The Gnomic Woman in Old English Poetry
SUSAN E. DESKIS
The term “gnomic” is an ambiguous one, connoting in folklore
and popular culture “pertaining to earth-dwelling, dwarf-like
creatures,” but in its etymological sense having to do with under-
standing and spoken wisdom. This study is concerned neither
with non-human beings, nor with any detailed characterization of
human women as utterers of wisdom, although it will touch on
aspects of women and wise or unwise counselling; what I do
intend to examine is simply the portrayal of women as they
appear in Old English gnomic poetry. The resulting composite
figure is thus referred to as “the gnomic woman” in order to
distinguish her from female characters appearing in other genres
of Old English literature.
A substantial, developing body of scholarship attempts to relate
Anglo-Saxon attitudes towards, and conceptions of women to
their reflection in the literature; nevertheless, it is important to
recognize some limitations of this approach.' First, we must
acknowledge that the portrait of women in Old English literature
reflects predominantly, or perhaps even exclusively, male atti-
tudes. As there is, unfortunately, scant evidence to support
female authorship of any extant Old English poetry, we must
regret the lack of any sure poetic indication about how Anglo-
Saxon women perceived themselves.’
Secondly, much of Old English poetry, especially those works
in which female characters figure prominently, was influenced by
a non-native—that is, Christian-Latin—tradition. In some cases,
this juxtapositioning of traditions can work to the advantage of
the modern scholar, if one can compare a figure as she appears
in the Latin tradition to her counterpart in Old English: Eve, in
Genesis B, is an obvious example.’ However, not all poets felt as
comfortable in the manipulation of their material as did the poet
133134 SUSAN E. DESKIS
of Genesis B, so many of the apparent attitudes towards women in
Old English poetry are, in fact, those of the Christian-Latin
intellectual tradition. The degree to which the average Anglo-
Saxon accepted or rejected these attitudes becomes a matter for
social historians.
Finally, there remains the problem of genre, which many
studies of women in Old English literature leave unmentioned or
only lightly touched. While Wealhtheow and the unnamed
speaker of the Wife's Lament may in fact share characterizing
features in common, both of their portrayals are nevertheless
affected by the complexes of expectations surrounding the
genres—heroic narrative versus elegy—in which they appear.
The critical desire to synthesize whatever scant information may
be available is praiseworthy, is indeed necessary to a certain
degree, yet in some ways the cross-generic comparison of female
characters simply because they are female characters can result in
a false analogy.
Of these three methodological difficulties, two can be resolved,
at least in part, by examining the portrayal of Anglo-Saxon
women only in the gnomic poetry. The corpus of Christian Latin
wisdom literature (including individually-occurring proverbs) is
sufficiently large, and sufficiently monolithic in its presentation
of women, that a comparison to the Old English gnomic corpus
can be easily and reliably made. The problem of generic varia-
tion is likewise minimized by studying only the gnomic poems;
this limited corpus reflects its own set of conventions, which may
be analyzed and compared to those of analogous corpora. The
resulting conclusions will not be valid for the entire body of Old
English literature, but they will offer insight into a specific and
informative portion of it. The initial interpretative limitation,
that of the exclusively male viewpoint, remains inescapable, as
Old English gnomic poetry treats of women only in the context
of their relationships with men, and therefore scems to reflect
predominantly masculine interests
The corpus of Old English gnomic poetry, defined strictly as a
subset of wisdom poetry consisting of works made up entirely, or
almost entirely, of gnomes, maxims, or sententiae, contains three
poems: Precepts, Maxims [, and Maxims IL® Of the eight gnomic
passages pertaining specifically to women, only one—that in the
poem Precepis—relies on the extensive Latin proverbial tradition
of antifeminism:GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
Druncen beorg pe ond dollic word,
man on mode’ ond in mupe lyge.
yrre ond afeste ond idese lufen.
Fordon sceal ewiscmod — oft sipian,
se be gewited — in wifes lufan,
fremdre meowlan, Peer bid a firena wen,
ladlicre scome, long nid wid god,
gcotende gielp. Wes bu a giedda wis,
weer wid willan, —worda hyrde.”
[Preserve yourself from drunkenness and rash words, from evil in the mind and
lies in the mouth, from anger and envy and the love of women. For he will often
be ashamed, he who engages in love of a woman, of a foreign (or strange)
maiden. In this there is always expectation of sin, of terrible shame, long enmity
with God, overwhelming pride. Be always wise in speech, wary of desire, a
watcher of words.|
Elaine Tuttle Hansen has linked this poem with the tradition-
ally antifeminist genre of instructional literature,’ and more
recently, Sandra McEntire has presented a cogent case for inter-
preting Precepts as a specifically monastic instruction.* McEntire's
argument for a monastic setting clarifies the single crux in this
passage of the poem, as she presents evidence for understanding
the “fremdre meowlan” of line 39a not necessarily as a foreign-
born siren, but simply as a woman unrelated to the monk being
addressed, whose chastity would be more secure among females
of his kin.
