borders. Shopkeepers were c
ategory formation and reformation, derivation and inter-
predominantly Latino/a and Asian, though a few were Anglo p
retation of themes, and negative case studies. Analysis of
and Middle Eastern, and many were immigrants. Consumers t
hese data across the various units of participant characteris-
were predominantly from Mexico, but also included native t
ics, marketing strategies, learning/adaptation processes,
Mexican-Americans and other Latinos/as, as well as Central c
ultural events, and interactions with external publics point-
and South American immigrants. There was a minority of e
d to ways in which marketers adapted culturally, both
non-Latino customers and employees of city and county of- t
eaching their clientele and learning from it. This two-way
fices. Sixty percent of the surrounding city was Latino/a, ac- p
rocess of market learning was integral to marketers' efforts
cording to the 1990 U.S . Census (U.S. Bureau of the Census i
n serving their consumers, but it also involved transforma-
1992a), and observations indicated Spanish was the pre- t
ions of the marketers, firms, consumers, and marketplace.
dominant language used to conduct business.
In the account that follows, we first provide a descrip-
t
ion of the marketplace as it appeared in 199 1 and historical
Emergent Design i
nformation on the city in which the site was located, fol-
We began with a question regarding the nature of marketers' l
owed by marketers' characteristics, activities, learning
influences on Mexican immigrant consumers' acculturation. p
rocesses, and outcomes . Changes that had occurred
Data collected from January 1989 through May 1991 on t
hrough 1996 appear throughout the text. Names of the city,
consumer acculturation (Penaloza 1994) were reanalyzed. m
arketplace, stores, and persons have been changed to
During the summer of 1991, additional fieldwork was con- m
aintain the anonymity of both marketers and consumers.
ducted, including interviews with 15 marketers. Questions S
panish interview excerpts were translated by the lead au-
pertained to business history; the experience of the respec- t
hor and appear verbatim, followed by their English equiva-
tive employee, manager, or owner with this and other cul- l
ent in brackets. The ethnographic account that follows is
tural clienteles; customer characteristics and behaviors; and w
ritten in first-person, singular tense because fieldwork was
comprehensive marketing strategies. The last question, p
erformed by the first author. The remainder of the article
open-ended, queried marketers about their issues of concern
in the area.

'Attempts were made to broaden the set of participants to in-
Retail participants were selected with the goal of achiev- c
lude the two Anglo-owned businesses in the area. Unfortunately,
ing variation in the size and type of business, number of o
ne had gone out of business, and the owner of the other refused to
years in business, and individual ethnicity, nationality, and b
e interviewed.
88 / Journai of il/larketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 6-----------------------
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iVIariceter Acculturatio n / 89
----------------------- Page 7-----------------------
reflects collaborative work; therefore, we use plural pro- H
ealth Care, El Nuevo [The New] Ford Escort, and Colgate
nouns elsewhere in the article.^ T
oothpaste.

According to the county historical society's brochures,
A
nglo John Smith is credited with founding the city in
The Marketer Accuituration

1869, despite earlier settlements of Native American, Span-
Process i
sh, and Mexican people in the area (Heritage County

1986).'O The city experienced waves of economic booms
The Field Site
a
nd busts, which were the result of the gold rush in the mid-
The site is a major urban shopping street in the city of San
1800s, the discovery of oil in the 1920s, and military con-
Pueblo in southern Califomia. It consists of a four-block t
racts through the 1940s and 1950s. The area declined in
area containing 11 jewelry stores, 11 clothing stores (6 t
he 1960s as people moved to suburbs linked conveniently
men's, 4 women's, and 1 children's), 6 bridal shops, 5 shoe b
y highway to job sites and more glamorous shopping cen-
stores, 3 discount department stores, 3 photography studios, t
ers. Shopkeepers renovated buildings, attempting to lure
3 restaurants, 3 grocery stores, 2 beauty shops and a beauty A
nglo customers back downtown, but with little success.
supply store, 2 electronics stores, a bank, a travel agency, a E
conomic activity in the area was so depressed then that
video rental shop, a pawn shop, a check-cashing operation, b
uildings sold for as little as $25,000, noted Davi'd
a sporting goods store, a gift shop, a church, a theater, and M
orales, husband of jeweler Lily Fuentes. In 1980, $25
the office of the Mexican Consul. Many of the stores are in m
illion in federal funds boosted the renovations of those
close proximity to their direct competitors; this is particu- b
uildings with historic status (Heritage County 1986). Yet
larly true for the jewelry, clothing, and shoe stores. The e
ven this did not succeed in bringing Anglo shoppers back,
bank, one of the shoe stores, and one of the jewelry stores a
s evidenced by residential patterns (U.S . Bureau of the
are, local branches of Mexican companies. Of 60 store C
ensus 1992a) and my observations .
names recorded, 35 were in Spanish and 25 were in English.

By the time I began fieldwork in 1989, the area was in
Both Spanish and English names relate to the type of busi-
t
he midst of another economic rejuvenation. The area was
nesses and their owners, as well as the clientele, using terms
p
ulsing with lifevehicles and pedestrians constantly com-
such as El Mexicano, Latino, Maya, and Indio.

ing and going. The steady rhythm of shuffling feet could be
The site is bounded by low-rent apartments,' a catholic h
eard, interspersed with bits of Spanish conversation, laugh-
church. City Hall, and two high-rise apartment complexes t
er, Latin music, and the sing-songy voices of street venders
for the elderly. Buildings are two and three stories tall, with h
awking their wares. Most of the stores and stands were
store fronts on the first level and offices on the upper floors. t
hriving, some with people standing in lines to buy. Decora-
Many of the buildings date to the late 1800s and form a t
ions featured colorful murals, pifiatas, banners, and Mexi-
hodgepodge of architectural design as the result of renova- c
an flags (Photo 2), Signs in combinations of Spanish and
tions during the years. All stores feature prominent window E
nglish languages promoted the products and services of
displays of merchandise, and some use tables or racks set on U
.S, and Mexican firms as shopkeepers actively catered to
the sidewalk (Photo 1), Billboards grace the tops of a few t
he predominantly Latino/a clientele (Photo 3).
buildings, advertising HBO, the Transit Authority, Cigna
I logged various combinations of pedestrians moving

along wide sidewalks on both sides of the street. They were
^The shifts in pronouns are awkward, yet any other arrangement
predominantly Latino/a and included nuclear and extended
would have been inaccurate,
families; young and older couples, many with young chil-
9Low by Califomia standards was $700 per month for a two-

dren; groups of young and older men and women; and sev-
bedroom flat,

eral single men and an occasional pair of police officers on
PHOTO 1
their beat. Roughly one-quarter were dressed in suits and

dresses; the remainder wore casual clothes, except on Sun-

days. Activities included strolling up and down the street

seeing others and being seen, window shopping, buying and

'OHistorical omissions such as this are erroneous and have lim-

ited the ability to grasp the theoretical significance of the contin-

ued presence of Mexican people and culture in the area to this day.

According to Anglo accounts, Mexican territory was won over to

democracy; Mexican and Mexican-American accounts describe

conquest and colonization. For a well-documented account of the

gradual displacement of land ownership in the U,S, southwest from
/ Me
xican to U,S, people, see Acuna (1988), The Treaty of

Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican-American War,

granted full citizenship rights to Mexican people who opted to stay.

This treaty remains the basis for recurring antidiscrimination ini-

tiatives by Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in the southwest
Window displays and tables of merchandise.

United States,
90 / Journai of Mariteting, July 1999
----------------------- Page 8-----------------------
PHOTO 2
PHOTO 4
Colorful pinatas grace the entry of this small grocery. Used on birth-
Street vendor offering for sale cut-up pieces of melon , coconut, or-
days and other events, they are stuffed with candy and hung from a
ange, and cucumber garnished with lime juice , chili pepper, and salt.
tree in a contest to see which of the blindfolded children can break
them and get the goodies.

The Marketers

Of the retailers interviewed, 12 were immigrants, with a
PHOTO 3
range of ethnic and occupational backgrounds, including

Latinos, non-Latinos, Asians, Middle Easterners, profes-

sionals, sales personnel, and business owners (see Table 1).

Owners' reasons for selecting the area included the large

number and type of people who frequented the area, its cen-

tral location, and the reasonable cost of retail space. They in-

dicated their appreciation for their Latino/a customers and

their volume of business. All 15 retailers reported that their

customers were predominantly Mexican and spoke Spanish.

Others were more specific in describing their clientele as

from rural areas in Mexico and of the lower classes, for the

most part. Noted store manager Raiil Martinez, in a matter-

of-fact tone, "The upper classes speak English and don't

need the services provided here."

