Koha Digest # 57

MACEDONIA

CONCERNS OF SOROS

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

With a series of manifestations, Macedonia celebrated the 50th

anniversary of the victory of Fascism. President Gligorov
assisted in the international solemnities which took place in
London, Paris and Moscow, while here, during this historical
anniversary, last week was symbolized with the problems which the
state founded after World War II was facing. Shkup was visited
by the OSCE Commissioner for Minorities, Max Van der Stoel, ICFY
representative and the mediator in the conversations between the
Macedonian Government and Albanians, Gert Arens. The founder of
the Open Society Institute, the famous American businessman of
Hungarian origin, George Soros, known as "a proven friend of
Macedonia", visited Shkupi for the third time. In the communique
issued after the meeting between Gligorov and Soros, it was said
that "there was an exchange of opinions which in determined
issues were different". It was delineated that there were talks
about Macedonian-Greek relationships and the actual development
of intern-ethnic relationships in Macedonia.

"KOHA's" sources claim that Soros didn't coincide with Premier

Crvenkovski and other Macedonian officials either, but the
conversations with the "Albanian side" were evaluated by the
latter as difficult. George Soros expressed his dissatisfaction
with the pace of the development of the "Macedonian coloured"
democracy also on independent A1 TV, where, in a conversation
with a group of journalists, including KOHA's correspondent, he
admitted that he was concerned with the last events in Macedonia,
which don't go towards the direction of its definition as a civic
state. Participating in a round table organized by the Juridical-
Sociological Research Institute, held at the Rectorate of the
University of Shkupi with the theme: "Possible Alternatives for
the Fulfilment of the Educational Needs of the Members of the
Albanian Nationality in the Republic of Macedonia", Soros stated
that he doesn't support the initiative for the establishment of
the University of Tetova, but also stressed that he doesn't
believe that it should be dismantled with repressive measures and

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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police methods. At the end of the three days' long visit to
Shkup, he stated that he was willing to financially support the
proposition for the foundation of the trilingual educational
institution (English, Macedonian and Albanian), if this idea were
supported by the International Community. Soros, also, criticized
the Macedonian government, as well as the parliament, for not
being effectual when it comes to the round-up of the system and
legal regulation, while in the above tribune, listening to both
sides, which represented "their own universities" he saw how far
the stand-points of both sides were about problems which in a
civil state would actually be minor!

MACEDONIA

SOROS ESTABLISHES ALBANIAN-ENGLISH UNIVERSITY IN MACEDONIA?

by Y.H. / Prishtina

There were many rumors about it, and now finally it became public
that Soros is trying to find a way to establish a University in
English and Albanian of the CEU type, already existing in
Budapest or Prague, or of the so called American University as
in Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria. This issue will seemingly be discussed
by Soros and Gligorov in their meeting, as well as in the
expected meeting at the "Kiril and Metodij" University, which
will take place with the participation of Albanian and Macedonian
intellectuals. According to some sources, Soros had explored the
possibility of establishing this University in Ohër, but he was
told that this was not possible in the place where the cyrillic
alphabet was born! Since Albanians use the Latin alphabet it
remains to see what would be the possibilities of having this
University established in Strumica. Anyhow, Soros who has so far
given more assistance to Macedonia than the whole West
altogether, will have it hard with Frckovski who, in a recent
interview to BBC, declared that even if a foreign University
would be established, it would have to function according to the
Constitution, in the official language - Macedonian or the
foreign language. But not in that of the minorities.
Soros or Frckovski? We'll see!

-2-
KOSOVA

KILLING IN LUBIZHDË!

by Y.H. / Prishtina

The Serbian press, grounded on unofficial sources, in a very

foggy way, referred to a tragic event occurred at the police
station in Lubizhdë (Prizren), when two Serbian policemen killed
each other. On Monday, at around 8 p.m., policemen Milorad
Vucinic (40) and Zoran Nikolic (44), both from Prizren, died in
Lubizhdë.

Nikolic used to be deputy-commander or this police station and

for the time being, it is not clear yet which is the real motive
of the killings, and it is still not known how many other people
could be involved. What is for the time being supposed is that
Nikolic, while showing his gun to Vucinic, allegedly pulled the
trigger unintentionally, and killed him! After committing this
act, he allegedly killed himself!

In fact, Nikolic used to be deputy to policeman Soskic, who was

killed a week before by Besim Ndrecaj in Shirokë (Suhareka), as
informed by KOHA.

Even before, some Kosova Albanian media and political and non-
political organizations have claimed that the killings of Serbian
policemen which happened in the past years in Kosova, were result
of the shooting among themselves, some of them being drunk.
It is not sure whether the Lubizhdë case should be linked with
these interpretations, nor with the explanations given by the
Serbian media. But the tragic killings are strange, taken their
manifestation, and the totally unusual interpretation made by the
Serbian press!

EXILE

WILL THE NAME "ARSIM" BE RENEWED?

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

In the past five years, many round tables, tribunes of Albanian

political parties within branches and sub-branches, several
scientific tribunes, not to mention the media which when
referring to it have qualified it as "tragic", "deep wound",
"national stain", "treason", etc., have had exile as topic: as
a phenomenon among Albanians. This only proves that the sole
thought about this problem has been followed more by emotional

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tensions and affective reactions than determined analyses and
strategies to canalize and supervise this phenomenon. The way it
is reacted is best proven with the fact that all our "analyses"
are concentrated on the fear from the change of the ethnic
structure of Kosova, the decrease of the number of Albanians in
Kosova. But none of the analyses has ever touched the change or
decrease of the ethnic quality of Albanians in Kosova. The fact
that Kosova has been deserted by a large number of school-age
children and educated young people with different professional
qualifications. In normal societies the phenomenon of losing
qualified population is known as brain-drain.

Whole families are leaving Kosova today. Then, there are

thousands of young people who have no organized life in exile,
if we exclude the life of asylum-seekers in refugee camps, which
include sports and cultural activities. What are the prospects
of these people? Where could they express their predispositions
and qualities? Do they get any education abroad? Is the number
of those who study, known?

