Mark Dixon - Murdoch University

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September 10, 2010


Conventional Representations of Modern Globalisation

In the 21
st
century, globalisation seems to have been widely accepted as a major
feature of life. Alongside it's obvious economic implications, the global market
influences people in a range of cultural, social and political ways. A significant feature
of modern economic structures is the inherent disadvantages experienced by many
as a result of highly competitive market forces. Political Economy Discourses of
Globalisation and Feminist Politics, by Suzanne Bergeron, aids in the critique of
traditional views on globalisation while providing suggestions for methods of
rectifying the resulting gender inequities. Bergeron explains that, when it comes to
globalisation and the modern capitalist market, there are a number of dominant
positions which frame the discourses of social, cultural and economic analysis. Most
of these perspectives, however, further the marginalisation of groups along gender
boundaries and continue systems of patriarchal hierarchical domination. By
questioning a number of views implicit within conventional positions on the global
economy, such as assumptions about power structures and gender roles within the
market, she is able to break down these arguments in favour of a modern feminist
alternative.
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September 10, 2010

As Bergeron explains, the two major viewpoints with regards to political
economy, particularly with respect to implicit gender subjectivity, are the global
imperative and the national management approaches (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 984). The
main problem present with any critique or assessment of these perspectives lies in
the surprisingly ambiguous line drawn between the two; while each side has clear
lines of argument and equally valid theoretical bases for belief, there remains no
distinct, identifiable boundary between each. Nevertheless, the major difference
between these approaches involves the role of the nation-state as a potential resistor
to the forces of globalisation. The global imperative approach asserts that the success
of capitalism can only result in a truly globalised economic, social and political world
that can by only countered by non-governmental, global bodies of resistance. The
national management approach, however, argues that the nation-state retains a
degree of power in a globalised world, with its main role that of protection of
respective national interests. Proponents of the global imperative approach argue
that the diminishing role of the nation state is an inevitable part of economic
development in a highly capitalistic world market. A truly integrated worldwide
market can indeed only be achieved, it is argued, by the full removal of the notion of
any state being involved in market actions. Further, integration itself or in many
cases, further integration is promoted as the solution to any problem that the
global market may face, rather than any intervention from a nation state (Bergeron,
2001, pp. 987).
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On the other hand, those who support the ideals of the national management
approach assert that a degree of intervention and regulation by nation states and
similar bodies would benefit people both economically and culturally by supporting
collective common interests. While few would argue for complete state control of the
market, an ideal hybrid (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 989) model featuring a mostly free
market tempered by selective state regulation and protective mechanisms for its
citizens is generally supported by this position. The protection of national interests
remains the dominant focus of the national management approach, acknowledging
the negative aspects of globalisation but arguing that, rather than further integrating
both regions and markets, the solution can be found through government
intervention defending the nation from these negative aspects.
These traditional approaches to globalisation and political economy tend to focus
primarily on the economic implications of policies that both enforce and promote
globalised economic trends, while marginalising the social and cultural implications of
such trends. As Bergeron highlights, while many consider the main impact of
globalisation to be economic changes, few treat the resulting social and cultural
changes with equal importance (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 985). Indeed, the restructuring
of identity that can occur in regions experiencing change as a result of globalisation is
one of the most important points of contention in the debate. While some argue that
economic homogenisation results in the blending of cultural signifiers, beliefs and
values in some areas, others contend that a nation, as a site of collective identity
(Bergeron, 2001, pp. 986) can be unified by the apparent competing forces of
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external economic and national groups. In any examination of the wider social and
cultural trends, the impact of the forces of globalisation upon women cannot be
overlooked. Both of the main positions on political economy as outlined above place
significant, if perhaps undue, emphasis upon the main bodies involved in the global
market. These groups include predominantly multinational businesses, financial
bodies, and of course nation state while implicitly overlooking groups that are
either currently uninvolved or only minimally involved in the free market mechanism.
In this way, gender-based groups, women in particular, are marginalised by the
dominant worldviews associated with political economy and globalisation.
Bergeron provides alternatives to these positions in order to temper such
