Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Gumprez (2008) Studying Language Culture and Society Sociolinguistics or Linguistic Anthropology
Gumprez (2008) Studying Language Culture and Society Sociolinguistics or Linguistic Anthropology
INTRODUCTION
As the papers in this issue show, the study of language, culture, and society has,
and always will have, multiple disciplinary roots. In this commentary, we argue
that what we may now regard as two traditions, sociolinguistics and linguistic
anthropology, are in fact historically interrelated approaches. This raises the
question as to whether we should really draw a distinction between the two at
all.
We begin by considering why sociolinguistics, as a field of enquiry, came
to be seen as separate from the broader fields of anthropological linguistics
and formal linguistics. As Dell Hymes (1972: 35) comments in Directions in
Sociolinguistics (Gumperz and Hymes 1972), to claim that sociolinguistics is a
distinct field is to suggest that there are both problems and types of linguistic
data that have not been studied before. Hymess statement, published at the
beginning of the 1970s, argues that staking out a newly designated disciplinary
emphasis does not mean that linguistics is theoretically lacking, but rather that
there are problem areas and sets of issues that previous methods of analysis
overlooked. While linguistic anthropology can trace its origins back nearly
a century, owing its pedigree to the much earlier anthropological linguistics
and fieldwork traditions, sociolinguistics can be seen as a recent development
with a relatively short history and what is more, one that is a lived history
for many of us still working in the field, with all the individual variations
of emphasis that this implies. Let us therefore start with a personal account,
originally presented at the 2006 Sociolinguistics Symposium meeting, where
most of the papers in this special issue were first presented, to place some of the
intellectual issues in context. We then go on to unravel the strands that influenced
the development of sociolinguistics and to explore the long-term history of
the relationship between sociolinguistics and what we now call linguistic
anthropology.
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK, and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA
533
534
Despite their differences, these areas of research shared a theoretical view of the
local community as the site of language use and a methodological commitment
to using fieldwork as the best way to obtain information about such language
use.
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
535
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
536
537
538
539
linguistic anthropology has engaged with the critical theory that has helped
reshape sociology and its involvement with contemporary societal and political
issues. From the wide range of these new studies, we briefly mention two themes:
the emphasis on identity rather than community as the focus of sociolinguistic
analysis and the concern with the political dimension of language in social
life.
540
From this perspective, speech styles become aspects of the social in which ways
of talking can represent an individuals self-presentation (Gumperz and CookGumperz 2007). Stemming from such insights, the analysis of speech styles
has recently again become central to sociolinguistic investigation (Eckert and
Rickford 2001). This issue first arose in the post-war era when sociolinguists
became attuned to the role of social-class hierarchies in shaping linguistic
prestige and power (Labov 1972), but in the current context, style is viewed
not as a sign of structural constraint on the speaker but as a resource for
self-positioning.
541
guise. Susan Gal and Judith Irvine (2000) make this point in commenting on the
nineteenth-century linguistic descriptions that determined language boundaries
in West Africa and Central Europe. They argue that linguistic ideology, not
language practice as such, was the major factor in the original descriptions by
which the colonial administrators and European linguists understood regional
distinctions:
Each language . . . was represented in an impoverished way to differentiate it from
the other and to accord with an ideology about its essence. At the same time, regional
varieties that seemed to overlap were ignored. . . . The same notions of language purity
that led nineteenth-century linguists to ignore mixed varieties, multilingualism, and
expressions they could attribute to linguistic borrowing also discouraged research
on African regional dialectology. Once a variety had been declared to belong to
the same language as another already-described variety, there was no reason to
investigate it, unless its speakers stubbornly refused to speak anything else. (Gal and
Irvine 2000: 5657)
In short, once the ideological principle emerged that a standard language was
spoken by a people living and speaking within a territorial area which was
viewed as a single nation this principle became entrenched within Western
(colonial) language history. And the story is one that was repeated around
the global from Africa to the South Asian and East Asian subcontinents,
and that continues to be an important factor in language policies and
politics.