If we take the figure of 80 thousand non-inscribed Albanian

pupils in the 1994/95 school year, then the question arises:
where are these children and where will they get education, even
if they are outside Kosova? The same thing counts for high school
and university students. Does this mean that out of 300 thousand
Albanians, said to have left Kosova, a rather small number of
them (not to say minor) starts or continues the education abroad.
This is precisely what we mentioned above - not the decrease of
the ethnic structure, but of the Albanian ethnic quality in
Kosova.

Kosova Albanians, whose number of educated has decreased 50%,

qualitatively are poorer. The decrease of the number of educated
is in correlation with the increase of the number of criminals
among them.

So far, the Government of Kosova has been more concentrated on

collecting the 3% tax from them, rather than establish
consultative offices in countries where they have sought asylum.
Our political instances and relevant subjects have not prepared
any project in relation to the young generation and their
education.

Attempts for something of kind have been made, but they only
remain unaccomplished aims of Albanians. On this occasion we
could mention the Foundation for the Education of Young
Albanians, directed by Asllan Gjinovci. There is nothing left of
it, and since so many years, it is still not known whether any
Albanian graduated sponsored by this association of great
ambitions and pompousness.

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However, it can't be said that young people are not interested
about their future. The individual attempts to get education are
present, but is a very small number of cases. But, in all these
initiatives, there is not institutional background of the
educational organization of young Albanians.

On the other hand, the loss of professional cadres and the

constant brain-drain is a created loss, the same as when compared
to the economic material losses of strategic interest for Kosova.
The education of a professional costs each society thousands of
American Dollars, and if we calculate the losses of thousands of
professionals, the numbers of the losses Kosova registers become
five of six times bigger. All of these are reflected in the
ethnic quality of the Albanians, which implies their cultural,
education and political decline.

Albanians are the only people that name their children "Arsim"
(Education). All of what is linked to this name is slowly
disintegrating and dismantling. Even the name will be lost,
because since a long time, it is not attractive any more. And at
the end, we may find ourselves only with Uncle Arsim.

EXILE

THE DARK SIDE

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

Since two years ago, "Kosova" is mainly mentioned in the Western

media only in connection with its asylum-seekers. Several
hundreds of thousands of Albanians who fled Kosova, for reasons
well known to all of us, have become an attractive topic of
sentimental, but also aggressive conversations. In a report of
the Government of Kosova, it is said that "taking the situation
in Switzerland as a starting point, it could be ascertained
without hesitation, that if there was an unexpressed respect
towards the Albanian community before the Balkan crisis started,
especially taking into consideration the dignifying attitude of
the Albanian guest-workers working for decades in Switzerland,
then now it doesn't exist any more".

In another figure provided by the Government it is said that "the

largest number of aliens in Switzerland, in the past 4-5 years,
has reached 150 thousand people. Having in mind that circa 25%
of the political asylum seekers in Switzerland are Kosova
Albanians, then there are around 40 thousand Kosova Albanian
asylum seekers".

-5-
Without evading all the difficulties which asylum seekers face
in Switzerland, including Albanians, the number of crimes
committed by aliens has increased. This especially is evident in
the case of a number of Albanians, who in the past couple of
years have committed many crimes. According to the figures
evidenced by the Office of the Government of Kosova in Geneva,
however, there are around 2000 cases and this makes only 1% of
the total number of Albanians living in Switzerland. This figure,
nevertheless, has been used for a strong anti-Albanian
propaganda, which borders with hysteria. Because of the rules of
action established by the dark side of the Albanian emigration,
different political forces, especially "Schweizer Demokraten"
have come out with the concrete plan and are leading the "holy
war" against the aliens. Recently, this dangerous game was joined
by the MPs of the Liberal Party, who are currently collecting
signatures for a Referendum in which citizens would vote to have
less than 18% of aliens in Switzerland. Because of the created
circumstances and the imperilment of the young layer of
population in Switzerland, because of the impossibility to
control drug trafficking organized and conducted by aliens, the
Social Studies Institute "Demoscope", in one of its surveys in
regard to their posture towards the aliens and Albanians in
particular, comes to very negative results about their influence
in Swiss society. The experts of this Institute consider that the
largest number of the surveyed show aversion towards aliens with
quite racist premises.

This report further says that the situation has created an

extremely negative image of Albanians as a community among the
misinformed locals. We shall not forget that Albanians make up
the second largest community, following the Italians. Departing
from these premises, says a report of the Government of Kosova,
the posture of the local population and Government in Switzerland
towards Albanians should not be surprising. Even though the
creation of such an opinion toward Albanians in Switzerland is
a result of Swiss political games, our total lack of
organization, where we ourselves have allowed to become their
victims. Similar attitudes are of the other Western Governments.

And, the whole effort for the internationalization of the issue

of Kosova, says one of Kosova's ministers, has fallen down the
drain because of the lack of our proper organization. "We were
in no position to stop the people running from Kosova, both ways,
because there was a total lack of organization among the ones who
fled", says the Government. And, if we say that the sector for
emigration within the Government has been established two months
ago, this proves our seriousness and how much importance have we
given emigration.

Presenting the situation and referring to the created atmosphere,

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Joachim Lanksch, as he calls himself, the idealist intended in
favor of the Albanian cause, determined a several urgent premises
of Albanian engagement in the area of emigration. He gave an
example of when he met the Albanian workers and told them that
they should do something to change their deteriorated image. They
would just stare and give the following answers, says Lanksch:
a) we are not organized; b) we can't speak the language; c) we
are very tired after work. This is a cynicism which needs no
comment.

On the other hand, the Kosovan politics, concretely the

Coordinating Body had announced the three options for Kosova. The
situation has imposed a fourth one - Exile. Unfortunately, this
option, apart from the heavy burden it has on Kosovan society,
has now become a burden for the host countries, due to its dark
side.