That consumers were predominantly working-class Mex-

icans was consistent with my observations over the years.

Exceptions were an occasional Anglo city employee or senior
Note the mix of Spanish and English languages on signs. Also note
citizen in the Worthmore department store; an occasional An-
the mix of signs for passport and amnesty photos, notary public, in-
glo frequenting the pawn shop, the check-cashing store, or
come tax, and clothing for weddings, first communions, and quinci-
one of the bridal shops; a few well-dressed Latinos/as sur-
arieras (a "coming out" party for young women celebrated on their
15th birthday) at this business.
veying the jewelry and video stores; and the groups of Ang-

los attending the Mexican holiday celebrations.

Merchants promoted merchandise with large signs and

sidewalk displays. Discounts and sales were everywhere.
selling, tending to children, conversing, and eating available
Signs blared, for example : "VENTA ! [SALE!] 50% OFF !
snacks.
BUY ONE, GET ONE FREE ! CREDITO FACIL ! [EASY
Exchanges were not limited to stores, however. Stands
CREDIT!] NO ENGANCHE ! [NO DOWN PAYMENT!]."
and pushcarts offered music cassette tapes, newspapers and
Looking at them, a customer might think the stores were
magazines, gifts, and snacks (Photo 4) . In addition, vendors
giving items away ! I recalled Marfa Inez, a consumer inter-
sold jewelry, imitation brand-name perfume, or dubbed cas-
viewed previously (Pefialoza 1994), telling me of the beau-
sette tapes from attache cases. Twice I was approached by a
tiful merchandise she had seen on her first shopping trip in
man hawking watches he wore lined up both his lower arms.
the United States. Taken for granted by native residents,
On Fridays and Saturdayspaydaysthe crowds were mer
chandise available in the United States made a big im-
largest. At times, small groups of men gathered in semicir-
pression on many Mexican consumers, especially because it
cles passing $10 and $20 bills hand to hand, betting under
was targeted to them. The "easy payment, no money down"
which of three baby food jar lids a bean had been hidden. As
signs were noteworthy because credit remained inaccessible
if on signal, they disappeared as fast as they had come.
for most people in Mexico. Rendering these offerings even

iVIarketer Acculturation / 91
----------------------- Page 9-----------------------
more appealing were the prices, which were significantly
whenever a marketer approaches a culturally distinct group
lower than in Mexico, even as most Mexican immigrants'
of consumers and consists of the learning and adaptati
on
earnings in the United States were much higher. "
processes employed in the formulation of appropriate mar-

Consumption needs were related to resettling and main-
keting strategies. These adaptation processes should
be
taining contact with family members back home. Those who
viewed as part of a larger web of ongoing, multidirectional
had come with nothing sought clothing and home furnish-
cultural interactions.
ings, as well as staple foods and amenities. In addition, im-

Individual marketer characteristics. The cultural
dis-
migrants bought for relatives in Mexico, sent monetary

tance between marketers and consumers was importan
t.
remittances totaling $3.7 billion in 1996 (Cornelius, Orozco,

Marketers' acculturation processes differed along the i
ndi-
and Baraona 1997), and traveled regularly between the two

vidual sociodemographic characteristics of ethnicity/nation-
countries. Mexican immigrants improved their lives and

ality, as previously mentioned. In addition, language ability,
those of their families dramatically in a relatively short peri-

sex, age, and occupation were factors. Not surprisingly, na-
od of time upon coming to the United States, and these im-

tionality and ethnicity marked the greatest difference in cul-
provements contextualized their interactions with marketers.

tural adaptation. National similarity with consumers
was
Merchants typically positioned themselves strategically
greatest for those from Mexico, yet even Mexican retailers
at the front of the stores to greet the steady flow of people
Lily Fuentes, Miguel Cervantes, Jose Perez, and Jaime Ar-
passing by, welcoming them into the store (Photo 5) and
royo spoke of having to adapt to a working-class clientele.
handing out promotional flyers. The most distinct promo-
Cuban Oscar Hijuelos and Mexican-Americans Raul Mar-
tional form observed was a young boy standing in front of
tinez, Davfd L6pez, and Marfa Herndndez benefited f
rom
an electronics store, microphone in hand, singing his greet-
their initial socialization into Latino culture, yet adapted to
ings to people walking by and beckoning them into the
differences of nationality and region. Learning was greatest
store. This personalized approach contrasts with the increas-
for Middle Eastern and Korean merchants because they had
ingly technologically mediated mainstream market interac-
to learn the language and most market customs . Despit
e
tions using the Internet and telephone.'^
many differences, however, Asian and Middle Eastern mer-

chants reported some similarities with their Mexican con-
Individual and Company Characteristics

sumers, because all three cultures bargained and stres
sed
In Figure 2, we present the empirical model of individual
personal interactions.
marketer acculturation . Marketer acculturation is initiated

Language ability overlapped somewhat with nationali-

ty/ethnicity. Speaking Spanish was a big advantage, particu-
"Victor, one of the consumers, noted that whereas in Mexico it
larly when acquired as the first language. Recalling
her
took him a month to earn $100, in the United States he could earn
recent experience selling a videocassette recorder, during
that amount in three days (Pefialoza 1994). Since then, as the result
which the customer came back twice to learn to use it, Lily
of the peso devaluations of the 1990s, making a living in Mexico

Fuentes stated, "They know if they go where they
[the
has become even more difficult.
'^There is increasing minority activity on the Web (Larsen and
salespersons] speak English that they can't explain to them."
Wilhelm 1994); however, persistent economic differences between
Speaking the language also was critical in building cultural
Latinos and Americans as a whole portend a technological gap in
rapport, as Lian Ming noted:
the future. In 1996, Latino household income totaled $24,906,
whereas that of all U.S. residents was $35,492 (Zaidivar 1997). Be-
At the beginning I couldn't speak Spanish .. . but
as I
cause Latinos are double counted in this measure, comparisons
started to learn I started to communicate with my cus-
such as this underestimate income differentials.
tomers. Before it was impossible because I needed a trans-

lator, and now we can directly communicate and they talk

about their families and their jobs. They talk about th
e
PHOTO 5
clothes and we have gotten more closer and I think that is

important.

In Table 1, we show participants' languages in the order

of their acquisition. The six Mexicans and one Cuban had

acquired Spanish in their respective countries of origin, as


had Davfd L6pez, a Mexican-American born and raised
in

the United States. Non-Latino merchants, all of whom were

immigrants, already had learned English and were learning

Spanish, which they reported was less difficult. Althoug
h

both Mexican-Americans Mari'a Hernandez and Raiil Mar-

tinez and Korean Lian Ming learned Spanish later in life, the

Mexican-Americans demonstrated a cultural advantage
in

pronunciation.

For those who could not speak Spanish, disadvantages

were partially overcome by hiring Spanish-speaking
em-

ployees . These employees provided valuable cultu
ral

knowledge and skills, yet in some cases hindered
mer-
Greeting passersby.
chants' learning. In 1991, Lian Ming, Arthur Zimmerman,
92 / Journal of Marl<eting, July 1999
----------------------- Page 10-----------------------
FIGURE
2
The Marketer Acculturation
Process
Marketer
Characteristics
Adaptation

Strategies
Influential
Individual:
Cultural

Market ' Accommodate
National origin/
Learning and ' Assimilate
ethnicity

Translation ' Negotiate consumers'
Language ability
Processes resistance
Sex
Age
Distinctions in cultural

consumption behaviors
Job/position
Outcomes

Formation of cultural

market heuristics Business

enculturation
Company:
Other and self-cultural

knowledge Multicultural

reproduction
Type of business
Empathy

Civic
Size

Knowledge of development
Years in
sociocultural relations Social
business
legitimization
Cultural
Marketer/
rapport
consumer

dialectic
^ a n d Yang Su Kim could not speak Spanish and had hired
off the sales floor yet maintained close contact with their
^Spanish-speaking employees. By 1996, Ming distinguished
sales employees by walking the floor and working with
herself from the others in her active involvement in serving
them on particular problems. It was more likely to find them
customers, whereas Zimmerman and Kim continued to rely
on the floor than in their offices, and our interviews were in-
on their employees.
terrupted repeatedly by employees with pending customer
Sex differences were manifest in the manner of address
or supplier issues.
and the nature of customer contact. Women demonstrated