conventional representations of globalisation with the feminist views of political
economy. The changes to feminist labour trends during the 20
th
centurys periods of
intense globalisation were significant, with such trends continuing into a number of
developing countries even now. The realignment of a number of economies entering
the globalised free market has meant that a significant number of nation states have
reduced the focus upon welfare support and state-sponsored social services. As the
traditionally less powerful people in the labour market suffer as a result of the lack of
state support, and are forced into the paid labour market to earn more in substitute,
this cycle of disadvantage impacts upon a huge number of women. Additionally,
Bergeron points out that studies and organisations aiming to rectify some of these
issues, such as the World Banks structural adjustment models, simply accept a
number of assumptions about women in unconscious support of an inherently
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patriarchal system (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 991). A number of gendered assumptions
and effects (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 991), as well as assumptions based on the
conventional ideas of economic hegemony, underpin the dominant discourses of
globalisation and need to be deconstructed in order to properly critique such
pervasive views.
The conventional representations of globalisation rely upon traditional
hierarchical notions of male domination in their views of the globalised world.
Bergeron places emphasis on the fact that the process and condition of economic
globalisation is symbolic of the normative patriarchal structures present in society.
Women often find themselves subject to predetermined outcomes and identities
without the option of a self-created individual or collective identity. Most feminist
alternatives to the major positions on the political economy simply acknowledge and
accept the gender-based dichotomy present in globalised economies, often aiding in
the reinforcement of essentially feminine ways of being (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 997).
Additionally, the acceptance of conventional power structures as the norm, including
assumptions relating to the apparent might of multinational organisations and their
place in the market, must be questioned. By deconstructing the notion of a global
market, one can view the globalised economic situation as more of a network of
smaller interconnected economic networks, rather than a single global market
dominated by multinational organisations and other seemingly hegemonic groups.
Further, by analysing the potential for restrictions and weaknesses even within such
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organisations, there is the potential for feminist action that may utilise such
deficiencies.
Once the traditional power structures have been questioned in favour of a more
all-encompassing view emphasising the importance of regional factors and networks,
and reducing the perceived significance of transnational groups, Bergeron argues that
there is indeed a place for women to aid in the redistribution of wealth and
resources. She emphasises the importance of womens organisations and
associations at the local level (Bergeron, 2001, pp. 998) and provides a number of
examples of the implementation of collective initiatives in support of womens
communities. These groups must, Bergeron asserts, utilise a variety of different
economic techniques to encourage power distribution among disadvantaged women,
depending on the individual economic situations of each locality or region of
influence. By viewing the globalised economy in terms of potential localised impact of
feminist action, not only would such groups increase the likelihood of positive
influence upon the women in their area, but also be able to demonstrate to other
regions the success of specified initiatives. The importance of (recognising) the
different articulations of economic processes and areas of common concern and
intervention in the transnational area (Bergeron, 2001, p. 1000) must also be
recognised, though only whilst maintaining a level of respect for both similarities and
differences behind the collective feminist movements in such areas.
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Economic conditions are not the only oppressive social structures influencing
women, with a number of social and cultural conditions also aiding in conventional
patriarchal norms. While it is clear that the amendment of simply one aspect of
social, cultural, or economic gender binaries would not itself result in a more
equitable distribution of power amongst the sexes, the encouragement of female
economic self-determination could only benefit the complex process of gender
equity. Bergeron, by explaining the conventional views on political economy, allows
the deconstruction of such views along both gender- and power-based lines in order
to provide examples of how women may utilise economic restructuring to their
advantage. The maintenance of a combined local and global perspective in womens
associations and organisations worldwide, in addition to collective action based upon
assessments of the strengths and weaknesses of conventional economic powers,
would aid in the achievement of global economic restructuring with respect to
feminist ideals. While we may agree that global capitalism is here to stay
(Bergeron, 2001, pp. 983), collective action based on critical analysis of globalisation
could potentially eradicate a great amount of its inherent feminist subjectivity, to the
benefit of so many worldwide.
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Reference List
Bergeron, S. (2001) Political Economy Discourses of Globalisation and Feminist
Politics Signs 26 (4): 983-1006