EXILE

ONE TRAGEDY OVER THE OTHER

Skënder Kastrati, Secretary of the LDK Emigration Sector, a

department established after five years, in a conversation with
KOHA states that repression is the decisive factor which makes
Albanians leave, but there were also alleged tourist agencies
which profited on this.

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: The last round of massive emigration of Albanians towards

the West started in 1990. What dimension would you give this
phenomenon?

KASTRATI: The emigration of Albanian started earlier. I believe

the problems have been the same since 1878. There is a difference
in the trend of the period you mention, because 1992 is the year
in which the largest number of Albanians fled.

KOHA: Were you taken by surprise and what have you done to
eliminate this national evil?

KASTRATI: We believed that here will be an emigration of

Albanians, but not this massive, We though of prevention, but we
lacked the instrument of the state to stop it, to prevent it. It
was impossible to have a control on the check points.

Nevertheless, our attempts to diminish the numbers of immigrants

continue.

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KOHA: Have you ever thought of the reasons and how to eliminate
them?

KASTRATI: The main reason is repression against Albanians. The

other question would be: Aren't we all suffering the same? Of
course, all of us are endangered. But, we must not forget the
cases of extreme repression in which we were unable to help and
these people had to leave, by force. The cases of the young
people are also serious. There is no way to protect them from
being drafted in the Serbian army. And this we can't do because
we haven't created protection state mechanisms. The other
category is caused with the economic problems the families faced.

KOHA: Haven't you declared that no one can starve in Kosova?

KASTRATI: Even though our posture was as quoted, many people

didn't come to get assistance. They have found it easier to go
abroad. Whether this was a reason to leave Kosova, I wouldn't
comment it. Another part probably thought that we would win
easily, so they left westwards wishing to create a capital for
the future.

KOHA: How do you comment the emigration of those who had economic
basis?

KASTRATI: There was no wish on their side to help the situation

and the interests have become individual. They left just to evade
the situation in Kosova.

KOHA: Why hasn't any statal prerogative been used to prevent the
emigration and why was it waited until 1995?

KASTRATI: We haven't made the state function as a whole.

KOHA: Will only Serbs and the massive repression be the ones to
blame for the massive emigration of Albanians?

KASTRATI: Of course not. Repression is decisive, but here we had

different agencies which aimed at profiting as much as possible,
racing among each other, which will take more Albanians to the
West. The majority of the trips were completely dangerous and
there were cases in which people died. All of them have also not
counted on the fact that Kosova was being emptied, and that
without Albanians, the battle for the independence will be lost.
We need time to explain these situations, even though we have an
evidence of the abuse of the national tragedy.

KOHA: The impression is that, for the first time in these

circumstances, intellectuals have not left. Is there any evidence
on this?

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KASTRATI: I am not completely sure that intellectuals have not
emigrated, but we have no specific data.

KOHA: There is a problem which in the past two years has not
descended from the Western media - Albanians and their
criminality in the Europe. Why and how is it possible not to
respect the rules of the host country?

KASTRATI: This issue is very harmful for Albanians as a nation

and the Albanian politics. We must not forget that different
categories of people have fled Kosova. And, it is normal that in
midst of all those people, there are also delinquents, criminals,
etc. The illusion of young people that they will become rich over
there disappears in a second and now they are facing a
possibility of action with is expressed as criminality. This is
also an element of the tragedy within the general Albanian
tragedy.

KOHA: Foreigners don't understand this. People find shelter

against repression and get it easily, however pay this
understanding with criminality. It doesn't make sense.

KASTRATI: We haven't examined the cases yet. We have some

uncertainties and many things are said and speculated
hypothetically. Once we have done a thorough study on the reasons
of crime of Albanians over there, then we can speak of the (non)
criminal attitude of Albanians.

KOHA: If there was consciousness about such a massive emigration,

why wasn't the sector for emigration established earlier?

KASTRATI: Finally we have established it. But, the problem of the

emigration of Albanians can't be only a problem of this sector.

KOHA: Would you have something to add?

KASTRATI: I have reliable information that Serbs will not gain

on the returnees. There were rumors that all of them would come
back through Belgrade. This option failed and the return of
rejected asylum seekers will be done in another, favorable, time.
In Free Kosova, I hope.

EXILE

STOP ASYLUM-SEEKING

"Albanian Refugees in Western Europe" is a document elaborated

by the Ministry of Information of the Government of Kosova, in

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1994, and it describes the posture of the Western-European
governments towards Albanian asylum- seekers and the way to come
out from the crisis. It represents a realistic vision about the
specific situation of asylum-seekers and offers concrete
proposals.

II. The number of those who should come back to Kosova

According to the incomplete facts, until January 31, 1995,
between 2.500 and 3.000 rejected Kosova Albanian asylum-seekers
should be repatriated from Switzerland. In all countries of
Western Europe, this number reaches 15 thousand people. According
to the Head of the Swiss Federal Bureau for Refugees, the
intention of this Institution is to process all requests for
political asylum in Switzerland by the end of this year, so there
would not be any old cases at the beginning of the next year.
This in practice means that until May 1995, it should expected
that between 30 and 35 thousand Kosova Albanians will be expelled
from Switzerland. Naturally, this is only an estimate (plus or
minus five thousand), which in the actual moment is not of great
importance.

Kosova Albanians participate with 5% in the total number of

asylum seekers in Switzerland.

III. The place of deportation

The decision of the Swiss Government to repatriate Kosova

Albanians, who were rejected political asylum, is final. The
attempts of the Swiss Government to find a more appropriate way
to return them back (Macedonia, Rumania, Hungary and finally
Bulgaria), have been persistent. The Swiss-Bulgarian agreement,
in force since September 1994, will probably be replaced with the
direct flights from Switzerland to Belgrade and vice-versa or the
ferry Tivar (Bar) - Bari, as soon as the sanctions against Serbia
and Montenegro are eased.