Perhaps the most curious aspect of the passage from Precepts is
its generalized warning against women; women are not blamed
for any particular faults, but association with them is presented
as leading inexorably into sin and shame. This feature in itself
may argue for a monastic (or at least ecclesiastic) provenance.
Such blanket condemnations of women appear profusely
throughout the Latin proverbial tradition, in formulations such
as these:
Femina nulla bona, vel si bona contigit ulla,
Nescio quo fato res mala facta bona.
Femina corpus, opes, animam, vim, lumina, vocem:
Polluit, annihilat, necat, eripit, orbat, acerbat.”
The first of these sententiae (“A woman is no good, or if she
contains any goodness, I don’t know how an evil thing is made
good”) is collected from an eleventh-century St. Gall manuscript,
while the second (“Woman pollutes the body, destroys wealth,
135136 SUSAN E. DESKIS
kills the soul, wrecks vigor, eliminates light, embitters the voice”)
represents one variant of a very widespread proverbial construc-
tion
‘The medieval Latin proverbial tradition is easy to characterize
as it relates to women: it is (almost) entirely misogynistic. A
survey of Hans Walther’s vast collection of Latin proverbs reveals
several trends. First, women face unmitigated condemnation (as
above); secondly, women are castigated for specific faults like
lust, deceit, or talkativeness. A frequent proverbial contrast is
that between Eve and the Virgin Mary, neither of whom needs to
be mentioned by name. For example, we find sententiae such as:
“Femina causa fuit, cur homo ruit a paradiso! / Qua redit ad
vitam femina causa fuit” [Woman was the reason man fell from
paradise; woman was the reason he returned to life], or simply,
“Femina, que clausit portam vite, reseravit” [Woman, who closed
the door of life, opened it].'” Still, the attitude towards normal,
secular women in the Latin tradition is so unfailingly vicious that
even Hans Walther, who rarely commented on the content of the
proverbs he collected, noted with surprise that one proverb he
found, a proverb describing women as gentle, sweet, and worthy
of veneration, was, for a change, not misogynistic.!!
It is this very homogeneity of certain proverbial traditions, or
of certain aspects of a single tradition, that allows us to generalize
about gnomic poetry (and sententiae of all sorts) in Old English
Unlike the variety of proverbs available in the modern period,
where the instructions of competing proverbs may cancel each
other out, the corpus of proverbs and gnomes in Old English
displays a marked concord. Having examined (in a separate
study) some thirty-one proverbial or sentential passages of
Beowulf,"* 1 have found that nowhere do they contradict each
other or any other preserved Old English sententia. The same
lack of contradiction may obtain for the entire corpus of Old
English gnomes. Thus, the antifeminism of Precepts may be
explained as deriving from the Latin proverbial and instructional
tradition, in contrast to the other Old English gnomic statements
about women, which seem to reflect a different, perhaps native
Anglo-Saxon tradition. The Christian-Latin influence affecting
Precepts extends beyond its pronouncements about women, to its
decalogue form and emphasis on morality; these features remove
the poem still further from the rest of the Old English gnomic
corpus, on which the remainder of this study will focus.GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD EN!
ISH POETRY
The most elemental, or least socially-conditioned, role for
Anglo-Saxon women is motherhood, as presented in Maxims I:
Tu beod gemacean;
sceal wif ond wer in woruld cennan
bearn mid gebyrdum. Beam sceal on eordan
leafum lipan, leomu gnornian.'?
The passage begins, “Two are a pair; a woman and man must
bring children into the world through birth.” The same pro-
nouncement appears in another Exeter Book poem, The Fortunes
of Men, without the modal verb:
Ful oft pat gegonged, mid godes meahtum,
pxtte wer ond wif in woruld cennad
bearn mid gebyrdum.'*
[It often happens, through the power of God, that a man and woman bring a
child into the world through birth.]