Company ctiaracteristics. Company characteristics in-
and reported more leeway in addressing consumers than did

cluded type and size of business, years in operation, and cul-
the men, who repeatedly related the impropriety of address-

tural rapport. Regarding type of business, those selling
ing a woman in a man and woman pair or group. These gen-
der roles partially explain the greater inclination of the
nondurable products experienced more frequent contacts
women to be more attentive and personable with consumers.
with consumers, as expected, yet even durable products

businesses had frequent contact with customers in the form
Age differences in language acquisition replicated those

of weekly credit payments and service support.
previously noted in consumer acculturation (Pefialoza
1994), with extent of customer contact a contributing factor.
Regarding size of business, smaller businesses necessar-
Lian Ming and Ben Bendayan, in their early 30s and late
ily relied on the learning experiences of fewer employees.
20s, respectively, demonstrated their improved ability to
This put them at a disadvantage, particularly the Asian and
speak Spanish five years after our first meeting, whereas the
Middle Eastern marketers who relied primarily on family
elderly Yang Su Kim, his wife, and Sangkil Chen had not
members and friends. Larger firms had the advantage of a
made much progress during this same time.
greater number of employees whose range of cultural skills
Job/position affected informants' cultural adaptation as a
extended the organization's cultural competence and sped
function of the amount of contact with consumers, which
up its learning processes.
was itself a function of the size of the firm. Sales positions
Number of years in business displayed a learning curve
required direct contact with consumers, but owners and
over time, as a function of cumulative cultural experiences
managers of small firms experienced direct customer con-
and more efficient learning. As the cultural abilities and
tact on a regular basis as well. Those in larger firmsRaul
skills of personnel become more enhanced, they and others
Martinez, Oscar Hijuelos, and David L6pezall had offices
in the firm became attuned to the culture and how it worked.

Marketer Acculturation / 93
----------------------- Page 11-----------------------
For example, electronics store owner Arthur Zimmerman, in
from their suggestions, she would try a few items to deter-
business only one year, relied heavily on a dictionary and
mine customers' responses. Over time, she felt more secure
Spanish-speaking employees; whereas Ben Bendayan, in
in her ability to anticipate what her customers were looking
business five years, had gained a greater sense of con-
for in colors and styles of clothes, yet they would surprise
sumers' cultural behaviors as the result of his improved abil-
her at times. Raiil Martinez added that he learned what was
ity to speak Spanish and increased interactions with
selling in Mexico in conversations with channel members
employees and customers.
and then strove to sell in quantity what was selling in Mex-
Cultural rapport refers to the quality of firms' interac-
ico. Keeping up with trends was particularly important for
tions with consumers. It is a function of collective knowl-
fashionable clothing, shoes, and music.
edge and experience witb this and other cultural clienteles
Merchants also learned about the culture of their con-
and is refiected in the extent of firms' patronage. Many of
sumers by observing and emulating competitors and other
the retailers had sold to Mexican people before, and their
retailers, both in this marketplace and others. The infiuence
knowledge and experience were directly applicable. Ex-
of other retailers took place individually and collectively, in
hibiting less direct transferability but generating cultural in-
the form of the marketplace as a whole. Examples were the
sight nonetheless were merchants' experiences with other
sidewalk displays and marketing techniques, such as bar-
Latin Americans, blacks, and Middle Easterners.
gaining, that had spread rapidly from retailer to retailer.

They recalled similar merchandising techniques at markets
Influential Agents
in Mexico, and I noted that competitors were in close prox-
Similar to more general market learning processes, marketer
imity in both countries.
acculturation entailed listening to, observing, and interact-
Marketers leamed by comparing their business with oth-
ing with others. Agents included consumers, family, em-
ers in the consumers' home countries, as well as in other ar-
ployees, channel members, competitors, other retailers, the
eas with high concentrations of subcultural members. Davfd
marketplace, and business associations, with distinctions re-
L6pez, manager of the largest supermarket at the site, re-
lated to language and customs. Learning appropriate prod-
called that company personnel had been sent to Mexico to
ucts and services was expedited when marketers could
become familiar with the ways in which food was displayed
understand customers' requests. Oscar Hijiielos, the Cuban
and sold in Mexico so to bring the techniques to their stores
grocery store owner, explained how he learned to serve
in the United States. At this store, I observed fresh produce
Mexican customers by listening to them ask for the items
and dry beans and rice sold in large bins resembling the dis-
they preferred:
plays of a Mexican mercado, or market (Photo 6) . Even the

small grocery stores featured relatively wide selections of
Aquf, la poblaci6n m5s grande que hay es Latino ,,, y ellos
son los que consumen mSs comida, Yo no soy de M6xico,
fresh produce and large bins of dried beans and rice. In con-
y nunca he estado en Mexico, pero, sf sd que ellos se sien-
trast, in large mainstream U.S. grocery stores, produce tends
ten muy bien aquf, Ellos se sienten como si estuvieron en
to be sold in a smaller area, likely due to the relatively larg-
una tienda en Mexico porque ellos me lo han dicho los
er quantity sold in cans or frozen, with beans and rice sold
Mexicanos, Sabe, se sienten como si estuvieron en un sitio
in plastic bags or cans set away from the produce section,'3
en Mexico porque encuentran todos los articulos de ellos,
que ellos consumen, que algunas tiendas no tienen, pero
nosotros los tenemos. Si, los traemos porque hay clientes
'^Ironically, specialty grocery stores have brought back the
que nos los piden,
freshly cut meat and fresh produce of traditional markets, gamer-

ing premium prices from upscale, mainstream U,S, customers,
[Here, the population that is largest is Latino .,. and these
are the ones who consume more food. I'm not from Mex-
ico, and have never been to Mexico, but, yes I know that
PHOTO 6
people feel very good here. They feel like they were in a
store in Mexico because they have told me so, those from
Mexico. You know, they feel like they were in a store in
.rrs
Mexico because they can find all their products, the ones
they consume, that other stores do not have, but we have
them. Yes, we have them because our clients ask for them,]
Family members and employees served as key sources
of information about consumers, particularly in small,
family-run retail firms. In the larger businesses, particularly
those with managers culturally distanced from consumers,
employees were a key source of cultural market knowledge.
Cuban grocer Oscar Hijiielos employed six Mexican butch-
ers, benefiting from their knowledge of consumers' prefer-
ence for fresh meat, thinly sliced, with the visible fat
removed.
Channel members from multiple cultures were instru-
mental to marketers in helping them formulate appropriate

Produce department in a large grocery store designed to be similar
assortments. Lian Ming noted that Asian and Latino suppli-
to the open air mercados [markets] in Mexico.
ers kept her informed about successful new products, and
94 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 12-----------------------
Business associations provided a forum for sharing infor-
Formation of cultural martcet tteurlstics. Developing
mation and working through cultural conflicts. The Down-
guidelines for appropriate marketer behavior based
on
town San Pueblo Business Association (DSBA) was formed
cultural distinctions among consumers was a second step
by a group of merchants, including Lily Fuentes and Davfd
in the marketer acculturation process . Knowing how their
Morales, to promote the area and air their concerns. By 1994,
consumers preferred to be treated were critically impo
r-
the Korean Merchants Association had been fonned to repre-
tant and pervasive skills, yet so subtle to merchants as to
sent the 35 Korean merchants on the street, some of whom
appear inconsequential . For example, Miguel Cervantes

did not speak English well. The group worked with the DS-
noted that experience was the most important teacher but
BA, noted Lian Ming, one of the organizers, and as a result,
was less clear in explaining what it taught him. Because
their support of its promotional strategies improved the over-
cultural knowledge often is taken for granted (H
all
all cultural standing of the marketplace.
1973), my task was to make explicit the implicit, elicit-

ing various cues used by marketers in evaluating c
on-
Cultural Market Learning and Translation
sumers and developing culturally appropriate marketing

Processes
behaviors .

