THE MODERN SOCIOCULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JORDANIAN BEDOUIN TENT Mahmoud Na’amneh, Mohammed Shunnagq and Aysegul Tasbasi Abstract This paper seeks primarily to investigate the spatial features of the Bedouin tent (known as bay al-sha‘r) and their sociocultural implications among the Huwaitat Bedouin community in southern Jordan, It employs an anthro-architectural framework of analysis, and demonstrates that the relationship between the physical and sociocultural realms is highly dynamic and intertwined. The tent is conceived of as more than a place but rather a social arena where social values and norms are constantly produced and reproduced. Furthermore, the paper examines some of the major transformations, particularly in terms of structure and function, that the tent has lately undergone. Keywords: Jordan, Bedouin, tent, spatial-social, national signifier Introduction The study of Bedouin communities in the Middle East has over the years drawn the attention of many scholars and researchers. However, to be or to become Bedouin seems to mean different things for different people, as well as for scholars. Several scholars (Abu-Lughod 1988; Alon 2005; Bocco 2006; Cole 2003; Eickelman 1998; Lancaster and Lancaster 1998; Lavie 1990; Tapper 1997), have examined how both the applications and implications of the term ‘Bedouin’ are used broadly and loosely. This new body of scholarship introduces new tools and frameworks for studying nomadic communities in modern nation states. As William and Fidelity Lancaster note, ‘the common equation of “nomad = pastoralist = tribal” comes from a confusion of categories and does not stand up to scrutiny ...; the three factors of movement, economic pursuit and socio- political system may coincide, but equally they may not ~ and they do not in the Arab World where the term “bedu” complicates the issue further’ (1998: 24). Similarly, Layne (1994) points out that several terms such as ‘tribe’, ‘Bedouin’, ‘nomad’, ‘pastoralist’ and ‘desert Arab’ are often used interchangeably. She adds that in Jordanian nationalist discourse and tourist-directed rhetoric, the ‘Bedouin’ represent the archetypical Arab ‘tribe’ and frequently stand for Arab or Jordanian tribes in general. Within the same context, Bocco (2006) argues that the term ‘bedouin’, in Jordan in particular, once a synonym for pastoral nomad, now indicates a political identity of a tribal nature. NOMADIC PEOPLES Volume 12, Issue 1, 2008: 149-103 doi:10.3167/np.2008.120109 ISSN 0822-7942 (Print), ISSN 1752-2366 (Online)Mahmoud Na‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq and Avsegul Tasbasi Among the main topics which have recently been placed high on scholars’ agenda of interest and research are the sociocultural values and meanings that Bedouins construct and attach to place. In the midst of the major transformations that are taking place in Bedouin communities in response to intensifying waves of sedentarization and modernization, Bedouins find it necessary to maintain social and economic balances between the modern and traditional lifestyles. The Bedouin tent lies at the heart of the Bedouin lifestyle. Indeed, it is more than a simple shelter and place to sleep or meet guests. It is a whole sphere where sociocultural values are constantly produced and reproduced. As will be shown in this paper, the physical features of the tent reflect many aspects of the Bedouin socioeconomic realms and reveal many elements of the Bedouin culture in general. Rethinking Place Anthropology has always been interested in the concepts of space and place interrelationships. Terms such as ‘space’, ‘place’ and ‘landscape’ denote a spatial praxis in an ongoing process, rather than fixed and static objects. In the anthropological literature, a distinction is usually made between space (physical space) and place (social construction). However, anthropologists have recently become much preoccupied with the ‘placelessness’ of culture. The global circulation of capital, people, ideas, commodities and technologies has greatly contributed to questioning the taken-for-granted spatial narratives and arrangements. Cultures are no longer conceived of as bounded and closed entities. Thus, conventional dichotomies of ‘inside vs. outside’, ‘here vs. the! ‘centre vs. periphery’ and ‘near vs. far away’ have lost much of their validity and credibility. As Gupta and Ferguson note, ‘we must turn away from the commonsense idea that such things as locality and community are simply given or natural and turn toward a focus on social and political process of place making” (1997: 6). Within the same context, Lefebvre (1991) argues that space is neither subject nor an object, but rather a social reality (a set of relations and forms) or a complex social product based on values and the social production of meanings. He also notes that there are different levels of space, from very abstract, crude, natural space to more complex spatialities (social space). Moreover, Turton (2004) demonstrates how people experience place and how it becomes inextricably bound up with their social and personal identity. He adds that place should be