Early sociolinguistic researchers addressed the question of linguistic diversity
in a rather different but no less problematic way. As we noted above, these
scholars had advanced the notion of linguistic repertoires to explain the
pervasive plurilingualism they discovered in their empirical research and to
account for the totality of verbal resources available to members of speech
communities (Gumperz 1971). Repertoires are usually defined as systems of
functionally differentiated, partially overlapping speech varieties, such as social
and geographical dialects, registers and styles, and trade and professional
languages, each with its own grammatical characteristics; the assumption was
that speakers choose among these. However, as Gal and Irvine suggest, the
very concept of speech community reflects the 1960s sociological thinking that
highlighted a view of social order as integrative. The notion of repertoire simply
subdivided a larger bounded unit into smaller ones, without challenging the
thinking on which this division rests; speech communities continued to be seen
as bounded, internally integrated units. In this way, any difference could be
treated as positive and nondivisive.
All of this rethinking of traditional sociolinguistic concepts and assumptions
has led to a radical change in how to understand the internal diversification of
todays nation-states and the competing forces in urban environments. Social,
political, and technological changes have resulted in a new alignment between
sociolinguists and linguistic anthropologists exploring language ideologies.
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
542
Kathryn Woolards article in this issue, for example, argues for the necessity of
using the linguistic-anthropological concept of language ideologies to account for
fundamental processes of language change within variationist sociolinguistics.
Such connections and there are many others in the papers in this special issue
point to the value of collaborative work in shedding light on the complex
phenomena of late modern societies.
CONCLUSION
In this commentary, we have argued that the fields of linguistic anthropology and
sociolinguistics have come together again thanks to a new critical awareness of
the possibilities that research on language and culture can offer for contemporary
issues, much as in early sociolinguistics a new approach grew out of an
urgency necessitated by social changes. Such a critical stance is especially
appropriate in reconsidering the new issues of language politics and postcolonial
language, now seen as part of a changing urban sense of personal identity
and belonging. However, this viewpoint does not always assure an alignment
between researchers, their publics, and governmental policymakers and funding
sources. In todays political and administrative climate, governmental and
private funding and channeling of research interests is more likely to be directed
to immediate solutions of pressing problems, not to the shaping or directing of
long-term intellectual agendas. The concerned public now forms a vocal and
critical part of any research on language issues. Researchers are no longer the
experts courted by non-specialist outsiders but can easily be seen as just another
interested party.
Issues like these are vividly illustrated by Charles Briggs and Clara MantiniBriggs (2000) in their study of the cholera epidemic in Venezuela and the
repercussions of the governments response for local populations, from which
both political and sociolinguistic insights can be gained. Similarly, Diana Eades
(1992) shows how a sociolinguistic understanding of communicative practices
makes aboriginal populations both more aware of how to make their political
case and yet more open to manipulation and persuasion by others. These ethical
dilemmas arise as sociolinguists begin to ask questions about whose language
and whose concerns are really being addressed in sociolinguistic research. Nor
are these issues easy to resolve, as Jan Blommaert and Jef Verschueren (1998)
point out, noting that the researcher, by reflexively becoming part of the research,
is also implicated in any debates and disagreements that follow. In other words,
sociolinguists and linguistic anthropologists who seek to engage in the complex
politics of language in social life, willing or not, are likely to find themselves either
in the role of public intellectuals or public scapegoats.
Nevertheless, these positions of intellectual responsibility are an important
consequence of the theoretical shift that has brought sociolinguistics and
linguistic anthropology back into alignment. As the fields continue to
develop in tandem, their continued confrontation of such challenges is an
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
543
NOTE
1. Our thanks to Mary Bucholtz for helpful editorial suggestions.
REFERENCES
Bauman, Richard and Joel Sherzer (eds.). 1974. Explorations in the Ethnography of
Speaking. Cambridge, U.K./New York: Cambridge University Press.
Beck, Ulrich, Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash. 1994. Reflexive Modernization: Politics,
Traditions and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Stanford, California: Stanford
University Press.
Bernstein, Basil. 1972. A sociolinguistic approach to socialization with some reference
to educability. In John J. Gumperz and Dell Hymes (eds.) Directions in Sociolinguistics.
New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston. 465497.
Blommaert, Jan and Jef Verschueren. 1998. Debating Diversity: Analysing the Discourse
of Tolerance. London/New York: Routledge.
Briggs, Charles and Clara Mantini-Briggs. 2000. Stories in the Time of Cholera. Berkeley,
California/London: University of California Press.
Cameron, Deborah. 1992. Feminism and Linguistic Theory. New York: St. Martins
Press.