Merchants' cultural heuristics were developed on
the
Distinctions in cuttural consumption betiavlors. Cultur-

basis of personal ethnic/racial experiences . Marketers had
al differences in consumers' behavior initially appeared to

become particularly attuned to differences between life
in
be nothing more than stereotypes. Yet over time, it became

the United States and Mexico in earnings, product avail-
apparent that fundamental components of cultural knowl-

ability, and credit, and related these to consumers' cultural
edge were characterizations of Mexican and other cultural

customs (e.g., who decides, who buys, and the methods of
consumers. All informants recognized distinctions in the

purchase) and their own appropriate behaviors, such
as
consumption patterns and demeanor of members of various

manner of address, language, and how to build trust and
ethnic groups, specifically, Mexican, Asian, Anglo, and
make the sale.
black consumers, with distinctions between immigrants and

Heuristics were demonstrated in the distinctions us
ed
natives. As examples, Roberto Juarez had worked with

by marketers in code switching between U.S . and Mexi
-
black consumers before coming to the store where he

can market customs . Bilingual marketing informants not-
worked with David L6pez and distinguished black con-

ed their need to be able to distinguish when it
was
sumers from Mexicans in terms of what they ate. On the ba-

appropriate to use Spanish or English, because they
fre-
sis of his sales experience, Jaime Arroyo distinguished

quently moved between English and Spanish in the course
Mexican from Anglo consumers by their emphasis on per-

of their daily work. Marketers relied on several cues
in
sonal service versus product quality :

choosing which language was appropriate . Mari'a Herndn-
Creo que el Anglo no va a una tiendava a una tienda a
dez used complexion and dress . Bridal store employee
comprar un buen producto, sin interesarle que tan
Carla Buenmayor argued these were not dependable and
amable sea el empleado, siempre que sea cort^s. El His-
instead used the language spoken by the potential c
us-
pano va a comprar un producto, no busca tanto la cali-
tomers. This strategy, though effective in avoiding offe
nd-
dad, busca mSs el servicio. Esa es una de las diferencias
mds grandes, que creo yo, que pueden existir entre un
ing customers by using a language they could not speak,
cliente hispano y un cliente Anglo. Si un Americano y un
did not avail merchants of the opportunity to offer the first
Mexicano van a comprar un carro, el Americano de ante-
words of greeting, which was an important part of show-
mano sabe por mds cultural, por mSs educaci6n, quizes,
ing respect.
cual es el mejor coche. Y el Mexicano va a buscar, y el
Another example is the previously mentioned gend
er
vendedor con que le diga, le dice que sf estS bonito, que
roles. Traditional gender roles, in which the woman
de-
el es muy inteligente, y con palabras amables puede
venderle el carro que a lo mejor a la salida del dealer se
cides and the man negotiates and pays, were described by
va a quebrar. Eso no quiere decir que-el Mexicano sea
non-Latinos and Latinos/as alike, including Miguel Cer-
tonto, pero que se busca mSs el servicio personal que la
vantes, Yang Su Kim, Ben Bendayan, Sangkil Che
n,
calidad.
Arthur Zimmerman, Raiil Martinez, and Maria Herndn
-

dez. These cultural customs held across product typ
es .
[I think an Anglo doesn't go to the store, {he or she)
goes to the store to buy a good product, without being
Whether it was bridal gowns, fancy dresses, jeans
for
concerned with how friendly the employee is, as long as
men, or jewelry, these merchants noted that they sold to
he is courteous. The Hispanic goes to the store to buy a
the woman in a man and woman pair after acknowledging
product, doesn't look so much at the quality, looks
the man first.
more for the service. This is one of the greatest differ-
ences I think there are between the Hispanic customer
Ottxer and self-awareness and tcnowledge. For m
ar-
and the Anglo customer. If an American and a Mexican
keters, cultural knowledge was gained referentially, in
the
go to buy a car, the American beforehand knows
form of comparisons and contrasts between the culture of
because of being more cultured, more educated, per-
the other and the culture of themselves. As examples, Carla
haps, which is the better car. And the Mexican goes
Gonzdlez, Maria Hernandez's sister and business partner,
looking, and the salesperson with whom he speaks says
characterized Anglo customers as formal and distant
in
the car is pretty, that he is very intelligent, and with
nice words is able to sell the car that at best will break
comparison with the informality and friendliness of
their
down after leaving the dealer. This is not to say that the
Mexican customers . Lian Ming observed that Korea
n
Mexican is stupid, but that he looks more for service
women did not bring their men shopping and wanted her
than quality.]
help, whereas Mexican women typically consulted t
heir

Marketer Acculturation / 95
----------------------- Page 13-----------------------
husbands or boyfriends when buying clothing and did not
tions between Anglos and Mexicans in the southwest Unit-
want assistance.
ed States. For those Mexicans and Mexican-Americans who
The benchmark was marketers' expectations of the be-
identified strongly as such and were aware that their ances-
haviors of consumers from their own culture. Over time,
tors had occupied this site and others like it roughly 150
these expectations were reformulated on the basis of their
years earlier, it was ironic that merchants went out of busi-
knowledge of and experience with consumers of other cul-
ness rather tban sell to Mexican consumers.
tures. Through a series of cultural translations, marketers'
By 1996, retailers reported they had been affected by
expectations of tbeir own cultures were transferred from the
Proposition 187. Raul Martinez noted his customers stayed
category of general market characteristics to those specific
away at first, and he and other businesses responded by
to their culture. Thus, in displacing the generality of their
placing signs informing people that they did not support the
own culture, marketers made space for other consumers'
proposition. He explained, "We want to make sure they
cultural market customs.
[consumers] know that if they come here, they are going to

be OKwith immigrationwith anybody." He added that
Empathy. Marketers' acculturation was more than an in-

after several days, at least some of the customers retumed,
tellectual exercise in comparing cultures, however. Mar-

with business back to normal after about a week. Caria
keters related an emotive understanding of their

Gonzalez's experience was similar; her jewelry business
consumersthat they were away from home, had come here

with sister Marfa Hemdndez had pegged slower sales but
to work and get ahead, had a hard time "outside," and ap-

had picked up again shortly thereafter.
preciated kindness and respect. Marketers' empathy with
their consumers, gained as the result of their interest and
None of the six marketers I interviewed on my last visit
identification with them, added a level of rapport beyond
to the site had ever been raided at the site by the U.S . Im-
mere etiquette. Thus, marketer acculturation involved learn-
migration and Naturalization Service (INS), despite general
ing the symbols and customs of other consumer cultures, in-
knowledge of the predominant presence here of Mexican
corporating them into their own market behaviors, and
immigrants. Raiil Martinez noted that the INS had raided his
projecting elements of their own culture back onto that of
competitor, the largest supermarket in the area and one of
consumers. In my last interview with Jaime Arroyo, he ac-
the few businesses not participating in the DSBA.'5
knowledged that he had gained a greater sense of his con-
From 1994 to 1996, several businesses regrouped or di-
sumers over time, even though he was an immigrant from
versified. Lily Fuentes had opened a bridal fashion boutique
Mexico himself, stating, "I think they have changed me in
and, with husband David Morales, had added appliances to
the fact that I am more open to them. I am moreit is not t
heir jewelry store. Yang Su Kim's discount department
like I didn't listen before, but I understand their frustration.
store had moved to a new location that was one-third the
I just sit down and listen to them and now I can understand
size of the former store. Other businesses in the area were
why they are here."
less fortunate. Worthmore, a discount department store that

had never served Mexican consumers enthusiastically, had
Knowledge of sociocultural relations. Gaining aware-
gone out of business, similar to the Anglo merchant Fuentes
ness of the larger sociocultural issues affecting their con-
described, and been replaced by another discount depart-
sumers was an important part of marketer acculturation.
ment store, Precios Bajos. D'Amo Jewelry and Viajes Trav-
This was a turbulent time in Califomia; the economy was in
el had creatively joined forces with the new store and were
a recession, and anti-ethnic and anti-immigrant sentiments
located within it. In other changes of ownership, Martinez
were proliferating. An English-only law passed in 1986, and
Fotos had replaced Franco's Fotos, Latino Jewelers replaced
the anti-immigration Proposition 187 passed in 1994.''*
El Rey Jewelry, and Las Palmas women's fashion clothing
Yet, when asked whether "official English" had any ef-
was a bridal and photography shop.
fect on their businesses, all merchants, with one exception,
Refiecting on the data, I came to seriously question the
responded no. The question triggered a reactionary response
old adage that the dollar was colorblind. Ethnicity and na-
by Lily Fuentes : "Why [do] we have to learn [English] and
tionality gave some retailers advantages over others. How-
the Americans don't [have to leam Spanish]? They also have
ever, both Latino and non-Latino businesses failed and
to communicate. If they want us to leam, the people here
succeeded, which suggests that cultural background is inad-
should also. The whites aren't even from here. All Califor-

equate in itself as a marker of success. Cultural orientation
nia belonged to Mexicoactually it's our land." She then c
an be acquired, and knowledge of social relations is rele-
launched into a story about an Anglo merchant who owned
vant in achieving rapport with consumers. Ultimately, going
the store next door but went out of business. He "wouldn't

out of business is the cost of failing to adapt to the changing
sell to Mexicans" she explained, adding, "It shouldn't mat-
marketplace.
ter whether they [the customers] are black or white."
Fuentes' vignette relays her understanding of market rela-