treated as a product of social activity rather than a product upon which social activity is carried out. Conventional meanings attributed to place have undergone major transformations. This implies that perceptions of place are discursively and historically constructed and that their representation is always understood in relation to cultural codes. To study spatial arrangements and architectural forms, 150 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE 1Sociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent it is essential to explore cultural values. Spatial arrangements make important symbolic statements about social groupings and social relationships. On the other hand, the ways in which people use social space reflect their social relationships and collective identity. Thus, space is not merely an arena in which social life unfolds but a medium through which social life is produced and reproduced. Architectural anthropology is an anthropological research of building activities and processes of construction that produce human settlements, dwellings and built environments. It primarily examines the reciprocal nature of the relationship between architecture and culture. In this regard, it investigates how people imbued with cultural significance at all levels (material, symbolic, social) shape buildings while being in turn shaped by them. It can be argued that research in the area of architectural anthropology has usually been done exclusively by architects rather than anthropologists, and the main focus is on the building form. Though anthropologists have traditionally studied many different cultural products, they have not shown adequate interest in residential buildings in different cultures. The study by Andrews (1999) in Central Asia represents one of the interesting attempts made by anthropologists to study nomadic dwellings. In this work, Andrews traces chronologically the development of the tent through analysing different models of the tent culture such as the Mughals, Turks and Mongols. Culture and Place Making The relationship between culture and place is dynamic and reflexive. Each of them shapes, and is shaped by, the other. Soja points out that space has been misrecognized by contemporary social theory as it does not emphasize enough ‘the deeper social origins of spatiality, its problematic production and reproduction, its contextualization of politics, power, and ideology’ (1989: 124). On the other hand, Bourdieu examines the special importance of the house in the reproduction of ‘habitus’, which can be defined as a system of distinction (lasting, acquired schemes of perception, thought and action). As he notes in describing the Kabyle house of Algeria, ‘inhabited space — and above all the house — is the principal locus for the objectification of the generative schemes’ (1977: 89). Similarly, Rapoport (1969, 1977) relates home and community design to cultural factors and argues that housing and community design are a complex result of many factors: cultural, physical, economic and religious. He rejects a single variable causation approach, but indicates that cultural variables are central, and that physical factors such as climate and available technology are modifiers of cultural influences. Social life and its social space are seen as dialectical; each accommodates and recreates the other. For instance, Rapaport (1969) describes how sex roles are reflected in home designs of Tuareg nomads NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE! ISIMahmoud Na ‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq and Aysegul Tasbasi of northern Africa. The entry to their tent is on the south, with men located on the cast and women on the west. In socictics with extended kinship systems, people in the same kin group often live under the same roof or in separate but proximate quarters. Research Site The main subject of this paper is the Bedouin black tent, which is an indispensable part of the Arabic and Jordanian culture. Ethnographic data presented throughout the paper were collected through carrying out fieldwork research among some Bedouin communities, particularly the Huwairar tribe, in Jordan’s southern regions of Wadi Rum! and Petra. There is little information written on the Huwaitat tribe to date. The tribe and its subsections constitute a large segment of the Bedouin population of Jordan (almost 70 per cent) and its existence extends to neighbouring countries such as Palestine, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The tribe claims descent both from the Prophet Mohammed and from the Nabataeans who built Petra. Its members were among the first people who welcomed and actively supported the Arab Army, under the leadership of Sharif Hussein, and enlisted in its ranks. It should be mentioned that the Hiwairar, like other tribes in Jordan, have given up many aspects of their nomadic ways of life during the last decades, and have adopted many aspects of the modern lifestyle. In this regard, Bocco (2006) demonstrates that sedentarization policies in Jordan passed through different stages and continued from the Mandate period up to the 1970s. The nature and scope