The passage from Maxims J presents no interpretative difficulties
when viewed as a self-contained utterance, but critics have dif-
fered in their opinions as to how (or whether) these lines relate
to those immediately following: “A tree on the earth must lose its
leaves, mourn for its limbs.” Stanley Greenfield and Daniel
Calder suggest that “The tree gnome is perhaps a vivid image for
parents mourning the death of children”; the same reading had
been suggested and subsequently rejected by Blanche Colton
Williams more than seventy years earlier.'° As one would be hard
pressed to choose between the interpretative acuity of Williams
on the one hand, and Greenfield and Calder on the other, it
seems necessary to consider such analogues as exist for this
arboreal image and draw any conclusions from them.
In Old Norse-Icelandic poetry, men and women are frequently
designated by kennings deriving from words for trees, a meta-
phorical linking that may or may not have been initiated by,
but certainly bears some relationship to, the myth in which the
first humans—Askr and Embla—are created from the trees that
give them their names.'? However, another, more specific meta-
phorical complex exists in which the “lonely tree” represents a
man or woman bereft of friends or family. This image in Old
Norse has been discussed in detail by other scholars,'* but we
might observe its general outlines here, beginning with a strophe
from Sonatorrek:
137138 SUSAN E. DESKIS
byit ett min
4 enda stendr,
hrebarnir
sem hlynir marka:
esa karskr madr
ss koggla berr
frenda hrors
af fletjum nidr."?
In this passage, Egill Skalla-Grimsson laments his dead sons as
he were left with no remaining offspring, which he is not
“Because my line stands at an end, like the beaten down forest
maple: That man is unhappy whose hands bear a kinsman’s
corpse down from his house.” In Hamdismdl, Gudran regrets her
many familial losses as part of her incitement of her sons to
avenge the death of their sister:
Einstoed em ec ordin sem ésp { holti,
fallin at froendom sem fura at qvisti,
vadin at vilia sem vidr at laufi,
pa er in qvistscoeda_komr um dag varman.2?
[I am left alone like an aspen in the forest, deprived of kin like a fir-tree of
limbs, robbed of joy like a tee of leaves when a branch-robber comes on a
summer's day.]
In Gudrinarqvida dnnur, Atli recounts a dream predicting the
murder of his sons:
Hugda ec hér f vini_ teina fallna,
ba er ek vildigac vaxna lata,
rifhir med rétom, —roBnir £ 163i,
bornir 4 becci, bedit mic at tyggva.*!
[I thought that young trees fell here in the yard, those that I had wished to let
grow; they were torn up by the roots, reddened with blood, borne to the bench;
you bade me to eat them.]
Finally, the poet of Hdvamdl provides a generalized description of
a man who lacks support from friends or family:
Hrornar poll,
sti er stendr porpi 4,
higra henni borer né barr;
svd er madr,
sd er mangi ann, =
hvat scal hann lengi lifa??*
(The tree withers, that which stands on the hill(?), neither bark nor needles
protect it; so it is for the man whom no one loves, how shall he live for long?]GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY 139
Most commonly, then, the “lonely tree” image involves the repre-
sentation of a bereaved parent as the trunk of a tree, while the
deceased children are symbolized by leaves or branches.
Returning to Old English wisdom poetry, I would suggest that
this same tree image may underlie that section of Solomon and
Saturn I] where Solomon describes old age to Saturn:
Beam heo abreoted and bebriced telgum,
astyred standendne stefn on side,
afilled hine on foldan;**
[Old age (“heo”) destroys the tree and shatters the branches, moves the standing
trunk in turn (or, in death), fells it on the earth.
We may perhaps understand this passage as a description, in the
riddling language typical of Solomon and Saturn II, of the ravages
inflicted by time and age on a family—both parents and children,
trunk and branches.
The poet of Genesis A, normally a straightforward paraphraser.
evokes the tree-image in a single half-line, but significantly, in a
place where such an image does not occur in his biblical text
(Genesis 17.20). At Abraham's request, God promises to bless
Ismael with a long life and numerous offspring:
peet feorhdaga
on woruldrice "worn gebide,
tanum tudre.”*
[so that he may experience many days of life in the world, with branching
offspring.]
The brevity of the poet's reference, and its contextual originality,
seem to imply that the image existed as a native metaphor easily
recognized by the audience. Finally, further support for the
presence of this image in an insular context appears in the work
of Gildas, in a harangue against Aurclius Caninus: “Relictus,
quaeso, iam solus ac si arbor in medio campo arescens” (“You are
left like a solitary tree, withering in the middle of the field”).
Gildas explicates the image by reminding Aurelius of the deaths
of his father and brothers, and alluding to the deaths of his
children.