'5This may partially explain why the parking lot of this larger
'"A federal court ruled in December 1995 that states could not g
rocery store was only one-third full when I revisited it in 1996,
deny social services to illegal immigrants, striking down parts of
compared with its overflowing status in the preceding years. In ad-
Proposition 187, By spring 1996, plans were underway for Propo-
dition, I observed that the store had changed its name from Merca-
sition 209, which outlawed affirmative action programs. It passed
do to Discount Foods and abandoned its open display of produce
in November 1996 and went into effect in August 1997 after un-
and other Mexican items, replacing them with the floor-to-ceiling
successful challenges to its constitutionality. Most recent initiatives
boxes of a warehouse format. Manager Roberto Juarez declined to
have sought to outlaw bilingual education.
comment regarding the INS raid.
96 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 14-----------------------
Strategies of Adaptation
of the informal tii. I observed marketers using Usted rou-

Accommodation refers to the ways in which marketers
tinely when addressing customers.
catered to the specialized needs and wants of their Mexican
Marketers differed in the financial services they used to
clientele. Businesses accommodated consumers through (1)
accommodate Mexican customers, with a range that includ-
product and service assortments, (2) displays, (3) sales sup-
ed money exchange from pesos to dollars, check cashing,
port services, (4) holiday celebrations, and (5) community
and loans with fees up to 20%. Cashing payroll chec
ks
support. First, a fairly wide range of consumer products and
weighed against the risks of doing so but offered merchant
s
services associated with Mexican culture were offered. The
greater opportunities to do business. Those accepting
the
fashionable clothing, stylish jewelry, English films dubbed
checks were Oscar Hijiielos, Maria Hernandez, Dav
fd
in Spanish, travel services, money orders sent to Mexico,
L6pez, J6se Perez, Jaime Arroyo, Raul Martinez, and Lily
and available foods were starkly reminiscent of Mexico.
Fuentes. Most of the jewelry, furniture, clothing, and shoe

stores offered weekly payment plans to facilitate sales, and
Second, promotional displays featuring Mexican cultur-
a few of the jewelry stores offered loan services in the form
al signs, such as the Virgin of Guadalupe and the Mexican
of pawned merchandise in a two-way system of exchange
flag, welcomed consumers. Mexican and U.S . products
seldom found in mainstream U.S. jewelry retailing.
were displayed apart in some stores and together in others,
and at times, both types of displays were used in the same
Fourth, marketers celebrated Mexican national and reli-
store. Examples of separated products included Mexican
gious holidays such as Cinco de Mayo, Dieciseis de Sep-
music displayed apart from U.S. popular music, Mexican
tiembre,'* and Easter. The daily festive atmosphere at t
he
foods stocked apart from other foods, and religious items
marketplace was topped only on these occasions, when the
cordoned off in the jewelry and bridal stores. Displays with
DSBA merchants united, closed the street, and provided mu-
the products together included the popular Mexican brand of
sic, food, and games. Approximately two-thirds of the par-
cookies, Gamesa, beside its U.S. counterparts, Keebler and
ticipants were Latino/a, and one-third were Anglo. Loca
l
Nabisco, in the grocery stores, and Mexican guayabera
companies and multinationals, such as the local supermar-
shirts displayed with men's dress shirts. At times, U.S. and
ket, AT&T, Sprint, American Express, and Coca-Cola, spon-
Mexican products were combined in ways more suggestive
sored booths. Retailers did not do much business durin
g
of spatial efficacy than the logic of country of origin or
these times because there was so much going on, but instead
product type. An example was votive candles stocked be-
viewed it as public relations.
tween the motor oil and light bulbs.
Fifth, marketers contributed to Latino community orga-
Combinations of merchandise and services had evolved
nizations, fundraisers, and other events on an individual ba-
along categorically inconsistent lines. Examples included
sis and through the two business associations, the DSBA and
banking with travel services, bridal photography and notary
the Korean Merchants Association. Marfa Herndndez de-

public with income tax services (Photo 3), and jewelry with
scribed her contributions as follows:
electronic appliances. Although this may reflect culturally
I am very, very active [in the community]. I am constantly
distinct categories of products and services, marketers emu-
giving donations for any large organization when they
lating their neighbors was also a factor. Marketers noted that
have their dances or charities and benefits. 1 will always
they added goods and services as they observed what was
give a clock or something they can rafHe off. For example,

the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, for their business
selling well in the area. Travel services were especially lu-

mixers, LULAC [League of United Latin American Citi-
crative and had been added to the check-cashing operation,
zens], whenever they call on me, I am always there ... the
the bank, and a children's clothing store by 1996.
Latino Bar Association, every Hispanic organization that
' Third, support services were used to cultivate a cultural
approaches me, from MANA [Mexican American
decor and generate business. Serving customers well re-
Women's National Association] to the Latino Bar Associ-
quired Spanish-language skills, as discussed previously.
ation. As long as they are Hispanic... Okay, I also con-

tribute to the Police Department.
Next to language, all retailers cited respect as the most im-
portant cultural market custom. Yang Su Kim described per-
In return for their efforts accommodating Mexican cus-
sonal relationships as more important than money. Raiil
tomers, marketers garner a premium reward. In the follow-
Martinez noted that customers appreciated respect because
ing quote, Raul Martinez explains this "cultural return" for
they experienced discrimination in other places :
selling people back their culture :
They [Mexican consumers] want to be treated with
In this area, if we compare prices of the same items, um,
respect. You know, um, when I say respect I mean, that
the prices are higher here. Much higher. Twenty percent,
you know, they are human beings, and even though they
30%, but the big difference is that if they go to the mall or
don't speak English, they are the ones who are going to
to the department store, uh, there is not a lot of Spanish-
pay. I think they are afraid of going to the malls ... because
speaking employees in those areas. Chances are that you
nobody speaks their language. And by them not speaking
might not get to speak to someone that speaks Spanish. So
English, they are afraid or they feel inferior talking to
you cannot ask all the questions. You may have many
other people that people are going to talk down to them or

questions about the items that you want to purchase. For
talk to them different. They just want respect. That's all.
Treating people with respect and honoring them is com-

de Mayo (May 5) commemorates the victory of a small
municated inherently in Spanish verb and pronoun tenses.
band of Mexicans over a larger, better trained branch of the French
According to convention, the formal second-person pro-
army in 1862. Dieciseis de Septiembre (December 16) marks the
noun, Usted, is used to connote formality and respect, in lieu
celebration of Mexicans of their independence from Spain in 1810.

Marketer Acculturation / 97
----------------------- Page 15-----------------------
example, a TV, that nobody can answer, so therefore they
pay the tax. Why? I don't know, but they are not used to pay-
are going to come here. They are going to pay a little more,
ing sales taxes,"
but they are going to get the service that they want.
Prolonged, repeated resistance of Mexican consumers

to U.S . business practices created exasperation for mar-
Accommodation of immigrant consumers has potential-

keters, and many responded reluctantly. Over time, most
ly negative effects in addition to the market premium, Jaime

marketers had changed their offerings and ways of doing
Arroyo suggested that, by offering services in Spanish, his

business, altered their displays, and incorporated Mexican
business helped Mexican people stay as they were : "Well,

customs. When it came to cashing payroll checks, paying
we help them live here, but we don't help them assimilate to

sales taxes, and negotiating prices, some marketers did so
the new culture that they are supposed to assimilate. But as

when they would have rather not and others refused out-

long as we keep it behind, they are going to stay behind, and

right. Refusing to cash payroll checks were Arthur Zim-
it is going to be harder for them to jump to the middle-class
merman, Miguel Cervantes, Beatriz Para, Ben Bendayan,
stage. That is what everyone dreams to do. "
Carla Buenmayor, Sangkil Chen, Lian Ming, and Yang Su
Assimilation. Arroyo's statements notwithstanding,
Kim, Five years later, clothing retailer Ming had changed
much evidence was found of marketers actively assimilating
her policy and accepted the checks, whereas Oscar Hijiie-
their customers. Assimilation refers to marketers' efforts to
los had cut his fee and offered free payroll check cashing
alter their customers' behaviors to bring them more into line
with a grocery purchase.
with the U.S . market system. These efforts included making
All marketers described consumers who refused to pay
U.S. offerings accessible to their Mexican customers and
the sales tax. This refusal typically would be followed by the
educating them about U.S. market practices. Mexican cul-
retailers' attempts to collect it. At this point, the stage was
tural offerings were not sufficient in satisfying this clien-
set for either negotiation or refusal. Refusals had negative