of these policies were largely shaped by interconnected local, regional and international socioeconomic and political circumstances. Nonetheless, one could state that Bedouin culture still survives in Jordan, and that there is a growing appreciation of its values and fragility. Alon (2005) points out that despite the process of state formation and modernization which had been launched in Jordan, tribal identities had not disappeared. Tribes remained important social and cultural categories, and have adapted to new realities and transformed in the face of them. Tribal identities and loyalties continue to play a major role in Jordanian politics. Today, the Huwaitat’s economy is based on multiple resources, with various combinations of wage labour, army pension, livestock herdin; in addition to some tourism-related activities. Bocco,? who studied the Huwaitat tribe, argues that the mixed economy, which combines pastoralism, agriculture, trade and wage labour, has always been a common aspect of tribal lifestyles. He adds that camel- herding Bedouin communities were never exclusively pastoralists but relied on a multi-resource economy, The so-called ‘desert tourism’ has recently become a major source of income for many Bedouins of Wadi Rum area, which is considered one of the main tourist 182 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12. ISSUE 1Sociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent attractions in southern Jordan. Following the fast pace of tourism development in Jordan, the number of tourists visiting Wadi Rum rose remarkably. It has been advertised as ‘the Jordanian desert’ inhabited by nomadic Bedouin. From a region where activities related to adventure tourism could be undertaken, Wadi Rum was made into a heritage and folklore site, and finally declared a nature reserve under a World Bank-assisted tourism development plan (Chatelard 2005). Some of the Huwaitat men work as guides for tourists while others run their own tourist camps. The two brothers Awda and Ribhi represent an interesting case study in this regard. They run their own tourist camp in the middle of Wadi Rum. The main part of the camp is a big black tent furnished with cushions and rugs, where tourists can sit and enjoy music and drinks. In addition, the camp includes a dining section and small overnight sleeping tents. The camp provides tourists with a unique opportunity to experience the Bedouin traditions, hospitality and lifestyle through dance, food and the tent. In sum, the tourist experience of Bedouin culture is not considered complete without staying, or at least sitting, in the tent. It should be noted that the way these Bedouin camps and rest houses are designed and arranged, and the ways the Bedouin culture is presented to tourists, conform in various ways to the Orientalist vision Westerners have of the Bedouin. Bedouins are still largely represented as exotic and primitive and unaffected by social change or technological modernity. Such modes of popular representation are usually produced and reinforced by literary, cinematic and pictorial works. Thus, in coming to a Bedouin area, supposedly a desert, the tourist seeks to find and experience a lost paradise unspoiled by Western industrial and technological civilisation. Moreover, the touristic image Bedouins give of their own culture and ident are in line with what tourists expect before coming. This can be clearly noticed in aspects such as dress, food, music, as well as the tent. As Chatelard points out: Most probably, for obvious economic reasons, Bedouin will have to keep submitting to the dominant Orientalist representations of themselves and of the desert to the point of reproducing them. But they will feel they have some degree of control, and they might even have more than a feeling if they discover that Internet is not just a business tool but can be turned into 2 global networking engine. (Ibid.: 36) The Black Tent Scholars interested in studying nomadic cultures and societies have provided us with a detailed description of the black tent (Manderscheid 2001; Raswan 1998). Faegre (1979) assumes that the black tent originated in Mesopotamia, and as it spread it was adapted to fit cach particular environment it entered. NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE1 153Mahmoud Na‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnag and ¢ ul Tasbasi As a dwelling, the black tent is particularly suitable for the desert environment and nomadic lifestyle. As has been argued by many scholars, the black tent of the Middle East is possibly the best-recognized form of nomadic architecture to this day, Bedouins refer to the black tent as (a/-bay) or (bayt al-sha‘r), or house of hair. ‘Bayt represents not only the home, but also the people who inhabit them’ (Layne 1994: 56). The tent is traditionally woven from goats’ hair. Though nowadays the woven strips can be bought, many women still weave their own tents. This material protects them from cold and hot desert air. The goat hair is good insulation and once wet with the first rain, it becomes waterproof as the hair fibres swell and the natural oils help to repel moisture (Keohane 