If this widespread tree-as-family metaphor does in fact inform
our passage of Maxims I, then the portrait of motherhood (and
fatherhood) provided by these lines expands somewhat to
include the image of a parent lamenting her lost children. This
specific role of mourning mother can be found elsewhere in140 SUSAN E. DESKIS
Anglo-Saxon wisdom poetry: in The Fortunes of Men (lines 13-14,
46-47), Solomon and Saturn II (lines 193-208), and The Descent into
Hell (lines 4-9).?°
A frequent feature of Anglo-Saxon gnomic poetry is the enu-
meration of the equipment and ornaments appropriate to per-
sons of various occupations and stations. According to the poet
of Maxims I, treasure or a jewel befits a queen, and a ring belongs.
with a bride:
Gold gerisep on guman sweorde,
sellic sigesceorp, sine on cwene,
god scop gumum, garni werum,
wig towipre wiefreopa healdan.
Scyld sccal cempan, —sceaft reafere,
sceal bryde beag, bec leornere.”’ [emphasis mine]
{Gold belongs on a man’s sword, the rare victory-ornament, a jewel on a queen, a
good poet among men, conflict between men, to wage battle against a siege. A
shield must belong to a champion, a spear for a plunderer, a ring must belong io a
bride, books for the student.]
Like the warrior's sword or student’s books, both jewel and ring
function here as badges of station. The possession of rings by
wives appears also in Soul and Body I, where the soul informs the
rotting body that nothing will avail to remove it from its present
state, not gold nor silver nor any of its goods, not the ring of its
wife, nor its former wealth.?®
This consistent portrait of married women as the owners of
rings may perhaps soften the picture of royal marriage presented
earlier in Maxims 1:
Cyning sceal mid ceape cwene gebicgan,
bunum ond beagum;” bu sceolon erest
geofum god wesan.?
[A king must pay for a queen with goods, with cups and rings; both should first
be good with gifts.]
The image of a queen being “bought” initially jars a modern
sensibility, but the more recent commentators on this passage
have stressed that the “purchasing” of a queen implies no dero-
gation of her status.’ However, the details of the exchange —
especially the several potential recipients of the goods—are gen-
erally left unexplicated. Comparison with the portions of Maxims
J and Soul and Body I cited above indicates that the “goods”
changing hands in this passage, goblets and rings, are appropri-
ate to women in the Anglo-Saxon gnomic world, so it is likely
that the king “pays for” the queen by presenting her with gifts,GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
perhaps a morgengifu, or morning-gift. Likewise, the pronounce-
ment that the royal couple should first be good with gifts may
refer to the proper process for establishing their marriage, that
an exchange of gifts by the couple themselves.
The extent to which the portrait of betrothal and marriage in
Maxims I reflects, or is illuminated by, actual practice is difficult
to determine. A complete survey of Anglo-Saxon marriage cus-
toms is far beyond the scope of this paper, but Andreas Fischer
has examined the pertinent evidence, which seems to reflect
changing customs as the period progresses. Fischer finds that the
earliest laws reveal marriage as a contract between the prospec-
tive bridegroom and the woman’s male guardian, but later in the
period, it seems that the payments or gifts made in consideration
of such a contract pass from the bridegroom to the woman
herself.! Maxims I is an undated (and probably undateable)
poem, but there is no @ priori reason to reject a background for
this passage in the later type of bride-price
The remainder of the passage presents few difficulties
Gud sceal in eorle,
wig geweaxan, ond wif gepeon
leof mid hyre leodum, —leohtmod wesan
rune healdan, rumheort beon
mearum ond mapmum, meodoredenne
for gesiomegen syle aghwer
codor epelinga «rest gegretan,
forman fulle "to frean hond
ricene gerecan, ond him red jwitan
boldagendum bem atsomne.**
[War and battle should flourish in a nobleman, and a woman thrive beloved
among her people; she should be cheerful,”* keep secret knowledge, be gener-
‘ous with horses and treasure;*! when dealing mead before the band of warriors
at each feast she should first greet the leader of princes, first offer the cup
quickly to the hand of the lord, and keep counsel with him, both homeowners
together. |
This passage establishes norms for a noblewoman’s relationship
to her husband and his retainers: publicly, she should cheerfully
deal gifts and reinforce the position of her husband through the
cup-bearing ritual;?® privately, she should keep her husband’s
secrets and share with him the process of decision-making. In the
encouragement of female counsel, Maxims J differs significantly
from the non-Anglo-Saxon sentential tradition. For example,
medieval Latin proverbs declare repeatedly that women, and
especially wives, are incapable of keeping secrets; men are
warned “Uxori temere noli mandare secretum! / Vix in corde suo
141142
SUSAN E. DESKIS
tenet illa luce quietum’*® [Do not casually confide a secret to
your wife! Hardly for a day will she keep it quiet in her heart}. In
the Latin proverbial corpus, women are linked with fools in this
regard: we learn that “Femina nil celat quod habet sub corde
revelat” [A woman hides nothing, what she has in her heart she
reveals], but elsewhere, the same proverb appears with “Stultus”
replacing “Femina.”*’ Women in the sagas are not shy about
offering advice, but one of the most famous proverbs in Old
Icelandic warns that “Kéld eru kvenna ra"** [Cold are the
counsels of women]. Celtic gnomes also advise men against shar-
ing their secrets with women, characterizing the latter as “silly
counsellors” (bdetha comairle) and “not to be trusted with a secret”
(étairise rine).*° No other early-medieval, European, gnomic tra-
dition presents feminine counsel in the positive light of the Old
English gnomic poems.