tele's market desires, for these they could find in Mexico
repercussions in the form of lost sales and repeat business.
and often at lower prices, A substantial part of the appeal of
Ultimately, many of the merchants gave in and absorbed the
this marketplace was its provision, for a premium price, of
sales tax, adjusting their prices to include the tax and avoid
aspects of U.S, culture. By providing U.S. products and in-
the confrontation.
formation on U.S . market customs, marketers helped Mexi-
Negotiating prices, while similar to refusing to pay sales
can consumers adapt to the U.S. capitalistic system.
taxes, was perceived by retailers as a more serious affront to
Marketers taught their Mexican immigrant customers,
their business. Initially, only a few merchants reported ne-
domesticating them into the disciplinary demands of the
gotiating prices, yet five years later, most did so, albeit re-
U,S, economic system. In addition to providing advice and
luctantly and on an individual basis. Lian Ming began t
o
infomiation on products and services related to U,S, culture,
negotiate after a trip to Mexico, during which she realized
marketers taught them about credit terms, methods of pay-
that negotiating prices was a part of Mexican culture. Doing
ment, finance charges, and due dates. Marketers even re-
so was significant both culturally and economically. Cultur-
ported giving instructions regarding how to sign their name,
ally, the merchants communicated their understanding o
f
because some were accustomed to using an "X, " whereas
Mexican market customs and their willingness to compro-
U,S, banks required their full name.
mise to secure the sale. Economically, customers perceived
Furthermore, merchants Maria Hernandez and Lily
they had gotten the better deal after negotiating. Given the
Fuentes, who accepted payroll checks, talked of educating
premium prices charged, negotiations were an important
their bankers to do so as part of "business as usual" in this
way to keep the business of those who had learned to rec-
consumer subculture. Marketers who cashed the second-
ognize that the prices were higher, while maintaining th
e
party checks correctly perceived their business as a cash
market premium for those who had not.
business, and they were backed by research. Previous work
at this site indicated low rates of bank service usage among
Acculturation Outcomes
Mexican immigrant consumers (Pefialoza 1994). Nationally,
Business enculturation refers to the ways marketers brought
one-third of Hispanics have credit cards, compared with
their firms into the culture of their consumers, Enculturation
more than two-thirds of non-Hispanic U,S, residents. In ad-
outcomes were the result of accommodation and negotiation
dition, 30% of Hispanics and 61 % of non-Hispanics have
of consumers' resistance. Marketers displayed ambivalence
checking accounts (Edmonson 1997),
in adapting to demands put on them by their Mexican clien-
Negotiate consumers' resistatice. Marketers were not al-
tele to do business on its terms. Taking the risk of cashing
ways successful in acculturating their Mexican consumers,
payroll checks, knowing at times employers exploited these
however, and frequently confronted their resistance. Con-
workers and paid them with bad checks, negotiating prices,
sumers' cultural resistance was expressed in the form of re-
and leaming another language were all cultural work and

fusals to buy, pay stated prices, pay sales taxes, or accept
eroded their margins. These arduous learning and adaptation
credit terms. Consumers persisted in trying to pay with pay-
activities contrasted with popular views that doing business
roll checks, pay less than the stated price, or forgo sales tax-
with another culture was easy, as Raiil Martinez noted :
es. They attempted to negotiate prices and preferred to pay
Many people think you don't have to cater to the Latinos,
cash rather than owe money, Ben Bendayan's testimony was
You just put your products outside and they will come here
indicative: "Ninety percent don't like to pay taxesespe-
and buy them. That's not true. You have to cater to them.
cially the Mexican people. With them we [retailers] have to
You have to give service. You have to make sure they are
98 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 16-----------------------
happy, because if they are not happy, they are not going to
flicts surrounding sidewalk displays and street vendors.
come back, you know? And they are willing to pay more,
Regular meetings between the DSBA and city officials pro-
but they expect respect, and they want good service. It's a
vided a welcome forum to work through the fire depart
-
challenge. Many people think it is easy, but I think it's a

ment's prohibition of display tables and racks o
f
challenge.

merchandise on the sidewalks. Lily Fuentes recalled how,
In addition, conflicts with other retailers arose regarding
after a few telephone calls, the racks and tables were back
one another's enculturation efforts. Collectively, as individ-
outside, where I continued to observe them as recently as
ual marketers enculturated their businesses, competition
spring 1996.
among them reinforced pressures to adapt culturally. One of
The issue of the vendors was not resolved as easily, de-
the Middle Easterners was highly critical of what he regard-
spite recognition by marketers and city officials alike of the
ed as Latinos exploiting other Latinos, taking advantage of
value of Mexican consumers' business and the role of the
the cultural knowledge they possessed, whereas several
vendors in building it. Even supporters Raul Martinez, Car-
Latinos were concerned about the increasing number of
la Buenmayor, Yang Su Kim, Lily Fuentes, Sangkil Chen,
Korean-owned businesses. Such statements fueled misun-
and Lian Ming were concerned with cleanliness. Those
derstandings and emphasized cultural differences over eco-
against the street vendors, Jaime Arroyo, Miguel Cervantes,
nomic conflicts of interest.
and Ben Bendayan, also were concerned that the vendors

took business away from the stores. As of spring 1996, the
Multicultural reproduction. Overwhelmingly, the appeal

vendors remained. Noted Lily Fuentes, "The city doesn't
of the site was marketers' provision of Latino/a culture.

want the vendors, but they make it happy here, selling fruit,
Marketers honored their Mexican customers, anticipating

ice cream. It feels like home for them [Mexican cus-

their market desires and supplying them in ways that felt

tomers]if they want to feel at home, they come here. It's
like home. The many Latino/a consumers browsing through

all heremenudo, enchiladas, homemade tortillas, people
the merchandise, the stands and street vendors, the colorful

speaking Spanish."
signs, and the Latin music all contributed to the atmosphere
of a Mexican plaza. Through their sidewalk greetings and
Through their organizing and civic activity, merchants
displays, marketers directly engaged consumers, in contrast
developed this marketplace, etching out a place for Mexican
to the more passive mainstream market custom of awaiting
consumers. Results were good for the marketers in develop-
consumers' entry into the store.
ing their businesses and good for the city in rejuvenating the
At the same time, marketers supplied Mexican con-
area. Largely due to the financial success of the merchants
sumers with the "good life" associated with U.S. culture, the
and the continued efforts of the business association, the city
American dream of el norte [the north]. It was no wonder
funded a multimillion dollar expansion of the area, doubling
Mexican immigrant consumers came to this site; its materi-
its size. Businesses in the new area expanded on existing of-
al abundance was tailored to them, and buying these items
ferings, though there were novel entries as well, including
was cast as living their dreams. They had come a long way,
three clothing stores, three bridal shops, two jewelry stores,
and consuming jewelry, fashionable clothing, trendy athlet-
a restaurant, a theater, an electronics store, a music store, a
ic shoes, furniture, and electronic appliances, often with no
shoe store, amusement rides for children, and even a curio
money down, was an important marker of their success.
shop. By 1996, a group of the marketers had begun to nego-

tiate a similar development plan witb officials of a neig
h-
Civic development. Marketers mobilized the support of
boring city.
the local city council in more effectively serving their Mex-
ican clientele. Lily Fuentes described the early work of the
Social legitimation. In accommodating their customers'
DSBA in promoting the area through holiday celebrations :
market needs and wants, marketers validated Mexican peo-

ple and their culture in the United States. Evidence of this
When we [she and David Morales] came here, nobody knew

legitimation included the store names (e.g., Mexicana, In-
the city councilman, it was going dead here. Then we started
a 16th of September [Mexican Independence Day] parade,
dio. Latino, Maya), the available products and services,
years ago.... There was some conflict. The city had been
and the alterations to U.S. market customs, including bank-
doing the Silver City Days [a westem pioneer festival].
ing practices, negotiated prices, and methods of sales tax
After seeing the 16th celebration, I guess they [city officials]
assessment.
were ashamed. Last year, the city estimated 400,000 people

Market legitimation was particularly significant in t
he
came for the 16th of September festival. People came from
all over... Cinco de Mayo is another big one.
United States as a capitalistic society. The site functioned as

a buying refuge, a place where Mexican immigrant and oth-
The initial celebration featured a parade led by Fuentes's
er Latino/a consumers could come to buy or pass time safe-
husband David Morales and Raul Velasco, celebrity host of
ly. Even so, purchases provided them with an early lesson in
the popular Mexican variety show, Siempre en Domingo
the contradictions of the social system : being valued as a

[Always on Sunday]. To this day, a photograph of the parade
consumer even as the larger group of which they were a part
cut from the local paper graces their jewelry store. In it,
was being defranchised in state legislation. In doing bu
si-
thousands of Latinos line the street of this marketplace,
ness, marketers' activities were consistent with U.S. values;
sending a strong signal of future economic promise to city
yet by actively serving Mexican immigrants, some of whom
officials.
were in the United States illegally, marketers went against
Both individually and through business associations,
the U.S. mainstream's sense of itself and statewide political
marketers engaged in city politics to resolve cultural con-
initiatives.