1999). Moreover, Weir (1976) points out that the main components of the tent are the roof, walls, poles and guy ropes. The roof is a rectangular cloth supported in the centre and at the edges on poles and anchored by guy ropes. The tent is normally divided into two sections by a woven curtain (sah), which is suspended from the tent poles. Tents are differentiated by the number of centre poles (wasar) they have, and vary in size according to the size and wealth of the family. A one-poled tent is called gatha, two-poled, faza or wasatayn, three-poled, mthowlath, four-poled, mruba and five-poled, makhumas. Among the Huwaitat tribe, the tents are mostly two- or three-poled. In the same context, Young (1995) argues that the Rashaayda tent is more than just a shelter, It is an organized living space in which a whole series of meaningful distinctions and oppositions are made visible. He also explains how the ground outside is not the same as the ground inside: the right foot is not the same as the left foot: the front of the tent is opposed to its back, and many other oppositions (pure/impure, male/female, east/west) are implied by people's behaviour. In regard to the colour of the tent, the black tent can be considered as an archetype of subversive anti-architecture: its blackness is menacing to Westerners, like the blackness of barbarians or ‘foreigners’. The specified ‘blackness’ of the ‘black tent’ of the Middle East serves to underline the ‘otherness’ of this nomadic tent in Western literature, which apparently assumes. at least in twentieth-century modernist attitudes to architecture, that ‘whiteness’ is superior and progressive. This implies that the generalization of blackness is symbolic of the detachment of Western interest in the black tent. It should be mentioned that Bedouins pay close attention to the choice of the camp and the location of the tent. The factors that determine locations for tent pitching include environment, climate and vegetation, and geography (Lancaster and Lancaster 1991). The size and the direction of the tent, as well as the whole camp, are highly determined by factors such as the weather and natural landscape. This may in turn determine whether the built camp, or tent, is mobile or stationary. For example, to avoid the direct rays of the sun, tents are usually pitched in the east-west line. In addition, the tent is well adapted to desert life in the sense that it can be packed up and moved easily and quickly. In summer time, 1S4 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE 1Sociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent when all that is required is shade from the sun, shelter from any wind and privacy from passers-by, the older, poorer-quality tents will come out of storage. Many are patched with cardboard boxes, bits of sacking or sheets of wood or metal. This means that the better-quality tents are saved for the harsher winter months. Physical Features of the Black Tent Bedouins have two main spheres of everyday life, the public and the private, which should be separated. The physical features of the Bedouin tent reflect these two spheres. The tent is divided into two main sections. The relative size of the two sections depends on the size of the tent and the needs of the inhabitants. The first section is the men’s section (al-shigg or al-mag‘d), where they receive Visitors, entertain guests and meet them; it is usually left open during the day. The focal point of the men’s section is the fireplace. The various utensils used for making tea and coffee, such as coffee pots (dill /, sing.: dalla), an enamel jug (ibrig) for coffee grounds, a kettle for tea, glasses, coffee cups, tongs for tending the fire, and a tripod are usually kept around the fireplace, The rugs and mattresses are brought from the women’s section where they are stored, and laid out on the three sides of the men’s section, and cushions are piled up at intervals for guests to recline on. The other section is the women’s section (al-mahram), where they prepare food, take care of children and entertain their friends. It is usually kept closed when any strangers are likely to be around. This section is also where the whole family sleeps. Most of the utensils, bedding, food, cooking pots and personal belongings of the family are kept in the women’s section. The bedding rugs (mafrash and bis 1), mattresses (fr sh or jan by) and quilts (Jih _f) are usually stacked up in a pile against the dividing wall of the tent In Canter’s theory, places are defined as a combination of their physical characteristics, the activities performed and the significance (meanings) that places have for people. In Canter’s words, ‘a place is the result of relationships between actions, conceptions and physical attributes’ (1977: 158). The physical features of the tent can be summarized according to Canter’s model of place, as shown in Figure |. Sociocultural Values and Meanings The above-mentioned physical features of the tent reflect in various ways the Bedouin sociocultural system. Among the social meanings revealed by the tent are the following: privacy, gender relations, the tent as a national