The Swiss Government, will not change its decision, and this is
certain. departing from this, Albanian asylum seekers have two
options. first, to go back to where they came from and second,
the possibility to find refuge in a third country, a very
difficult, painful and very dangerous enterprise. The other
"possible" solution, live illegally in Switzerland, is quite
unbelievable, and if it is possible for a number of people, then
it is not long-living and brings more dangers than the two first
options, pursuant to the Aliens' Act.

If the International Community has really decided to reward

Serbia by easing up the sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro,
having the opening of the Belgrade airport as the first step,
then there must be serious thoughts about the opening of the

- 10 -
Prishtina Airport (which is meant only for military purposes and
no international flights are allowed), for international flights
too. This must be done precisely for the return of the Albanian
asylum-seekers to Kosova. Regardless of what could be said by all
parties, this is the safest way back for them.

On the other hand, the opening of Prishtina Airport would be also

of great help for our workers employed abroad who are forced to
use the airport of Shkup.

IV. Providing with travel documents and the posture of the

Serbian government in regard to the returnees.

A procedure which could postpone the return of the people from

all parts of Western Europe, is supplying them with travel
documents.

A large number of those who have requested asylum, for different

reasons, can't make use of their travel documents which they used
to enter the Western-European states. Among the asylum seekers,
there are also people who didn't have a travel document at all;
of those who have used false travel documents; those whose
validity has expired; those who have lost travel documents; those
who never handed them over, etc.

They must have valid travel documents when they are repatriated.
The ones who have handed their documents to the organs of the
host country and if still valid, going back home is not a
problem. However, all those who don't have valid travel
documents, the organs of these countries must provide them with
travel documents. According to the second secretary of the "FRY"
Embassy in Bern, during the conversation with a representative
of IOM in Geneva, these documents can't be got hold of easily.

This refers to the travel documents (certificates) to be issued

to all those who don't have valid passports. This procedure,
according to the diplomat, in the best of the cases could last
a couple of months, and having in mind that these are thousands
of people we are referring to, then efficiency, as required by
the Western countries, can't be expected. Still according to the
diplomat, this is due to the fact that the identity of these
people must be checked, because an invasion of Albanians from
Albania on Kosova is allegedly being prepared. The same official
has told the IOM representative that one of the reasons why
Albanians fled Kosova was the vendetta, a phenomenon which is
widely spread in Kosova.

Secondly, the propaganda about the preparation of the lists of

the emigrated who will be facing trial accused of committing
crimes against the state in case they return, the threats of

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different Serbian political parties, are also obstacles which
shouldn't be neglected. Simply, the Serbian state, has not
expelled them to let them come back again.

V. What should be done in this case

Having in mind all what was stated above, we believe that:

- The statal organs of the Republic of Kosova must, as soon as
possible, start conversations with Western-European governments
about the return of these people. During these conversations:

a) first of all it must be requested that these people are

guaranteed personal safety in Kosova. This means that, it would
necessary to request:

- UNHCR observers;
- EU observers
- European Parliament observers;
- media representatives;
- representatives of embassies of the rejecting states;
- observers of NGOs and humanitarian organizations which deal
with refugees.

This implies their escort to Kosova, from the very first contact
with the Serbian authorities.

b) To insist on the opening of Prishtina Airport for the return

of the rejectees. This would allow these people not to expose
themselves to different mistreatment, inevitable during the long
journeys through Serbia, from Bulgaria or Belgrade.

c) Request the rejecting countries not to conduct expulsions

during winter. This because many people have remained abroad for
some time, once back, would find it difficult to provide
themselves with heating and food.

d) Ask the rejecting countries to dedicate part of the funding

destined for supporting asylum-seekers as humanitarian assistance
to Kosova, for the reconstruction of the infrastructure for the
returnees and all those who are actually living there.

e) Request these countries not to repatriate the rejectees one

by one or in small groups and not to do it secretly. This is
dangerous, because they will be treated as criminals, while their
recognition of refugees of violence would allow the bigger
presence of observers.

f) Request these countries to hand over the lists of the

expelled, to the organs of the Republic of Kosova, so their
further situation could be followed.

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Once all these measures are undertaken, the statal organs of the
Republic of Kosova must come out with a public appeal directed
to all of those whose requests were rejected and all of those who
are awaiting for the end of the procedure, asking them to come
back home to Kosova.

These organs must also decide about what categories would not be
involved in this general summon (draft-evaders, political
activists, the elderly, the ill or the ones who are being treated
medically, could be excluded from this list).

On the other hand, the statal organs of the Republic of Kosova

should undertake measures to contact all those who are potential
candidates to go back to Kosova, ie., all those who have received
the negative replies. This must be done in order to prepare the
people, collect signatures in regard to the presented requests,
which will be handed over to the states which want to repatriate
the rejected asylum-seekers.

The suggested steps, are much more correct than secret

conversations, which have been developed in the past several
months, between the representatives of the WE countries and the
"representatives" of Albanians in Belgrade and elsewhere, in
regard to the refugees. Albanians have been "represented" by
incapable, incompetent people, who are the least acquainted with
the situation in Kosova, and who are even less familiar with what
persecution and mistreatment means. There are even cases in which
these "representatives" have declared that the majority of
Albanians fled Kosova for economic reasons, and that apart from
a small number of people, all the others must come back. The
public reaction of the organs of the Republic of Kosova would
stop this erroneous labor of the "fathers of the nation".

EXILE

STREET CHRONICLES

by ARTUR ZHEJI / Rome

"The small slaves from Milan", are Albanian children comprised

between 10 and 17 years of age, who were forced, as real slaves,
to wander around Milan's streets and be beggars...

The first pages of the Italian newspapers were quoting the

conclusions made by Nino D'Amato, head of Milan's police, which
to our misfortune, related to something merciless, thrilling and
very attractive for sensationalists...