Marketer Acculturation / 99
----------------------- Page 17-----------------------
The marketer/consutner dialectic. The final outcome of
multicultural imperatives in their daily business a
ctivities
marketer acculturation was the forging of a dialectical rela-
and interactions with consumers, channel members, com-
tionship between marketers and consumers, such that mar-
petitors, and other marketers. Aggregate marketers' culture
keters' and consumers' cultures interpenetrated through the
was infiuenced by individual sociodemographics, parti
cu-
mediating institution of the marketplace (see Figure 3). The
larly ethnicity/nationality and social class, and
organiza-
three concentric circles reflect the distinct cultural domains
tional culture, together with the collective infiuences of the
of aggregate marketers, aggregate consumers, and the ag-
cultures of consumers, the marketplace, and larger soc
ial
gregate stores of the marketplace, each domain the result of
relations.
its own intemal, developmental mechanisms, as well
as In turn, consumers negotiated cultural imp
eratives in
those in relation to the other two.
their daily activities and interactions with family member
s,
Cultural leaming and adaptation occurred both with
in friends, coworkers, and marketers across Mexican and U.S .
and between the orbs, such that culture was enacted in the
cultural domains. Aggregate consumers' culture was infiu-
marketplace collectively by marketers and consumers in the
enced by individual sociodemographics, again
particularly
form of their ongoing activities and interactions with each
ethnicity/nationality and social class, together with the co
l-
other and within the marketplace itself In the diagram, the
lective infiuences of their social networks, market
ers, the
marketplace is a separate domain not reducible to the cul-
marketplace, and larger social relations.
tures of aggregate marketers or consumers or their interac-
Marketplace culture was infiuenced by cons
umers' be-
tions, though each domain plays an important role in
the havior, marketers' behavior, market imperatives, and larger
development of the other two. Thus, this diagram brings to-
sociocultural relations. Merchants maintained their own eth-
gether the preceding discussion of individual marketer ac-
nic cultures but oriented their activities toward
Mexican
culturation with previous work on consumer acculturation
consumers because the nature of their business was to serve
(Pefialoza 1994) in their relation to the marketplace and to
them and facilitate their market transactions. Thus, Mexican
each of the other domains. The distance between the mar-
culture dominated in the marketplace as marketers impl
e-
ketplace culture and the cultures of marketers and c
on- mented a cultural marketing concept, with U.S, culture also
sumers signifies its relative cultural orientation. In this case,
reproduced through marketers' assimilation activities. Con-
marketplace culture was aligned more closely with c
on- tinued immigration from Mexico further rei
nforced the
sumers' culture.
Mexican cultural orientation of the marketplace.
At this marketplace site, Mexican, Mexican-American,
During the years, this site has exhibited transitory qual-
Cuban, Korean, and Middle Eastern marketers negotiated
ities. Historically, it has experienced three majo
r shifts in

consumer cultural presence, from (I) Native
American,

Spanish, and Mexican, from the late 1600s to 1865; to
(2)
FIGURE 3

Anglo, from 1865 through the mid-1970s; and back
to (3)
The Marketplace as a Marketer/Consumer
Mexican by the late 1970s and continuing to the
present.
Dialectic
Marketers from a range of ethnic groups reproduce Mexican

and U.S, culture on a daily basis in their business tr
ansac-
Cultural Influe
nees tions with Mexican immigrant customers. F
estival days
1. Marketers '
mark the symbolic triumph of Mexican culture most visibly,
sociodemograp
hics
2. Organization
al culture as marketers express gratitude for business c
onsummated
3. Consumers '
culture during the year. Entertainment events, booths, and banners
4 Marketplace
culture heighten the reproduction of Mexican culture to
the point
5. Social rela
tions that well-assimilated Latinos and Anglos join
the regular

clientele of Mexican immigrants. Thus, the provis
ion of

Latino culture at this site was accomplished by marketers in

response to the presence of Latino people who, in tum, re-

juvenate d and sustained it, yielding the particular
cultural

character of this marketplace.
1. Consumers '
culture
2. Marketers
' culture Discussion and Implications
3 . Market
imperatives
4. Social rel
ations We need markets to generate productivity,
work, and

goods; and we need culture and religion to assure solidar
-

ity, identity and social cohesionand a sense
of the

human spirit. But most of all, we need democratic institu
-
1. Consumer
tions capable of preserving our liberty even in
parochial
sociodemograp
hics communities; and capable of maintaining our equality and
2. Social ne
tworks our precious differences even in capitalist markets (Barber

3. Marketers
' culture 1996, p, 300),
4. Marketplac
e culture
5. Social rel
ations As markets across the globe become more multicultural,

marketers' cultural adaptation takes on increasing immedia-
Notes : Cultural influences are listed according to the strength of their
cy and relevance. Adding culture to the marketing concept

influence on each of the respective domains.
entails more than merely accommodating culturally distinct
100 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 18-----------------------
consumers. Such accommodation preserves cultural distinc-
scaled the learning curve of adapting to the Mexican market.
tiveness and autonomy, the loss of which so often is be-
On doing so, marketers earned a premium. Furthermore, by
moaned by critics of globalism, such as Barber (1996). In
adapting to the multicultural marketplace, marketers posi-
acculturating, marketers cross personal and collective cul-
tioned their firms for the future, transcending existing cu
l-
tural borders, negotiating the competing pulls of multiple
tural barriers to entry and success that have restrained less

cultures as they "unlearn" (Slater and Narver 1995) and re-
culturally savvy firms. This future posturing, together with
leam various cultural norms, expectations, and behaviors.
immediate financial gains, were the rewards for their efforts.
This research emphasizes marketers' roles as cultural
There are even greater cultural economies of scale to be
agents, which remained an implicit referent of advertising
realized by firms when they have learned to adapt to Lati-
and fashion in McCracken's (1988) work on consumer cul-
no/a consumers as the result of shared cultural market cus-
ture. Marketers have a culture, with values including initia-
toms across the Latino diaspora (Corchado and Trejo 1997).
tive, consummating exchanges, competing, making money,
Nationally, Latinos/as are one of the fastest growing market
financial accountability, and a willingness to serve that are
segments in the United States, currently numbering 30 mil-
evident in their words and deeds. Although influenced by
lion people with buying power of $273 billion (Strategy Re-
consumers, marketer culture is tempered by its own ethnic
search 1998). Although impressive, these figures are
and organizational cultures, as well as that of the larger mar-
dwarfed in comparison with the larger Latin American mar-
ketplace and market system in the nation in which marketers
ket, which numbers more than a half billion consumers with
do business, in this case, the United States. As change
more than $1.2 trillion in spending power (United Nations
agents, marketers pass their cultural values onto consumers
1990).
through market transactions, helping them assimilate into
The third implication relates to the level of the market-
the U.S. market.
place. Marketers adapted culturally to one another in thi
s
While marketers impose their culture on consumers,
study, even as they adapted to consumers. Marketers coop-
they are also malleable to them. Cultural transmission is
erated with one another and increased the success of the