significr. NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE] — 155Mahmoud Na ‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnag and Aysegul Tasbasi Male Section Female Section Physical Characteristics ie place Bahia te ean of the Tent Bi ma & food . Coffee preparation Preparation: Activities of tent ‘Weldérning guess ~ Sleeping ~ Bathing Child care 5 Public space ~ Private space canes Social imeraction Domesticity Figure 1: Schema of the Tent Privacy Archea (1977) argues that we should examine the properties of physical settings in order to fully understand the concept of privacy. In Bedouin tents, privacy is not an individual-based concept, but a collective one. The curtain protects women from unwanted interaction with men. The curtain is the common physical boundary inside the tent dividing it into two spaces, which are used for separate functions by different genders. This dividing curtain is supposed to control the social contact and interaction between men and women. Moreover, the curtain prevents the free flow of information between men and women, However, the flow of information is unidirectional, from the male side to the female side. According to Altman, ‘privacy is selective control of access to the self or to one’s group’ (1975: 18). In the Bedouin case, it is the latter. Patterns of interaction within the household or tent, and throughout the tribe, are influenced by considerations of age, sex and genealogical relationship. Bedouins live in tents in which physical partitions of space are based on gender and gender-specific acti s. Although some Bedouins no longer live in tents, the spatial organization of their modern houses is still based on gender-related functions. Gender Relations The way the Bedouin tent is divided reflects the social value of male and female. Generally speaking, the Huwaitar tribe, like other tribal communities, is male oriented. As Abu-Lughod (1988) notes, male and female are symbolically opposed in Bedouin thought. The two domains of men and women are to be kept separated. Male and female roles are different but complementary, Women are protected in the code of honour (rid). The honour and reputation of the whole family and tribe depends on women’s honour. Children can move within the tent freely, but girls at the age of adolescence should observe the same rules that apply 156 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12. ISSUE ISociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent to the mature women of the tent. When a male guest comes to the tent, many women have to spend their time in the women’s section, whereas older women can participate in the men’s section for welcoming the guest. Women’s participation in the men’s section depends on the degree of relationship with the visitor and the duration of the visit. Younger women spend less time in the men’s section. Female guests often go directly to the women’s section and spend their time there. In the evening, both women and men share the same place and spend time together in the men’s long as there is no male guest present in the tent. Around the fire, they often discuss local, national as well as international events while listening to music from a battery-powered radio. Except for sleeping together at night, men and women spend very little time together. If there is a guest present in the tent, the husband and wife sleep separately from each other. If the guest is a man, his bed is prepared in the men’s section. Married couples can sleep together if there are no guests in the tent, but because of the lack of privacy, they perform sexual intercourse at night with a minimum of foreplay. The coffee ceremony always takes place in the men’s section. The preparation of coffee is very important for Bedouins as a way of showing their hospitality and generosity to the guests. Bedouins are famous for their hospitality: even at the poorest tent, offering tea or coffee is the first symbol of welcome and hospitality to the guest or guests. Bedouins usually use the saying: ‘he makes coffee from morning until night’, to describe a generous man, and thus coffee becomes a symbol for hospitality, honour and respect. Serving coffee to visitors in the tent is an age-old custom, which has also become a common practice among rural people. Coffee (or gahwa) is often prepared personally by the master of the tent. Along these lines, Layne (1994) states that the fireplace is symbolically associated with manhood The Tent as a National Signifier National identity in Jordan has always been intermingled with other forms of collective identity such as Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism and Tribalism. Thus, local patriotism has competed against other local, regional and transregional identities, whether national, religious or otherwise. The existence of such myriad forms of identification is not peculiar to Jordan; it is indeed common to many other countries in the Middle East. These constituent elements are not mutually exclusive, for they often overlap and complement one another. They inform one another through a ‘dialogic’ relationship where ‘everything means, is understood, as a part of a greater whole — there