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After many months of investigations, the Police in Milan arrested
two men, accusing them of slavery and also arrested some 35
Albanian children, beggars, at their service. The names of the
arrested were not published, but the impression is that a whole
organized network of (ab)use of children was discovered.

According to the same sources, the children were "lent" to these

men by their parents with a small compensation. The users would
take on them all "expenses", starting from the illegal travel up
to the accomodation in special hiding places...

Then, professional abusers, which had scented this filthy

business since long ago, would squeeze from each child between
200 and 300 DEM a day. Not wearing shoes and in scrappy clothes,
as cute and "Chaplin-like" as possible, they would stretch out
on the luxurious cars, say cute things, cry and beg, and thus
gain the expected "tip".

"All that we can do for the time being" says the head of police,
"is escort the children back home, even though they have
explained to us that their parents themselves "lend" them to the
ones who organize "their job" in Italy". It is not hard to
believe that they will come back soon again and start "working"
again.

On May 10, 28 of them, accompanied by the same number of

policemen, who were wearing white gloves for this occasion - as
doctors fearing from possible infection - were escorted from
Milan to Bari and from there directly to Albania on the
"Pulladio" ferry. Maybe they are going to be received with tears
in the eyes, or maybe some of them will be even beaten, for not
being able to evade being arrested and deported. Who will follow
up on the other acts of their dramas?... As usually, no one. Some
time ago, their poor and miserable image caused the sigh of
solidarity among the Italian public, while now, more and more,
they are only ignored...

"All this noise and publicity seems as a big game to them, same
as begging at the stop lights, but the damage that their
psychological development suffers is serious and could be
irreversible..." - says a psychologist who visited them.
Everything is clear, these children, wearing clothes, especially
sawn by professional "tailors", who sleep on cartons, make up the
raw material of criminality. A small step is necessary to become
part of the crime...

And this is the story of journalist Fabrizio Peronaci, about a

crime which occurred recently. Albanians against Albanians. A
terrible crime against an impossible love...

- 14 -
Rome - He was in love with Nina, his conational and this is why
he was sentenced to death. His name was Shkëlqim Keli, 24 years
old, and lived working hard, in construction. She had come to
Italy full of hopes, but at the end had found no better solution
than to prostitute herself on Eur's (Rome's rich neighborhood)
streets. One day they met, they became friends and he became
infatuated with her.

I have a job and a car - he tells her - we can live together.

Nina is attracted by the proposal, but is scared of her
"protector's" reaction. And the fear was grounded. Shkëlqim Keli,
a worker in love, was found massacred, stabbed several times.

According to the investigation of the police in Rome, the

murderer was precisely the Nina's "protector", Astrit Kalaveri,
24 years old and Albanian too. Kalaveri, in order not to lose his
"asset" which granted him 500 DEM per night, activated his knife.
His photograph was well known in Questura's computers. Since the
day of the murder, both him and Nina, who was 25 or 26, were not
seen around, at least not on Eur's side-walks. What was Nina's
fate? Was she taken prisoner by Kalaveri?

The killing of the young Albanian occurred in the middle of the

day and the bestiality of the murderer had caused quite an
impression. Keli was being driven by his relative on a car. At
the corner of one street, a car with four people inside had
blocked the way. Someone had told Shkëlqim to get out of the car.
He did, not expecting to be attacked. But he was. He was stabbed
three times in the chest and back. The four of them escaped. The
relative's testimony and thorough verifications determined the
killer's and Nina's identity.

No comments are needed. Especially when such events occur more

and more. A serious moral disease, which needs urgent
intervention, attention, and finally, also intensive therapy.
Will these be the stories we will tell our children in the
future?

"...Once there was an Albanian, who went abroad, because his

father told him: Go and beg, my son... And the son left, he took
one sister and a knife with him and arrived to the Kingdom of
shining displays and..."

What will the children who grow up listening to these stories be

like?

The least is that no one can say: I don't know a thing! All
should share the burden, shame and civil responsibility. A Nation
with a deteriorating moral, is the target of enormous threats....

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INTERVIEW

Dr. Thanos Veremis, Director of the Hellenic Foundation for

European and Foreign Policy

KOSOVA'S PROBLEM IS BEYOND HUMAN RIGHTS

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Prishtina

KOHA: Could you tell us what is the Hellenic Foundation for

European and Foreign Policy?

VEREMIS: Our Foundation is seated in Athens, and it is a NGO

directed by its Board of Directors, comprised of professors,
intellectuals, retired diplomats, etc. Our work is concentrated
within the framework of analyzing the present directions of the
foreign policy in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, Middle East and
in a certain scope of things, Northern Africa.

Our visit in Kosova aimed at the exploration of finding the most

optimal way to prevent the possible conflict here, making
discussions and gathering necessary material, which will be used
by our team, consisted of members of different nationalities:
Albanians from Kosova and Albania, Serbs from Belgrade,
Hungarians, Turks and French, who will elaborate them and publish
a respective publication.

KOHA: How would you comment your impressions about the present
situation in Kosova?

VEREMIS: Of concern, without any doubt. Being in Kosova for the

first time, a person may get the impression that everything is
all right - if the basis of orientation is what one sees on the
street, and which most of the time illustrates a (relatively)
normal situation. It is hard to explain the situation which
reigns here. We came here with approximative impressions about
what is happening, with data we got from books and newspapers,
which give a totally different conception. After the meetings and
discussions we had with different important political and social
personalities, we reached a very unpopular conclusion: this
region is going through a very serious crisis which is growing,
and which can explode anytime. I believe that the psychosis of
explosion would be the closest description of the situation in
Kosova... Naturally, we will publish and distribute our studies
and analyses on Kosova to NGOs, personalities, conferences, etc.

KOHA: You spoke to both sides. Your impression?