Immediately following this regal portrait in Maxims 7, and
providing a corresponding norm for a wife of non-royal status, is
the famous “Frisian wife” passage:
Scip sceal genzegled, scyld gebunden,
leoht linden bord, leof wilcuma
Frysan wife, ponne flota stonded;
bip his ceol cumen_ ond hyre ceorl to ham,
agen atgeofa, ond heo hine in ladap,
wacsced his warig hregl ond him sylep wade niwe,
lip him on londe pas his lufu beded.*”
[A ship must be nailed, a shield bound, the light linden board; the beloved
should be welcome to the Frisian wife when the flect lands; his ship has come in,
and her husband is home, her own provider, and she leads him in, washes his
dirty garment and gives him new clothes, gives him on land what his love asks.]
‘Thus far the passage is clear enough: the Frisian husband repre-
sents sailors in general,*! with his ethnic origin being provided
perhaps also to distinguish his status from that of the Anglo-
Saxon nobleman of the preceding lines; the Frisian wife performs
domestic duties in order to make her husband comfortable.
Having provided extended portraits of the behavior expected
of both noble and non-noble wives, the poet of Maxis I goes on
to generalize about the difference between appropriate and inap-
propriate female behavior:
Wif sceal wip wer ware gehealdan, oft hi mon wommum belihd;
fela bid fwsthydigra, fela bid fyrwetgeornra, ,
freod hy fremde monnan, ponne se ober feor gewitep.*2GNOMIG WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
[A wife should keep faith with her husband, often she is accused of wrongdoing;
many are steadfast, many are curious, they love strange men when the other
wavels afar.]
Again one finds the sense of balance typical of Maxims J—some
women are faithful to their husbands, others are not—and just as
the poet predicted the result of proper queenly behavior (she will
gepeon leof mid hyre leodwm), he warns of the trouble awaiting a
seemingly unchaste wife (her reputation will be blackened). But
unlike the descriptions of male/female relations in Hévamal,
where it is admitted that both men and women are prone to
deceit,“ the Frisian wife passage concludes with a portrait of the
lonely sailor-husband. The lack of moral instruction for husbands
indicates that the primary purpose of the passage as a whole is to
describe and prescribe the behavior of women as wives.
Maxims I provides one other instance of the link between
female travel and gossip:
Famne zt hyre bordan gerised;
widgongel wif word gespringed, oft hy mon wommum belihd,
heeled hy hospe menad, oft hyre hleor abreoped.**
{A woman belongs at her table (or, embroidery), a wide-roving wife gives rise to
words, often she is accused of wrongdoing, men reproach her, often her cheek
(or, face) perishes (or, is destroyed or decays).]
The exact translation of these lines remains a much vexed ques-
tion, but comparison with the Frisian wife passage provides a
general sense: women should stay home, lest they acquire a
reputation for faithlessness.
Thus armed with the descriptions of, and advice for women in
Maxims I, we may approach our final, but perhaps most enig-
matic gnomic woman, the ides of Maxims IT:
Ides sceal dyrne craefte,
femne hire freond gesecean, _ gif heo nelle on folce gepeon
pet hi man beagum gebicge.*°
Scholarly opinion varies as to the burden of these lines, but a
literal translation runs as follows: “A lady, a young woman, must
[or, should] seek out her lover by secret skill, if she does not wish
to thrive among the people such that a man might pay for her
with rings.” A crucial issue for the interpretation of this passage
is whether it endorses or condemns the behavior of the ides in
avoiding marriage.** Opinions range from that of Christine
Fell—that the maxim urges women to independent action*’—to
that of E. V. K. Dobbie—that the intent of the passage is ironic
143144
SUSAN E. DESKIS
and negative.** If, as I suggested at the outsct of this paper,
gnomic poetry in Old English presents a unified worldview,
Dobbie’s interpretation seems the stronger. The phrase “on folce
gepeon” is similar to the “gepeon leof mid hyre leodum” of
Maxins I (lines 84b-85a), and should therefore describe a positive
state of affairs. Likewise, Maxims J has twice indicated that being
payed for with (and thereafier possessing) rings is a process to be
encouraged. Finally, any sort of extra-marital social activity by
women has been strongly discouraged in our previous passages.