thus two-way. In accommodating Mexican consumers, re-
marketplace as a whole, in contrast to previous work em-
sponding to their resistance, and incorporating their cultural
phasizing competitor hostility (Slater and Narver 1994).
market customs, marketers were changed by them. Specific
Marketers experienced some conflict, yet it must be viewed
values acquired and reinforced as the result of doing busi-
within a larger field of cooperative interactions, in whic
h
ness with Mexican consumers included personalized trans-
marketers organized themselves in business associations to
actions, a family orientation, and a looser sense of
attain mutual goals. Together, marketers produced the cul-
transaction timing and terms. Thus, marketers and con-
tural appeal of the marketplace, promoted their businesses,
sumers simultaneously were "the changers and the
and worked to address city officials' concerns of economic
changed."
growth and social policy. In concert and in conflict with one
. The first implication for marketers relates to the me-
another and with local government, marketers assumed an
chanics of cultural learning. The marketers in our study
important role in the community, developing the market-
spoke Spanish or hired employees who did, provided ser-
place and contributing to the production of its culture.
vices mainstream marketers did not, offered products to ap-
Yet we must go further in understanding the impact of
peal to Latino/a preferences, celebrated important holidays,
this marketplace. Frenzen and Davis (1990) write of embed-
and offered community support. Our results extend previous
ded markets. We extend this important concept beyond the
work emphasizing the importance of speaking the language
marketing instrumentalities of buyer-seller exchanges. This
of consumers and providing culturally tailored services (cf.
research emphasizes the cultural role of the marketplace as
Kaufman and Hernandez 1990, 1991; Kizilbash and Gar-
both marketing entity and social space. As a marketing enti-
man 1975-76), by documenting the specific processes,
ty, the marketplace exerts its influence on the economic vol-
strategies, and outcomes of marketer acculturation.
ume of market transactions; as a social space, it serves as the
For marketers, direct contact with consumers is a vital
site for the negotiation of intercultural relationships. Thus,
part of their acculturation. However, given the use of cultur-
the marketplace is more than the sum of the individual
al stereotypes in demeaning people and fueling prejudice
agents, stores, products, and services operating there, and it
against them, distinguishing among cultures should be done
accomplishes more than the maintenance of Latino culture
with caution. Although an important part of cultural learn-
(Kaufman and Hernandez 1991; Kizilbash and Garman
ing, cultural distinctions and heuristics should be limited to
1975-76). This research demonstrates how the marketplace
those aspects directly related to market behaviors and in-
operates as an effective cultural change agent as well, its in-
clude a range of relevant behaviors, because seldom are cul-
fluence going beyond those of individual marketers and
tural phenomena discrete. A recent example is the joint use
market transactions in simultaneously affecting relations
of English and Spanish languages in advertising, which ac-
among the various cultural groups of which marketers and
commodates Latinos/as' cultural pride while asserting their
consumers are a part.
._ rightful place in the United States.
Finally, this research has directed attention to the com-
The second implication of marketer acculturation relates
plex ways in which marketers and consumers together enact
to the level of the firm. Marketers interviewed over several
culture in the marketplace. The marketplace is a cultural
. years attributed the success of their firms to their abilities to
clearinghouse, the result of a complex juxtaposition of mar-
meet the specific cultural needs of their Mexican clientele.
keters and consumers traversing multiple levels of cultural
However, cultural costs accrued to them until they had
spheres. Here, Latino/a consumers were brought together in

Marketer Acculturation / tOI
----------------------- Page 19-----------------------
important, personally gratifying, and socially legitimating
restaurants and ethnic grocery stores in which consumers
ways by marketers of four distinct ethnic cultures : Latino/a,
seek to consume a culture apart from their own. Thus, in cul-
Asian, Middle Eastern, and Anglo. In demonstrating how
turizing the marketing concept, marketers orient themselves,
marketers and consumers together constitute the cultural
their activities, and their stores relative to consumers' cul-
marketplace through their respective mediations of it, this
tural desires as well as their actual cultural positioning.
work provides a theoretical articulation of multiple levels of
Furthemiore, this conceptualization of the market may
cultural infiuences on marketer behavior. Replacing con-
be extended beyond the retail site to include other aspects of
ventions of culturally discontinuous consumers, marketers,
marketing strategies, such as retail stores, distribution chan-
and marketplace sites is an empirically based conceptualiza-
nels, advertisements, and products. In each case, the mar-
tion of a sociohistorically situated and geographically locat-
keting institution or artifact is viewed as a cultural mediator
ed marketplace site that is the result of the cultural market
between marketers and consumers. Strategic decisions are
interactions of marketers and consumers.

made regarding its positioning relative to marketers' and
Mainstream versus margin cultural dynamics are impor-
consumers' cultures, with attention to larger social relations.
tant factors that affect the form a marketplace eventually
During the years of data collection, the San Pueblo mar-
will take as the nexus of economic and cultural interests.
ketplace has grown, and its future looks bright with the im-
This marketplace, composed of members of a minority cul-
pending construction of a federal courthouse and the
tureMexican immigrant consumers and the multicultural ex
pansion of several of the firms to a neighboring city. De-
marketers serving themwas situated within the larger U.S . sp
ite the number of challenges facing merchants in the area,
mainstream Anglo culture, even as it extended beyond it
all marketers were optimistic about their opportunities and
through international sociocultural networks. Cultural mar-
growth prospects in 1991 when this work began, and by
ket artifactsthe marketplace, its stores, product and ser- 1
996, not much had changed that optimism. During my last
vice offerings, and promotionswere mediated imperfectly vi
sit, the steel frame of the courthouse building, the size of
by marketers using heuristics suggestive of a grid of cultur-
a city block, could be viewed. When completed, it will bring
al principles in operation.
thousands of employees who will alter the cultural face of
Fluid, multiple cultural meanings and associations were
this marketplace again, raising yet another series of ques-
invoked strategically by both marketers and consumers who
tions and issues for further research.
continuously recreated them in tandem and independently
within the domain of larger sociocultural relations. Yet, our

Conclusions
data demonstrate that market artifacts did not display infi-
nitely possible semantic associations determined by compa-
In adapting to the multicultural marketplace, marketers ac-
nies as they desired, as previously bas been suggested
commodate their consumers, assimilate them to mainstream
(Baudrillard 1988; Debord 1977). Instead, though market
market practices, and respond to their resistance. Accultura-
meanings and values were somewhat pliable, the cultural as-
tion outcomes occur on several levels : the individual mar- '

sociations of stores, products, and services were fairly well
keter, the firm, the marketplace, and larger social relations.
grounded in the customs and traditions of the particular con-
This research has focused mainly on the individual mar-
suming communities inhabiting the site, as infiuenced by
keter's processes of leaming to adapt to consumers of an-
their relations with other cultural groups.
other culture. At the level of the firm, appeals to consumers
Although derived from the specific site under study. Fig-
in products and services, employment practices, pricing, and
ure 3, which depicts the dialectical relation between mar-
promotions are important avenues of cultural market adap-
keters and consumers, may be used to conceptualize other
tation. At the level of the marketplace, the success of the
cultural interactions as well. Cultural configurations of oth-
marketers lies in their competition and cooperation with
er combinations of social class, ethnicity, nationality, race,
competitors and other marketers.
and gender or sexuality may be exhibited by consumers,
Marketer acculturation takes place within an arena of so-
marketers, and marketplaces.
cial relations. Historical and present relations between the
The composition of marketer and consumer cultures and
firms and people of the United States and Mexico set the
the relations between them are crucial. Multicultural mar-
context for marketer acculturation. Marketers actively nur-
kets may exhibit the dominant presence of a single cultural
ture relationships with their consumers, getting involved
group (i.e., blacks, Asians, or Anglos) or combinations of
with them and aligning with the interests of their communi-
subcultural groups, and their cultural representation may
ty, which are, at times, in confiict with those of the main-
differ across the three domains, as in this study. Intercultur-
stream. As a result of marketers' efforts to bring together and
al relations can range from enthusiastic acceptance to mere
serve Mexican consumers, the site has developed into an im-
tolerance to overt hostility, with the cultural orientation of
portant part of the Latino/a community.
the marketplace evident in its respective distance from mar-
Many questions remain. Further work is called for on
keter and consumer cultures.
marketer acculturation in relation to other ethnic and nation-
In this research, consumers' culture dominated the mar-
al cultural clienteles. In addition, further work is called for _.

ketplace, and this would seem most consistent with the mar-
regarding processes of marketer acculturation in the distrib-
keting concept. However, the global market abounds with
ution channel, between advertising and marketing research
consumer-oriented market sites that refiect a cultural orien-
agencies and their clienteles, and within the marketing orga-
tation distinct from consumers. Examples include tourism,
nization. This work is particularly timely because of the cur-
theme parks, musical or theatrical performances, and even
rent trends of international mergers and alliances.
102 / Journal of Marketing, July 1999
----------------------- Page 20-----------------------
Further work is called for as well that investigates the
subcultures, portend tremendous cultural adaptation in the

acculturation of mainstream marketers in response to grow-
U.S. marketplace for mainstream and minority communi-
ing ethnic minority markets, such as the Latinos/as investi-
ties. Of particular interest is how consumers negotiate their
gated in this study, as well as their black and Asian
identities and market desires across multicultural market of-
counterparts. Major U.S. urban marketplaces, similar to the
ferings and marketplace sites.
one investigated here, have been strongholds of minority re-
Finally, further research is called for in other nations and
tailers since the suburban outmigration of Anglos in the
marketplaces that are defined by cultural dimensions other
1960s and 1970s and, therefore, have played a formative
than ethnicity and nationality, such as social class, gender,
role as the site of intercultural adaptation.
and sexual orientation. Although some cultural differences
Further work also is called for that investigates the
are accommodated in the marketplace, others are not. Re-
changing role of ethnic marketplaces within their communi-
search investigating the reasons and factors why and how
ties over time and for subsequent generations. The increas-
this is so would contribute to our understanding of the com-
ing number of middle-class minorities, together with
plex cultural nuances of the marketplace as an increasingly
demographic projections of the increasing size of minority
fundamental, pervasive, and global site of social life.
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