VEREMIS: The Serbian position is irritating - is the one which

insists on understanding Kosova as the center of the (Serbian)

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culture and identity, which claims that the ethnic structure of
Kosova was changed through the pressure of Albanians during the
autonomy, etc. Serbs try to present the Kosova problem as an all-
Serbian problem, which has nothing to do with Kosova in the sense
of the province, because it is an indivisible part of the
territory of Serbia. What we were made aware while in Belgrade,
among others, of the refusal and the discouragement of the
international engagement in the case Kosova and their evident
dissatisfaction with the purpose of this mission.

On the other hand, I believe that the Albanian side is developing

a quite peculiar social life. I take this as the direct
consequence of the forcible close-down of the important
institutions for Albanians. I believe that here, Serbs can't
claim that Albanians have isolated themselves voluntarily, which
is an often explanation they offer. The explanation of the
Albanian side that the recognition of the Serb state would be the
legitimization of violence and the violation of human rights, is
an undeniable reality. Naturally, it is a big question how far
and deep should the improvement of the situation by the Serbian
side be, to have the Albanians participate in the Serbian state.
Taking into account the present situation, it is very hard to
speak of this interest, by both sides. Therefore I believe that
two parallel states that function in Kosova, will continue living
until a right approach to overcome the crisis is offered.

KOHA: You spoke with President Rugova...

VEREMIS: Mr. Rugova believes that independence of Kosova is not

an utopia, that it is possible and that it would be also useful
for the Serbs, if something of the kind would be accepted.
Honestly, from what I could notice from the actual situation in
the relations between Belgrade and Prishtina, I see no way this
could be accomplished. However, maybe Rugova has a clearer vision
than I, and it is possible for him to have a deeper foresight of
the political future. It is feasible. Nevertheless, I believe
that the situation as is the present one, that of a total
polarization, could last much longer. The evident straits in
Kosova could explode in a very violent crisis, if not today, then
in the coming years, if nothing is undertaken. On the other hand,
my impression is that the international public is totally
disheartened in this aspect.

KOHA: Serbs tend to consider the Greeks as natural and historical

allies. They have even suggested the creation of a Serb-Greek
Confederation...

VEREMIS: Maybe Mr. Milosevic has his reasons to suggest this,

without any doubt... Personally, I believe that such a thing is
far from reality in the world of these inter-state relations. The

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truth is that a state as isolated as Serbia, needs an extra-
cultivation of good relations with neighboring countries. And,
in the case of Greece it is true that it never fought against
Serbia in its history, which can't be said for Bulgaria and
Turkey. It even was Serbia's ally during four wars: the Balkans
wars and World wars as well. Even though it can't be denied that
there were tense periods between these two countries, especially
after war and the installation of Yugoslav Communism. The idea
that Greece and Serbia represent historical allies has no strong
support in facts.

Thus, the Communist regime caused great frictions between Greece

and Serbia, ie., then Yugoslavia, which reached their culmination
with the creation of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia in 1944
- because of the irredentist requests within the Constitution of
Macedonia (ASNOM documents - 1944), whose preamble states clearly
that the newly created state is not satisfied with its size, and
that it also aspired Greek and Bulgarian territories. If to this
we add the problems Greece had during civil (anti-Communist) war,
as well as the annexation of the Greek Macedonia by Bulgaria,
applied under the "unification of the Macedonian" principle (an
invention of the Comintern during 1923, more precisely of
Koplarov, the Secretary General of the Communist party of
Bulgaria) under the tutorship of Bulgaria - then I believe that
the Greek posture towards Macedonia, as a permanent territorial
threat, should be comprehended to a certain extent. The Greek-
Macedonian problem, or rather Greek-Yugoslav problem which
started with the end of World war II had its tides, depending on
the relationships between Belgrade and Moscow.

KOHA: However, the fall of the Communist bloc doesn't seem to

have changed much the Greek postures towards the Northern
neighbors?

VEREMIS: True. The xenophobic attitude that Greece kept after the
ruin of Yugoslavia is a political mistake, because we have a
totally different situation now. Nevertheless, it can't be said
that inside FYROM there are no political groups which openly
aspire towards the Greek northern territories. But, I believe
that despite the fact that VMRO's and Georgijevski's dreams could
be irredentist; and even if there were plans for the unification
of the three Macedonias - it is a waste of time to think that
something of the kind is feasible. FYROM has no real
possibilities for that, it is a small state and lacks force. This
is the reality, but it is nevertheless threatening and
destabilizing. There is no doubt that the "patriotic" politics
of Samaras has negatively influenced the situation. It seems as
if in the case of Macedonia, he has found the space to promote
himself as a politician and patriot, which was a dangerous game,
because the sufferings and painful memories of war are still

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fresh in the minds of the Greeks. I don't believe that Greece is
not to blame for the increase of nationalism on both sides, but
the truth is that Gligorov's government continues propagating
FYROM as the continuance of the ancient Macedonia of Alexander
the Great, and this doesn't give much hope. Greece understands
this tendency only as a continuation of the irredentist
tendencies of Shkup's actual political circles. I don't know why
Gligorov does this. All of this makes no sense to me. Such
postures must be declined as soon as possible.

KOHA: Do you think that the existence of such a state is in

Greece's interest?

VEREMIS: Absolutely. Greece is deeply concerned about the

stability of FYROM. Greece wants this state to exist, because the
disintegration of this state would cause new difficulties, by all
means. I believe that Athens would encourage the existence of a
state on the territory of FYROM. And, if really its population
believes they are Macedonians, then there is nothing wrong about
it - even though it would be necessary to determine what kind of
Macedonians they refer to. Because, if it is claimed that the
population in FYROM represents the state of the "only Macedonians
in the world", then this would automatically gain irredentist
attributes and territorial aspirations towards the territories
called "Macedonia" in Greece and Bulgaria. If consensus is
reached about the name of FYROM with the necessary suffix:
Macedonia of Shkup (Skopje), Vardar Macedonia - then we would
approach a logical solution. Greeks don't take the name
"Macedonians" as an ethnicity, but only a geographical term. The
Bulgarians share this opinion. Apart from the Slavic-Macedonians
who insist on their principle that "Macedonia" implies an ethnic
group. Finally, according to Gligorov, Macedonia is an ethnic
state of Macedonians, which automatically excludes the existence
of the Albanian minority-majority, of Vlahs, Turks, etc.