Maxims I is not so different from Maxims J that we should expect
a complete reversal on all three of these points.
One could, however, justly ask whether irony is an established
feature of Old English wisdom poetry. It does occur elsewhere in
Maxims I, where the manuscript reads “So& bid swicolost,’*?
[Truth is most deceptive]. Maxims I includes a negative gnome as
an analogue to our ides passage: “a man who intends to conceal a
murder should bury it under the carth,”*’ although the poet
does add that this is not a proper death. An ironic reading would
also strengthen Audrey Meaney’s case for interpreting “dyrne
crefte” as acts of sorcery,®' as the passage would then mean
something like “A woman who obtains a lover through witchcraft
will not thrive in society by getting married.” ‘This interpretation
of the lines from Maxims H aligns them with the portrait of
female rectitude provided by the rest of Old English gnomic
poetry; with the exception of Precepts, the portrait is a consistent
one.
This very homogeneity of our material invites cautious specula-
tion as to its significance for our understanding of the social
position of Anglo-Saxon women. Several points may be noted.
First, the gnomic description of female behavior does not derive
from a borrowed literary or wisdom tradition; as I have shown, it
differs in several respects from its Latin, Norse, and Celtic coun-
terparts. Old Norse proverbs provide perhaps the most closely
analogous corpus, but significant differences remain, especially in
the valuation of female counsel. Gisela Spiess has argued that
antifeminist proverbs in Old Norse are the result of Christian
influence, and that they are often mitigated by their narrative or
poetic contexts,”* but the fact remains that whatever their origin,
antifeminist proverbs circulated more widely in Old Norse litera-
ture than in Old English. Neither does Old English gnomic
poetry partake (again with the exception of Precepts) of the moreNOMIC
VOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
widespread tradition of instructional antifeminism. In the
absence of recognizable analogues, our gnomic woman, this wife,
mother, counselor, and ideally, homebody, must be accepted as
authentically and specifically Anglo-Saxon.
Another point relates to the purpose and influence of gnomic
poetry in general. This is far too large a topic to explore here in
any detail, but a few observations may be relevant. Gnomic
poetry clearly is intended to prescribe societal norms by describ-
ing and commenting on appropriate behavior. Conversely, gno-
mic poetry also reflects societal norms, it is essentially conserva-
tive in nature; this conservatism is reflected in the fact that no
preserved Old English proverb or maxim clearly contradicts the
behavior approved in other genres of Anglo-Saxon literature.
Thus, while it would be naive to deny that gnomic poetry in Old
English is conditioned by conventions of its own, we can analyze
those conventions and thereby better understand the social back-
ground from which they arose. Although it is difficult to deter-
mine the extent to which the precepts of Old English gnomic
poetry governed actual attitudes and behaviors, we may conclude
that the portrait of women the poetry presents was shared by at
least some element of Anglo-Saxon society, and that it sought to
establish that norm even more generally.
Northern Illinois University
NOTES
1 Perhaps the most successful example of the genre is Christine Fell’s Women
in Anglo-Saxon England (London: Basil Blackwell, 1986); however, even Fell
must rely heavily on Norse materials when examining literary evidence. For
other studies combining historical and literary views of Anglo-Saxon
women, sec, for example: Elaine Tuttle Hansen, “Women in Old English
Poetry Reconsidered,” The Michigan Academician 9 (1976): 109-17; B. Kli-
man, “Women in Early English Literature,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 21
(1977): 32-50; and Alain Renoir, “Eve's I.Q. Rating: Two Sexist Views of
Genesis B,” in New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, ed. by Helen
Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (Indiana U. Press, 1990), pp.
262-72.
2 Fred C. Robinson offers some provocative suggestions favoring female
literary activity in the vernacular, but evidence is not forthcoming; see his
“Old English Poetry: The Question of Authorship,” American Notes &
Queries ns. 3 (1990): 59-64. See also an interesting, but necessarily specula-146 SUSAN E. DESKIS
10
1
12
13,
14
16
tive interpretation by Murray McGillivray, “The Exeter Book Maxims I Bz
An Anglo-Saxon Woman's View of Marriage,” English Studies in Canada 15
(1989): 383-97.