is a constant interaction between meanings, all of which have the potential of conditioning others’ (Bakhtin 1981: 426). The priority and significance given to each of these forms of identity by individuals or movements can be understood in relation to the historical and political climate dominant at a particular time and place. In sum, Jordanian national identity is problematic, contested and constantly in flux. As Massad (2001) observes, the NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME12 ISSUE! — 157Mahmoud Na‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq and Aysegul Tasbasi elements that constitute today’s Jordanian national identity vary geographically, ethnically and religiously. This implies that ‘national identity is one among several ways in which people may experience a sense of cultural belonging, but it has a special political and ideological significance’ (Tomlinson 1991: 69). Layne (1994) demonstrates how some critics have argued that ‘tribalism’ is incompatible with full participation in a modern nation state and that loyalty to a tribe is automatically rather pragmatic. Amayrah, a columnist, wrote in a/-Ra‘i daily newspaper that ‘tribalism was appropriate and good at the time of no state. But today tribalism is a kind of illness and affliction which eats the fortunes and sustenance of the people’ (ibid.: 99). Much of the Bedouin culture is expressed in material elements. Tribal motifs are central to Jordanian national identity. Motifs such as the tent, the coffee pot, the camel, in addition to the Bedouin dress and folklore, are the main logos that represent Jordan and display its identity in both national and international contexts. Such motifs can be seen on postage stamps, postcards, tourist brochures, paper currency and others. For example, tourist brochures and guidebooks on Jordan seek to attract tourists by presenting Jordan as a young and energetic society with historical and geographical diversity and hospitable people. They usually include several photographs of the typical Bedouin tent as an important cultural marker. It should be noted that these Bedouin images and representations are produced by the various operators in the tourism industry rather than by the Bedouin communities themselves, A case in point here is that UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization) initiated in 1998 an international distinction entitled ‘Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity’. Over the course of three proclamations (2001, 2003 and 2005), different forms of cultural expression and cultural spaces from different countries received the distinction. In 2005, the cultural space of the Bedu in Petra and Wadi Rum in Jordan received the distinction for their preserved specific knowledge related to the flora and fauna of the area, traditional medicine, camel husbandry, tent- making craftsmanship, and tracking and climbing skills. Their extensive knowledge of their environment and the complex moral and social codes are expressed and transmitted orally.> Several scholars have noted that the official interest in presenting the Bedouin simulacrum as the exotic part of Jordan helps meet the goals of a political campaign or agenda. For example, Massad (2001) argues that the promotion of Jordan’s Bedouin image attests to the official inclusive project of ‘Bedouinizing’ all Jordanians as a form of nationalizing them against Palestinians. This explains why the interest in Bedouin motifs has soared after the 1970s military clashes between the Jordanian army and the Palestinian Resistance Movement (known back then as feda'vin). The 1970s tragic events* represent a turning point in the history and politics of Jordan and have had far-reaching implications for the 158 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE ISociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent construction of the state and the means by which visions of statehood are transmitted to local populations. Following the clashes, the tribal heritage became essential to “highlight the distinctiveness of Jordan vis-a-vis its most significant other, Palestine’ (Layne 1994: 103). Jordanians in general and Bedouins in particular began to stress their tribal roots, insinuating that ‘true Jordanians can only be of tribal (as opposed to Palestinian) descent’ (Shryock 1997: 38). Adapting the Tent to a Modern Lifestyle As has been noted before, the Huwaitat, like many Bedouin communities, have adopted many aspects of the settled lifestyle, particularly in terms of residence, as a direct response to social modernization, urbanization and sedentarization. Rowe (2006) indicates that the Jordanian government policies of integrating and sedentarizing the Bedouin pastoralists have heavily impacted on their livestock economy, He emphasized the inextricable linkages between the spheres of economic activity and social organization in the Bedouin pastoral system. For example, economic diversification was a major contributing factor to principal changes in family and sociopolitical structure. The transition from a nomadic/semi-nomadic lifestyle based upon herding and seasonal agriculture was accompanied