KOHA: Which would be the Greek minimum to recognize FYROM?

VEREMIS: Giving up on irredentist aspirations. Even though such

a state would be too weak to harm Greece, nevertheless the
"nomination" insisted on by Shkup represents a threat in the
future.

KOHA: Shkup says the same thing, that Greece represents a

constant threat to the territorial integrity of FYROM?

VEREMIS: Great foolishness. There are no political parties nor

institutions in Greece that would insist on such a thing. On the
contrary, what is actual today in the Greek political scene in
relation to FYROM is the engagement in rationally overcoming the
created situation. The confusion in the minds of people in Shkupi

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(but also in the West) started with the Greek saying that
"Macedonia is part of Greece", which made the Greeks take for
granted the historical and cultural rights on the name and the
existence of the Macedonian region within Greece. I believe that
FYROM has no right to use this term and thus name their own
state. Greeks don't consider FYROM's territory to be what they
know as Macedonia, therefore, they have no aspirations on it.

KOHA: Improvements on the Greek-Albanian horizon?

VEREMIS: In the case of Albania, the situation is quite

different, at least in the aspect of the mutual existence of
national minorities. It can't be denied that Greeks showed
certain aspirations for a part of Albanian territory they called
Northern Epirus. In the past years too, similar ultranationalist
tirades of the kind could be heard by "super-patriots" of
Samaras' type.

In respect to the Greek minority in Albania, I must say that the

largest part has fled Albania and is now living in Greece. I
can't deny that the past years represented a difficult period,
which I hope is experiencing its end right now, thanks to the
improvement of Athens' postures. The deterioration of the
relations of Athens with Tirana and Shkup respectively,
threatened to isolate Greece. I believe that our Foundation has
had an important role in the evident improvement of the relations
between Greece and Albania. We often travelled to Albania, we
held many meetings and we managed to establish the Center for
International Affairs in Tirana, which was a combined effort of
our Foundation, the Albanians and Italians.

KOHA: It seems that Papulias has started a new period of

diplomatic activity of Greece. We witnessed his visit to Teheran,
Belgrade...

VEREMIS: I believe that Papulias took the right step towards the
improvement of the Greek image today. I consider him a successful
person, differing from Samaras who was a real diplomatic
catastrophe. Originating from a Greek family from Albania -
Papulias has great consideration for the Greek-Albanian
relations. His posture that any deterioration of relations in
this area would first harm the Greeks in Albania, was completely
right. I believe that we are witnessing a valuable improvement
of our relations with Albanians.

KOHA: How do you see Kosova at the end of this visit?

VEREMIS: I have to say that I leave Kosova with less optimism

than the one I had before coming. Here, we are not only referring
to the preservation and cultivation of human rights. I believe

- 20 -
it is a much more serious problem. And not only in Kosova, but
also for Albanians in FYROM. Before coming to Kosova I tended to
believe that a more careful attitude of Belgrade authorities
would change the situation positively. I am not very optimistic
about this any more. After talking to both sides, the impression
I got is that not many things can be done. I believe that the
question of Kosova has entered a dead-end. On the other hand,
Belgrade insists on restricted autonomy, while Albanians, as far
as I was told, claim that autonomy is something that belongs to
the past... I can't give any prognosis or proposal about Kosova.
I only hope that the tension between the government and the
Albanians will not get tragic dimensions.

MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS ON THE BALANCE

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

Within only two weeks, the two most important Macedonian parties,
which along with the Albanian ones comprise the colors of the
political spectre in Macedonia, held their congresses in Shkup
and Kërçovë respectively. The results of these congresses prove
that this spectre will not change ostensibly in the next four
years. The second Congress of the Social-Democratic League of
Macedonia, the party holding 50% of Parliament seats (60 out of
120) and half of ministerial positions, was celebrated as
expected - without any major problems, excluding small fractions
which, for the time being, don't endanger the unity of the party.

The chairmanship of the party was again confided to Branko

Crvenkovski, who is at the same time Premier of Macedonia. The
truth is that he was the only candidate, but he was elected in
unison. The only problem appeared when three vice-chairmen were
being elected of possible four candidates. Two vice-chairmen were
elected easily, while the third one, to be decided between MP
Mitreva and the Editor in Chief of the Party's organ,
"Demokratija", Erol Hajretin, became a serious problem whose
solution was postponed. If this problem is excluded, then it can
be said that the SDLM, after the electoral triumph, assisted by
the opposition itself, can be satisfied with the gathered
"capital".

Differing from this congress, the second congress of the biggest

opposition party VMRO-DPMNE suffered many stressing moments. This
fact is illustrated by the close-down of the congress room for
journalists when the Statute and Program Resolution were
discussed.

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In his report about the activities of the party between two
congresses, Lupco Georgijevski stated that none of the political
parties in Macedonia has managed to accomplish its aims as much
as VMRO has (mentioning the Army and the currency), and at the
same time he praised the activity of his MPs in the old
parliament. But, he didn't forget the mistakes and errors, which,
according to him, were very serious. The main mistake in his
opinion is letting go the chances to takeover the power, first
in 1990 (winner of the first parliamentarian elections), and
secondly, in 1992 after the resignation of the experts'
government. For the first time, the leader of this party admitted
that his party can't gain power on its own. On this occasion he
also proclaimed the pre-electoral campaign, expressing the wish
for anticipated elections, which according to him, will be the
aim of his party in the period to come. This is why VMRO will
create a coalition with other opposition parties, so the errors
of the last elections are not repeated. Georgijevski hopes that
the anticipated elections will take place after the local
elections, in which, it is known, this and the other opposition
parties, especially Gosev's Democratic Party, have great hopes
in victory. This is why the Chairman of VMRO promoted the new
strategy which is comprised of learning from the committed
mistakes, as well as "political pragmatism to get the power".