For such studies of Eve's character, see note 1 (above), and: John F.
i he Vision of Eve in Genesis B,” Speculum 44 (1969): 86-102; A. L.
Female Characterisation in Old English Poetry and the Growth of
Psychological Realism: Genesis B and Christ 1,” Neophilologus 63 (1979):
7-610; and Jane Chance, Woman as Hero in Old English Literature (Syracuse
» Press, 1986).
Some of the riddles and elegies present interesting exceptions.
The common division of Maxims J into three subsections is irrelevant to this
essay. Besides eliminating non-gnomic wisdom poetry from this study
(except for occasional comparisons), [ have chosen not to examine gnomic
statements in other poetic genres, so that the complications of definition
and cross-generic influence might be minimized. Such poems as The Gifis of
Men and The Fortunes of Men begin with a gnomic statement—“Each man
has a skill / meets his fate""—but the ensuing lists of talents and fates contain
items too specific to be defined as gnomes.
Precepts, lines 34-42. All OE citations are from the ASPR edition, ed. by
George Philip Krapp and Elliot. van Kirk Dobbie (Columbia U. Press,
1931-42); here ASPR 3:141. All translations are my own, unless otherwise
noted.
Elaine Tute Hansen, “Precepts as Instruction,” Speculum 56 (1981): 1-16.
Sandra McEntire, “The Monastic Context of Old English ‘Precepts,'” Neu-
philologische Mitteilungen 91 (1990): 243-49.
Proverbia sententiaeque latinitatis medii aevi, ed by Hans Walther, Carmina
Medii Acvi Posterioris Latina, part 2 (Géuingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1963-69), nos. 9140 and 9007,
Walther, nos. 8994b and 9175; see also nos. 9089 and 9172.
Walther, no. 9195.
“Proverbial Backgrounds to the Sententiae of Beowulf’ (Harvard U. diss.,
1991); currently under revision as a monograph.
Maxims I, lines 23a-26 (ASPR 3:157).
Fortunes of Men, lines 1-3
(ASPR 3:154),
Stanley B. Greenfield and Daniel G. Calder, A New Critical History of Old
English Literature (New York U. Press, 1986), p. 260.
Blanche Colton Williams, Gnomic Poetry in Anglo-Saxon (Columbia U. Press,
1914; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966), p. 131.GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
26
For a recent argument in support of the mythical origin of these kennings,
sce Carlo Alberto Mastrelli, "Reflections of Germanic Cosmogony in the
henningar for ‘Mar/Woman,”” in Poetry in the Scandinavian Middle Ages, ed. by
Teresa Paroli, Proceedings of the Seventh International Saga Conference
(Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medivevo, 1990), pp. 535-44.
For a list of wee kennings, see R. Meissner, Die Kenningar der Skalden (Bonn:
Schroeder, 1921), pp. 266-72.
For commentary on this image, see: Anne Holtsmark, “To Eddasteder,” Arv
13 (1957): 21-30 (esp. pp. 24-29); Elias Wessén, “Det faltiga hemet och det
ensamma tridet: till tolkningen ay ett par strofer i Havamél,” Svio-Extonica
14 (1958): 19-24 (esp. pp. 82-24); and Stefan Karlsson, “Dorp,” Gripla 3
(1979): 115-23. For more general background, see Claire Russell, “The
‘Tree as a Kinship Symbol,” Folklore 90 (1979): 217-34. I am grateful to
Joseph Harris for these references, and for his helpful comments on other
aspects of this essay.
Sonatorrek, st. 4, from Egils saga Skalla-Grimssonar, ed. by Gudni Jonsson
(Reykjavik, 1943), p. 186.
Hamiismdl, st. 5, in Edda: Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten
Denkmiilern, ed. by Gustav Neckel, 4th edn rev. by Hans Kuhn (Heidelberg:
Carl Winter, 1962), 1:269.
Gudninarkvida IH, st. 40, in Neckel/Kuhn, p. 230.
Hévamdl, st. 50, ed. by David A. H. Evans, Viking Society for Northern
Research Text Series, 7 (London: Viking Society, 1986): 49.
Solomon and Saturn II, lines 296-98a (ASPR 6:41).
Genesis A: A New Edition, ed. by A. N, Doane (U. of Wisconsin Press, 1978),
lines 2560b-62a, p. 193. The image of reproducing branches appears earlier
in Genesis A (lines 987b ff), but the reference there is to continuing sin
rather than human offspring.