Cazden, Courtney, Vera John and Dell Hymes. 1972. Functions of Language in the
Classroom. New York: Teachers College Press.
Duranti, Alessandro. 1994. From Grammar to Politics. Berkeley, California: University
of California Press.
Eades, Diana. 1992. Aboriginal English and the Law. Brisbane, Australia: Queensland
Law Society.
Eckert, Penelope. 2000. Linguistic Variation as Social Practice. Oxford, U.K./Malden,
Massachusetts: Blackwell.
Eckert, Penelope and John R. Rickford (eds.). 2001. Style and Sociolinguistic Variation.
Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
Ferguson, Charles and John J. Gumperz. 1960. Linguistic diversity: Studies in regional,
social and functional variation. Special issue of the International Journal of American
Linguistics 26(3).
Fishman, Joshua. 1970. Sociolinguistics: A Brief Introduction. Rowley, Massachusetts:
Newbury House.
Gal, Susan and Judith T. Irvine. 2000. Language ideology and linguistic differentiation.
In Paul V. Kroskrity (ed.) Regimes of Language: Ideologies, Polities and Identities. Santa
Fe, New Mexico: School for American Research Press. 3583.
Gauchat, Louis. 1905. Lunite phonetique dans le patois dune commune. In Festschrift
Heinrich Morf: Aus Romanischen Sprachen und Literaturen. Halle, Germany: Max
Niemeyer. 175232.
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
544
Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and Self Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern
Age. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.
Giglioli, Pier Paolo (ed.). 1972. Language and Social Context: Selected Readings.
Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin.
Gumperz, John J. 1971. Language and Social Groups. Stanford, California: Stanford
University Press.
Gumperz, John J. 1982. Discourse Strategies. Cambridge, U.K./New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Gumperz, John J. 2001. Interactional sociolinguistics: A personal perspective. In
Deborah Schiffrin, Deborah Tannen and Heidi Hamilton (eds.) The Handbook of
Discourse Analysis. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell. 215228.
Gumperz, John J. and Jenny Cook-Gumperz. 2007. Style and identity in interactional
sociolinguistics. In Peter Auer (ed.) Style and Social Identities: Alternative Approaches
to Linguistic Heterogeneity. Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. 477498.
Gumperz, John J. and Dell Hymes (eds.). 1964. The ethnography of communication.
Special issue of American Anthropologist 66(6), part 2.
Gumperz, John J. and Dell H. Hymes (eds.). 1972. Directions in Sociolinguistics: The
Ethnography of Communication. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Hymes, Dell H. 1964. Toward ethnographies of communication: Analysis of
communicative events. American Anthropologist 66(6): 1225.
Hymes, Dell H. 1972. Models of the interaction of language and social life. In John J.
Gumperz and Dell H. Hymes (eds.) Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of
Communication. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 3571.
Hymes, Dell H. 1981. In Vain I Tried to Tell You: Essays in Native American Ethnopoetics.
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Irvine, Judith. 2001. Style as distinctiveness: The culture and ideology of linguistic
differentiation. In Penelope Eckert and John R. Rickford (eds.) Style and Sociolinguistic
Variation. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. 2143.
Jakobson, Roman. 1960. Concluding statement: Linguistics and poetics. In Thomas
Sebeok (ed.) Style in Language. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. 350377.
Judt, Tony. 2005. Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945. London/New York: Penguin.
Labov, William. 1963. The social motivation of a sound change. Word 19:
273309.
Labov, William. 1966. The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Washington,
DC: Center for Applied Linguistics.
Labov, William. 1972. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: University
of Pennsylvania Press.
Milroy, James. 2000. Historical description and the ideology of standard language.
In Laura Wright (ed.) The Development of Standard English, 13001800: Theories,
Descriptions, Conflicts. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. 1128.
Murray, Stephen O. 1998. American Sociolinguistics: Theorists and Theory Groups.
Amsterdam, The Netherlands/Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: John Benjamins.
Nida, Eugene. 1975. Language Structure and Translation: Essays of Eugene Nida. Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press.
Pike, Kenneth. 1971 [1947]. Phonemics: A Technique for Reducing Language to Writing.
Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press.
Pride, John and Janet Holmes. 1972. Sociolinguistics: Selected Readings.
Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin.
Weinreich, Uriel. 1953. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. The Hague, The
Netherlands: Mouton.
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation
545
C The authors 2008
C Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008
Journal compilation