He was not specific about his "pragmatism", however, referring

to the lost chance to gain power, he says: "We created the image
of the party which doesn't want to get mixed with the former
Communists and Albanian extremist parties, and we lost the
feeling for pragmatism and the chance to appoint the government".

Even though it may seem absurd to have a unexpected change in the

political mosaic created after the elections, nevertheless, last
year there were rumors about the possible coalition between VMRO
and the Liberals. Apart from this, these two parties are partners
in the Shkupi's town parliament, which, as it is known, comprises
one third of the total population of Macedonia. It is interesting
that VMRO's Chairman, who is without any doubt the head of this
party, shows special attention towards the "minorities" and for
the first time accepts their importance in the division of power,
i.e., accepts the importance of their votes as a significant
factor.

Both Georgijevski and his party are preparing to take over the
government, and this is proven with the way the chairman was
elected. Since Georgijevski was the only candidate, there was a
suggestion to elect him by acclamation, which he refused, thus
proving that VMRO is "maturing". The secret voting proved that
Georgijevski was the undisputable leader of his party, getting
195 out 207 votes, 10 voting against and one abstention.
The next months will prove which of the leaders will be luckier

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after the congresses: Crvenkovski, who must just preserve what
he already won or Georgijevski who is determined to have new
elections in Macedonia. But, their (non) success will depend on
others, too. It will not be surprise if the Albanians, again,
determine the side the balance will incline.

MONTENEGRO

TOPONYMY AND POLITICS

by NAIL DRAGA / Ulqin

As in other parts of the Albanian ethnic-cultural space, toponyms

suffered stressed deformations in Montenegro too. It would be a
real miracle to have had these areas excluded. It is well known
historically, that after the occupation of the determined
territories, colonizers have influenced the change of the
onomastic vocabulary of the area. It is also known that the
change of toponyms was done in different ways: through
adaptation, translation and even their total change. In many
cases there were doublets, which, even though totally
unnecessary, now prove a determined period.

The ethnic Albanians space has many concrete cases, from the
ancient times and up to now. With the sole fact that the Albanian
people, during different epochs, faced different cultures, the
opinion that they have also left a trace on the toponyms is very
much grounded.

There are enough proofs which prove that the influence of the
Slavs in the toponymy was much bigger than that of the others.
They also had the habit of deforming or modify the toponyms
according to their lingual structure. Even though such a
phenomenon appeared in Medieval time, it became dominant in 19th
century and continues even today. Even toponyms started being
used for political purposes. In Montenegro too, after the
annexation of territories, the Montenegrin administration made
the censuses of population and localities. Acting pursuant to the
Serb model, they did it in a very organized way, especially after
1912/13, when Montenegro expanded its territory. Thus starting
from the registers offices, the cadastre, toponyms and micro-
toponyms were evidenced and written only in the Slavic variety.

This was a premeditated action, using the toponyms, to accomplish

hegemony and aiming at assimilation. Thus, after 1912, Albanian
areas which remained outside the political borders of Albania,
started changing their physiognomy. The sole fact that the
Albanian language has never been treated as an official language,

- 23 -
is a strong argument to understand why toponyms were never
written correctly, in their original way.

There is no extensive study which would describe the situation

with Albanian toponyms, however, on this occasion, we will
present only some of the toponyms which prove the violence of the
statal administration.

Two typical example are Nokshiq and Katërkollë. Nokshiq, as a

location in Plavë municipality, is known under that name by the
Albanian population. However, the Serbian administration took
care of changing its physiognomy by making a small modification:
it replaced letter "k" with letter "v", and Montenegrins started
calling it Novsice. In this concrete case Noka became Nova! This
act, not only changed the toponym by force, but at the same time
lost the national identity of the person who established the
place. It is well known that the founder of the village was Noka,
who belonged to the Kelmend tribe. Only the ones who belong to
this area know the original name of the place. Even though
Nokshiq today, due to emigration, has no more Albanians living
in it (the last one died in 1989), it will serve as the typical
example if the modification of an Albanian toponym by the state
administration.

On the other hand, Katërkollë was also changed, but not according
to the same methodology. The state administration named
Katërkollë totally differently, and called it Vladimir. For a
long time, the original term was totally ignored. Recently, the
Albanian version started being used, but this issue is not yet
solved with the statute of the municipality. It is now an
artificial doublet and it has to be used as such: Katërkollë-
Vladimir.

The influence of the state administration, was evident at a

larger scale especially in micro-toponymy, because there are very
few cases in which they are written in their original form.
Authentic proof are the cadaster and topographic maps. For
example in Malësia e Plavës and in Guci: Bjeshka e Keqe is
Beskeca, Lugu i Kuq is Lubo Kuc, Kukaj is Kukice, Hakaj is
Hakanje/Akanje, Pepaj is Pepice. In Rozhajë (Rozaje): Peshkaj is
Peskovice, Dacaj - Dacice, Plunca is Pljunce. In Malësi e Madhe:
Narhelm is Podhum, Trijesh is Zatrijebacka, Spi is Spinje,
Këshevë is Krsevo. In Krajë: Bobosht is Boboviste, Lijara is
Livar, Gjuraç is Djuravce, Kështenja is Kostanica, Skje is Ckla,
Vau i Fikut is Smokvica. In Ana e Malit and Ulqin: Milla is Mide,
Dragina is Draginje, Hija e Korbit is Vranje Gnezdo, Mali i
Shasit - Saska Planina, Shëngjergji is Sveti Djordje, Suka e
madhe is Suka mala, etc.

These were only some examples from the long list of toponyms in

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Albanian areas in Montenegro, which directly prove the arbitrary
application of Serbian names. The examples showed that some of
the names were modified, adapted, changed or translated. We still
find them in practice. We will be able to speak of qualitative
changes only when Albanian becomes an official language in
Albanian areas in Montenegro, without impositions and dictates
from above.

- 25 -
APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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