Gildas, The Ruin of Britain and Other Works, ed. and w. by Michael Win
bottom, History from the Sources scries (London and Chichester: Philli-
more, 1978), pp. 30-31 (trans.) and 100 (text). Iam grateful to Thomas D.
Hill for this reference.
For a discussion of mourning mothers in the rest of the Old English poetic
corpus, see Dolores Warwick Frese, "Wulf and Eadwacer: The Adulterous
Woman Reconsidered,” in New Readings on Women in Old English Literature,
ed. by Damico and Olsen, pp. 273-91.
Maxims 1, lines 125-30 (ASPR 3:161).
Soul and Body 1, lines 57-60 (ASPR 2:56).
Maxims I, lines 81-83a (ASPR 3:159)
See especially Fell, pp. 36-37.148 SUSAN E. DESKIS
31
32
33,
34
38
40
41
42
43
44
Andreas Fischer, Engagement, Wedding and Marriage in Old English, Anglist-
ische Forschungen 176 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1986): 9, 20-22
Maxims I, lines 83b-92 (ASPR 3:159-60).
“Cheerful” is the translation offered for leohtmod by Christine Fell (Women in
Anglo-Saxon England, p. 36), although she acknowledges that the word
means “frivolous” elsewhere in OE. For our purposes, other examples of
leohtmodnes may be discounted, as they all appear in a religiously didactic
context—the OE translation of Gregory’s Pastoral Care.
Note that here we see the sorts of gifts that the queen rightly dispenses to
the retainers.
For a recent discussion of this ritual, see Michael J. Enright, “Lady with a
Mead-Gup: Ritual, Group Cohesion and Hierarchy in the Germanic War-
band,” Frithmittelalterliche Studien 22 (1988): 170-203.
Walther, no. 32784.
Walther, nos. 9126 and 30479. The proverb reappears in Middle English
texts; see, for example, the “Wife of Bath's Tale,” I1].950 and note in The
Riverside Chaucer, 3rd edn, ed. by Larry D. Benson (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1987), p. 118.
Njdls saga, ch, 116; here cited from Bjarni Vilhjélmsson and Oskar Halldors-
son, Islenzkir Mélshettir (Reykjavik: Almenna Békafélagid, 1979), p. 183. It is
true that “cold counsels” are not necessarily bad ones, but that is the way
they turn out. Géla saga (ch. 9) provides a more sweeping indictment of
female speech: “Oft stendur illt af kvenna hjali” (“Evil often comes from the
talk of women”; /slenzkir Mdlshethr, p. 183).
The Instructions of King Cormac Mac Airt, ed. and tr. by Kuno Meyer, Royal
Irish Academy ‘Todd’ Lecture Series, 15 (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis, & Co.;
London: Williams & Norgate, 1909), instructions 16.6 and 1631, pp. 28,
29. For similar warnings in Welsh, see Early Welsh Gnomic Poems, ed. by
Kenneth Jackson (Cardiff: U. of Wales Press Board, 1935), p. 21 (poem II,
st. 5), and note, p. 47.
Maxims I, lines 93-99 (ASPR 3:160).
As noted by Leslie WI
English Gnomic Verse,
itbread, “The ‘Fi
RES 22 (1946):
ian Sailor’ Passage in the Old
5-19 (p. 215).
Maxims I, lines 100-2 (ASPR 3:160). Williams (p. 138) would translate line
100b as “often she dishonors men with her vices.”
Havamdl, sts. 87, 90-92, 102.
Maxims 1, lines 63b-65 (ASPR 3:159); for commentary on the translation of
these lines, see Poems of Wisdom and Learning in Old English, ed. and tr. by T.
A. Shippey (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer; ‘Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Little.
field, 1976), p. 131, and Williams, p. 135.GNOMIC WOMAN IN OLD ENGLISH POETRY
Maxims IT, lines 43b-45a (ASPR 6:56-57).
Williams (p. 150) suggests tentatively that one could skirt the issue by
emending nelle to wille, but we would then be left with a maxim encourag-
ing clandestine adultery or fornication
Fell, p. 69.
ASPR 6:176.
Maxims II, line 10a (ASPR 6:56); Dobbie emends to “switolost,” but Shippey
(pp. 76-7, 134) upholds the manuscript reading.
Maxims 1, lines 114b-15 (ASPR 3:160).
Audrey L. Meaney, “The Ides of the Cotton Gnomic Poem,” in New Readings
on Women in Old English Literature, ed. by Damico and Olsen, pp. 158-75.
Gisela Spiess, “Die Stellung der Frau in den Sprichwértern islindischer
Sprichwortersammlungen und in isliindischen Sagas,” Proverbium 8 (1991):
159-78.
149