by rapid changes in diet, dress, levels of physical activity, and overall lifestyle. Some of the Bedouin live now in concrete houses. In some cases, the tent is constructed as an attachment to a modern house. The design and the function of the tents have also undergone major transformations. The tent is used primarily by males to they socialize and receive guests, especially during summer. Such trends can also be seen in some rural communities as a way of romanticizing the Bedouin lifestyle. People construct a tent in their gardens as a symbol of affection for their nomadic past. This search for exotica, and in particular for experiencing the desert, attests to Cole’s argument that ‘Bedouin has changed from denoting a way of life in the past to marking an identity today” (2003: 235). Today, most of the Huwaitat Bedouins have adopted some of the twentieth- and twenty-first-century comforts. Trucks have replaced camels as the primary form of transportation. Many camps enjoy the luxury of portable generators to power small refrigerators and television sets. Gas stoves have replaced the traditional hearth, and white canvas factory-made tents have begun to replace the handmade goat-hair tents that the women laboured hours to make. Yet, it seems only natural that the Bedouins should incorporate some of these modern amenities into their traditional lifestyle, because, historically, they can adapt to their environment and yet preserve their traditional customs and habits. NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE1 159Mahmoud Na‘amneh, Mohammed Shunnaq and Aysegul Tasbasi Conclusion As has been noted, the architecture of the Bedouin tent is not an end product but rather a creative process. It symbolizes the Bedouin culture in gencral and attests to its distinctiveness. The design, structure and function of the black tent are highly influenced not only by climate, geographic location and available materials but also by sociocultural codes and norms. The Bedouin black tent is universally accepted as the symbol of nomadic life. It represents a sphere where sociocultural codes and values are constantly produced and reproduced, and where tangible and intangible cultural elements intersect. As the Bedouin proverb states: ‘a/-Maj_ lis Mad _ris’ (life is a school), meaning that younger generations learn social and legal traditions from older generations through interactions which take place in these places. Indeed, the tent represents one these important maj_ lis. Moreover, Bedouins have adapted the tent to modern uses and functions in response to the intertwined factors of modernization and sedentarization. Along. these lines, recent developments in the tourist sector have also brought forth major changes to the tent as it has become a commercialized element of culture and a vital tourist attraction. Notes 1. Wadi Rum is located some 40 km to the northeast of the Jordanian Red Si Aqaba. 2. Cited in Layne (1994: 46-47). www.unesco.org 4, The 1970s clas th took place between the Jordanian army and the Palestinian resistance movement inside Jordanian cities and towns are known as ‘black September’, in which thousands of people from both sides were killed. port of References Abu-Lughod, L. 1988. Ieiled Sentiments, Honour and Poetry in a Bedouin Society. University of California Press, Berkeley Alon, Y, 2005. ‘The Tribal System in the Face of the State-Formation Process: Mandatory Transjordan, 1921-46", International Journal of Middle udies 37: 213-40 Altman, I. 1975, The Environment and Social Behaviour: Privacy, Personal Space, Territorially and Crowding. Brooks/Cole, Monterey, CA. Andrews, P. 1999, Felt Tents and Pavilions: The Nomadic Tradition and Its Interaction with Princely Temtage. Melisende, London. 160 NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE ISociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent Archea, J. 1977. “The Place of Architectural Factors in Behavioural Theories of Privacy’, Journal of Social Issues 33(3): 116-37. Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1981. Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays by M. Bakhtin, ed. M. Holquist. University of Texas Press, Austin Bocco, R. 1989. ‘Rethinking Segmentary Lineage Theory in Southern Jordan: Logies of Land Division and Redistribution among the Huwaytat’, BRISMES Proceedings. British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, Oxford, pp. 4-14. . 2006. ‘The Settlement of Pastoral Nomads in the Arab Middle East: International Organizations and Trends in Development Policies, 1950-1990’, in Nomadic Societies in the Middle East and North Africa: Facing the 2Ist Century, ed. D. Chatty. Brill, Leiden, 302-35 Boceo, R. and T. Tell. 1994. *Pax Britannica in the Steppe: British Policy and the Transjordanian Bedouin, 1929-1939", in Village, Steppe and State: The Social Origins of Modern Jordan, eds. E, Rogan and'T, Tell. British Academie Press, London, pp. 108-28. Bourdicu, P. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Canter, D, 1977. The Psychology of Place. Architectural Press, London. Chatelard, G. 2005, “Tourism and Representations: Of Social Change and Power Relations in Wadi Ram’, in Représentation et construction de la réalité sociale en Jordanie et Palestine, ed. 8. Latte-Abdallah. Institut frangais du Proche-Orient (FPO), Beyrouth et Amman, pp. 1-39. Cole, D. 2003. ‘Where Have the Bedouin Gone?’ Anthropological Quarterly 76(2): 235-67. Eickelman, D, 1998, ‘Being Bedouin: Nomads and Tribes in the Social Imagination’, in Changing Nomads in a Changing World, eds. J. Ginat and A. Khazanoy, Academic Press, Sussex, pp. 38-49. Faegre, T. 1979, Tents, Architecture of the Nomads. John Murray, London. Geertz, C. 1973. “The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the States’, in The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays by Clifford Geertz. Basic Books, New York, pp. 255-311 Glubb, J. 1952. The Story of the Arab Legion. Hodder and Stoughton, London. Gupta, A. and J. Ferguson. 1997. ‘Culture, Power, Place: Ethnography at the End ofan Era’, in Culture, Power, Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology, eds. A. Gupta and J. Ferguson. Duke University Press, Durham, NC, pp. 1-33. Jureidini, P. and R.D. McLauren, 1984. Jordan: The Impact of Social Change on the Role of the Tribes, Praeger, Washington, DC. Keohane, A. 1999. Bedouin: Nomads of the Desert. Sino Publishing House Limited, Hong Kong. Lancaster, W. 1981. The Rawala Bedouin Today. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Lancaster, W. and F, Lancaster, 1988, ‘Thoughts on the Bedounization of Arabia’, Proceedings of the Arabian Seminar 18: 51-62. . 1991. ‘Limitations on Sheep and Goat Herding in the Eastern Badia of Jordan: an Ethno-archaeological Enquiry’, Levant xxlll: 125-38. . 1998. ‘Who are these Nomads? What Do They Do? Continuous Change or Changing Continuities?’, in Changing Nomads in a Changing World, eds, J. Ginat and A. Khazanov. Academie Press, Sussex, pp. 24-37. NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE1 161Mahmoud Na’amnch, Mohammed Shunnag and Aysegul Tasbasi Lavie, $. 1990. The Poetics of Military Occupation, University of California Press, Berkeley. Layne, L. 1994. Home and Homeland: The Dialogics of Tribal and National Identities in Jordan. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Lefebvre, H. 1991. The Production of Space, trans. D, Nicholson-Smith. Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Manderscheid, Andela. 2001, ‘The Black Tent in Its Easternmost Distribution: The Case of the Tibetan’, Mountain Research and Development 21(2): 154-60. Massad, J. 1999. Colonial Effects: The Making of National Idemtity in Jordan. Columbia University Press, New York. al-Nijadat, F. 1989, Muwaitat and Their Role in the Great Arab Revolt, Jordan, Amman. Rapoport, A. 1969. House. Form and Culture. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliff, NJ. ——. 1977. Human Aspects of Urban Form: Towards a Man Urban Form and Design. Pergamon, Oxford. Raswan, C. 1998, Black Tents of Arabia (My Life Among the Bedouins). Xlibris Corporation, Mandaue City, Philippines. Rowe, A. 2006. ‘Government Interventions and Pastoral Accommodations: Social and Economic Adaptation to Change in Agricultural Policy in Jordan's Badi Societies in the Middle East and North : Brill, Leiden pp. 599-634. Shryock, A. 1997. Nationalism and the Genealogical Imagination: Oral History and Textual Authority in Tribal Jordan. University of California Press, Berkeley. Soja, E. 1989. Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Critical Social Theory. Verso, London. Tapper, R. 1997. Frontier Nomads of Iran. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Tomlinson, J. 1991. Cultural Imperialism. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD. Turton, D. 2004. ‘The Meaning of Place in. a World of Movement: Lessons from Long-Term Field Research in Southern Ethiopia’, Journal of Refugee Studies |8(3) 258-80. Weir, S. 1976, The Bedouin: “Aspects of the Material Culture of the Bedouin of Jordan’ World of Islam Festival Publishing Company Ltd ‘ironment Approach to in Nomadic Africa: Facing the 21st Century, ed. D. Chatty. Young, W. 1995. The Rashaayda Bedouin: Arab Pastoralists of Eastern Sudan. Harcourt Brace College Publishers, USA. Mahmoud Na’amneh is a Jordanian assistant professor in sociocultural anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Yarmouk University, Jordan, His research interests are: identity, globalization, collective memory and Bedouin communities in the Middle East. Email: mnaamneh@yu.edu.jo 162 NOMADIC PEOPI (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE |Sociocultural Significance of the Jordanian Bedouin Tent Mohammed Shunnag is a Jordanian associate professor in Sociocultural Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Yarmouk University, Jordan. His research interests include: kinship, globalization, space and place and Bedouin communities in the Middle East. Email: mshunnaq@hotmail.com Aysegul Tasbasi is a Turkish researcher in sociocultural anthropology. Her research interests focus on social structure and Bedouin communities in the Middle East. She can be contacted at: Acibadem Cad. Tekin Sok. Besen Sitesi F Blok No: 3 Acibadem Kadikoy, Istabbul Email: ayegltaba@yahoo.com NOMADIC PEOPLES (2008) VOLUME 12 ISSUE1 — 163